கவனிக்க: இந்த மின்னூலைத் தனிப்பட்ட வாசிப்பு, உசாத்துணைத் தேவைகளுக்கு மட்டுமே பயன்படுத்தலாம். வேறு பயன்பாடுகளுக்கு ஆசிரியரின்/பதிப்புரிமையாளரின் அனுமதி பெறப்பட வேண்டும்.
இது கூகிள் எழுத்துணரியால் தானியக்கமாக உருவாக்கப்பட்ட கோப்பு. இந்த மின்னூல் மெய்ப்புப் பார்க்கப்படவில்லை.
இந்தப் படைப்பின் நூலகப் பக்கத்தினை பார்வையிட பின்வரும் இணைப்புக்குச் செல்லவும்: Lanka Guardian 1994.10.15

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LANKA
Vol. 17 No. 12 October 15, 1994 Price RS
LON AN
ASIAN
THE SINHALA BU
FEMALE PART
GLOBAL.
INDA AND
CONFLCT R
NORTHER
KUWAT A
IDENTITY, W.

IDIAN
.10.00 Registered at GPO, Sri Lanka QD/33/NEWS/94
- Mervyn de Silva
- Sumantral Bose
WOMEN JIDDHIST REVIVAL
- Kumari Jayawardena
"Y LEADERSHIP
- ALİnda AFRİChter
CHANGE
ASAPACIFIC
- Wara Sifm/ha Arao
RESOLUTION
N RELAND
- John Field
ND BOSNA
- Horace Perera
AR AND PEACE
- Veronica Shoffstall

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tSyOul
 

r
H s

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led by a colourless President DB Wijetunge, who owes his post to the Tigers' that killed President Premadasa, Collected a surprisingly high 44% percent. The P.A. in turn has to thank the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress (SLMC) and the Tamil vote in the south. The "Indian Tamil" plantation Wote Wetto the UNP.
Candidate Kumaratunge hopes that Mr. Thondaman, the C.W.C. boss, will be smart enough to Switch sides. If the peace talks convince Mr. Prabhakara that a serious deal on regional autonomy is likely, he will permit the Tamils of the LTTE-COntrolled areas to Wote, and Wote P.A. in that event, the Prime Minister could double August's majority to approach the magical million mark. But Prabhakaran will not permit any Sinhala leader to fool him, Taking the "Tiger" for a ride is the kind of risk that no insuran Ce company Will underwrite. As for Mr. Dissanayake he cannot rely on astrident Sinhala-Buddhist chauvinism, the first, not the last, refuge of the Sinhalese politician, in opposition. As the proud co-author of the Indo-Sri Lankar "Peace ACCOrd" it is no credible option for Mr. Dissanayake. D
Airbus probe
The government has appointed a former Suprente Court judge to investigate the purchase of five aircraftsworth $643 in (S. 407m) by Air Lanka, from Airbus lindustrie, the European aircraftmaker.
Mrs Chandrika Kumaratunge, the prime minister who took office amonth ago, has asked Mr. O. M. Senewiratne to head a commission of inquiry into the contract, which was signed in August 1991, under the rule of the previous United National Party government.
The purchase has been criticised for being secretive and too costly,
The contract is the largest of several transactions involving foreign companies which are being investigated after widespread allegations of financial irregularities.
Allegations of irregularities by members of the UNP government, which held power for 17 years until its general election defeat last month, played a big role in the election.
Mrs Kumaratunge's victory was due partly to her promises to root out corruption.
2
Air Lanka origin five Airbus A340-3 delivered in 1994: delivery in 1998 a Wereplacedamid C about Whether sca
BPIEPI Y
Human F
Two Human Righ in parliament by t government. One W jailable ofence (se Rs 10,000 to 50.00 to presuThe a missi one year and issu after due inquiry.
These pieces of Cted to Teet Sri obligations in this fi:
NeW BO
The Board of W. has signed six new Collaborators since took office. They tota 288 million. The pro prawn culture to sh
Ashraf se
Mr Ashraff, the M der, hascomplained MPs of the Sri ngress/SLMC are gives the People's nder Tajority to form
Mr Ashraf has C that his party is taker certain promises hel rship before the Ge not been fulfilled. T Religious Affairs, it i specifically mention met minister himself Rehabilitation) has Prime Minister that to reconsider its con PAGOVerTimentifT) was not forthcoming
Two
A DIG (Deputy Police) has told thi

ly contracted to buy )0 jets-three to be id 1995, and two for d 1999. The Orders mitrowersy in Sri Lanka Ce foreign exchange
ights bills
sbills were presented le People's Alliance as to make torture a rem to ten years and ) fine); the other was ng person dead after a death certificate,
legislation are expelanka's international
d wis-a-Wis the UN.
projects estment of Sri Lanka projects with foreign the PA government an investment of Rs. ducts will range from e making.
rWeS notice
luslim Congress leaof neglect. The Seven Lanka Muslim Cothe contingent that Alliance (PA) the sle
the government.
omplained, in effect, for granted, and that dout by the PA, leadeeral Elections hawe eportfolio of Muslim reported, has been d. Mr Ashraff, a cabiPorts, Shipping and reportedly told the ne SLMC may hawe inued support of the re reciprocal support
blots
spector General of President that the
should be spent on the aircraft.
Whatever the inquiry finds, the newly elected government would find it costly to scrap the contracts because Air Lanka has paid a pre-delivery deposit of $74m.
National Intelligance Bureau (NLB) has bared a Tiger (LTTE) plot to assassinate UNP presidential candidate Gamini Dissanayake in presumably for his advocacy of Indian assistance to deal with the LTTE.
Meanwhile, a JVP (People's Liberation Front) faction led by Dr Subash Chandra Fernando, brother-in-law of slain leader Rohana Wijeweera, has told the Criminal Inwestigation Department (CID) that another faction of the JVP, which has its leader living abroad, is plotting to kill both Prime Minister Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunge, and himself,
Thondaman on CWC's role
Plantation Union boss Saumyarilurti Thorndarān Who COntrols a Sizeable Wote bank told a Sunday Leader interviewer that the Ceylon Workers Congress (CWC) was "only a trade union" and he only a trade unionist, nota politician. The role of the CWC was the Welfare of its The Tibership, and he had devoted half a century of his life to that mission, Mr Tondarman (81), a cabinet minister for seventeen years in the former UNP government, saild.
The interviewer asked him: Are your efforts to stay neutral (now) an attempt to keep the PA (government) happy?. He said: I am not here to make anybody happy except the plantation sector. I am here only to make my peoplein the plantation sector happy. I have been doing the same thing in the past even under the UNP government and I will continue to do SO.
The pragmatic Mr Thondaman said that he would hawe to maintain a good relationship with the ruling party.

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The Eelam Struggle
Challenges and Prospects
SunTantra BoSe
The idea of Eelam has saken firm roots in the Tari consciou, that they have a future within an United Sri Lanka is the reck state of Sinhalese, Tamil and possibly, Muslims which would
A Sinhalese prime minister speaks of rebuilding Sri Lanka as "a country where people can live without fear, a vibrant living democracy of new systems and new institutions". On her new approach to the Tamil question, an aide reveals that Chaindrika Kumaratunga was "deeply influenced by her student days at the Sorbonne in the 1960s, were she studied the history of France's colonial War in Algeria and learned the futility of confronting a popular liberation Struggle With force". Ilin an unusually effusive response, the Liberation Tigers of TamilEelam's (LTTE) international secretariatin London declares that the Tigers would be "very, very willing and pleased to talk to Chandrika and have a negotiated settlement". Days later, the movements ideologue, Anton Balasingham, confirms this position from Jaffna; significantly, his remarks are given wide publicity in the (LTTE-controlled) Jaffna press. Travellers to the south from LTTEheld territory report seeing Tiger posters announcing readiness for a ceasefire. Finally, Velupillai Prabhakaran, in a rare public statement, reiterates Willingness to engage in unconditional dialogue.
After South Africa, Palestine, and now Ireland, is it finally Sri Lanka's turn for peace?
There is a definite basis for cautious and qualified optimism in the recent political developments and that itself is a historic occurrence by Sri Lankan standards. It is well to remember that had the United National Party (UNP) been returned to power, Sri Lanka would probably be making news today for an entirely different season: the futile bloodobath caused by a government offensive against the north. Peace is finally visible on the horizon, but Tuch remains to be done if its appearance is not to go down in history as a mirage. A glimmer of hope has finally appeared at the end of a very long and dark tunnel, yet that tunnel will still have to be traversed before the hope is actualised as reality. Very formidable obstacles remainto a just and lasting peace, as quickly revealed by the fact that Kumaratunga was only able to effect a partial lifting of the cruel and counter-productive economic blockade against the north. The Tigers' response,
the release of a Ter| was equally and C. total dismantling of probably have led t more Sizeable num aII) of Sinhalese PO
What measures a be takento permanE and What are the chalenges that mus process? The funda gnise is that the resolved, short of S. rimation of an indepe a radical and Comp ring and reconstituti State. Attempts to S геaching systeппісtг: sretic changes or si not only not work, b tinne for all Concerne
What might this terms? The four-po self-determination, is 1985, detlanded th: berecognised as a di the Orth and east b historical homeland
that the Tamils' right
(left deliberately und open to negotiation For the very first ti Sinhalese leader, in and Wision to not dis Of hand, but rather aC basis for negotiation ntage is that the m public opinion is cl negotiated settlemer is the first since 195 'competitive cha uViini play, because the le major Sinhalese polit found the courage to that odious game. E courting the Sinhale that called for direct With the LTTE lead nga did) Would have political suicide. This an unwinnable, porc war that has brough and miserythrougho the Tamil areas) and

iness. What Tight yet convince the alienated Tamil population Institution of Sri Lanka as a highly decentralised multinational entail major institutional restructuring of the state.
! 10 prisoners of war, alculatedly partial: a the embargo Would ) the freeing of a far per (perhaps almost Ws in Tiger custody.
ld decisions need to intly end the civil War major problems and t be overco The in the Tental fact to recoIonflict can only be acession and the foindent Tamilientity, by rehe Siwe restructuon of the Sri Lankan ubstitute such a faransformation with couperficial reforms will Lut Will be a Waste of d.
mean in practical int Tamil charter of ssued at Thimphu in 't Sri Lankan Tamils stinct nationality; that e recognised as the if that nationality; and to self-determination efined and implicitly, be acknowledged. me, We have a top
office, with the Will miss this charter Out cept it as a legitimate S. Her biggest advaajority of Sinhalese arly in favour of a it. The 1994 election 5 in which anti-Tamil sm' did not come into der of one of the two cal formations finally
refuse to engage in теп a few years ago, e Vote on a platform | UICondiţional talk5 rship (as Kumaratubeen an invitation to time, exhausted with hibitively expensive t death, destruction ut the island (not just corrupted and crimi
rialised Sri Lanka's derinocratic fabric, a large chunk of the Sinhalese electorate rejected the parasitic chauvinists and warmongers, and their bankrupt fantasy of a "military solution".
Inacting on this mandate for peace and reconciliation, Kumaratunga must keepin mind not just the constraints within Sinhalese politics that limit her room for manoeuvre (on which more later), but also that the LTTE leadership will, by and large, be negotiating from a position of relative strength. The Tigers have proved to be an extraordinarily formidable and resilient organisation over the past decade.Today, they control some 85 percent of the north (including the entire Jaffna peninsula), where they have established a de facto state with its own police force, judiciary, taxation structure, education department, transportation system and information and broadcasting networks. They hawe also Consolidated significant popular legitimacy by aggressively opposing various Social ills and inequities, such as caste oppression and the subordination of WOTen. Even if the Sinhalese armed forces Were to retake this territory (which is doubtful), the Tigers always have the option of reverting to the underground guerrilla Warfare they waged with such deadly efficiency against the Indian army between 1987 and 1990 (not to mention devastating suicide-attacks in Colombo and other Sinhalese-majority cities). The capacity of the fanatical youth mobilised by LTTE to fighton regardless of punitive costs has repeatedly been demonstrated. In the eastern province, too, the Tigers remain a menacing presence; they are still Entrenched there il forested and Ural areas. Effective Tamil opposition to the LT TE remains almost non-existent, not just because of the Tigers ruthless intolerance of political opponents but also beCause a sorry record of criminality, 'collaboration' and opportunism has debased the anti-LT TE groups in the eyes of the Tamil population. As an "Indian PeaceKeeping Force“ (IPKF) general found in Jaffna, "Eelann had takön fir T root as ar idea and the LTTE was firmly established in the consciousness of the Tamils...as their solesaviour, fighter, hero and repreSentative".

Page 6
At the same time, the Tigers simply cannot hope to achieve Tamil self-determination through military means alone. The absence of international recognition ensures that "Tamil Eelarin' Will remain a juridical non-entity for the foreseeable future. And it is questionable whether an economically decimated Tamil Society can sustain an extremely protracted and painful War of attrition indefinitely, at least without losing enthusiasm for the political cause. The LTTE's positive initial response to the new prime minister's overtures indicates that Tigerleaders are not UnaWare of these constraints and dilemmas. Conversations with LTTE activists based in the West also indicate that the Tigers have considerable faith in Kumaratunga personally, though they remain deeply sceptical of the People's Alliance, which contains many Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) and nominally "leftist' elements with a history of anti-Tamil politics.
Core ISSue
What, then, is to be done? The core issue in this conflict is the political empowerment of the Tamil people who live in the Orth and east of Sri Lanka. PiėCerTheal "concessions", and the like, can never address this problem, especially in the extreThe cirCuTiStarCES that ha We COTEet0 prevaill.. What might yet Conwince the alienated Tamil population that they have a future. Within an united Sri Lanka is the reconstitution of Sri Lanka as a highly decentralised, multinational state (of Sinhalese, Tamils and possibly Muslims). This would of course entail major institutional restructuring. At the broadest level, it would mean the federalisation or perhaps even confederalisation of Sri Lanka. More specifically, it would necessitate the permanent administrative unification of the northern and eastern provinces under the title of Tamil Autonomous Region, Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka', or Some roughly similar designation. The concept of "homeland' is certainly problematic, but the practical problems can be minimised by introducing effective institutional safeguards for the rights of the one-quarter of the northeast population that is not Tamil. These are mostly MuSliTS and autoOrTiOUS CarntOral Of muricipal assemblies in predominantly Muslim pockets within the region (in Batticaloa, Trincoralee and Amparai districts in the east, Mannar in the north) is one possibility to explore. At any rate, a peaceably negotiated resolution involving Tamil, SinhaleSe and Muslim representatives Would greatly enhance the prospect that minorities, be they muslims or Sinhalese in the Tamil-majority areas or the significant Tamil community in Colombo, are treated with equality and respect. An at least partial dismantling of recent governmentsponsored Sinhalese settlements in the
nort-east (under C: tion“ schemes) wo una voidable. The
Would ercompass t has an overwhelmir the eastern distric exception of A Tipai only 20 per centofti malee harbour, the could be declared : the Sinhalese aut would— епјоy equ access. A recent pr Horth of Africa, wh Eritrea has guarar access to its Red Si
The region woul. entity that might t approximating Tam Democratic Socialis nka. This authority W on all matters exce central government confederal model. there are important for this, in the fort inted) proposals for nitive devolution of 1928, the British-ap re. Commission urge mils be forstled in C{ direct taxation (to : provided by the cer nsibility ower awariet "public Works and co tion and agriculture, services, education neral administratio far nous pact conclud tunga's father, print Bandaranalike, and leader S J W Chely implemented, hawe and possibly averte pohe.
This agreement, : ranaike amidst hyst the Buddhist clergy like J R Jayewarder gnised Tamil as the stration throughout devolved powers tc authorities in nume agriculture, coopera and development, industries, fisheries services, electricity, and roads. It would Tamil authorities the rrow independently. important (and unir Was reached betw TarTnil leaderS O tF "Colonisation". This grants in the northfirstly, to local lanc rdless of ethnicity; speakers residentir

IntroWersial 'Colonisald also probably be Autonomous Region le entire north, Which gTamil majority, and s with the possible ai, Where Tamils are |e population. Trincorize of the eastC0aSt, "free port', to which horities and people al and unimpeded Cedent exists in the зre newly sovereigп teed the Ethiopians
a po OrtS.
be governed by an le called Something il National Authority, tRepublice of Sri Laould enjoy jurisdiction it those Wested in the under the federal or Ewen in Sri Lanka, historical precedents of (sadly umimplemeWideranging, Substapower. As early as pointed Donoughmold that provincial Cou2ylon, with powers of suppleппепt revenue tre) and Wide respoyof subjects including Immunications, irrigamedical and sanitary апd finance, and gem". In 1957-58, a led between Kumarae TiniSter SolorTO the Tartill federalist Yanayakām Would, if
federalised Ceylon d the later catastro
brogated by Bandarical opposition from and UNP politicians 1E, WOUdha WerelCOlanguage of adminithe north-east and autonomous Tamil rous fields including iwes, land SettleTent education, health, housing and social irrigation schemes also hawe given the ! right to tax and boIn 1965, yet another mplemented) accord een Sinhalese and e Sensitive issue of stipulated that land ast would be made, less persons, regasecondly, to Tamil the north-east; and
thirdly, to other citizens of Ceylon, with preference given to Tamil citizens living elsewhere on the island. Many prescriptiwe aspects of these abortive agreements remain relevant to devising and implementing a viable solution today.
Under the federal or confederal formula, jurisdiction over foreign policy, defence and currency and communications typicaly remain with the central government, This should be generally applicable to Sri Lanka, with one important qualification. The paramount concern of the Tamil population in the north-east is physical safety and security, above all from the depredations of the Sinhalese armed forces, police and paramilitaries. It is thus unacceptable to them that the Colombo government retains (or rather, given the context, regains) exclusive control over police and military power. This contentious issue will hawe to be thrashed Out aCrOSS thĊ table. Dėl militarisation is an essential and rost desirable objective, but it has to be gradual and mutual. Demanding that the LTTE surrender its weapons in the absence of a comprehensive settlement voluntarily concluded between the warring parties and without a corresponding reduction in the bloated government forces, will simply not work (this was among the fatal flaws of the Indo-Sri Lanka accord of 1987). During a putative transition phase, one idea might be to withdraw regular troops (on both sides) to barracks, and set up police forces in the War-zones whose composition more-or-less reflects the ethnic make-up of the local population. This might satisfy the security concerns of Muslim and Sinhalese residents of the north-east, in addition to Tamils. Once a lasting peace has been reached, largescale bilateral dismantling of redundant military forces, and perhaps, absorption of some LTTE units into a much smaller army under joint Sinhalese and Tamil command should not be a problem.
But the most powerful long-term unifying force between Sinhalese and Tamils is likely to be the imperative to economic Co-operation, trade and exchange. The north needs resources and products from the south, the LTTE's vigorous efforts to beat the blockade by building indigenous factories for essentials not withstanding. Tamil farers and fisherfolk in the north and east need the south's markets, in addition to their own, for their catch and produce, and the Tamil middle class in Jaffna needs access to higher education and professional employment opportunities in the rest of the island. A leading Sinhalese economist, who is a former director-general of the United Nations Commission on Trade and Development (UNCTAD), has recently commented that the Sri Lankan economy as a whole will not be able to achieve optimal growth

Page 7
unless the civil War is politically resolved Soon. There is thus a compelling case for an integrated (as opposed to centralised) Sri Lankan economy, and this imperative is likely to counteract any lingering 'separatist törldericie:S.
Other innovative political structures can be created to strengthen a voluntary, conSensual unity built from below. For example, the presently uni-cameral Sri Lankan parliament, elected on the basis of one-person, One-Wote and a diluted proportional-representation system, can be expanded into a bi-cameral institution. An Upper chamber, called House of Nations or House of the Peoples, might be constituted, with equal representation from the Sinhalese, Tamil and possibly Muslim communities. This housemight be specifically charged with mediating and arbitrating any intercommunity and inter regional disputes, and wested with the authority to acceptor reject any proposals lo Change the (Confederal Constitution of the State, Numerous Constitutional precedents exist in multinational states WorldWide. And, acting On a Donaughmore recommendation of 1928, this parliament Could convene not just in Colombo, but periodically also in Jaffna. Additionally, it could be constitutionally mandated that if the prime ministeris Sinhalese, the president must be Tamil, and vice versa (in practice, the executive post would typicaly be filled by a Sinhalese).
Peace Bапdwagоп
Obviously, even the partial realisation of such an ideological and institutional transformation presupposes a process of protracted and quite possibly tortuous dialogue and negotiations. Instant fixes are clearly impossible, and there would be many pitfalls and as Ibushes along the route. Initiation of meaningful dialogue presumes not just a ceasefire but a more permanent cessation of hostilities. Even this Will not be easy. Over the years, a particularly belligerent and blood-thirsty element has grown within the officer corps of the Sinhalese army, navy and air force. The rank-and-file, often recruited front the poorer sections of Sinhaese society, are, by Comparison, increasingly motivated to join by the carrot of economic incentives, father than 'patriotism": this partly explains their poor performance against the Tigers. But many officers have a wested interest in perpetuating the War, to which they owe every thing from public importance to economic affluence (the latter frequently through Various forms of war-related profiteering and coruption).
Many of these hardline elements were in the forefront of the campaign to exterminate the Sinhalese ultranationalist Janatha Wimukthi PeramLuna (JWP; People's
Liberation Front)afe greatly frustrated by ccess against the der Will probably find allies nist Buddhist clergyrt crats, and most dang se political establish UNP old-guard. Rec Septuagenarian UNP proclaimed that no el terrorist" one) existe ordered the arried if retake Jaffna militarily nga and his adviser, R. Jayewardene, a apprehensive that a resolution to the Crisi and the policies the politics they represe of history. Thoughten defensiwe, this Cabali their mischief-making bE uIlderBStimated. F ly against civilian tar forCē5 il the Orth
provoke largescale
Which Would witiate th: tions. But the printern in choosing Lionel Fe lOn-Cha Lu Winist Sinha her preliminary envoy EWE TUTTOurStat diS Tentarians close tot Premadasa might de join the peace bandw
More immediately, mstrung by her Wafer. ty in parliament, and b under a predomir system of governme tted to abolishing the We, she might need to office in the immedia Consolidate her autho Til OraTEdTEItS require a two-thirds rity, not likely to mate parliament. Thus, E based on a realignme and aclearcut реас necessary to advancE
It Would also be umf minister Were to all groups that are Supp. for partisan reasons lings with the LTTE. TI Congress, her main : taken more seriously, almost 20percent oft lation (and a full thirdi nce) is Muslim. The S realised that Muslim BaStadt Ca homes in security aft with the Tamil insurge
On the Tamil side, that the LTTE leader,

Wyears ago, and are lack of Similar SLnomised LTTE. They Samong ultrachauvilen, Corrupt bureauerously, the Sinhale"ment, especially the all that a year ago, presidentWjetunga hnic problem (just a d in Sri Lanka, and orces' collard to "...The likes of Wijetuthe octogenarian J re understandably . just and peaceful s will consign them, y pursued and the nied, to the dLIStbin porarily suiking and s far from spent, and potential should not ECertattackS (LJSuagets) by the armed seem designed to LTTE retaliation, 2 Climate for negotiainisternās de Well rnanda, a respected les 2 bureaucrat, aS O Jäffra. There ara gruntled UNP parliale slain Ranasinghe Sert thelг рагtу апd agon, if it takes off.
Kumaratunga is ha-thin Working majoriy her limited powers antly presidential nt. Though CormiÖresidential executiun for and Wir that te future in Order to rity. Moreower, ewen tOthE COStitutio jarliamentary majoialise in the present a new parliament, int of political forces :e ageпda may be ! the peace process.
ortunate if the prime W the Tiilor Tii|| Iorting her primarily to impede her deaTe Sri Lanka Muslim ally, deserves to be especially bēCause he noгіh-east popuin the eastern proviLMC seems to have refugees from the only return to their 3r a rapoprochement *ПCу.
it is far from certain ship and its Tilitant
following, brutalised by years of violence, have the maturity, wisdom and patience for a lengthy dialogue. The moderating influence of Sathashiwa Ti Krishakurmar (Kittu), the LTTE leader killed by Indian forces in January 1993, may be sorely missed. Yet the Tigers too have compeIlling pragmatic motives to accept a just political Solution. Prabhakaran has already established himself as one of the great military leaders of the 20th century. It remains to be seen whether he candiscoVer the capacity to emulate some figures he admires (like Mandela and Arafat) in making peace. The LTTE also needs to explicitly recognise that its one-party dominance in Tamil politics cannot be sustained, except through sheer force, in the longer term,
The post-cold war intentational climate is conducive to a negotiated peace in Sri Lanka. The US government has expressed the hope that the new forces in Sinhalese politics will "aggressively seek peace with the Tamil rebels, opined that this can be done "only by devising ways to devolve power", and rejected the "terrorism hypothesis and its concomitant, the "military Solution'. Western aid would be irportant in rehabilitating the hundreds of thousands of refugees and internally displaced people (the vast majority of whom are Tamils but also including many Muslims and some Sinhalese), and in rebuilding infrastructure in the north-east destroyed by War. Chandrika Kumaratunga has spoken of how "what has been possible im South Africa and between the lŠrå|lis and Palestinians" has given herreneWed hope, if she survives physically, it is not inconceivable that she may be able to enda Conflict her father andmother did SO much to create and exacerbate. With herpersonal history of pain and loss, she can empathise with the suffering of the countless thousands of war widows and orphans in the north-east and indeed, elsewhere in Sri Lanka. The government of India, whose clumsy, contradictory and self-Serving policies hawe had an extremely bareful effect on this conflict in the past, Can make a Constructive contribution by staying aloof and not hindering any peace DTOCESS, Apositive OutCDme On the fractLred island Would create a remarkable precedent for a subcontinent riven by ethnic conflicts. If the opportunity is squaindered, a relapse into massive violence is all but certain. Can Kumaratunga and Prabhakaran rise to the challenge?
For a comprehensive discussion of and theoretiCaland Comparative perspective on the Sri Lankan Conflict. See Surmantra Bose, States, Malforts, SaveTTC CLLMMMLMS MuOu MMHuL MLLLLLLLLGL LLLLLS Thera, Sagic Publications, New Delhi. Thousand Oaks, CA and London, 1994.)
(Corfesy EP.W.)

Page 8
5OTH ANWWERSARY OF THE END OF WORLD WAF
Yeltsin's call for peace
in the year of 1995 the whole
mankind Will observe the 50th Anniversary of the end of World War II. The defeat of fascism signified a great victory of the forces of good over the forces of evil. But the victory was won at a high price. The war took nore than fifty million lives. Hudreds of thoushands of Settlements have been razed to the ground. Hundreds of millions people had become homeless and Without Tears of subsistence.
There is no a single family in Russia which didn't suffer from the flames of War. Our anguish and grief are endless, and the sorrow of soldiers' Widows is inconsolable. The tragedy of War and the happiness of victory will for ever remain in the people's пепогу.
The significance of the great victory, won by joint efforts of peoples of different countries cannot be diminished even by the time passed. One of its main lessons: to defend peace the united, concerted and active actions of all peace-lowing forces are needed. It is especially important now, Whentherestil existapossibility ofmilitary Confrontation between states. When blood is continuing to flow in civil, interethnicand local conflicts, when the danger of spreading of mass destruction Weapons is increasing.
Russia is of the view that general intefests of markind der Tarld an äClivE WOrk to strengthen the role and effectiveness of the UN organization, as the Central element of the system of colective security, in realisation of the high goal proclaimed in its Charter - "to save future generations from calamities of war."
Our people, Who carried on their shou|ders the Tai burder of the World WaT and Sacrificed the lives of tells of Tillions of their sons and daughters for the victory, consistently stand against the settlement i of disputes by the force of Weapons. We are confident, that there are no goals that could be justified by unleashing of a War. Preservation of peace is the highest goal OLr Stäté.
The Russian Federation appeals to all member-states of the United Nations, their Parliatents and Gover Tents to do
everything possible arted conflicts and t(
In the memory of perished in the flame ll We suggest to mark under the aegis of the rsary of the Victory ( declare the year of 19
Art. So ti Trukirg Lu ALICCA Teu crie
With the Thepatr EIC
LLLLJ itir
Eachрц, T
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to Cea Se existing prevent new ones.
millions of people 5 of the World War Widely and Solemnly UN the 50th AfrllWever fascisrn and to 9535 the "UniwerSal
year of people's memory of victims of the WOrld War II."
Let the 50th Anniversary of the Great Victory give new strong impetus to the safeguarding and preserving of peace. Mankind must finish the XX Century and eter the meW millerniLum With Confidence ir its future.
The Scholar’s Tale
Pat 9
he Juliar Caesars ITILltiplied puulius' method but not his side d Lheir toggs to their Lobby knees 3d War Luftle Julius Lilleezed for Peace.
legions barrackshLInted to their hLts tots rag-tag LLVielded Clubs ar LdBLITTs irle LLLLLL LLL.Sors that LiveTe Grad gly propelled by cul Urseer hand.
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s His Excellericy Emeritus dроцxегto dупastуDеппегіius.
U. Harunatiake

Page 9
  

Page 10
a movement of monks and lay people to restore the religion, purify religious practices, reform the clergy and give the Sinhala Buddhists a sense of religious and ethnic identity. The lay Buddhists concerned included a section of the bourgeoisie and the urban and rural petty bourgeoisie of School teachers, Journalists, clerks, traders and Small Commodity producers. Their main task was to challenge the dominance of Christianity and the hold the missionaries had over education. Support and inspiration for this project came from free thinkers in Britain, and from the Theosophical Society formed in 1875 by Helena Blawatsky and Colonel Olcott. The construction of Sinhala Buddhist identity stressed the unity and indivisibility of the island and claimed that the Sinhala people had been chosen for the mission of upholding and protecting the religion of TheraWada Buddhism. Within it, it thus involved the assertion of Sinhala Buddhist hegemony over the minority ethnic groups.
While the processes of economic transformation through a plantation econdmy set in motion by the British in the nineteenth century had brought into being new classes, the national awareness that subsequiently developed Wasin part fueIled by the desire of the emergent bourgeoisie to participate more fully in economic and political processes; but its very composition-traders, plantation owners and liquor merchants-and its close links with an agrarian society of small producers, prevented it from developing an ideology that was secular, rational and strongly assertive of bourgeois Values. In the absence of a powerful modernizing ideology that could have united classes across ethnic Confines, the nationalist reVival took onan ethnic andreligious form. Even the constitutional agitation for political reforms could not compel the ethnic groups to submerge their specific identities for the evolution of a national consciousness during colonial rule.
The issue of women's emancipation did mot figure prominently in the mationalist discourse in Sri Lanka in its early stages at the turn of the century. In fact, some leaders of the Buddhist revival laid down Conservative Codes of behaviour and dress for their women, also urging them to reject the modemizing processes that had begun to affect the status of women. The distorted Sinhala nationalism of Sri Lanka thus combined ethnic and religious chauvinism against the minorities with chauvinism against Women; this was in contrast (as mentioned earlier) to the nationalism of many other Asian countries that attempted to include Women as well as minority groups in their agenda for national liberation. When Sinhala Bluddhists began to assert an exclusive ethnic identity and also to assert themse
B
lwes (in gendertem minority groups as of the soil were p deterined for ther majority group. Minc ded as aliens, who members of an anti similarly, an attempt Sinhala women to defined role. These
rdinating minorities
assumed by the intel la Buddhist reviwali and early twentieth (
One of the found: ddhist COinSCIOLUSre this period was the The World Arya Wa: discourse and me: mdoble OT hOr1Ourabl renounced lay life W. SCribed as Arya. Th new meaning when and|Sri Lanka ассер of Western Orientalis On the basis of links E the European langua a common original Common Aryan race of a coппоп race . by most of them, incl original proponent, de Cat COmtinued td, Lanka, the myth cont of the Sinhala peopl be the descendants Bengal, ower the Ta t0 ble of isferior Draw
The Construction, V of a specifically Ary woman perwades th debate, the early nati the writings of Sin poets. The correct Wa wife/mother should Conduct herself inso lly defined. Wome Buddha and the que early Sri Lankan his in the nationalisto pri While being exhorte tters Of Coduct läi rses of the Buddha, the added roles of gu Sinhala race and the - dissuading them t-eating, immorality despised foreigners. pala (1864-1933), t ideologue of the re' Aryan wife and her fal husband trains his W. parents and attend friends and relations, is in her chastity, in het household dutie her husband. This is (Guruge, 1965 a, p. .

) as sons of the soil, ell as the daughters shed into a space by the men of the ities Were downgraere then defined as national conspiracy; Was Tlade to confine narrow and strictly Wotasks - of Subdund Women - Were gentsia of the Sinhathe late nineteenth anturie5.
tions of Sinhala-Bus formulated during myth of Aryan origin. familiar in Sinhala int that which was emonks who had re, for example, des: Word Was given a intellectuals in India edirı toto the motions Ls who haddeduced, etween Säskritand ges, the existence of language and of a . Though the notion Mas later repudiated uding Max Muller, its the myth of Aryan hold sway; in Sri irmed the superiority e, who were said to of immigrants from Tills who were Said idian origin. within this framework, an Sinhala Buddhist a Buddhist revivalist onalist discourse and hala noWellists and ya Sinhala Buddhist behave, dress and ciety was categoricafollowers of the ens and heroines of tory were projected 2ss as role models. d to follow the padown in the discouWоппеп were givеп ardians of the Aryan nspirers oftheir men froT alcohol, meaand illitation of the Anagarika Dharmahe most outspoken "iwal, Wisualised the hily thus:"The Aryan e to take Care of his in holy men, on his The glory of Woman the performance of and obedience to he Aryan ideal wife". 45).
The Christian and Burgher Female as "Other"
At the early stages of the Buddhist revival, ina context Where Christianity was the religion of the "whites" and its proselytizing activities were defined as corruptiwe and supportive of imperialism, the Sinhala-Buddhist ideal of Womanhood Was advanced in contradistinction to an image of the Christiam "Other". Dharmapala spoke of the Whites as "a powerful race", but their behaviour Was also characterised by Wife-beating and the "promiscuous dancing of mien and worTnen regardless of the laws of decency", which were vestiges of their "primitive customs when they lived half-naked and painted their bodies" (Guruge 1965a: pp. 479-80). He also alleged that Christians indulged in "killing animals, stealing, prostitution, licentiousness. lying and drunkenness" (p,482). They were thus in clear violation of the five principal precepts of Buddhism. Even more important, practices such as these were pushing native males in the direction of miscegenation, which would pollute the pure ethnic community; it would also have effects reaching into the subsequent generations because an alien mother could not be expected to socialise her children into the culture of the community.
Dharmapala and the Buddhist revivalists expressed particular animosity against missionaries and the Christianization and westernisation of the students by European and Burgher teachers. The latter, being partly European and English speaking, were pioneers of the modernizing process, and from the mid-mineteenth century, dominated the teaching staff of girls' (English) schools; by the late nineteenth century, they had also become nurses and secretaries. The first Worthen doctors on the island were Burghers who qualified in Scotland in the 1890s, thereby setting the pace for Sinhala and Tamil women students (Jayawardena, 1986, p. 12).
Such Westernization outraged the Orthodox of all Communities Who felt that their Women were losing all traditional virtues in the pursuit of Western ideals. Dharmapala warned that Sinhala BUddhist Worthen of noble character Were becoming rare because of Christian influences and marriages to Christians. Buddhist women, he said, had given up their pleasing Aryan names for those of the foreigners, And although the clothes Wоппby European Women were offensive to the eye, women of the local bourgeoisie had taken to wearing ridiculous hats and stockings and dresses that exposed their legs (Guruge, 1965 b, pp. 77-94).
To be continued)

Page 11
Asian female leadership
Linda K. Richter
"Leadership in politics Is One of the |least tractable topics thaf political scientists deal with".
Leadership studies have long attempted to explore the extent to which leadership isdictated by structure, culture, and Overall environ Test and to What Exterit it is the product of indiwiduals Seizing the initiative and manipulating ewents. We hawe Seem this debate Tost prominently in the discussions of Soviet leader Gorbachev. Are his meteoric rise in influence and the dramatic events in Eastern Europe and the USSR the result
of the forceful imprint of one man's vision.
or is he riding a tiger he cannot control? Do events happen because he is pushing them along or because he is powerless to control them? Do We explain the leader as "one in charge or in command of others" in terrils of "Great Me" or "Great Events"? Or in a more democratically Organized Society, is it enough to label as "leaders" those who "head a political party or organization"?.
John Gardner in his studies of leadership Would argue not, as would many Others Whose books - and articles hawe examined the concept. A dictionary definition looks pallid and simplistic. Yetmany studies of leadership also yield unsatisfactory definitions because they suffer from inadequate Todels. Most studies of leadership are based on particular Western cultures. Most are not simultaneously conCermed With gender, and most do mot agree with each otherexcept in the degree of complexity associated with the notion of leadership and the importance of the topic,
Thus, With regard to gender, it is Worth exploring why countries so long associaled With patriarchy and the subordination of Women should be the focus for so many politically prominent females. This subject seemed particularly germane in 1990. At that point, there was every prospect that the Tost famous Asian ferTale leaders might soon be gone from the political andscape: A pregnant Benazir Bhutto barely survived a vote of confidence in Pakistan in December, 1989 before being Unceremoniously replaced by Pakistan's president in August, 1990. A charismatic Burmese expatriate, Aung San Suu Kyi
languished underhi to Contest elections t nly Would have Wor her absence, Won't unclear Whether the Will honor the results nesabeleaguered C Ved a sixth coup att Only With U.S. air su
The biographieso our understanding lives pieces in a C refines but does not dership". The expe other politically pror empirical "reality ch leadership derived from the experience.
This is not to say exploration of leade up exploring the sa there is necessarily Asian, Or Asian fert rship. However, ther cal, Contextual and/ rar Teters of leaders need to be understo
Thus this paper W it is neglecting the in lars of leadership is placed, elected and South and southeast fically, attention is C0| prime ministers of Lanka, the current p ppines and the femal Burma and Bangla extent, electoral dat: trian, and India are : nstraints of space a lack of Cor Tiparables data make systemat more precision impo: gnized that the CCCL tions by Women does lead or that the peopl roles may not be moi This paper simply manageable group. explores some of the political prominence tries to see if any of distinctiwg to : WOTE if any, advantages WOTE hlEWE IS W

(exploring theories)
Juse arrest, ineligible hat SheealmOstcErtai1. Her party, despite he elections, but it is ! military government Š. Ard in the Philippiorazon Aquino SurviBript against her, but poport.
f such women enrich of leadership, their Omplex Tosaic that define the term "learience of these and minerit WOTer offers ecks" on theories of
almost exclusively S Of Ther1.
hatagender-neutral rship would not end me wariables or that a distinctive female. ale pattern of leadee may Well be historior environmentalpahip by Women that Did.
hile recognizing that sights of many schostudying only highly appointed Women in Asian politics. SpeciCentrated OlferTale Pakistan, India, Sri resident of the Philile party leadership in desh. TC) a leSSer 1 from Thailand, Wiéalso considered. Cond information, and ystems and electoral ic aSSeSSmentS and ssible. It is also recoIpation of lofty posinot assure that they e without institutional reimportant leaders. focuses or a more In doing so, it (1) key variables in the of Asilāri Wonten and these Wariables are ; (2) assesses what, or disadvantages men in leadership
roles in South and southeast Asia; (3) determines what impact, if any, women Characteristically hawe as Women in the politics of these regions; and (4) predicts the prospects for future female leadership in these regions.
Key Wariables in the rise of Women to political leadership roles
The key variables operating when Women hawe assumed roles of political leadership in south and southeast Asia are both similar and in some ways distinct from those Wariables in operation when Women hawe assumed politicalleadership) elsewhere, Selected for consideration and comparison are the ideology of patriarchy, familialties, martyrdom, social class, female lifestyles, the historical context, prison experiences, and electoral arrangements. The ideology of patriarchy has had a decisive impact on the fate of Women in most cultures around the globe and has tended to reinforce authoritarian wallues Ower democratic mormis. Male dominance has been legitimated in law and custo T. Politics or the public life of the polity has been presumed to be a natural sphere for men while for women, to the extent they had a space or turf to call their own, the "natural" sphere was presumed to be private. Different cultures or religions might base this division of roles om the "dirtiness or roughness of politics," "the toughness needed," or conversely the nobility of public service, the need for people (male) With a sense of "the big picture" as opposed to people (females) whose horizons and loyalties were "limited" to the family and clan. Thus, the private family role forced on most women formed part of the basis for making them "ineligible" for political roles,
Also, Worfer in Western countries during the postmonarchial era hawe, like Women in Asia, been told politics would Sully their purity and promote family diSCOrd. Yet, il South Asia Women hawe traditionally been told that it is mot their purity that is at stake so much as the family honor that might be compromised by their leading less restricted lives. In southeast Asia, however, Women have known historically greater equality and somewhat more political roles in precolonial, pre-IslamiCi eras.

Page 12
The impact of general gender-based public-private spheres, however, has been that Women are accepted as behawing appropriately in politics when they are perceived as fillingapolitical Void created by the death or imprisonment of a male family member.
This has also been true in the United States. In fact, a very interesting article entitled "Over His Dead Body" chronicles the careers of female legislators in the U.S., Tost of Whom froT 1920 to 1970 had assumed political roles on the death of their husbands'. Indeed it was only in 1978 that a Woman, Nancy Landon KaSSebaum, Who had not followed herspouSe into politics, becaTie the first Woman elected to the U.S. Senate. Even in her case her father's fame as governor of Kansas and as 1936 GOP presidential contender against Franklin Roosevelt Was a powerful aspect of her support. Though Women in most countries are making more independent bids for political office, characteristically they are most successful and uncontroversial the lower and closer to home the political bid. There are very few female top leaders without links to politically prominent male relatiweSo.
In south and southeast Asia those Women most prominent since independence, Fatima Jinnah, Nusrat Bhutto and daughter Benazir are all close relatives of deceased leaders. Indira Gandhi and even her daughter-in-law Maneka Gandhi OWe their initial political rolestokey deceased males. Indira, of course, also benefited from her father Jawaharlal Nehru's foresight in launching the Kamaraj Plan - a party purge that eliminated virtually any independent power base that might Challenge her ascendancy.
Maneka's efforts to pickup the political mantle of Indira's dead son, Sanjay, was complicated by his notoriety and the fact that his mother, Indira, was still very much On the political Scene. Despite this, howewer, she has persisted and today enjoys the position of minister of state for environment. Her 1989 campaign relied on tying her program to the imagery of the Hindu epic, the Mahabharata, dressing in saris that matched her party colors and maintaining "the perfect-image of a demurebut determined Widow"o.
In Bangladesh the leaders of the two major opposition parties owe their political prestige and following to assassinated relatives. Sheikh Hasina Wajed, the Awa
1D
miLeague's heau, is Mujibut Rahman, ti prime minister of E Begum Khalida Ziä leader of the Bar Party, is the Widow Rahman who wa 1ցB11Բ.
In Sri Lanka, Siri haS tW|Ce lgd that C 1965 and 1970 to 9 assassination of her first Woman ever el IIlmElt in à derT1OCr:
In Butta, extraor Sision and economi hasencouragedam lop around Aung SE ghter of assassinate Aung San. Her sit Unusual in that the TOS:t Of life El in Burma in 1989 to Who died later that reflects not only he charisTabout the fac nce from Burma has the deterioration tha' des of corrupt milita she leads a party house arrest, so her unclear.
The other major political leader in As Zon Aquino of the widow of the marty she too fits the prew: Marcos who was rfl: and minister of humi her husband Was OWedher claim to lea ritaria Lule of har Ferdinand Marcos. S pOWer While her hus had built a power ba пасје ћег a formidat presidency if he had arly, the Marcos da shared in the dynastic dictatorship.
rl SO Luth and South most important polit WONTEr hawe beer St. ties to prominent ma opportunity for such greatly enhanced E. deaths and often di This is in smārked Cor SUCCESS of WOriel Margaret Thatcher an

the daughter of Sheik the apparent contradiction between the Ie founder and first Overall status of Women in Asian Societies angladesh. Similarly and the startling prominence of a few is her bitter rival as less attributable to their having surmougladesh Nationalist inted formidable barriers than their proxiof President Ziaur mity to established male power. That they, S assassinated in rather than other family members, assumed power and exercised it of course requires more specific answers. In most mavo Bandaranaike cases, they were the onlypersonavailable puntry (from 19699 in the family of the right age and ability 7) following the 1959 to capitalize on their husband's legacy husbandard was the and/or martyrdom. Other explanations acted head of gove: have been offered. The social class of tic system'. most women leaders clearly identifies thern as a part of the elite. While social class explains much about who holds political power in most societies, it is especially important for explaining female leadership roles in societies where the status of Worther is low as it is in South and southeast Asia. This is seen particularly in the political activities of many of the female members of former princely families. The Maharani of Jaipur, the Rajmata of Gwalior and the Begum of Bhopal are but three examples of Women entering democratic politics after having built a base of traditional political loyalty as family members of leaders in the princely states of what is now India and Pakistan'.
linary political repreand political decay assfollowingtodevein Sun Kyl, the daudationalist leader, lation is particularly he hlas liWeidabroad only happened to be care for her mother, year. Her following ir Owl Considerable it that her long abseleft her untainted by resulted from decary rule. But although she remains under
* ewentual role iS Still (To bo Continued)
MOES and CUrent female 1. Bryan Jones, Leadership and Polics (Lawrence, iais President Cora- Kansas; University Press ot Karis:s, 1989), p.3
Philippines. As the 2. William Morris, ed., The American Heritage Dictioed Benigno Aquiпо rary of the English language (Boston: Houghton iiling pattern. Imelda Millin Co., 1973).
WOT Of That Manila 3. John W. Gairdrics, Leadership:Art Overview(Washiу etro Manli: ngton, DC; Independent Sector, 1988). an settlements until 4. Diane Kincaid, "over His Dead Body: A Positive WerthfOW || 1986 Perspective on Widows in the U.S. Congress," dership to the autho- WesterT T Pasificas QuarTerry, wol. 31 (March, 1978), husband, President pp. 96-104.
5. Linda K, Richter, "FrOIT School Board to Senat:
She enjoyed political The Political Career of Nancy Landon Kassbaum."
band was alive and in Frank P. LeVeness and Jane Sweeney, eds., Se that Would hawe Warrier Leaders in Confertporary J.S. Politics (CoIle COnternder for the lorido: Reimmer Press, 1987).
died in office. Simi- 6。 蠶 Warrior Ču Eers (New York: ughters and sisters 7 蠶 Tams äaj Plear," Lu Dublished - r:j FI,"upu spoils of the Marcos M.A. report (Honolulu: University of Hawaii, 1966).
8. The Hinde, 27 January 1990, p. 9, 9. India Today, 30 November 1989, P.37. ical posts open to 10. Thg New York Timas, 15 November 1997.
because of far filia 11. Craig Baxter ca. Govarianfard Polics in South use Ws Asia (Boulder, Colorado; Westview, 1987), p. 311. le politicians the 12, Linda K. Richter, "Buma in 1989." Encyclopedia Women having been Arriericana Yeartook (Danbury, Corn: Grover Incoу their husbands' rporalled, 1990), pp. 151-52. "amatic Tmartyrdom. 1. 蠶 tional Socio ITIEES ti iE akistan." trast to the political in Robin Jeffrey, ed, Papo, PrirC55 ard ParaIke Prille Ministers Tions Power (Delhi: Oxford University Press, Id Golda Meir-Thus, 1978), pp. 329-54.
east Asia, then, the

Page 13
ASA PACIFIC
Incia"S ROle
Narasimha Rao
was not a little perplexed when faced the task of drafting an address to this distinguished gathering on the "new relationship" India is forging with the Asia-Pacific. I suppose the Connotation has something to do with the fact that in Asia, the industrial and technological revolution was heralded only late in this century, but the advances in development have been so rapid in the recent decades or even years that it would be fair to say that it is not the reality that is changing, but change which is becoming a reality.
Soletus address this seeming paradox of the "new relationship". In 1941, just about two years before he died, the great Indian poet Rabindranath Tagorehadithis to say in his work, "The Crisis in Civilisatitյր":
"I had at one time believed that the springs of Civilisation Would issue out of the heart of Europe. But today. When I am about to quit the World, that faith has gone bankrupt altogether...And yet | sha|| not Commit the griewolus sin of losing faithin Man... I would rather look forward to the opening of a new chapter in his history, after the cataclysm is over and the atmosphere rendered clean with the spirit of service and sacrifice. Perhaps that dawn will come from this horizo), from the East Where the SLUIT rises".
After the cataclysm of the Second World WaT WE : hawe i COrtirLJEditO SEE TILJCI turbulence through the period of the Cold War, which dominated political and strategic perceptions. By the end of that struggle, by 1992, Jane's Defence Weekly had identified a total of 73 hot-spotsworldwide, including ongoing and potential Conflicts.
Asia has had its share of troubles, apart from the continuing suffering and humiliation we had to put up with during the phase of our colonial history. Permit me another quote which reads as follows:
"But there is yet another spirit of Asia today. As We all know, Asia is no longer passive today; it had been passive enough in the past. It is no more a SubTissive Asia. It has tolerated Submissiveness for so long. Asia of today is dynamic".
Mr. Chairman, th ken by Pandit JaW. froThere, at the A: nce İrı Bandung İm rkable how true and агetoday.
We cannot ignore World has become a largely to the techr teleCOTT ulicatiOr: regions, nations an It lay be said to ha sense. If ideologica jettisoned or at lea: the end of the Col. Contenders, new ba ir - tFE fOTTT Cof täarif immigration a WS, C logical capabilities ower nations which the race, and Sew innovations. It SeeT has changed every mind and proclivitie rot far to Seek... lt isir dead matter than tC formed over many nia. ln any event, 1 nsform matter has Cori tirnLJOLIS, a rT1atCl humam simild SO BI material changesh ker, except in a few
It takes a good ( to proceed on the Om de Tlocratic line the lation retails the international blem5 åre bol Er nous. In the first Ca
(i) The massive c pment: Inca feeding clothi dreds of Tilli still to adjust til twentieth cer already being rioustwentyfi
(ii) The Challen
thrown uբ EVÉ nges. Prime M this last TOT Singapore's stated, and

ese Words Were Sp0alarlal Nehru not far sian African ConfereApril 1955. It is rema
relevant these Words
the fact that While the smaller place, thanks lologies of travel and , the hiatus between d Gwen COTThUnitieS, we increased in Orne Il rigidities have been st largely muted, with d War by most of the Irriers are in evidence, and non-tariff Walls, artelisation of technoto ensure domination
are slightly behind in "eral other ingenious is, ironically, that man rthing except his own S. The seasor, to0, is much easier to change i alter metal attitudes Ceturies, lewer milléWhile * the Effort to trabeen massive and ning effort to adapt the S to be in tung With las not been Lundertäa Wakened SCCietieS.
jeal of states Tanship path of nation-building S While ensuring that
a Worthy member of :Iommunity. The prologenous and exogetegory fall;
challenges of develoSES Such aS India's, ng and educating huons whose eyes hawe the bright light of the tury, and who are rushed into the mystefst;
e to hшппап values *rywhereby rapid chaMinister Gohalluded to 1th in his speech om National Day When he
uote:
"But societies change. They change With affluence, With technology, with politics. Sometimes changes are for the better but sometimes changes make a Society lose its witality, its Solidarity, make a people soft and decline..."
(iii). The emergence of an attitude which seeks to define as individual's social, and increasingly political, identity more on ethnic, religious and sometimes geographical lines, With the pernicious motivation of organising forces for ostensibly economic, but in reality for political and even personal ends.
In the latter, exogenous category, Some of the Ilain elements which could identify EE.
(i) The temptation, to which several political elites increasingly tend to succumb, of blaming their own internal problems, some of which have just outlined, entirely on supposed events or attitudes abroad;
(ii) Friction between cultures. Although I would not go sofar as to subscribe to the thesis that we are seeing a Clash betwEEr WEStErn and (10Th-Western civilisations, there a re unmistakable "fault lines" in some parts of the World, which are still to be repaired. This could, and Sometimes does, lead to the export and import of fundamentalism and the assertion that religion has some over-riding, trans-national and supra-Sovereign Walidity. This dangerous theory needs to be contained effectively.
(iii) The increasing tendency on the part of dominant powers today to assume that they can not only define the Tears, but even the ends, of CollectiWeinternational endeavour. This has been revealed to us in recent years in the for IT of intrusive prescriptions in the areas of Social regulation, dissemination of knowledge, technological development and even dolestic administration. The Worst part of this tendency is that on closer scrutiny, it can be easily shown to

Page 14
be based on unsympathetic ha
lf-knowledge, and not unoften even
total ignorance.
(iv) Worldwide criminal networks of drug smugglers, terrorists, money lauinderers and other such elements who have nostake in peace and real prosperity but manage to suborn Governments to ensure the furtherance of their Own interests.
Mr. Chairman, I have dwelt at some length on these global issues before come to the Asia-Pacific. This is because sincerely believe that the nations that comprise the Asia-Pacific today must address these problems in their totality; because this region, if it can be referred to as a region, encompasses wellower half the World's population and Wealth, and is today a primary source of the dynamism that impels global activity.
The Asia-Pacific region is rather loosely defined, I understand. While organisations such as APEC and ARF hawe a membership based more or less on geographic criteria, there can be no gainsaying that political and economic imperatiwes have mainly contributed to the process of the coming together of these nation-states.
The constitution and the vitality of these fora speak well of the diplomatic and political maturity of the concerned Governments. The issues are formidable:
- interpretations of sovereignty, whether over the oceans, in outer space, over territory, resources etc;
- frictions arising out of differing cultural perceptions - as We Witnessed in the case of Michael Fay;
- massive needs and demands of relatiWely Underdeveloped populations and migratory tendencies, with no respect for national boundaries;
confrontational postures on a broad range of fundamental issues related to trade barriers, currency stabilisation, international aid and investment flows:
- intensification of the debate over linkages between issues Such as human rights, labour laws, environmental protection and resource management, liberal information flows etc. in political and economic relationships.
The Asia-Pacific region is fairly disparatein levels ofeconomic developmentand physical size of the constituent States, as also in terms of political attitudes, given
12
the incredible racial diversity of its popul
While India has Asia-Pacific draa ignore the fact that Organically linkedt sounded so many o East and South Eas liesin the temples ol Thailand, in the Tari religions of Buddhis spread across this more aptly today, in ASEAN and other C -Pacific region. In t ving here in peace 1 a true example of th
But We must loc Continent, and you h; With the organisatio EStablished With AuS Canada, USA ägd American Countries, Inded the boundaries by the Pacific. These merly physical but ps tical. Enlightened le giori hawe realised th; compatible with hea may uote Pandit speech again:
"We send outgreel NEWZealand. Ard New Zealand area They are next to indeed Australia a COThe learer to As
Mr. Chairman, Were spoken in 1955 had an intuition of t evolves today.
While in those days at its peak, and theref Were looked upon mixed with suspicion, that ASEAN can to position of strengthat the US, Russia, Chir ECLationshaws indes cannot deny the ow: Superiority of the Unit nnot ignore the signific pment of China, Japa Stakes in the Asiaindeed high. They inve ge through crucial Wa navigation from piracy ted lands, maritimezo and hostilities throug been defused but not
Recently there haw

ethnic and religious tions.
Jeen observing the jectively, we cannot OUT Civilisations are those Which hawe the nation States of Asia. The evidence Jawa, Indochina and estations of the great n and Hinduism that Wast continent, and he physical origin of untries of the AsiaeSe continTlumities - With others, We hawe ! Asian symbiosis.
k beyond our own ve started doing so. malbonds you hawe tralia, New Zealand, some of the Latin
Asia has transcethat were imposed boundaries were not ychologicaland poliaderships of the reat Cooperation is fully Ithy competition. If I
Nehru's Bandung
ings to Australia and ideed Australia and lmost in our region. is and should like nd New Zealand to a".
apeat, these Words lya Tan who almost e Asia-Pacific as it
s, the Cold War was ore the Superpowers With SOrne Caution it is gratifying to note day speak from a the San The table With na and Japan. The daltered. While one arwhelming military ted States, one cacant military develoand Australia. The Pacific region are lve rights of passaterways, security of claims over dispunes andre SOUrCeS, history that have dispelled.
a been attempts to
depict India along with China and Japan as a potential power which could fill the vacuum created by the withdrawal of the US with the end of the Cold War. This theory was partially rejected by American and South East Asian strategic thinkers and even in the Australian Senate report of 1991. George Tanham, in his essay titled "Indian StrategicThought" prepared for the US Department of Defence in 1991 stated:
"India retains alongters nunshakeable Commitment to strategic independence and autonomy in its decision making and military capabilities, although its economic, industrial, and technological shortcomings continue to limit the success of such a strategic design..."
It is these shortcomings which we are striving to remove with single-minded attention.
India could Well appear as a large enigma located between an interactive AsiaPacific and the Somewhat unclear West-CentralAsian attempts at regional integration. This is understandable. But there is no cause Whatever for the alarsnist views propounded about India's alleged expansionist designs, or its blue water Navy; On any basis of rational and impartial comparison, it will be crystal clear that India has not coveted any land or other asset belonging to any other country, leave alone having any expansionist design through military might. Indeed India has been an oft-invaded land throughout history. I do mot know What a Prime Minister should feel about this, but I am citing it as an undeniable fact,
In the first place, it is difficult to conceive of a navy that does not sail in blue waters, by any one's definition. I hardly need to describe in this gathering, the magnitude of India's territory; the distance of its island territories from the Tailand; its maritime boundaries which are demarcated with those of ASEAN, and the enormous resource base which has to be protected, Whetherit be our fisheries, offshore oil and gas or even under-seamineral deposits in the area. We have been allotted in the Indian Ocean as pioneerinvestor recogniSed under the UN CO Wertion On the LaW of the Sea.
Any country's strategic policy can be analysed in terms of its interests, intentions and infrastructure. India's interests are patent. A careful study of the past 50 years will convince anyone that India has, in fact, been subjected to considerable burdenson account of migrations of populations, terrorist attacks, smuggling and so

Page 15
On. OLurinterests lle inpeace and harmony Which will enable us to improve our standards of living. Our intentions are also evident from our recent policies, as also the fact that interms of per capita expendture and as a percentage of GDP, our defence expenditшre is perhaps аппопg the lowest of any country that maintains an armed capability even half our size. The Australian Senate Report of 1991 has also Corcluded that Indiar does not hawe the capability of sustained force projection far beyond its boundaries; and capability reflects intention.
Having said this, I must add that, while Iridia Carl be Said to hawe been Cofired to its ownstrategic defence, this does not detract from its ability and Willingness to exercise its role in global affairs, Our armed forces have participated in peace keeping operations from Cambodia to Congo, and have recently shed blood in SCInTalia. We hawa mot ShUk frOT OUT commitment to the cause of global peace and Wë shall not do sdin future. At the same time we do not accept any agenda that seeks peace at the cost of any country's self-respect. We are Willing to contribute troops to a UN Standby force but would reserwe the right to object to the deployment of such forces under circumstances that Would make such deployment look like that of an aggressor,
Mr. Chairman, I have only reiterated what consider our firm policy. I also think that the Non-aligned Movement is fully relevant today except in the minds of those who see no self-respect in it and seek to predicate it only in terms of the existence of rival Blocs. In point of fact, however, its principles have not really been diluted by the recent strategic changes - we Continue with the determination to decide our own destiny, independently according to our lights, and to ensure genuine international Consensus on maters that COncern the World community.
This view may be supported by sorThe, rejected by others. Indeed the approach adopted in the ARF may Wel|| contribute to over-all regional security. For this to happen, however, there must be a through Consensus among all the powers, big or Small who have a stake. Security Carnot b) E COTT|partir Tentalised When the global reach of Weapons, and the scope for rapid deployment of forces has increased to the point where the threat of armed interwention and Conflict can lewer be ruled out, in any part of the World, and where the struggle for sovereignty over tептііогуапd resoшrcesisgettingппогеапd
Ore Cute.
Mr. Chairla. It With economic devel miration to Withsta initical internal and together Wrought : Which has a self-re: technological base many other countrie most populous col India's special proble carefully, befогерге ble Odels of de Welt. without adequate foi
India's economici SEE Oth i Short-tE rspectives. Right inc TasSSiW IrwgStTė" loom large. We neE in power, oil, teleco zers and, of Course, tiom, apart from road | hawe CO e to exteT rship in this advent having so much in C: already in multi-facet stment is Coming fro sed countries alread wour is to draw, as isWEStrflèfll äld CC Asia-Pacific countri with our Common C. and my faith in Our C. of course, Will bring yTent to India's you levels - skilled, Sel Ied.
Wher Will dia the long-term perspe the right technology take to gigantism ir economies of Scale, ngly Sophisticated many cases, replace accentuating unem Sing Unacceptable si lous country. On th accept the route ol yment with old techn the large mass of pe economic activity, ir thereof, гепаіп atап we level in quality.
Obviously, both Luna CCēpotable. TherE wEd HEre: Size, erwir lity, Cost, quality, tec yment potential. Enw lity and quality are ( non. If the objective i: yment and minimize TOre OrleSS, the S imponderable thatre ned is technology, I :

Idia's preoccupation opment and its detend the onslaught of external forces, have a political economy specting GDP and a which is the envy of S. But as the Second untry in the World, is need to be noted Scriptions of unsuitapппепt are accepted *e-thDLight.
mperatives should be 3rm an long-term pe)w, the necessity of ItS liri irħfrastructure ld huge investments TITunicatiOS, fertiliagriculture and irrigas, railways and ports. Id my hand of partneure - a partnership DrThrTOr), ärld SO Close ed Cooperation. InverT1 Seawera industrialiy. Mypresentendeamuch as possible, operation from the ies, in Consona Ce oncept and solidarity mmon destiny. This, large-scale emplong people at different mi-skilled and unski
take employment in active, the question of " COfTOItSuS. If We order to attain the
We I aCCēpt in Creasiechnology which, in ss man With Tachine, ployment and impoocial costs in a popue other hand, if we large-scale emploblogy and low wages, tople, as well as their cluding the product unacceptably primiti
these positions are are Six factorSir NWOonmental acceptabi:hnology and emploiromental acceptabiobviously a sine qua S to Tnaximise emplothe per unit size at ame cost, the only mains to be determisee no alternative for
populous developing countries, except to develop these technologies of the future. One may perhaps call them the "Laptop technologies," taking the analogy of the Computers, wherein all the six factors listed above are integrated. I invite the technology experts here and everywhere to ponder over this particular aspect of our necessity and direct their research and innovation to this end, Working in cooperatior With LuS.
Coming back to the present situation, till recently, we laid emphasis on self-reliance and trade with traditional partners. This is changing now. In the calendaryear 1993, proposals from APEC economies, excluding the US, constituted over 20% of the total foreign investment collaborations approwed by the Government of India. Between January 1991 and June 1994, a total of 1904 foreign collaborations Were approved with APEC. econdmies. Duringthisperiod, directinvestment from APEC in India amounted to approximately 54% of the total foreign investment received. These figures are indeed revealing.
On the other hand, Indian businessmen hawe established joint wentures all ower the Asia-Pacific — 148 il the APEC ECOnomies. The overseas Indian community, which retains strong links with its homeland, but prefers to live and work abroad, constitutes a vital link between India and the Countries of the Asia-Pacific. We hawe a stake in their prosperity, as they have in Our future.
From April 1993 to March 1994, APEC economies accounted for 45% of India's exports and 30% of India's imports. But all this trade amounted to only about 1% of intra-APEC trade. We are acutely aware of the considerable potential that exists, considering India's natural resources, its gro Wing infrastructure, human resources, a Well developed legal system and an increasingly open financial and investment regime.
Last year We commenced an economic dialogue With ASEAN. My visit to Singapore, and earlier visits to other ASEAN countries, have convinced me that the potential for India's partnership with this nu: cleus organisation in the Asia-Pacific is
iTTimeaSurable.
Already We find Indian enterprises proSpecting oil, constructing railroads, building powerplants, setting up enterprises to manufacture engineering goods, proCeSS agricultural products and trade all ower the region. At the moment, however, all this is on arminiscule scale. Much more
13

Page 16
is possible and desirable. India therefore Wants a real and sizeable jump.
India's premier railway Construction enterprise has rehabilitated, electrified and built Several hundred kilometres of railway track in Malaysia. I found it significant when last month a leading Malaysian company presented me with a proposal to construct a 10,000 kilor Tetre toll highway on "build-operate-transfer" basis, linking India's cities. Yet another Indian company Bharat Heavy Electricals Limited has set up thousands of TegaWatts of generating capacity in the Asia-Pacific region, in those very countries from where we are now receiving offers to set up power plants in India. Is it a paradox that Indian companies are exerting themseIves abroad to execute projects of a nature Which firms from those Countries are attempting to set up in India? Far from being a paradox, I think this is the essence of eclectic enterprise; business that Constantly seeks to move beyond boundaries. This has been the key to success in the Asia-Pacific and a Valuable lesson We hawe learTed from you. The Creation of Wealth in this region, particularly in those Countries which Were eclipsed for two to three centuries by colonial rule, is an example to mankind everywhere. It has also aroused sufficient interest in the developed Tembers of the APEC for them to have realised that a partnership with Asia is not only desirable but inevitable. Speaking for a developing country, I feel we must not barter our advantage without ensuring that We can become equalpartners with equal say in the evental codification of international laws and regulations that will governinternational political, economic and Social activity in the next century.
What we see in the Asia-Pacific region cannot be called a clash of civilisations but a mesh inter WOwen With religious, ethnic, racial, linguistic and professional strands. And it is this diversity which gives the resilience that enables this Tesh to Sustain the al Tost Umbeliewable grOWth rates that Asia has seen in the past decade Will Continue to SB B Well into the next сепtuгу.
Mr. Chairman, I am consciously including India in this reality and this vision of the Asia-Pacific that I propound. If a new relationship is to be forged, it is only the visible superstructure that needs to be erected over the very sound and solid foundation that already exists.
This superstructure will include increasing levels of interaction through travel arld COTUniCatio ink.S. RUral Irldia
homes today receive Indian languages b Kong and Moscow. W ot-too-distant future, in India Will be eartle fiC, WB i ldia ar dangers posed by Co tWorks whose indiscr tprints stampower ou|| and disrupt our Social full faithin Our Cultural that it Will survive : outside, integrating
and also influencing in the process. The in Should hawe, a SitS I enlightened understa affinities and differer KOW of each other,
Ställd ach other. G. stic and legal barrier | realise dia has a this regard and lass not shirk this respor1: cate the cardinal pris media projection, that cated on propriety.
Mr. Chairmar, Indi steps to liberalise it opem the economy t investment, and educ benefits of exposure The Asia-Pacific coul for our leap into the g
Much has been rep ding in the Singapo slowing down of In forms. May 1 clarify Hä WÉ SIOWêd dOWri, it se the pace ofrefort years has been extre month my Governme Sed the Currency TE rupee convertible C Meanwhile the Bomb Contin.Les its bull rur bour policy, Orne ha! Indian situation, and thČ HLTES - Of Ti prospect of Unemploy policy in India would ne, it would be ecor the Sartle time, bus planning future inves to Worry about, becal businesses Whose W over-grown for Waric rTale to results, always assess its ments accurately SO of becoming unecon
can assure this ge only welcomes, but is

TW programmes in eamed from Hong We expect that in the programmes made dOWErthlêASia-Paciconscious of the Tercial Tedi leintinate satellite foo"Cultural Sensitiwities | EthioS. BLUt We hawe heritage and believe all onslaughts from healthy influences the exter Tħal factorS formation revolution natural corollary, an Inding of our cultural Ces. The Tore We the better We undeSeographical, linguiSTUSt Come doWi. big responsibility in ture you that We will sibility. We will windciple of responsible profit Tust be predi
a has already taken is currency regime, o more imports and cate its people or the to the outside World. d be the springboard lobal marketplace.
Iorted recently, inclurepress, about the Idia's economic rethat if We appear to may only be becauS Ower the past three mely rapid. Only last nthas further liberalagirile to Take the I Current 3CCOLInt. Jay Stock Exchange 1. Regarding ourla3 LICEStäC 11B Spare a thքLight for lions who face the Tent. A hire and fire not only be irnhumanomically unwise. At ;inessmen Who are Ilments haWetheleast ise unlike established Work force may hawe Lus reasons not gefew business car папроwer requireas to avoid the risk Ticon that score.
athering that India mot Worth, your time and
money. Investment in India is an investment in the future - a future not only for the investor but for a population of one billion which will remain a force for stability in the World. In returt, Countries of the Asia-Pacific Will find in dia a reliable partner, a wast market, the process of whose development will simultaneously involve the renaissance of a great and roble civilisation which We all share in
STETESLE,
Mr. ChairTan, before conclude would like to revert to my earlier quotation, What ourgreat poet Rabindranath Tagore said about the new dawn coming from the horizon of the East, where the Sunrises. Those were the days of the Second World War, of the horror that made no sense to anyone. The War ended, only to give rise to the Cold War. That too has ended, only to leave the World in a flux of a different kind. The World has no big War now, hot or cold; yet it has no peace either. Thus, the transition to the post-Cold War World, Welcorte as it is, is likely to be equally difficult, if not more. The days of celebrating the demise of a system are over. The contours of a different World hawa begur to emerge, a World So different from the World of blocs and deterTents that We had hardly expected it even to exist. But Cold War attitudes persist-not because there is anything permanently Walidor inevitable about the T1, but because their restowal takes time and ewer Tore than time, the genuine realisation that the change in human destiny reeds a COrresponding change in man's own mindset. I firmly believe that beyond the processes of diplomacy and inter-State relations that occupy our attention most of the time, there is an immeasurably wast area in which all the tiny specks that make up humanity are surprisingly equal. We have to capture the spirit and quality of that equality and realise the unity of Man. This is the challenge of the uni-polarity which we witness today. This challenge is an opportunity which History does not often throw up. We missitat our own peril. And We can capture it, through the essentially Asian ethos of Compassion, harmory and a sense of sharing, where the individual and the collective entities are beautifully Bolded to Take life a COSİStést Whole,
I am happy to hawe had this opportunity to enunciate my belief in this vision of a new relationship between India and the Asia-Pacific from Singapore, which I coinsider the geographic and symbolic Centre of the Asia-Pacific trust this Wision Will be realised in the near future and that the next century will be a century of partnership for us all.

Page 17
CONFLICT RESOLUTION
Northern Ireland:
On Field
he future of Northern Ireland is
anissue Which has recently sprungback into the headlines. It is, of course, not a recent issue - not even a 20th century issue - but one with historical roots going back many centuries. It is a fortunate coincidence that the timing of this seminar should have been so appropriate. I would, however, like to make clear at the outset I do not hawe army particular knowledge of, or insights into, the British government's policy, Colombo is not a post that is in any way connected with the problem. I am speaking today, therefore, from the point of view of an average informed citizen who follows the issue from newspaper and magazine reports.
| mentioned the long history of the proEblem. Ce reeds to look at this bēCaLJSe without it the bitterness and persistence of the opposing views is hard to understand. An outsider cannot but be struck by the fact that events of two or three hundred years ago are as fresh in the minds of Northern Irelanders as if they had happened yesteriday. For those trying to reach a settlement it Tust be so frustrating that people look back to past injustices rather than forward to the benefits that could flow from ared to the fighting. As a historian Was taught that We should understandard learn from the past to avoid earlier Tistakes, not to repeat them, In Ireland sadly many people seem set on doing just that,
In this whole problem religion has played a part-but only a part. It is the West of the fabric, but there have been over the years Other colours in the cloth - for instance pre-empting Ireland becoming a base for hostile powers - a real concern in the 16th and 17th centuries - or land and Colonisation, Orosocialandeconomic - the question of jobs and discrimination, In press shorthand it is easy to characterise it as Protestant versus Catholic, but in realityitis Tore complex, as hope to show. But Sadly Christianity has complicated and exacerbated, not cured.
First a few facts: today the Republic of Ireland covers about 4/5 of the island (70,000 sq.kms against 14,000 for Northern Ireland). The Republic's population is 3.5 million compared to 1.6 million in Northern Ireland, and it is 95% Catholic while Norther Ireland is 60%. Protestant. The Republic joined the EEC in 1973 - a development which could be helpful in that both Britain and Ireland are now members of a Union which is seeking
toWards
to harmonise policies issues.
England's involvem SI SO OftE WES the CE Seas expansion, With nturers, in this case in til activities forced King shortly thereafter to c Ulster. Later the Refo break with the Cath pressure to conform CatholiCS left and lan tland and England app raged the "plantation" area closest to Scotla andled to rebellion in nquered the island W restlebered to this d.
Shortly after this lar a base for his attempt but Was defeated att in 1591 — One of th3 kg the supremacy of the quently basic civil rig to hold public office, WE and dissenters. It is PE such laws applied eq dissenters in Englan ard"Streathet WES I геSpect.
Over the following continued, particulari nots, who had been TW0 Elites Were CreatE English landowmersar "commercials". Not St. ssatisfaction greW, lei 1795, which ended in at Diamond. The subs Orange Society (later Union in 1800 symbo nation and polarised 19th century saw ther umder O'Corell är Ferilar moveTemt. WE the potato famine, le Home Rule, which ala who feared they WOL of Westminster, and Order. In the latter Westminster governi Wrestling with this is Were introduced, but f in 1868 by Gladstor Liberals ir 1 893. Ir COTT1015 but WaS di of Lords. It aroused bit
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s a settlement
om a Wide range of
ent in Ireland began, ise in England's ovethe activities of advehe 12th century. Their John to intervene reate the Earldom of Imation (Henry VIII's lic Church) brought With the W. Church: dSeekers from SCOeared. JarTheSlemCOUof Ulster as being the Ild. Teľ1SiOT1 TOLIľited 641. Crowell re-COith a cruelty which is
ly.
mes II used Ireland as to recover the throne, ng Battle of the Boyne y dates in establishing Protestarts. SubSeghts, such as the right are denied to Catholics hapsworth noting that Jally to Catholics and dard Scotland:rgnot exceptional in this
century immigration y Protestant Hugue2xpelled from France. ad in this period - the ld the English/Scottish prisingly Catholic diading to a rebellion in the Protestant victory equent creation of the Order) and the Act of SBc FrsitéStärll dirlthe corrurities. The ise of irisationalist the CreatiO; of the rious crises, including !d to the demand for ared the Protestants, ld lose the protection
revived the Orange alf of the century the ment was constantly SLE. Home Rule hils ailed in the Commons, ne and again by the 912 abi|| passed the lefeated in the House ter opposition in Ulster,
where Carson organised the League and Covenant, but it passed in 1914. However the implementation was postponed because of the outbreak of the World War.
The next few years set the scene for the rest of the century downto the present day. Republican frustration boiled over into the Easter Rising (1916) whose harsh suppression further antagonised the south. In 1920 the Government of Ireland Act created the possibility of north and south Ireland with limited self-government. The IRA, which Was founded in 1919, Wanted full independence and fighting broke out between the British forces and the Republicans. Eventually in 1921 the Anglo-Irish Treaty was concluded setting up the Irish Free State, but leaving 6 of the 9 counties of Ulster as a separate unit although part of the United Kingdom.
(To be confirUe)
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Page 18
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Page 19
CONFLCT
Religious and ethnic diffe
Weronica Shoffstall
Callege Park, Maryland, LiSA
When yoLung Israeli guitarist Dawid Broza stepped out onto the stage, he was Warmly Welcomed by fans who clapped and sang along to familiar Israeli pop songs, which he sang in both English and Hebrew.
Received with less familiarity and soThe What Tore reserve Was the next perfoTT-er, Nabi AzaT, a White-hairEd Palestinian Arab. Many Jews were in the audience and they listened politely as he struTITed On a gourdshaped oud. The applause was appropriate but without excessive enthusiasm.
"People came together who don't normally talk to each other, like people from the Middle East and different parts of Africa."
— Bernard Cooperттап
Director of the MeyerhofF Center.
Then, Mr. Azar SWitched to the violin and the sweet, mournful strain he played Text Seeled tO di SSÖlwe ar i Wisibl3 - rrier. As if by reflex, a crescendo of voices rose, singing along in Hebrew as Mr. Azan offered up "Jerusalem of Gold," a Well-known Israeli song about the Holy City. An olive branch, it was impossible to resist.
The concert punctuated a 9-11 April Conference held here at the University of Maryland, entitled "Once Empires Fade: Religion, Ethnicity and the Possibilities for Peace." The on-stage harmony of an Israelianda Palestinian stoodasa dramatic symbol for the hope of a peaceful resolution to the Middle East conflict - one of more than 40 such disputes based on religious or cultural differences currently raging across the globe.
HoW the factors of religion and ethnicity can hasten or hinder the peace process Was explored through artistic presentations, Scholarly speeches, and discussion gFOUPS.
"People carTne : tog rmally talk to each ot til Middle East Africa," said Bernar ctor of the Joseph a thoff Center for Jew the three organizers Co-organizers includ rtment and the Bah Peace, also at the Un
More than 700 pE dents, acadeTiCS, came front around th: a Cross-section of re ideologies.
Speakers and sort ders addressed the LI peace presented by War and the opport focus of defense tow
COCS.
Among the key the that religion, which is a source of Conflict, peace.
MOrla GrieSg, ChiE Glowis, Inc., a devel tions company, saidt paradigm ignores thi spiritual Component World development.
"There is 10 dOUE technology to feed, c the people on earth, Who is also a Baha'i. done is a spiritual is addressed."
"Spirituality, applic both collectively and a neW global ager da vision," she said. "Sp the moral authority a to implement new po based on new prioriti
Paul-Marc Henry, the French Foreign S tual gap" was in part "deep crisis" the Worl by the deterioration

eCeS
ether who don't noher, like people from di different parts of di Cooperman, direInd Rebecca Meyevish Studies, One of
of the Conference. edthe History Depaa'i Chair for World Iversity of Maryland.
ople, including stuand public figures, 2 World, representing aligious and political
le 30 Workshop leanique possibilities for the end of the Cold unity to redirect the yard pressing global
mesto emerge Was ; SO often viewed as Carl be a source of
if executive officer of opment communicahe current economic 2 psychological and at the root of third
bt that We haWg the lothe, and house all ," said Ms. Grieser,
"Why it is not being Sue Which must be
2d to global issues indiwidually, can set based On a shared irituality can provide ind. the Tiotivation licies and programs es."
an Ambas-Sador in ervice, said a "spiriresponsible for the disin, as e Widel Ced pf public Works and
the school system, rising unemployment, and the violence erupting from the frustration of the young.
"The reallong term is not to be calculated by the gross national product, but by the hope for the future," he said, "Basically this crisis is one of despair."
Ernest Gellner, director of the European Center for the Study of Nationalism in Prague, took a more secular approach, presenting the idea that differences in CLIllufB Should bE WEWBdas BCcidEnts of birth or history, and should have no bearing on the citizenship rights accorded to One group over another.
"We are organizing films on war and peace for the documentation center that is being set up. And we find that there are Inlany films available about war, yet few about peace. We are putting the emphasis on peace.”
- Deris Marteca
Director of the World Centerfor Peace, FrεEαίατη αηd Hμηαη Highιs,
Nationalism, Dr. Gellner said, is an "artificial phenolenon" in which culture is narrowly defined by an elite group. Those who do not meet the standards set by that elite, he said, run the risk of being excluded or oppressed, which leads to wiolen C2.
The papers presented at the Conference will be gathered into a book which, Organizers hope, will encourage continued discussion of the new opportunities for peace.
"For the academic world to recognize that religion is an important factor in bringing about peace or in laying down the ground for better understanding among disparate and sometimes contending peoples is in itself an achievement," said Suheil Bushrui, who occupies the Baha'i Chair for World Peace.
7

Page 20
DRU
Amendment to Drug Regulation No. 34 of Monday the 6th July 1992.
“No person shall dispense a prescriptic a drug."
MSJ goes down in the history of Drug F to collaborate with the Government on Generic decades of Brand Manufacture for the biggest nul to almost exclusive Generic Manufacture for the now serve a wide spectrum of Health Services fr remotest Govt. dispensary and General Practition
There is no glamour in illness - not for th safe, rational treatment, not market incentives.
Illness does not spare either rich or poor,
The Bibile-Wickremasinghe drug reforms into therapeutics. Generic prescribing and Generic of Drug Rationalization Policy.
In Good Times and Bad Times, Epidem from MSJ have been a dependable source of reli
M. S. J. Industri
Factory and
P. O. E
Colon

GS 2.
of 1984 in Govt. Gazette Extraordinary No. 722/3
in which does not specify the Generic Name of
tationalization in Sri Lanka as the first Company
Manufacture. M.S) siviftly moyed over from two ιiηαιionαι Drμg Corημαηies operating in this region people of this country. Our range of Generic drugs on the big city Clinics and Base Hospitals to the er in the country.
le sick anyWay. The sicknced Swift, cost-effective,
-
patient or physician.
were designed and adopted to re-introduce ethics dispensing were the main levers of implementation
ic and Disaster, War and Peace, Generic Drugs efin illness for over a third of this century.
es (Ceylon) Ltd., Laboratories
Ox 430
bo 15.

Page 21
U.N. ROLE
Lessons from two w
Horace Perera
his is a tale of the role played
by two Presidents of the US, George Bush and his successor, Bill Clinton, in two successive international Crises, each of which was declared by the United Nations Security Council to constitute "a threat to international peace and Security." It is a tale of how President George Bush played a leading and effective role in the events following the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait on 2 August 1990 that led through twelve resolutions of the Security Council to the Gulf War, the liberation of Kuwait and the acceptance by Iraq on 6 April 1991 of Security Council resolution 687 (1991) Which Was intended inter alia, to enSure that Iraq Would newer again be able to threaten peace and security in the region and, by extension, in the World at large. It is also a tale of how the same President, the Liberator of Kuwait, distanced himself and his country from the Wars which broke out in Yugoslavia in July 1991 with the declaration of independence by two of Yugoslawia'S COmistituen republics, la TeySlovenia and Croatia, and thereby failed to give leadership to the international community to check Serbian aggression at the beginning when, according to several political commentators, that was a military possibility. It is also a tale of how the same President decided to remain on the sidelines while the Warin Yugoslavia escalated with the military intervation of Serbia in the Constituent republic of Bosnia-Herzegovina following on that republic's declaration of its independence and how this same President chose to be a spectator while that War was being fought, specially by the SertOS, with a ferocious barbarity motseen since the defeat of Nazi Germany in 1945. It is also a tale of how the results of Bush's failure to act in time was dumped on his Successor, Bill Clinto whose overwhe|ming COrcErn With US dor TEStic isSUES blinded him to the fact that the stability of Europe was, and Will always, be a matter of national concern to the USA and to the World at large and made him forget his election campaign's promise in regard to the War in Yugoslavia that the US should do "whatever it takes to stop the slaughter of innocents" and not ignore "a deliberate and Systerratic exter Tination of hunları beings based on their ethnic origin." It is also the tale of the same Clinton joining With the Russian Federation and major mErnbers of the E.C. In a "Contact Group" and carving out Bosnia-Herzegovina into
two political entitie leave-it-and-face-th: Peace Plan, in spit rtions by the Secu sovereignty, politic: territorial integrity of should be protected nges be made by thr Or Under dureSS. Fi the STS Bill Cirt and declaring that do mot accept the October the US iter COLUITCill to lift thë är the Croat-Muslim Co. pping up the military accepted the peace
P: George Bush in
Saddam Hussen LJ feaS
JLSt before da Wr forces of Iraq invade ty Council met soon pted the Tore Orles (660) demanding LCOrditional" With and calling for "intel the two states to reSC Undettered Säddar' Corinita Series of furth Er wiolations of Violations of the Ge 1949 årld TE Wor Diplomatic immunity lution 660 he proclai traditionally a provir Continue to be so, H of diplomatic and ( Ku Waitard WithdreW nity of their persor rd-country nationals under detention Wi immediate access basic services and demographic Compt to destroy its civil ri this the media highli of Childre Lunder 15 ctant mothers, Tlate elderly were in jeo Council responded IIEWS Will TeleValt these (662) declare Kuwait null and Voic nctions against KuW 661, imposed corp sanctions and set up
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s in a "take it, or
-Consequences" e of repeated asserity Council that the al idependence and Bosnia-Herzegovina ad 10 territorial chlaeats of force, or force nally it is the tale of om becoming a hawk if the BOShia Serts Peace Plan by 15 Nds to ask the Security ms embargo against federation, thus Stemight of the party that
dik tat
lt | the Persial Gulf
COfra 5 Ma FOS
on 2 August 1990 the dKuwait. The Securiafterwards and adosistandard resolution he "it Tediate and irawal of Iraqi forces insive negotiations by We their differences." Hussein proceded to acts that constituted he Charter as Well as lewa Conventions of Ina Conventions. On '. In response to reSOinted that Kuwait was Ice of Iraq and Would e Ordered the closure consular missions in the diplomatic immunel. He placed thii in Iraq and Kuwait thout ensuring them to food, Water and he began to alter the sitor of Kuwait and Cords. In addition to ighted that the safety 5 years of age, expeanity cases and the pardy, The Security
to these acts and rČSolutioriS. OE. I of ed the anneXation of i. Four dealt With Saraiti: the first of these, rehensive economic a Committee to TO
tor the Sanctions process; the second, 665, endorsed a naval blockade of Iraq; the third, 670, Confirmed that sanctions applied to all means of transport, including aircraft, and the fourth, 669, authorised the Committee (set up under 661) to deal with requests for assistance to countries affected by the Sanctions process. Resolutions 666 and 674 dealt with mistreatment of KL Wait and third-state nationals and resolution 667 condemned Iraq's attempts to alter the demographic composition of Kuwait and to destroy its civil records. By the middle of November 1990 it was clear that Iraq was in no mood to Comply with any of the Council's resoution, it stood firstly by the position of Saddam Hussein that the unity of Iraq and Kuwait was "indestructible," "eternal and ir TEWesSible." NO O WISG ble to TOWE him from that position: mot the Gulf Corporation which labeled his action as "an act of defiance against the international comunity" not an Extraordinary Arab Summit which, on 10 August, appealed to him to withdraw from Kuwait; not a joint appeal from the Heads of State of six Muslim Countries in South and South-east Asia to Cortiply with Council resolutions. (17 October 1990) and not the efforts of the Secretary-General.
| WiW of Sadda Hussin's intrarsigent obduracy the Security Council had 10 alternative but to authorizse, in resolution 678, the use of "all necessary means.... to restore international peace and security in the area" if Iraq did not fully impletent (all) resolutions on or before 15 January 1991. The Council, "while maintaining all its decisions" was allowing "Iraq one final opportunity, as a pause of good Will" to enable it to do so, Ewen this did not make him change his position. Instead he frittered away the 48 day grace denouncing the USA, warning it that its forces Would meet a most humiliating defeat and proclaiming that God was with him. He newer seemed to consider whether he was on God's side. History may provide psychologists sufficientimaterail to explain how his mind worked and probaly present him in a better light.
The БшrлIng Bшsh
Bob Woodward in "The Commanders" asserts that almost immediately after the invasion of Kuwait Bush and his White House group decided to go to war to resolve the issue. It is unlikely that this
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decision came to them as a flash of lightning. It most probably grew from a deep concern by the Bush administration of the growing power of Iraq and the possibility of it developing into a sort of "superpower" in the Middle-East, able to intimidate, if not conquer neighbouring states, establishin a sphere of influence, if not an empire, controlling the World's largest oil producing region and posing a real threat to the existence of the state of Israel. It is likely that the violation by Iraq of the sovereignty, political independence and territorial integrity of a Member State of the United Nations was just the sort of Casus bell that Bush and his White House Group Were Waiting for. Ofcourse this was not Central America. Where the US had occassionally acted as it wished. This was the Middle-Eastandall measures for the peaceful settlement of disputes specified n the UN charter Would hawe to be exhausted before force could be used. The previous section shows very clearly how Saddam Hussein by his arragant defiance of the Security Council played directly into their hands. There can be very little doubt that the speed With which (except for resolutions 678 and 687) and the majorities by which they were adopted was largely due to the fact that they were inspired, if not initiated and, and "steered" through the Council by the USA. This was not all. By Well prepared statements at press conferences carried by the vast media network in the US and by cable television throughout the World, he responded effectively to the Violent diatribes that emanated almost daily from Bagdad. He interpreted developments as to how they Would play with Congress, the media and public opinion, presenting Saddam Hussein as a dictator Worse than Hitler and warning the world of the dire consequences for intenational peace and security if Iraq was allowed to get away with its aggression and deliberate violations of relevant international legal instruments. He did not go directly to Congress for a declaration of war against Iraq but succeeded in securing one in the form of Congress support for the Council resolution 678 Which authorized all Member States of the UN, not only the US, to use "all necessary means" (UN terminology for the use of force). Finally he was able to overcome misgivings of Generals Collin Power and Norman Schwarkop and Defence Secretary Dick Cheney and persuaded them to go along with him. There is also some evidence that even before three Weeks had passed after the invasion of Kuwait. Bush had begun to build his coalition of 34 nationalities and transport troops and Weapons to the area. Saddam Hussein dre Wattention to this in a counterproposal he made to the Security Council, on 19 August, stating his willingness to comply With its resolutions provided that, inter alia,
2O
the President of "clearly, unequivoc: COT fittent to With those of his allies fr Muslim Holy Place time. This counterp by the Council anc strengthen his coal Wast arsenal of the Weapопsto the area, The dealine, 15 Jal the Council's "pause and at 19 hours (E. Operation Desert S with around the clock of military communic infrastructure in Ira ground operations b ment of tanks and Kuwait accompaniec ry and naval gunsi January Kuwait was next day US led co: mandate Under Col suspended offensive A Cea Sefire carne inti a month of diploma Council adopted res. 1991. This was acce and the Gulf War Car remained was to wi stage an assessmen crisis would be usef
BLISh'5 role-art assi
All in all it can be Bush's leadership th hawe taken place ar hawe been liberated, Security Council may sofarin relation to the Via, churned Out res and Kuwait would int established as a Prov further arbitions it guess. Some of hi. Critics, while rot den ment, accuse hist of to Sewe the broader "Bulldozing" is a rel was prompted to act rests of the USA als sted. There is, hOWe in a unipolar world th to restore internation; in serious Conflict. Si effective leadership power. This places o responsibility to give Will be seen more cle: of the failure of the Institutions and the peace and securityir wia.
Winning the Peace
The terms of the set out in Security C which was adopted

he US announces ly and in Writing" his dra Whis for CBS ard In Arab territory and within a specified oposal was rejected
Bush continued to ion and transport a
Ilost sophisticated largely Saudi Arabia. шагу 1991, giveп іп of goodwill" expired S.T.) on 16 January orm" was launched aerial bothbardment ations and strategic q. Eight days later gan With the moveroops into Iraq and by thundering militae barrages. On 27 liberated and on the alition, keeping to its İncil resolutionı 4678, combat operations. effect and following LiC COSultations the olution 687 on 3 April ited by Iraq. On 6 April The to an end. All that m Lhe peace. At this t of Bush's rolle in the ul.
Essment
argued that without Gulf War. Would not ld Kuwait would not at least so soon. The "hawe, as it has done !conflicts in Yugoslaolutions to no effect ime have been firmly ince oflraqofWhose is possible only to s more responsible grating his achieve"bulldozing" the UN nterests of the USA. ative term. That he
in the broader inteo, will not be contewer, no denying that e UN is very unlikely il peace and security uations Without the if the solitary Super that one power the hatleadership. This Irly in any discussion
European Security UN itself to restore the former Yugosla
OTTlal Ceasefire are Lucili seSolution 687 on 3 April and was
accepted by Iraq on 6 April although Saddam Hussein Considered its measures "unjust," "iniquitous and wengeful." Newertheless on 11 April the Chairman of the Council declared that Iraq's acceptance was "irrevocable and without any qualifying conditions." The resolution goes far beyond calling on Iraq to accept a 1963 border agreement with Kuwait and to compensate Kuwait and other countries for the damage caused to them from the seven month occupation of Kuwait. With a view to ensuring that Iraq would not again threaten peace and security in the region certain Teasures were introduced calling, among other things, for the destruction of all Iraq's Weapons of mass destruction. The Council then proceded to set up machinery to ensure implementation of the terms of the resolution. The then Secretary General, Perez de Cuellar declared that it was important that the international community show the same determination and efficiency in securing the peace that it exerted in ending aggression. The terms of the resolution appear quite harsh and there is a tendency to feel sortie sympathy for Iraq. That disappears, however, in the face of Iraq's efforts to hinder the implementation of various measures explicitly stated in the resolution. For example the team of UN inspectors who were to remove, render harmlessor destroy the proscribed Weapons and installa monitoring system that would help to prevent their being renewed was so frequently hampered and even harassed that it is only now, more than three years later that there are signs showing that their mission is nearing completion, Iraq's cruel persecution, after the War of the Kurds in the North and the Shiites in the South has led to the establishment of a "safe haven" for the former and a "fly-over zone" for the latter. Moreover Iraq has yet to recognize the frontier line drawn up by a UNtearn and to abandon its claim to Kuwait. Furthemore, it has chosen not to use the option the UN had Written for Iraq to sell a designated amount of oil for humanitarian use. Finally, it continues to provoke assaults on UN personnel. All this has kept the US quite busy. Bush has been critized for not allowing the coalition forces to proceed to Baghdad, when at one time in the war they were only 150 miles from the city, and remove Saddam Hussein as "the chief War criminal." It is reported, though not widely known, that the use of the "weto" on resolution 687 by one Permanent Member was averted by an undertaking given to do nothing to topple the Saddam regime. Political leaders who call for the lifting of all sanctions against Iraq would do well to consider these details and not harper the winning of the peace.
(To bo corfir Lied)

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