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DAY OF THE TIGER: AFTER GANDHI, GA
ARMY ONE STE
Mervyn de Silva
HAWE FULL CONFIDENCE IN
THE ARMED FORCES - Prime Minister. The banner headline in the State-run DA MLYNEWS became in turn the lead item in the Friday morning bulletin of the state-owned SRI LANKA BROADCASTING CORPORATION (SLBC). Prime Minister Chandrika Kumaratunge of the newly elected PEOPLES ALLIANCE (PA) had been rudely awakened, it would appear, to the facts of life and political realities, in a war-torn little island. In little over a decade, the army has grown and grown; a ceremonial army has become a professional force, an institution. Quantity has led to a qualitative change. For the Paris-educated Chandrika and her high I.Q. counselors, all members of Colombo's academic elite, two months hawe been an instant-learning process. The Great Teacher has been none other than Welupillai Prabhakaran, an "O" lewel drop-out. And Prabhakaran's War has not only militarised Southern (Sinhala) society but given the army a decision-making role, a seat in the security Council, with a quasi-veto on all matters of War and peace.
But it is elections, parliamentary and presidential, which noW concenarate the mind of the political elite and the major parties. The demands of the forthcoming battle of the ballot, the army fears, will determine the cabinet's options on the conduct of the war, on operational issues; Pooneryn for example, a strategic base which the LTTE tried to overrun last year and sacrificed over four huIndred (400) guerrillas in its massive
assault on the he of camps. The art the LTTE but reta
Пeryn.
Pooneryn seve movement betwee la, the Tamil hear the nothern provi OTeland" in the rse, this homelan greenfields of the least its northern p tede districts. Whal Trincomalee, one harbours, an ideal or export promotic ThiCS rather than le termines LTTE p tegy, and its suppo
Right now, the L in the peninsula. S the P.A. "peace ni smantling of the P. every perSongoing the peninsulais sul "customs' and a LTTECadres do S| TOWEeTent is SeWe is why, the LTTE "navy", probablyth group to do so. This tions like the recer the Sri Lanka mawy' паvy captain and | prisoner.
LTTEsupremo F rist and proud of it rsant with the ide, democracy but he
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

P FORWARD 2
avily fortified network ly lostmore men than ained Control of Poo
Irely restricts LTTE in the Jaffna peninsutland, and the rest of Ce. The "traditional Tamil Eelam discoud includes also the eastern province, at art, al Tamil-populais more it includes of the World's finest site for "free trade" in Zore. It is e Cornobensraum which deolitical-military strartive propaganda
TTE feels bottled up o, its first demand to egotiators" is the di2Onery base where north or coming from bjected to the closest ny inspection a few p through but Tiger ely restricted. Which
has built its own e first majorguerrilla also explains opera"suicide attack" on training ship. AS.L. is mate were taken
"abhakaran, a militamay not be convels and practices of as an intuitive grasp
of its weaknesses, certainly of those institutional ceremonies that open to a guerrilla Commandera"window of opportunity". Prime Ministers and presidents, ministers and opposition leaders, party bosses and M.P's must come out into the open - esplanade, town hall or village green. It is on that sound, reasonable assumption that the LTTE's briIliant intelligence chief, Pottu Amman, mounted an operation were the target was the co-signatory of the India-Sri Lanka "peace accord" under which Delhi sent to Sri Lanka's north and east a "peace-keeping force" twice as large
GUARDAN
Wol. 17 No. 13 November 1, 1994
Price RS. 10.00
Published fortnightly by Lanka Guardian Publishing Co. Ltd. No. 246, Union Place Colombo -2.
Editor. Mervyn de Silva Telephone; 447584
Printed by Ananda Press 825, Sir Ratnajothi Saravanamuttu Mawatha, Colombo 13. Telephone: 435975
CONTENTS
Norway as International
PāĒrāk Northern Ireland (2) 구 Asian Female Leadership (2) 11 Womanhood (2) 13 UN and War (2) 15 COTT1UniCatil fora
NW World B

Page 4
as the island's own army. Prabhakaran, who was locked up in a Delhi hotel until LTTE acquiecence was obtained, never forgawe Mr. Gandhi for this gross betrayal and the humiliation that the "Tigers" had to suffer. He settled scores - his Way. After, all Rajiv had also betrayed his mother who had trained the Tigers' tofightJayawardene'sрго-U.S. геgiпе. Jayawardene is alive. He did not use the "Tigers" for his purposes and discard thern. As a Sinhalese leader, he had done his job.
President Premadasa had helped the LTTE with sophisticated Weapons to fight the I.P.K.F. because the huge indian military presence had allowed the dormant J.V.P. of Rohana Wijeweera, a Che Guervaris revolutionaryin the 60's and 70's to re-appear in a new, ultra Sinhalanationalist uniform. He was now am antij-diam militant leaderim the SarThe Luld as the ati-Wietnam Pol Pottistists. Once the I.P.K.F. was forced out, Premadasa allowed the army to go for the "Tigers".
The "treacherous Premadasa" had to be punished. The "order" activated Pottu Amman's department. An LTTE undercover operative infiltrated the President's household. The presidential paEtern of behaviour was studied. On May Day, Premadasa the punctilious perfectionist personally supervised his constituency's regiment as it joined the long march to Galle Face Green. The pattern of behaviour was known. Mr. Premadasa was conformist. The Suicide bomber had only to wait. A film of the scene that morning is a tribute to the LTTE's covert agency and its "assassination" unit.
Mr. Gamini Dissanayake was not only proud of his role in the "India-Sri Lanka Peace Accord" but publicly boasted about it. And he had been doing just that in recent weeks, certainly after he was chosen opposition leader and then presidential
Candidate. The CE WOuld be domini апd-peace"issше, red not only to del “peace accord" argue that Indiana ssary, active Cool StarCe Were ne Ces conflict. He explai rsation frank andf
BցD.
Watching T.V. in mabad, Was amaz Sed ConTTetatOTS the possibility of LT Sri Lankan acad. astoundingly naive sination Would no talks". The choice ( the timing and the irr blished a patently thought, between t the Dissanayake ki number of "innocer larger here.
MESSAGE TO CH
The Salient dif larger motive. The ssed to the g Scores Were settl ke. The 50 dead i Ilderto Prime Min that her capital party barely mana percent (50%) mari polls in mid-Aug. UN PI WOT 44%. T survives on then Tamils, Muslims, m t0 attract the Indië 300,000 tea estat mber ninth. She LTTE will allow ty thousand Tamils i the polls.
She Would feelc tive President if th double the 400,00

mpaign, he kпеW ted by the "warand he was prepaend his role in the negotiations but dvice and, if neceIeration ard aSSilsary to resolve the led this in a conve"ee, justafortnight
a hotelroom in Islaed to hear Delhi-banonchalantly reject Einvolvement, and mics express the View that the assasaffect "the peace lf target, the motive, Podus operandestaobvious parallel, he Gandhi "hit" and Illing except that the hts' dead Was much
|ANDRIKA
Ference lies in the message is addreovernment, while ad with Dissanayathe city is a remiister Kumaratunge is Vulnerable. Her Jed to reach the fifty at the parliamentary ist. The opposition he P.A. government ational minorities - Iost of all. She hopes n Tamil Wote, about | Workers, On NOWealso hopes that the so to three hundred the north to go to
mfortable as Execu
P.A.'s majority was
0 at the general elle
ction. And then? Back to war-war. Or talk"peace from a position of strength", the Premadasa option. Mr.Prabhakaran had given notice that he is one tiger that cannot be taken for a ride. As Sinhala opinion takes a strong anti-Tiger, antiTamil character, the prime minister adjusts her own line on the army.
In a BBC interview on October 18th, she said "the army till now, that is for eleven years reigned Supreme. They have been a government unto themselves". But now she has changed the line to concede ground to the armed forces. Mr. Pottu Amman would surely hawe had something to sayin his daily intelligence summary to the Supreme Commander.
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Page 5
GAMINI DIS
Ceylon (Sri Lanka) was the model colony of the British,th compact little laboratory. Universal suffrage was introduc European countries.
The surprising failure of the Marxist movement, though Sri Lankan generation, was as much a tribute to the pre genius, its gift for adaptation. In any case, our Marxists, educational system. That era ended in 1977 with the col the Bandaranaike administration at the hands of the "new Dicky" quite early in his political career.
Sri Lanka was the first South Asian country to enter wr described at least by students of "the Third World' as th Is the battle-Cry. The multi-purpose Maha Welli project was
GaminiDissanayake rather than Ranasinghe Premadasi of that "new" UNP. The populist Premadasa was somew would have been more comfortable in the company of S standard-bearers of the "new thinking" that was destine Soviet Union and doctrinaire socialism.
In the excitement of the "impeachment" move and its was remarkably quick. He was easy to talk to and Intervis at last where he was going, the path was clear. And the of mourners; the formal tributes, and the mass support
ultimate tribute.
ECONOMICS
Foreign Capital: Waitin
(A short excerpt from an E.I.U. report)
Bureaucracy: The bureaucracy is heavily owermanned and grossly under-managed. It is not only a drain on government coffers but impedes the growth effort at all levels. No progress at all is likely here, given the political leverage that civil servants exercise in Sri Lanka.
infrastructure: The outgoing goveTiment had no clear-cut policy on build-operate-own or build-Operate-transfer projects, hence little progress was made in attracting builders for badly needed infrastructure Works. The bureaucracy is also hostile to such projects, This is a legacy of the island's socialist past that the new regime will not find easy to
WESTCOTTE
Taxes: Tax reform over the past decade has radically altered the fiscal scene in Sri Lanka, with corporate taxes cut in favour of indirect taxation. But further reforms are needed to take the island into the 21st century. These are unlikely to be
forthcoming. The go funds for its Welfare print money and so also raiSB taxe:S t0 ni of the two is the IO:
o Foreign invest incentive package which offers 100% industries and tax. CC to be tampered with. regime will not take.
a Foreign trade
ntrols: The rupee is ble for CLITTÉrmt tramSE restrictionS On the remain, with full Co years away. The g to modify the regim Colombopledged to restrictions oncurrel engaging in discrimi пgeппепts by accep IMF article WIII. HOW
 

SANAYAKE
egreatest of modern empire-builders. It was also London's :ed to Ceylon long before it was a right enjoyed by some
led by the most brilliant and the most dedicated of that -emptive British intervention as to the native Sri Lankan Trotskyist and Stalinist, were also products of the British lapse of the United Front and the ignominious defeat of "UNP, the UNP of J.R. Jayawardene, nicknamed "Yankee
at has been hailed as the American Century, but is better le MF.Morld Bank era, Economics in Command. GrOWith Gaminil's monumental contribution.
or Lalith Athulathmudali was the authentic representative hat out of place in the Sri Kotha of JRJ. Ideologically, he WRD or Dudley Senanayake. Gamini, like Lalith, Were the d to sweep the world of the 1990's and sweep away the
collapse, Gamini, lost his usual cool. But the recovery aw. Though out in the cold, he had a new poise. He knew n came "the Day of the Tiger". The long, winding queues
that Srima, his sucessor, is likely to receive will be the
g Till February
Wernment also reeds
programme. It could fuel inflation. It could meet its needs. A Trix st likely outcome.
пnent: The present For foreign investors,
ownership in most incessions, is unlikely Tatis a risk tre W
and exchaпge соalready fully convertiactions, but exchange capital account will nvertibility still a few overnment is unlikely e. In March this year refrain from imposing ttransactions Orfrom пatory cшгтепсутагтаting obligations under ever, given that it will
need cash to fund Welfare programmes, it may baulkat reducing the maximum tariff from 45% to 35% in fiscal 1995, as Was scheduled by the previours regime.
o Privatisation: The new regime is unlikely to proceed with any further privatisation for the present. This means that the two state banks, the two insurance Companies and the national carrier Air Lanka will stay in state hands. It is a setback, but not a disaster for the privatisation programme, which has already seen some 42 state firms privatised in the last three years.
a clear picture of the new government's intentions will emerge only when the fiscal 1995 budget is presented to parliament in February next year. Both the government and foreign Capital hawe five months in which to take up their Tinds or how to co-exist.
(Economist Infalligence Lirii)
3.

Page 6
OONPIIOT
Norway as international
Jan Egelands
(A talk given at the Royal Geographic Society, London on:
ÖTIČetirTes real-life ewerts are lewe
more amazing than fiction. At least this Was the feeling of the three srall groups of individuals who were gathered in the Gowermrent's Guest HCLUSE ir Park Weier in Oslo on the night between the 19-20 August last year. The main participants Were four Israeli and three Palestinian peace negotiators, hosted by a Norwegiam Thegollating learn of four.
The evening of the 19th of August opened With an official dinner hosted by our late Foreign Minister Johan Jorgen Holstir honour of his Israeli Counterpart, Shimon Peres. The Conversation rawalved around general Norwegian-Israeli ties. Those of us who knew what was to happen after the dinner guests had taken their leave could think of nothing else.
Just after midnight, the Norwegian NationalSecurity Police escorted the Palestinian and Israeli negotiating tearts in the back Way. They brought with thern the final, agreed version of the Declaration of Principles signalling peace at last between Israel and the PLO. The last points of Contention had been resolved only LLLLLL LLaLLLLSS L LaLL aaaL LLLLLL aLLLLLLLa Secret round of negotiations in Oslo. At one o'clock in the Torning, Peres with his advisers and Security guards rejoined the small group after an hours restin his room downstairs. He was present as an observer when the two heads of the negotiating teaTS, Abu Ala of the PLO and Uri Savir of the Israeli Foreign Ministry, together With Johan Jorgen Holst initialled the historic Declaration of Priniciples. A greeting from Chairman Arafat was readaloud. No more than 20 people were present, many of whom had regarded one another as enemies only a few months before.
The following day, the two parties again sat down quietly at the negotiating table ir Oslo, this time to start Work Com ar agreement that was equally revolutionary - the Declaration of mutual recognition between Israel and the PLO, which was to transform the two parties from ariermies into neighbours. This was followed by further rounds of secret negotiations in
Jan Egalands is Norway's Safe Secretary,
4
Osloard Päris as: in the peace proce: ultimately lead to Fo refTarkable shuttlä actual letters of r Prime Ministër Rabi
Stor The threg Week: momyini Oslo, the grc Chamel" had Swol Who atter ded the li the Declaration of Pi White House in W Rabin and Ya SSer before the eyes of r televisio'r Wig Wier S.W COficiliation of two ni very symbol of enmi
The five-year frart Palestinian self-gow HE WEEK WES ssed throughout thi OrSasked Wet1gr Survive at all. Many Palestinials and is postpone negotiatic). ntal Controwersial qu of Jerusalem and th in the occupied terr And, how did Norwa to be in the Centre of political drama?
To answer this a back imli tirTeltis irm We find the primary
Way bacame involw CeSS by Winning the parties. The Norweg poly shocked When til about the fate of t Holocaust. Many felt bEEf disse for lå i during the Nazi occ used her position in the establishment of
There was a partic cal affinity between the WO Countries. TE by Dawid Ben-Guric of the same form of as - Norwegian socia personal ties grew

peacemaker
5, October.)
W, decisivE. EleTets SS fell into place and reign Minister Holst's
diplomacy With the ecognition between ril adrid ChairTillar Ara
Safter the SecreteCreup from the "Norway len to 3,000 people ghly public signing of inciples in front of the Washington. Yitzhak Arafat shook hards millions of astonished We Witnessed the reEr Who) Plaid bJ231 the ty and hostility.
1ework agreement on er et i Gaza är analyzed and discu2 World. COTrentathe agreement could WOrdered FOW the aelis could agree to Ils or such funda ITEestions as the status e Jewish settleTents itories for two years, y - Of all polāCES COTE SLI Chi ar ir terrħa li real
uestion, We must go Jur recent history that reason why little Noed in the peace pro3 Confidel Ce Of both iam people Were dealey learned the truth he Jews during the that ICTE COuld ha WE Jewish neighbours upation and Norway the UN to advocate ISTäėl i 1948.
Lularly close ideologiha LabOLUT Parties of le society developed in Was Seen as part de Crätic: SOCialliST a democracy. Close up between, among
others, Golda Meir and Norwegian party secretary Haakon Lie.
However, after Israel's occupation of the West Bank and Gaza in 1967, a growing number of Norwegians felt our policies Were too indiscriminately pro-1- Sraeli and lacked solidarity with the Palestinian people. Among those who urged thata betterbalance should be found Were Foreign Minister Knut Frydenlund and his
State secretary Thorvald Stoltenberg.
In the late 1970s and early 1980s, when Frydenlund advocated that Arafat should SpÉāk ir the UN, met Arafat face to face and permitted the PLO to open an office in Oslo, he en Countered strong opposition, even in our own Labour Party. Nevertheless, the rapprochement between NorWay and the PLO continued, with regular top-level contact betweer the lādrs f Norway and PLO leadership.
For a long time, our own fundamentalists on either side took turns criticizing our close Contacts With the "occupying forces" or the "terrorists". It probably seems paradoxical to these Sarne fundamentalists that it was Norway's close ties with Israel that made Norway so interesting for the PLO. Conversely our direct contact with Yasser Arafat made us the chosen "back channel" by Israel. There were countries with gwell closer Contact With the PLO than Norway, and others that were less critical of Israel, but these relations often lacked the extra dimension that Norway had.
Several PLO delegations wisited Oslo in 1991 and early 1992, and asked for Norwegian facilitation of direct contact with Israel at meetings with the then Foreign Minister Stoltenberg and myself. Delegations included Feisal Husseini and Hanna Ashra Wilfrom the Territories and Nabil Shaat, BaSsam Abu Sharif āmid - the soon to be secret negotiator - Abu Alla from PLO headquarters in Tunis. When the Social Democratic government in Sweden fost the election in 1991, the outgoing Foreign Minister Sten Andersson a Close PLO contact advised Chairman Arafat that NOTWay Could Sewe aS a Chiarriel to the Israelis, like the Swedes earlier had facilitated contact between the US and the

Page 7
PLO. Our contact with Israel Was also renewed and intensified at the beginning of the 1990s. A new generation of Israeli "doves" had grown up within the Israeli Labour party which won the elections in June 1992 with a clear peace Tandate.
Together with the Director of the Norwegian Trade Union Centre for Social Sciemce and Research (FAFO), Terje Rod Larsen, and my Colleague Mona Juul, l offered to the new Israeli Deputy Foreign Minister Yossi Beilin in Tel Aviv in September 1992 to helpo establish - a - Secret channel to the PLO. We Were able to provide the perfect camouflage for such a channel; the extensive standard of living studies carried out by FAFO in the West Bank and Gaza.
It was, until January 1993, banned by law for Israelis to have any contact with the PLO. Nevertheless, Mr. Beilin realized that there had to be unofficial contact between the parties, and he had brought an "unofficial"friend to oursecret meeting, professor Yair Hirschfeld. Little or nothing had by then been achieved by the official Middle East negotiations initiated in Madrid in 1991 by the United States and Russia. The Israelis shared the frustration Overa stalled process with the PLO, which was prevented from participating as an organization in the negotiations under the "Madrid for Titula'”.
After several further contacts with the parties by Mr. Rod Larsen and us in the Foreign Office our Norwegian channel Was accepted as a possible Supportive and complementary secret tool for the public and official Washington negotiations. It was two courageous Israeli academics, Yair Hirschfelt and Ron Pundik, With personal links to Yossi Beilin, who carne for the first meetings with Abu Ala and two colleagues from the PLO in Sarpsborg, Norway, January - March 1993.
CILJr quiet Teetings prowed to hawe several advantages. The news media Which focus on What divides rather than What Lumits Wrg mot im Wolved. There: WS no time-consuming diplomatic protocol to be followed and no speeches to the gaHery. The participants in the official and public negotiations appeared to spend 100 per Cent of their time blaming one another, whereas the negotiators in NoWay spent at least 90 per cent of their time awake, meals included, in real negotiations. The many mutual provocations and acts of Wiolece in the field did tot derail the efforts of the secret negotiators
as they did the offic ngton.
Close cooperatio usto offerthe partie opportunity to den happened, if necess red to keep the sec tions broke down. because both sides hawe disastro Luis re: news of secret neg. to be leaked before FAFO'S Studi5 fi the ideal official exp Wisits to Oslo from Would otherwise has
Since then, the Norway. However, emphasize that olur. of facilitator during ti the Declaration of for achiewing an ag parties, their courag negotiators. We wer can claim neither p as regards the text (
The parties must lider the main = respoc up the agreement. H make Norway's pres less central. FrequE still receive request stance, internationa rwar:5 t0 HOTO ad
Norway currently nship of the Ad Ho Of donor COuntries financial support for rent. The World dged about USD tw. stance for the five ye the Oslo agreemer become closely inw Silent of a Palestir blems associated throughout the Midd and other humanitar
In August, was a tangible fruits of the Gaza. The process agreement may haw its results are no les: Jericho are noW aut an independent Pa tidn. More than six t police Ter hawe tak from the Israeli arm COTT HOT at låSt. projects are under W.

ial channel in Washi
With FAFO embled s"deniability", i.e. the y that anything had sary. We were preparet forever if negotiaThis was important, feared that it might sults at hole if the bliations in Oslo Ware possible agreement. wing conditions were lanation for the many Tunis and Israèl that fe aroused suspicion.
Darties have praised there is reason to "ole was primarily one le process that led to Principles. The credit reement goes to the Ousleaders and able the "Ti WWes' W) alernity nor maternity of the agreement.
therefore also shouInsibility for following
Owever, this does not
sent or future role any 2ntly, the "midwives" StO COOrdinale a SSmeetings or obseelsewhere.
Поlds the ChairmaC Liaison Committee which are providing Palestinian self-goveCommunity has pleObillio in SLChaSSibar period covered by it. NorWay has also Olwed in the gstabliilan police force, proWith Water supplies le East, and refugee iar SSLIEs,
ble to See, first-hand, peace agreement in culminating in the Ebeer drar Tatic, but Samazing. Gaza and Onomous areas With |estinian administrahousand Palestinian Ken Ower the streets y, Yasser Arafat has The first development
ray.
Nevertheless, there is still along way to go, and at times it is easy to feel somewhat disheartened. Both the Israeli Labour party and the PLO hawe lost ground to the "hawks" on both sides. Pessimists are predicting renewed confrontation, which would result in further Uncertainty.
It is therefore important to bearin mind that, just as the negotiating process has been through various phases and Setbacks, implementation of the agreement isbOUnd to Teet With dificulties. Wemust not forget that progress is being made towards peace throughout the middle East, as most recently illustrated by the understanding reached between Israel and Jordan. The Gordian knot is finally being untied. Peace has at last been given a chance, and the whole region will newer be the same again.
Thus, the Middle East could become a example for the resolution of conflicts in other parts of the World, a model that is more Sorely needed now than ever before. The "Norway Channel" demonstrated how a small country with no pretensions of changing its status can bring parties to a conflict together for talks when they are reluctant or unable to reach compromises through the CumberSome, highly publicized process of conference diplomacy.
We must realize that What the British and the Norwegians call the "post-war" period has in fact been one of the bloodiest in human history. Some two hundred wars haWe been Waged in this period, nearly all of them in the Third World. Our shortcoThings in building and keeping peace make it necessary for us to intensify our development assistance and diplomatic efforts to alleviate the damage and suffering caused by existing conflicts.
The Cold War is over, and the threat of nuclear annihilation through a superpower War is greatly reduced. In Britain and Norway. We breath easier, But around the World the insecurity and the suffering continues. In my opinion there is no issue which underscores this more than the agony of those thousands of civilians, Women and children, who every year are wictims of antipersonnel mines. Landmines not only kill but mutilate horrendously, strike blindly at all human beings alike. And landmines continue to spread terror for years or even decades after hostilities hawe elded.

Page 8
Land Mines
Today, land nines are being laid faster than they are being cleared, and the ratio of mines laid to mines cleared is only going toget Worse in the future unless boldsteps are taken.
The international community must deWote much greater attention and resources to tackle the serious humanitarian problem relating to use of antipersonnel mines in Conflict areas.
Norway as Britain has for many years been involved in UNpeacekeeping operations and mine clearing missions and has had the opportunity to get first hand experience of the Consequences of the widespread and irresponsible use onlandmines. Since 1989, the Norwegian Government has as part of its humanitarian assistance, Lundertaken demining operations in War ridden areas, like Afghanistan, Cambodia, Mozambique, Angola, Eritrea, Somalia and Northern Iraq.
Morower, We favour establishing a voluntary international trust, administered by the United Nations, to promote and finance information and training programmes relating to mine clearance and to facilitate the launching of mine clearance operations,
It is also important to strengthen the legal basis and authority of the UN 1980 Weaponry Convention, that ia, seeks to regulate the use of antipersonnell mines. Today, non-detectable landmines which do not have self-destructing or self-neutralising capability are posing the greatest danger to civilians. Modern technology applied in production of anti-personell mines Would not have any problems in meeting criteria set for detectability and ITECharlissist Jensure Self-nautralisation. Agreement on certain norms to restrict production and use of mines would require an efficient Verification regime to be developed to enforce such provisions. Additionally, We should take great efforts to ban the use of booby-traps against civilian population. A booby-trap is designed to kill or injure unexpectedly when a person disturtos or approaches an apparently harmless object, and any use of such a Weapon against civilians is ablatant violation of international hurtianitarian law.
Al additional Teasure to Curb the dånger relating to the use of landmines, is to prevent access to landmines by all those entities which do not comply with International law. Norway considers Su
6
pplier Control TheaSLu ry and does suppori urilateral moratoria ldmines not in Col standards Tientione
The effect Of I li farming communitie long-term. It is imp that these commur choice - to stay an Tir ES, OT to abando ral TemberS of Subs Inities the latter is Consideration, In oth Of land haWE OBET decades and is still and internally displa turning home.
Refugees
ThLUS, better Contri rSonnellies will CC efforts in preventing ment of peoples. A 1920s polar explorer Nansen, became t ssioner for refugees пges are, iп пy vi promoting peace, hu lopment as the rimas of our tie.

IreSaSOStreCSSathe establishment of
On the export of laformity with the new d.
les. On low incote S is devastating and Ortant to under Stad lities have only one di Surwiwe de Spite the mtheir land. For Seweistence rural CommuhÖt éven a Serious егcases, hшge areas lade irlaccessible for preventing refшgees ced persons from re
ol of the useofantipeintribute greatly to our
the forced displaceAs long back as the , and Scientist Fridtjof le first High CornmiS. Today, few challe2W, as important for Iman rights and dewesive forced migration
Looking ahead, my efforts in this field are inspired by a political goal and a humanitarian drear, but at the same title by a profound fear.
My goal is for us to reinstate refugees and migrants in their rightful place on government agendas all over the World. The fate and the future of the displaced and the homeless should be seen as part of all and Second to none of the major internationalpolicy issues, includingsecurity and economic policies.
My dream therefore is to Tobilizesuffcient international political and econotic resources for the fate of all displaced peoples, including the many so-called "forgotten refugees". As Europeans we should not forget that nine out of ten refugees are neither European nor in Ешrope.
Recent events hawe dome more to COnfirm my worst fears than to promote my goals and dreams. The World is experiericing a nightmare of new Wars and new disasters. And nothing is as disruptive to our efforts to care for and help repatriate existing refugees as new, uncontrollable mass movements of people.
To be continued
Clowns Cantos - 8
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LJ. Karumatilake

Page 9
NORTHERNIRELAND (2)
The Treaty and afte
JOT Field
hat effects did the Treaty have?
First it clearly separated the two parts of Ireland. Many Protestants left the south, while the i2 Tilliol Catholics in the north found themselves effectively excluded from the Stormont (Belfast) Parliament. For the next forty years there was no real opposition in StorTont, which represented the interests of the dominant Protestant/Unionist majority. Secondly the Catholics began to Towe to the towns to Work on the burgeoning textile and engineering firms. They were notable to get the best jobs, but stayed because conditions Were better than South of the border and because, after World War II, the Welfare system was infinitely better. Thirdly the IRA nurtured its yearning to Unite the island. Having forced the abandonment of the original terms of the Government of Ireland Act the IRA split and in 1922/23 there Was a Civ| War Ir the south. The Irregulars were eventually forced to yield, but never accepted the Settlement. In 1931 they were declared illegal, but maintained their organisation, turning their attention after the World War once again to the theme of unification.
For a while this cause had little resonance in Ulster, but by the 1960's the Welfare state had created a Catholic Tiddle class which became increasingly dissatisfied Over poor access to jobs and housing. At the sama time the growth of the civil rights movement in the USA gave an impetus to this feeling which was manifested in dèTIOTStrations and Violence. The |RA at this time went through a period of new thinking adopting a Marxist revolutionary line as a way of forcing change in Ulster. The IRA itself split over the use of violence into the "officials" and the "provisionals" - the latter arguing for terror tactics to force the creation of a United Irish republic. In the early 70's violence increased and British troops were sent to help the hard
A paper presented at the "Conflict Resolution" Seminar sporsored by the Larka Gardarad LAW AND SOCIETY TRLIST. John Field is UK, High Commissioner in Colombo.
pressed police. They med by all, including Still relain, their tas boy any group.Thern ir for Wiolence With 467 Were civilians, direc rister Was decreed. N Idum in 1973 ShOW majority for union wi
The di||BT||Tla forth had by now become not abandom a maje Irish population who the Union, but the IF forceda military resp opinion... lt also Tad TÖrg farful of thig C lding to the Republic: twenty years has struggle to try to fir impasse.
In 1972, the Gow nded and then, in regional Parliamenta duced the presentar Tule from Westminste intended to be perm We efforts hawe bee ThČāSLUTET Of deWolwE 1982 NO TE frameWork within W executive functions resumed by a 78-s Assembly and execl the Assembly took pl The Assembly was r rted by the Social De Party (SDLP), the m' (founded in 1973), a wed by the Govern (although the powers Assembly Were retai
On 15 November ngdom and Irish Gow Anglo-Irish AgreerThe Hillsborough Agreer of promoting lasting healing the divisions |list HFIC LITỉCJIllSt C[]| friendship and Coop

WWere initially Welcothe Catholics. They k to prevent terrorist
1972, the Worst year
de LS of WiiC 321 it ruler Westrilomethelessa refereed an overwhelming Eh the UK.
e British Government a quite clear. It could ority of the Northern Wanted to retain in RA's terror campaign Onse which polarised a the Unionists even опsequences of yіеan demands. The last been a Continuous Ida way out of this
ernment first suspe1973, abolished the at Stormont and introrangements for direct f.TESE WErEnBWEr Eament, and Successirade to restore a ad government. The and Act provided a hich legislative and might eventually be at Norther Ireland tive, and elections to ace in October 1982. 1ot, however, SuppomhČIČraticard LaboLr hain nationalist party md Was finally dissoIntent in June 1986 for convening a new ned).
1985, the United Ki'ernments signed the nt, also knoW as the Crt, ThiS had their peace and stability, between the lationammunities, fostering eration between the
two countries and strengthening security. In this binding international Agreement, both Governments explicitly recognise that any change in the status of Northern Ireland can only come about with the Consent of the majority. The Agreement also endorses the Westminster policy of Seeking devolution on a basis which Would secure widespread acceptance throughout the community, The Agreement Set up an Intergovernmental Conference (Serviced by a Joint Anglo-Irish Secretariat located near Belfast) to provide a frameWork for regular meetings beWeethetVO GÕVerretsat Mistria and officialleWels, This Conference enables the Irish Government to advance Wiews arid PropOSals On a range of political, security and legal matters, reflecting the concerns of the minority in the north,
Although still opposed by the unionist COTITUnity, the Agreement has increased Understanding and cooperation between the two Governments, and is a valuable forum for reconciling any differences. Separately from the Agreement, a British-- rish lntear-Parliamentary Body was established in February 1990 to consider political and Security Tatters, European Community affairs, ecolonic and Social issues, education, the environment, etc. This body has So far held six plenary sessions.
The Government has tried to transfer substantial power and responsibility to locally elected representatives. It has been prepared to consider any arrangeTents for the government of Northern Ireland, provided they were likely to prove Workable, stable and durable, Would coTThand Widespread support, and would provide an appropriate and fair role for both sides of the community. To this end, the then Secretary of State, Peter Brooke, spent many months in preparatory discussions with the four main constitutional parties of Northern Ireland and with the Irish Government, and announced on 26 March 1991 that they had all agreed on a basis for for Ital talks to address these iSSLS.

Page 10
Further discussions on pre-conditions delayed the start of substantive talks until 17 June 1991, and these lasted until 3 July 1991. The participants agreed the talks Were valuable and produced genuine dialogue. Their resumption was constantly delayed by speculation about the timing of the UK general election. A new round of talks began on 9 March 1992, and after a short hiatus for the general election on 9 April, resumed on 29 April 1992 under the chairmanship of Sir Patrick Mayhew, the newly appointed Secretary of State for Norther read.
The talks proceeded in three strands, each addressing one of the sets of relationships involved. The first between the British Government and the four Iain Northern Ireland parties, discussed the relationship between the people of Northern Ireland, including that between any new institutions there and the Westmiinster Parliament. On 6 July 1992, the Irish Government joined the discussions with the consent of all the participants, who TOWed to Consider issues in the Second Strand - the relationship between the people of Ireland. On 28 July 1992, the two Governments began discussing the third strand, concerning the future relationship between them.
This was the first occasion since 1920 that the two Governments and representatives of all the major constitutionalpaties of Northern Ireland had sat down together to discuss the political future of Northern Ireland. Although the talks closed on 10 November 1992 without full agreement being reached, the participants agreed that they had identified and discussed most, if not all of the elements Which Would comprise an eventual settlertlet. They also agreed that further dialogue Was both recessary and desirable.
This brings us to the Joint Declaration of 15 December 1993 - the so-called Downing Street Declaration - which has now opened the way to a ceasefire and a possible negotiated settlement. The Declaration is not a blueprint for a new constitutional arrangement: it is a set of principles which would underlie the search for such a settleTent. In it Britain states that
- it has no selfish strategic or economic
interest in Northern Ireland;
- agreement on the a United Ireland:
TeañS,
- the people of thi exercise Self-de basiS Offree COn: united reland "if
- Britairl Wi||IntrOdt
end or any other
For its part the Gl agrees that:
- Self-determinatio Whole ITlust bE agreement of the Ireland's populat civil and religious TinTurities,
- every effort must rhew SelSe of trl mmunities;
- recognises them
nist community. the presence in of "elements dee rthern Unionists";
- it will armend thë reflect the princip:
thers Irland,
Both parties agre Con the Creation ofins the people of Irelan in areas of Cortimor On the permanenten military wĪolence". TI that membership of about changes in th nship which would be
Ald SO WE COTE all Ounced on 31 AL rightly raised hopes proceSS Can begin, b t00 - COCerr15 al of the IRA's cotti because We can cor that it has taken thi position that the dec within the organisatic culate as to why the Chled. Has the IRA TE Wiolence Will not achi they believe that unifi take pola CE9? Are thi

2 future could include achieved by peaceful
e island alone could termination of the sent to bring about a that is their wish";
celegislation to this agreeпепt.
overnment of Ireland
for the island as a achieved With the majority of Northern ion and respect the liberties of both co
bÊ Tadde to build a Ist between the Co
isgiwings of the UnioAcknowledges also he Irish Constitution ply resented by No
Irish Costitutiolto ile (of CJ1SBehtir1 l N0
е опа сialogue and titutioStÕérable all di to "work together" interest as Well as dito the use of "parahey also recognise ECEU has brought e British/Irish relatio2 taken into account.
to the IRA, Cea Sefire gust 1994. This has that a negotiating ut also — and rightly ошt the регппапепсе tment. I say rightly clude from the time e IRA to reach this ÎSiOrl Was CCTIlEsted Jln. We can also spea decision was real2ally recognised that eve their air Ordo cation Wileventually ey, Lurhder poreSSLIre;
Protestant counter-violence has increaSed significantly and recently there hawe been more Catholic than Protestant deaths. The level of IRA activity has also been declining in the 1980's despite some Spectacular bombattacks. Certainly there Would seem to be a growing mood of anti-violence, fed by some equally spectaCular IRA mis Calculations in killing immocent bystanders. And also the Irish Government is showing flexibility,
This is perhaps a good point to consider the use of terror tactics and policies to Counter them. It is clear from the history of this struggle that the use of violence does not solve problems as deeply rooted as this. Ths only Way must be to try to remove the cause of the division. In the case of the IRA their campaign, far from remowing the division, has eTibedded it more deeply, introducing a cult of violence and radicalising several generations of the young. The link with international terrorist groups and the raising of funds by extortion has done nothing to promote democracy and responsible government. It has also Created a Protestant Counter-terrorist movement that is now thoroughly radicalsed and which could be a major barrier to negotiation. It would indeed be tragic and ironic if the next stage of the story is dominated by the Protestant terror groups created by the IRA campaign.
So how does one treat the root cause of the problem? For most of the 20th Century the problem has been discrimination. The solution must lie in eliminating it by promoting equality of opportunity, equality in justice and the rule of law, and in job creation through development.
The British Government has been committed to eliminating all forms of unlawful discrimination in employment in Northern Ireland and to promoting fair participation in the Workforce by both the Roman Catholic and Protestant ComTUnitieS. DiScrimination in employment on the grounds of religious belief or political opinion has been unlawful since 1976 when the Fair Employment (Northern Ireland) Act 1976 was introduced. However, by the mid-1980s, Government statistics were beginning to emerge which showed that, despite the fair employ tent law, Roman Catholics remained at a serious disadvantage in the labour Tarket compared with Protestants. Following wide consultation,

Page 11
the Government introduced a radical new Fair Employment (Northern Ireland) Act 1989, which came into operation on 1 January 1990. Under the Act, all firms with more than 10 employees must register with the Fair Employment Commission established by the Act; monitor annually the religious composition of their workforce; and formally review their employment practices every three years. Where necessary, firits must take affirmative action to ensure fair participation in their Workforce by both Communities.
The Act also set up a Fair Employment Tribunal to adjudicate on individual cases of alleged discrimination. A number of substantial awards and settlements have already been made.
The Working of the legislation is being continuously evaluated and is to be formally rewie Wed in 1995,
The Commission and Tribunal have, between them, wide-ranging powers to provide information and guidance, to investigate employers' practices and to preScribe affirmative action programmes. They can enforce the law by imposing both criminal penalties (fines and/or impriSomment) and economic sanctions (diSqualification from receiving Government grants and contracts). Employers' responses to the legal requirements have been most encouraging. More than 4,000 firms are registered with the Commission and are monitoring the composition of their Workforce. In 1993, over 1,500 companies are required to complete their first three-yearly review of their working practices.
It is also a criminal offence to stir up hatred on grounds of religious belief, colour, race, ethnic or national origin. Other legislation outlaws discrimination on the grounds of sex or marital status. The Equal Opportunities Commission as well as an Ombudsman and a Commissioner for Complaints investigatemaladministration by the central government and by local governments and public bodies reSpectively.
As far as the legal system is concerned, the Government deals with terrorism, from whichever extreme it comes, through the normal process of justice. In particular, terrorists are prosecuted only for the crimimal offences they have committed, not for their beliefs. There are no political priso
ES EST trial in open court. to the terrorist thre: since 1973, enact res, Which ara CL the Prevention of Provisions) Act 1 Ireland (Emergenc
Although a nu hawe boen necess because of the n Central principles the Crius lS Cin thể gшilt beyond reas defendant has the at public expense her own choice. B of juries in the past, are tried without a but there are powe the change. The j. a Written judgemen cting, where that is is an automatic ri Sentence con point: läW – in ConträStto re in the UK. The OŠTSOI to refTai. Si in limited circumst: this right can be attention; it will also O the individuāli tha isintended to count perSons to give rea: police and legal Courts conform wit pean Convention Human Rights and CdOTS, and With the and Political Rights.
An IndependentC Ce Complaints and : SSOr of Military Co have also been app is a formidable ap eliminate discrimina
The other part a been to provident raiSe the Owera||ley rthern Ireland now ha fB Bfld reCEswEs war pment grants. Fundi be nearly, 1 b||Hion - SOE 50%. Oft ГпПепt campaignst hawe achiewed reSL imWestments i haWe E education Northern

imprisonment without However, in response , the Government has, danti-terroristmeasurently incorporated in Гerrorisпп (Теппporary 89 and the Northern Provisions) Act 1991.
ber of modifications try to legal procedures ture of te Torism, the f British justice apply: prosecution to prove nable doubt, and the ight to be represented by a lawyer of his or cause of intimidation terrorist-type offences |ury in Diplock Courts, rful compensations for Idge has to set out in this reasons for Con Wihis decision, and there ght of appeal against of fact as Well as of the situation elsewheright of an accused lent is Taintained, but nces the exercise of dra Wri to the Court's hawe been Thade Clear t this will happen. This er the refusal of certain sonable support to the authorities, Diplock Article 6 of the Eurofor the Protection of l Fundamental FreeUN COwenant O Civil
:Ommissionerfor Poliin IndependentAssemplaints Procedures Olimited. AII ir all there paratus in place to tion.
if the campaign has ore employment and "el of prosperity. NoSa goodinfrastructuy Substantial develong from Brussels will over the next 5 years 2 UK's share. Goveaatlгасtпеwindustгу |lls, although not all Jean E BLIGCAS5, In reland now achieves
rather better 'O' - and 'A' - level results than the rest of the UK and the criterate is lower. The recent recession has not helped Ulster's development, but employment and educational statistics, particularly those relating to the relative position of the two communities, show that progress has indeed been made.
Some final thoughts
It will be apparent to all who have stayed with me this far that the Anglo-Irish "problem" is one with a long and complex past. There hawe, as is always the case in Such stories, been faults on both sides, but, although it is not easy for an Englishman to say, there has been much harshness from Britain's side. But as I said at the beginning, if we let the past dominate the discuSSion, We Condemn ourSelves to COintinued violence and death. NOW at last We seen to have most people looking forward.
It is also evident that the Anglo-Irish problem has passed through many phases. It has long since Ceased to have the colonial struggle element beloved of Republican conmentators. Norisita simple struggle between two religious groups. The essential problem now is how to find an acceptable constitutional settlement When the majority of the Northern Irish still vote overwhelmingly - as at the last general election - for the Union with Westminster. This is a vital point. A recent survey (1991) showed in fact that 35% of the Catholics preferred to keep the link With the rest of the UK. Furthermore Sinn Fein consistently polls no more than 10-12% in national and local election.
Art long other issues affecting a solution is the fact that Welfare payments in Ulster are greater than in Ireland. One estimate shows that Ireland's total income tax revenue would be needed to maintain the present level of payments to Ulster. The role of the Catholic church in Ireland is still wery powerful and this, too, is a SOLurce of concern in Ulster, The Joint Declaration has indicated that there are no outside objections to a settlement, but the key problem of finding a constitutional frameWork to bring this about has yet to be achieved. One thing is certain - and that is that one hundred per cent acceptability is unlikely, at least initially, given the passions of the past. So political leadership Will be essential.

Page 12
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Page 13
ASIAN FEMALE LEADERSHIP (2)
The Critical Variable
Lida K. Richter
"In India the easiest way for a Woman to enter politics is to marry apolitician". The 1989 Indian elections illustrated many of the key variables associated with the presence of Women in politics. Familial ties were also key elements even when the relationships were more like television's warring clan "Dynasty" than the folksy, Iowing "Waltons". While there are exceptions, such as Sikkim's chief minister, Nat Bhandari, trouncing his estranged wife Dil Kumari' during his party's total victory, Maneka Gandhi's successful campaign based on opposition to her brother-in-law, Rajiv Gandhi; and the feuding evident in the former princely family of Gwalior, the Scindias; in most families the ties were stronger than the differences".
Though the Congress Party complained of a shortage of female candidates, that was not the problem in Bihar, Chief Minister Satyendra Narayan Sinha saw to it that his Wife, her Tolher, är had his daughter-in-law all got tickets to run. The Jamata Dal Partyalso hadfernale candidacies linked to prominent relatives. Reshma Khan, the Wife of Lok Sabha İlçLITıbent Arif Mohammad Kharı, rarı for a Kanpur assembly seat.
Soprominent has familial politics becoThe that India Today noted: "The list of candidates for the coming Lok Sabha and Assembly elections Would make any gereticist Conclude that hurtal chrotoSOmes hawe am as-yet-Unidentified political gene. The roster of fathers and sons, sons and others sisters and brothers and sisters and sisters contesting simply goes on arld or".
T1 1989 Election WaS a Critica Orle spelling defeat for the ruling Congress (1) party both at the Centre and in several States. But the gender distribution of electoral votes was undramatic. The pundits professed to see significance in the 1.9 percent more females than males supporting Congress () and labeled the Jarlata Dal as a party"much Tore Tale Supported" on the basis of a female Wote2.3 percent below the Tlen. The B.JP Paಠ್ಠy Support by sexes was relatively even'. Clearly, a "gender gap" is not apparent.
In south Asia where female literacy is quite low, access to quality education is
Still Confined, markeo JuSt HOW "elit" TOS is reflected in the f English fluently (th leaders notWith star cases use English si the national languag
In India at the L Sabha level, WOTTE backgrounds, includ wing into politics but from Well-educated, lies. In the Philippine boles for Social class number of years of explained almost all Women in higher e tiono. In postrewolu Wieta, or the ofE class is less all iss mely Scarce in posit
In Thailand, the L nomic characteristic tes are misleading g ction IThilieu, The rhUIT sting elections look, mot in terTs of po strengthen parties fragmentation, parti field Candidates for available partia Tell by hiring "ghost cant Of the 362 WOTE ШПknowns from Bar to run in rural Consti Thai monarchy has a Wortlar, the Currer of succession. Desp Wewer, she is not exp brother in the rights
Associated. With style', Particularly ir high and even middl Ciated With liwB-irl Chi drivers and gardene in the private World med by other fem wants. Thus, there change needed by m Immodate WOmer Ir feSSiOral WOk... lrll fE done by this Writerin ristics of high levelf il Idia arid the F First, nearly all haC help and childcare.

2S
ily so, to the elite few. tofthese Women are act that most speak в Bangladesh partу ding) and in Some møre proficiently tham e.
k Sabha and Rajya With TOre diwerSB ing filmstars, are moTlost continue to be politically active famis the surrogatewariaі — for exaпple, the father's educationthe Wariance among duСаtion administrationary societies like år hard, Wflere Social IE, WOf Theri äre extreions of influence?'.
IFTlbert and 50ci0-eC0s of female candidaiven the peculiar eleliber offe Tales Cotes impressive but it is WEr. In äl Effort to and discourge their es Were required to ät lä5 Half of the Iary seats and did So didates". Thus "many in Cardidates Were gkok Who Were paid tuencies". Also, the for the first time put it princess, in the line ite her popularity, holected to displace her t0 til trore,
Social class is "lifedeveloping nations, e Social class is a SSOldcare, COOKS, maids, rs. Most of the labor of the female is assule relatives and Seis far less of the role ale Sin Corder toaCCOpolitical or other proLct, in a Survey study 1985, three characteemale administratorS Philippines emerged. full-title household Secord, Tost lived in
extended families, allowing more sharing of some female work, while those With LLaLLL LaLLLLLLL LLLL LLL GLLLLLaLLLL KLKS rage. Additionally, despite the strong social expectation that Women should marry, there was a strikingly high number ofsingle Women inprofessionaland.political roles, suggesting that hard choices were Thade in favor of careers over Tharria
ge.
Add the name recognition of their families, Wealth, and education beyond that afforded 99 percent of their sex, and one can Well explain why these Women were able to transcend their gender. Still, of those top leaders noted, except for Miss Jinnah Who Was unsuccessful in her bid for the presidency in 1965, all were Tarried, Widowed and/or mothers at the time they held political office or party office. Even Benazir Bhutto acknowledged that she would be far more acceptable politicaHy if married, and despitė her modermity accepted an arranged Tarriage. She is distinctive also in being the first elected chief executive to hawe a baby While im Office.
Still another variable seen as important in the acceptance of women in politics and their successful participation in elected politics in South Asia was the candidates' associaior With he independencemovaTer 7fs of their Wario:US COuntries. Romillä Thapar, Indian historian, has argued that Women in Asia are more likely to be active politically if their country has experienced a long struggle for independence. Her reasoning Was that the population as a whole is politicized by the long struggle and that many of the important nationalist families are likely to hawe their men in prison. Consequently female members of the family have to assume political and business roles, and even go to jail too as they struggle to take their husbands', fathers' sons', and uncles' places in the familyo.
There is some support for this argument in the number offerTale candidacies in India and Pakistan in the years following independence - and in the anecdotal accounts of many such candidacies. Even those not directly involved were politicized by the exa Tiple of their parents and friends running for office. Indira Gandhi, for example, recounted how as a child she would

Page 14
Stand On tables and give political haragues to the servants even as she tried to cope with the loneliness of being separated from her imprisoned parents. Even today, the Indian feminist magazine, Marushi, contends that there are two types of Women ministers: "those who belong to the tradition of freedom fighter families and others they describe as parvenue sycophants"*°.
Nelson Mandela quoted Jawaharlal Nehru to the effect that an experience of prison Was good training for leadership. Substituting for those iTiprisoned is also a political education of Sorts for the spouSes of those imprisoned, as Winnine Manodela or many of these Women could
testify.
For those mot a part of the independence struggle, the prison experience was both character building and a political education. Both the wife and daughter of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto spent time in prison and struggled to keep his Pakistan People's Party intact even as they confronted the threats to his life from the Zia government that OWerthrew him. After his execution, they inherited his politicallegacy and have reshaped it to a new generation of Pakistani politics.
Corazon Aquino had a longer political apprenticeship, Not only did she come from a political family and marry into another political family, but for over seven years during Which her husband Benigno Aquino was imprisoned by President Marcos she was his link to the Philipine political Scene. Thus, she was scarcely the improbably housewife figure the me. dia lowed to claim.
However, while an independence Struggle or imprisonment may politicize those Women and help the earn the respect and admiration of male and female peers, the experience may have little lasting effect on the percentages of Women elected and appointed to office. Some, like Indian scholar Kusum Nair, argue that for many female activists in the independence struggle the arena of coCern after independence was social and Cultural work, not political power. Yet, many of her contemporaries did stand for election and the percentage of female candidacies and victories was higher in the three general elections after independempe tham in Subsequent elections, But What of those Who did not run again? Did they lose interest? Was a new generation of Women looking at alternative careers? Or Were the political parties ess interested in promoting WorTnen per se? A study of Women in Indian magazine fiction suggests that following independence there
12
Wasa desocializatio that in the U.S. which to leave the work fi II, and Arlene Eise f15 War in Wierlär resurgence of tradit Ten. She says that
mowing into leaders ges Were resisted by "frogs jumping on th not a Essening of in an un Willingness to
part of mėn. This W. strains of unifying th With the more traditic dy recognizes Wome more difficult to acc govern". In the 19 scent of those nomin: female While only 2: the south Were fem: rate of female Candid Only area for which
percent Compared to Others point out that of the number offen Wita T is related to | of intellectuals now E ctuals having tended reflecting the greate had to higher educi declines in female re. being found at the lew that of the National
ple's Provisional CoL
AmÕither Wariable til to faciliate the emerg groupS is the struct Syslem. WorTeam haw sented in systems mbers of legislators zing proportional, mi father tham in single Why this should be: is assumed that in a number of seats, Wor by hawing Smaller te Can Wa SS för electiO simply ппоге pieces ( to alloCate Which mé are smaller and so the ambitious easier to: representation is aSSL for Women in much th Smaller parties and bëCause les Sotharlir results in proportional be more willing to list Onlines if Sea Weral rathET tham just 0mä,7 however, can beneith refuted in the south a C01 text bĒCaLSE TT): have single-membe| desh and Pakistan seats in their legislatu

'n of Worlům mot unlike encouraged Women 3rce after World War notes that, following I, there has been a tional values among after the War Women iproles in their Willaүппеп as if they were e altar." There was terest by Women but share power on the as COLupled with the 1E. TOTE liberä| Orth Inal South. "Everyboan Can Work, but it is ept that Women can 76 elections, 32 petead in the orth Were 3 регсепt of those iп ale. Still the rejection acies in the north (the data exists) was 26 18 perCent formen. the dramatic drop off hale office holders in the growing numbers Being elected, intelle
10 ble Tale -- in Lurm traCCESS Tea We ation. Equally sharp resentation are also elimmediatelybelow Assembly, the PedIrcis.
lät hä5 bBE1 Shown ence of neW political L're Of Y7ë éléCl'oral e been better repreWith Very large nuand ir Syster TS LUtiliulti-member districts -member districts. so is not clear but it System with a large men are advanlaged Irritories in which to 1S. Also there are of the "electoria pie" ly Tear the Stakes ! number of politically satisfy. Proportional Jmed advantageous le same Way it is for it is assumed that majority Support stil regains, parties may Women arTong their Seats are at stake These assumptions, er Substartiated Or ind southeast Asian st of those systems r districts. Bangla
do hawe T3Served refor Worner which
prevents the representation of Women from falling to levels characteristic of western democracies. Women may also choose, as the Bhutto Worther have, to contest general Sealso.
In conclusion, patriarchy, familial ties, martyrdom, social class, female lifestyles, the independence movements, prison experiences, and even electoral arrangements are characteristic Wariables which facilitate the emergence of top Women political leaders in south and southeast Asia. Though such factors may also explain the er Tiergence of sorThe male leadership in these regions, men seem to have a wider choice of routes to power, While for the top Women these variables seem to be the dominant patterns to poW.
(To be Cantinued)
Notes
14. || нila Today, 30 November 1989. 15, India Today, 15 December 1989, p. 32. 16. Ibid, pp. 15-51. 17. India Today, 30 November 1939, p. 82. 1H. Iblad, pp. 83. 19. India Today, 15 December 1989, p. 52. 2). Linda K, Richter, "The Status of Worrign in the Philippines in Daniel B. Schimer and Stephen Rosskam Shalom, eds. The Philippine Reader (Chicago:South End Press, 1987), pp. 135-40 21, "The Stalls of Wica The in Wielram," Chrisfar SCE
ry food Nuer 1987.
22. - Clark D. Nahar, "Thailard in 1985: PrHT. ParlBTEt and Political Pragmatism," Asian Survey, Wil, 27, ոց, 2 |February 19B7), բբ, քTH-31, 23. Linda K. Richter, "Women in Philippine and Indian Higher Educatican Administration," a papar giwr al LHE NGO ForLIITI, Nairobi, Kenya, 1985, 24, Benazir Bhutto, Daughter of the East (London:
Mardirini, 1949), 25. Fornila Thapar, Musliated Weekly of India (Fall,
157g); 26. Fita Marchancia, "Woman in Parlimer," Manush,
10, 47 (1938), pp. 28-30. 27. Nelson Mandela, ABC Television interview, 13
February 1990. 2B. Linda K. Richter, "Philippine Politics Fron Marcos to Aquino," im Carl H. LEInde, ed. Fe’Linkinga Mariam (Washington, DC: Washington Institule PrB55. 1987), 29, Kusum Nair, personal interview, Manhattan,
KËLr sas, 1 October 1989. 30. Linda K. Richter,"Robsol Womenir Indian MagaziCCLLMS SAMMMMM Lk CCLMM MLOO YYLMHGHS LHHLLS 12, n3, 3 and 4 (Spring-summer, 1977), pp. 81-94, KS SLLLLLLLS LLOHHHMHHMLLLCLLOLMkM LMHOM
(Londyn: Zed Books, 1984), p.242. 3. II, p. 5. 33. It
00S LLCM MMS SCCHLHSGLCC CMMMMeLMLleeL LMMM LLLLSS frons ParsiasTerritary Feresertalian, "a papor prgLGLMLLGHCLLMLMLMLMeLaLeMMLkLk LLLLLLLLS ir MEgling. Fars, My, 1985 also 58 R. Dary, BLär Well, if Br;"|'(; El(s, and Fepresentation (New York: Longman, 1987). 35, Craig Baxter, GowerTrent and Politics.

Page 15
WOMANHOOD (2)
Burgher Christian Vs. Si
Kumari Jayawardena
he Christian woman began to figure
in the polemics and diatribes of the period and in Works of fiction. European worthen were dismissed as Whores and the Virgin Mary was written about in obscene terms'. The Burgher woman became the standard stereotype of the Immorallempiress whonotonlyappeared in public with men, but danced and drank With them. When Weste Tized Sinhala Women began to dress in European fashion and socialize freely with men, they were denounced as loose WOThen who had been contaminated by Christian and Burgher influences. This mixture of race and culture was seen as a sign of the decline of the Sinhala nation seen in its most deplorable form in the behaviour of Women; if the Women were corrupt, then their progeny too would be corrupt and the Sinhala nation Would hawe no future. The protection of Sinhala womanhood against this degeneracy then becameone of the Thain tasks of the Buddhist revival.
This attitude is apparent in the Sinhala novels of the period, particularly those of Piyadasa Sirisena, one of the leading propagandists of the revival and a protege of Dharmapala. For example, in 1906, he wrote a novel Jayatissa & Rosalin that became one of the best-sellers of the time; Jayatissa, the hero, is a Sinhala Buddhist, While his fiance Roslin is Sinhala but Catholic and therefore, unsuitable as a Wife and mother unless she converts. All the Willains are denationalized rootless Catholics (with names like Donald Silva, Alphonso Perera and Wincent Perera) who try all manner of ploys to prevent Jayatissa from marrying Rosalin and converting her to Buddhism (Amunugama, 1979). Sirisena's novels are full of moral preaching, directed mainly toward Inothers and would-be nothers, concerning the necessity of bringing up children to be Worthy members of the ethno-religious community. His heroes and heroines, as Roberts notes, "give lay sermons, engage enemies of the Sinhala... in debate and emerge triumphant"; he also points out that "the corrupting influence of Burghers, especially Burgher Women. Was standard fare" (Roberts, 1989: p. 11). In Sirisema's 1909 novel Apata Wecchia De (WhatHappened to Us), a Sinhalayouth, Who goes from his village to Colombo, the capital city, gives up his studies for sports
and dancing, beca rries a Burgher girl;
mother sickens and happened to us," (p.15). In Maha Wy nfusion), also Writte a Sinhala Wortlan f declines into distre becoming the mistr is eventually reduce bу гераіring shoes | impliad that an ewE Would result from Would be producing mot be brought up
Buddhists,
Although Sinhala sness has passed th of emphasis during riods, this thérThe h; decades and has fo forms of popularart. the virtuous Sinhala astray by a loose popular televisions: a non-Sinhala or Bu bly corrupts the ma only from the path of but also (more imp duty, Marriage to a Creation of half-Sin children is seen as Sinhala Buddhistina
The concept of Woman Was thus CO stages of the reviv; concept of White ( WOmahood, TerE construction of a ddhist Wife/mother, ! and promoted by b lay Buddhists. There other acceptable ro a Sinhala Buddhistf Which is often clair doctrine, all'OWS SOT triarchy to Women v child-bearing agear Se to withdraw from formulations drew u the Buddhist traditio in diverse Ways to Іргорose here to out ctions: the Buddhist ted during the early list revival and ther

nhala Buddhist
Te a Wastrel and Паon hearing all this the dies. "Alas, What has Shis father's lar ent vula (The Great Coby Sirisena in 1909, rom a Wealthy family ss and poverty after 2ss of a Burgher Who d into earning a living p.254). It is of course n greater confession
these unions; they a progeny that would to be proper Sinhala
Buddhist Consciourough Some changes | the Subsequent peas persisted over the und its Way intoother In many Sinhalafilms, herois temporarily led Burgher Woman. In rials, an alliance With rgher Woman inevitale; he is diverted not filial and familial duty, Iortantly) from ethnic non-Sinhala and the ala or non-Buddhist a real threat to the tion.
a Sinhala Buddhist Instituted, at the early al, in opposition to a Jr Burgher Christian
Was Orne do Tirant "irtuous Sinhala Bluormulated, accepted oth the religious and ! Were also, hOWeWér, es for Women. Within amework Buddhism, ed to be a liberating le freedom Within pa"ho ha We passed the d to a few Who Choothat task. All these on certainstrands of but also responded опtemporary needs. imetWOSLuchi ConstrujWife:Wm-cother foTTulatages of the nationaother of heroic sons,
Crafted to neet the threat of the Current separatist struggle. I shall describe the traditions upon which they hawe drawn and illustrate them. With some exas Tiples. shall thereafter deal with two other approVed roles; the benefactor of Buddhist causes and the religieusesknown asdasa Satha5.
The Buddhist Wife/Mother
The construction of the ideal Wife and mother by the intelligentsia of the Buddhist revival Was Tlalde both in terms of Bluddhist values and also in terms of the Social and economic trasformations of the time. The construction Was thus one of a middle-class Wife who would be an asset to her husband, presentable in colonial society, modestly dressed, educated (but not too much, and preferably in English) and knowledgeable about Buddhism and local history. She also had to be an asset to her community in reproducing a new generation of good Sinhala Buddhists. It was important for the "new Buddhist Woman" to be appropriately middle-class in her behaviour and to be educated out of, "uncouth lower-class or ustic habits": a bad Woman, according to Sirisena, is one Who Scratches her head, laughs loudly, talks a lot, Weeps unnecessarily, eats too much, stands in doorways and wipes her face with the clothes she wears (Sirisena, Debera Kella). Justas missionary schools and convents were making "ladies" out of local girls, the Buddhist girls' schools undertook a similar project; the difference was that of religious atmosphere. Here we can also see a curious example of a congruence between the values of the Buddhist revival and the values of Victorian Womanhood that the colonizing power was trying to introduce. There is no doubt that the latterset of values played a part in the formation of the ideology of the revival, and that "Protestant Bluddhism" (as Gananath Obeysekere has called it in Gombrich and Obeysekere, 1988, pp. 215-222 and elsewhere) included reforms affecting Women.
Selected Buddhist texts Were used in the construction of this middle-class Sihala Woman and Tuch stress Was laid on the economic stability that Women could bring into social and family life. The emphasis Was not so much the Sensuous, beautiful Pапchakalyaпа image, but the
". 13

Page 16
industrious, thrifty, loyal Wife who ordered her husband's social and economic life, paying special attention to his belongings and property. An important Buddhist text used for this purpose was the Gihivinaya of the Sigalowada Sutta. The wife had to serve the husband in five ways: duties well performed, hospitality to the relations of both, faithfulness, watching over the goods he brings, and skill and industry in discharging her work. The husband has to be faithful and conscious of her needs, thus deserving her respect, and also must bring her gifts. This utilitarian emphasis on Work, discipline and thrift was also buttressed by the use of texts from the Anguftara Nikaya, where the Buddha States that a girl should be trained to be a Willing Worker after marriage, to revere her husband and be hospitable to his friends to be industrious in doing and getting things done, to know the capabilities of each one in the home and to be thrifty and safeguard the family possessions. As Harris has noted, "The teaching delineates clear roles for men and Women; the wife manages the hospitality and the household and the husband brings the goods" (Harris, 1989,
р.7).
This amalgarin of Buddhist and middle-class virtues is well illustrated in Dingiri Menike, another nowel by Piyadasa Sirisena. There, a Well brought up and Virtuous Sinhalayouth lays down the qualities he expects of a wife: that she (1) treasures Buddhism more than her life; (2) respects Sinhala family customs; (3) behaves in strict accordance with such customs; (4) is humble; (5) is satisfied with what is available; (6) ishappy and contented; (7) looks after the Welfare of others even at the risk of her own; (8) rejects all vices; (9) dresses in accordance with custom and situation; (10) is beautiful; (11) can read and understand; and (12) has a good knowledge of the Sinhala language. In explaining SOThe of these qualities, great emphasis was laid on a wife's duty to care for household goods and the family Wealth. She should hawe a proper underStanding of her husband's income and order household expenses. Within it; her attire must be in conformity with income; she must clean and take good care of the house and garden.
In the formation of this ideal Buddhist middle-class wife, a good education was Seen as being of fundamental importance. In Debara Kea, alater novel, Sirisena imagines the ideal finishing school for Sinhala Buddhist girls, which he calls Subhadra Vidyalaya. The school was restricted to girls over 12 who had had six years of schooling; this means in effect that it was for girls who had reached
14
puberty and therefo ctrinated into their e cted girls had to ha Thes; their ThotherSh character; their fathe traders, entreprene rwants Who Were te mblers. Class was ir ldren of Tianual Wor excluded. The curri based om a study of and its Classical te Kavyasekaraya with adwising Women om | and obediet. Budd With some emphasis persons, exemplified Sigalo Wada Sutraya management (cook ning), health care, Educalion Were InCl brought up with such tudes Would giwe biri Wedd Silla Childrer [[]. TESCLJE tFE SĩThā! Sent degeneracy" (I problem, as far as the of the ethnic group the production of Tiddle-class Childrer sted With the tasks of
Cing its Cause.
Wester MOTel C Easter Wife and M
One of the uUSL the period of nationa rika, 23 S Well as ir li local leaders obtai wоппеп iп the projє inventing tradition a ideal Aryan Woman. WETE diSSèrte Siti Were critical of Christ Colonialism, Were Sol ly involved in prom did histor Hindu Wife a famous of thern Was A 1933), who had earlie Socialist feminist an Control and high er et As her biographer krew "F10W, to Wear : Shoes in the rest of th 1963, p. 469). Shep education for Womer Todernize or take up of higher education Another such We; SWarri Wiwekaramda mate Margaret Nobl achievedfan lea SSis noted for her insist WalLJES for WOTT är Hindu family life, Dis education for Indian "Shall We, after Cer

Te needed to be indothmic roles. The SelleWe Aryan Sinhala naad to be of ble Teless as could be farmers, IrS or governmentseatotallers and mongaTiportant and the chikers Were specifically culum was primarily the Sinhalalanguage xts, particularly the its far flous stanzas marriage to be docile hism was to be taught S on the duties of lay i, for example, in the I, III addition, HOTE ing, sewing, gardechild care and sex Luded So that "pupils 1 knowledge and attith to good Well behaI Who Would grow up a nation from its prebid). The crux of the * Continue d'existence Was Concerned, Was
suitably socialized Who could be entrupreserving an adva
onstruct the |Ether
|al characteristics of list revival in Sri Ladia, Was the Support rhed from Western ict of restoring and nd constructing the These Women, Who air own Societies and ianity, patriarchy and mewhat paradoxicaoting the "ideal' Bumod mother. The Tost Annie Besant (1847!rbeer a free thinker, d champion of birth ducation for Women. remarked, Besat Sardals ir Irdia arid Ie World" (Nethercot, "Omoted a traditional , urging thern slot to the Western model and employment. StET I WÕTä WES 's disciple and Soul e (1867-1911), who ter NiWedita: She Was ence on traditional |d the idealization of SCQuraging Western Wor Then, She Said, Iturries of an Indian
Womanhood, fashioned on the pattern of Sita Or Sawitri,... des Cerd to the Creation of coquettes and divorcees?" (Nivedita, 1973. Wol. III:4).
Dharmapala greatly admired strong independent foreign women like Besant, Nivedita, Blavatsky and Theosophist Women because of their opposition to the Christian societies of the West and their admiration of Eastern religions. Theosophy Was associated with Women's emanicipation and many of the most famous leaders of the movement were charismatic Women like Madame Blavatsky and Annie Besant who were active in the Cultural, religious and political awakening in South Asia. Many Buddhist Theosophist girls' schools in Sri Lanka had, in their formative years, Western Theosophist Wonten as their principals and teachers. For example, Marie Musaeus Higgins, Hilda Kularatne (nee Westbrook), Clara Motwami (nee Irwin) and Lu Winson Halliday Were associated with leading girls' Schools - Musaeus College, Ananda Balika, Wisakha Widyalaya and Sri Sumangala, respectively. Significantly, these Women Were graduates of Western universities and brought with thern new ideas Om modern education as Well asfirTTI wiews on Women's right to higher education. The presence in the Buddhist movement of White Women who were, in effect, opponents of colonial domination no doubt gave it a greater legitimacy.
Although some Sinhala Buddhists had stressed traditional dress and codes of Conduct for middle-class BLuddhist WoThen, the need for Buddhist Worthen to be educated in both Sinhala and English was also recognized. The Sanghamitta School for girls was begun in Colombo in 1889, With an English Woman Theosophist as principal; it was superceded after her su dden death by Museaus College started in 1893 by Marie Musaeus Higgins (18551926); she was a German Theosophist who had earlier been a teacher at the Sanghamitta School. Her new school (with provision for boarders) gave a secondary education in English to children of the new class of Buddhist entrepreneurs, professionals and government servants who felt the need for wives and daughters, educated in English on the Western model. but in a Buddhist atmosphere. Here again the emphasis was on giving girls a selectiWe education in English with the airn of Creating an enlightened younger generatil,
The Evolution of Sinhala Buddhist Consciousness and Gender
Before directing attention at the other Construction referred to earlier - Wollar

Page 17
as the begetter of heroic sons - it is necessary to look at sortle of the massive political, economic and social changes that Sri Lanka has gone through since the beginnings of the Buddhist revival in order to locate this phenomenon in its setting.
A democratic political system based on Universal adult Suffrage was installed in 1931. The country gained independence from British rule in 1948. Since then, Sinhala Buddhist consciousness has been primarily directed toward maintaining the hegemony of the majority within the country and keeping the ethnic minority groups in a Subordinate position. At a political level, Indian immigrants of recent Origin Working in the plantations were disenfranchised in 1948. At the linguistic level, Sinhala was made the only official language in 1956; this effectively served as a barrier to Tamils gaining state employment. Entry to higher education was
subjected to a star that restricted therlL ning admission to Lu institutior 15 at the te ded ColonizatioW ethnic rations in pr. majority. These varic nation led to a crisis the country that final armed Conflict betw Tamil Tilitants. The pments posed the T flists of tfB Sillals tions in the field of g.
Economic develop la Teffects. Women hii: ngly a part of the
modern Sector. Bes roles in the peasar plantations, Womena Work force in garri
U.N. AND WAR (2)
No effective U.S. lea
HOrace Perera
he proximate cause of the Wars
in the former Yugoslavia Was the declaration by three of its constituent republics of independence from what was Called the Socialiat Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. Two republics, Slovenia and Croatia, declared their independence in June 1991 and the republic of Bosnia-Herzegovina in March 1992. In all three cases Serbia resorted to military action. Nevertheless, the E.C. and later other countries, including the USA, extended diplomatic recongnition to the three breaKaWay republics. The Serbian attack on Slovenia was repulsed in ten days but the Serbian War for Croatia continued inspite of cease-fires brokered by the E.C. or by Member States of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe (CSCE). The war for Crotiacaninasense, be said to have ended in February 1992 With a Peace Plan worked out by the UN mediator, Cyrus Vance, and by the deploWilent of United Nations Protection Forces (UNPROFOR) as a peace keeping operation. The Serbs, however, continue to control some twenty-five percent of Croation territory which the Yugosla
Å Sri Larakar based in Gerlava, The Wrister s a peace activist, specialising in UN affairs.
Wian army seized whi Wing the Croatian de ndence. UN Security hawe periodically rea Wereignty over thes: occupying them refus short of independer FOR troops hawe wit the two sides apart. E Tandate is due to E and the President of djman is vowing mot te. It is true that SimCE im Croatia hawe bee the ferocious fighting wina and the appalin accompanied it. Att attention of the inter ConCentrated on sec the Peace Plan by th plan which, for all pra been imposed on the Group" composed o ssian Federation air United Nations Ser should be given to the Which Wil|| result i ( ROFOR's mandate i
the unexpected happ Serbs accept the "diktat".

dardization process mbers of Tamils gailiversities and other tiary level. State-aiis used to change Vinces With a Tamil Lus forms of dis Crimi1 Ethnic relations in y took the form of an een the State and Se political develoamils as the antagoe and had implica2nder.
ments, too, had sintiwe become increasilabour force in the ides their traditional t sector and in the ге аппајorpartofthe int industries in the
Free Trade Zones and in tourism; they also form the bulk of migrant labour in the Middle East.
The effects of these new developments on the construction of gender hawe yet to be studied in depth. However, offer here one Construction that is a direct outcome of the militarization of the ethnic conflict: the concept of the mother specifically in the role of the producer of heroes who ready to offer their lives in the protection of their country, religion and ethnic group,
To be Continued
Notes
1 A roxolorius par Tıphlet barned by tha Cokxnial goveFTITIEint was "Kanni Marilyage Hati" (The Truth Babout the Virgin Mary). In the late 19th century, GW, Foole's Freethinker (published in London and popular in Sri Lanka) had ribald stories about worner biblical figures and other satires against Christianity,
adership
erlit interWenedfolloaclaration of indepeCouncil resolutions firmed Croatian so2 areas. The Serbs seto accept anything Cg, SO far UNPROSome difficulty kept But the UNPROFOR 2xpire in September Croatia, Franjo TuOrenew the mandaMarch 1992 events n overshadowed by in Bosnia-Herzegoatrocities that hawe Ie time of writing the ational community is Using acceptance of e Bosniam Serbis: a ctical purposes, has parties by a "Contact f the USA, the Ruld the E.C. in the ious consideration a explosive situation roatia if the UNPS tot TemēWed Or if als and the Bosnian Contact Group's
European Responsibility
Soon after the War for Croatia broke out the major powers, including the USA, decided that the E.C. should take primary responsibility for coordinating the Western response to the developing situation in the former Yugoslavia. This raises two questions. The first is "Did the E.C. at that time have the capacity to effectively co-o- rdinate the Western response? The second is "Why did George Bush, the "Liberator of Kuwait' distance himself and his country from a situation that could disturb the stability of Europe, always a Tatter of great concern to the USA." It is proposed toattempttoans Werthese questions in the order in which they hawe been posed.
The E.C. Three European Security Institutions hawe COCEermed theTiSelWes With the developing situation in the former Yugoslavia. These are the E.C. the CSCE and NATO. The first two did their best, acting within their respective structures and With their limited mechanisms, to restore peace and security in the former Yugoslavia and though not very successful have been commended in resolutions of the Security Council beginning with the first, namely resolution 713(1991). Actually at that time
15

Page 18
the E.C. lacked the TeClīSTS to discharge the responsibility it had accepted. LaCLLOLCL LLLLLLLLLLLLLLLL LLLLLLLa associated. With its efforts. This Was to ignore the fact that the Russians have be em CorSidered the tradi-alieS of the Serbs. Apart from co-ordinating its member state's policies in peace negotiations, monitoring a situation and peace keeping efforts the principal Weapon the Community could use was sanctions. In view of the steadily increasing Commercial relations between the former Yugoslavia and the Teber states of the E.C. it Was hoped that this would have an impact. It certainly did, but not to the extent of stopping Serbian aggression. Certain factors were most probably not given all the consideration they merited. Yugoslavia is relatively self-sufficient, it exports electric power; has a number of arms and Tunition factories of its own; apart from a fair number caches of World War II Weapons scattered over the landscape, and is therefore not so much in need of supplies of weaponry from outside. Furthermore, being a landlocked country its borders cannot be fully controlled. Consequently supplies, including oil, have been flowing across its porus frontiers with three of its large neighbours. Its Cease-fire negotiations hawe generally failed, as Lord Carrington, the Chairman of the first "peace process" complained in utter frustation that the Balkan leaders are ready to sign any document put before them with no intention at all of observing what the document requires of them. There is some support for this view as the Security Council has had not only to appeal frequently for respect for cease-fire agreements but even cornplained of "daily violations." In fact the violations of cease-fire agreements taken as whole by all parties to the conflict would qualify for a place in the Guiness Book of Records. Actually at the time that the E.C. accepted the responsibility for "co-ordinating the Western response" it had not the potential to discharge that responsibility effectively. Moreover it did not seek the assistance of, or even consult, the Russian Federation. This was a mistake in view of the centuries long links between the Federation and the Serbs and the feeling in Russian circles that it was being ignored by the West in important European matters. The E.C. Will probably, as a result of the experience gained, develop in the direction of being an effective instrument for co-ordinating the foreign and security policies of the European powers, including those in the ESt of that COitirert.
16
The CSCE consistin also tried to restore
in the former Yugos resolution and The were found inadequa ted especially after its rzegovina. One of Was the Consensus work. The problems indepth Study at SeW procedures and som гіпg appeагs to be
consensus principle With and the Council commissioners' Comr political action again thout the Consert of According to Step improvementS in SE agreed at the Prague 1992 Ed at the Hel: of the same year "all CSCE role in future
blet however, a CCOr is that in the post Co often looks innovati breakthrough, for the thing that should p аgreeduропаӀопgtiІ is to respond effectiv requirements of the Consideration is als given to making NAT Of the CSCE. SOLI place, would the CS NATC) for "BrfOrcET rding to Article 53 of enforcement actions regional arrangemen cies Without the aut curity Council....." C can ask NATO, or the Western Europe assist it in its peacek SLUIT upo it, Carl be S CSCE has not been WOLuld hawe Wished
the former Yugoslav play an effective role
NATO SStil Taintar that, SiC the end 0 lost the primary purp CrEatBd. In Wig W of th security threats in E ning in Yugoslawia, tł derable thinking in N Ssity, as Wojciech ML of transforming itsell alliance of the Cold W Organisation dedica security. This will n exter Sion ofits Ten

gtoday of 52 states peace and Security lawia, but its conflict diation procedureS te as the Warescalapread to Bosnia-Heis stumbling blocks rule that bound its it faced led to an eral meetings of its effective restructuOf the Cards. The has been done away of Ministers, or the mittee car decide or st a state even Wihe state concerned. el Wall Griffith5 curity mechanisms : meeting in January sinki Summit in July DW for a Tore active conflicts." The proding the same Writer ld-war period "What we, or like a great CSCE is only somerobably hawe been The ago," if the CSCE aly to the developing Dost cold-War World. Said to hawe beer O the "military arm" i such a linkup take SCE be able to LuSE) ent action" a Saccothe UN Charter "10 hall be taken under ts or by regional agehorization of the SeDCOUrse the CSCE some other body as an Union (WEU) to eeping activities. To tated that while the as effective as one it be in the Crisis in ia it may be able to
in futura Conflicts.
led inspite of the fact f the Cold War, it has iOS for Which it Was eerTergence of new urope, as is happehere has been ConsATQ 35 to the receltan has pointed Out, from a subregional arto an all European sted to co-operative nean, inter alia, the bership to include all
the states in Central. EasterT1 and Sou= th-Eastern Europe. In fact some of them such as Czechoslavakia, Hungary and Poland hawe already ben knocking on its doors chiefly because they do not want a Security Wacuum to develop which the Russian Federation may decide to fill. The Terterstates of NATO see to be rather Cautious as to the admission of states from the former "enemy block." The Russian Federation, on the one hand expressed concern about the expansion of NATO to its frontiers. Of the other hand it has expressed a desire to join NATO provided its position as a major poweris recognized and it is wested with all the powers within the organization which its existing me. mbers enjoy. Manfred Worner, the late Secretary General of NATO, is reported to hawe declared, at the arrLJal Murich Conference on Security Policy, held in February 1992, that what he rules out is the suggestion by Some to extendmembership or formal security guarantees ewen to SOTIE2 of the former Sowiet republics. Wario US proposals hawe been made regarding the applications of Some states for admission to NATO. Among these are "Associate Membership," the "Partnership for Peace" and admission to the North Atlantic Cooperation Council which was founded in 1991. This last is considered by some as a step in the right direction and by others as a Sop to "unrealistic ambitions." Considerable thinking has continued to take place in NATO. At its NOWETbg 1991 SLUTTiti ROTTE the Tg Was agreement on a step-by step institutionalization of co-operation between it and Czechoslavakia, Hungray and Poland. The Rome meeting also adopted a dOCLITlent Called "The Alliance's New Strategic Concept" which recognizes that the new security challenges are different from those of the past and are more likely to rise from Warious economic social and political differences as well as from ethnic rivalries and territorial disputes. With the extension of the warto Bosnia-Herzegowina a decision was taken that would permit NATO to support, subject to certaincorditions, peacekeeping operations of the CSCE "on a case-by-case basis," if requested. It will be seen later how from February 1994 NATO airpower was used to thTeate ad latET to Strike at BOSi Serb attempts to attack places in BosniaHerzegovina which the United Nations had declared "safe areas."
To be Continued

Page 19

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Communication for
Fernando Henrique Cardoso
(Emeritus Professor of Sociology of the University of Sao Pau
The island Inentality, stagnancy and mimicry of the Lankan intelligentsia - particularly its radical and progressive elепепts - huas prevente dit from understaInding or even referring to the importance of the victory of Fernando Henrique Cardoso in the recently held Presidential election in Brazil, a country of 120 million people. Cardoso, one of most prominent dependency theorists of yesteryear, since turned Social Democrat, is not only rarity in that he is a successful philosopher-politician', he offers insights into what could be a realistic Left prograппе — 5реcially, but not exclusively in the field of economic policy - in the current context of the collapse of Socialismin Eurid Continuance Of ('capitalist) povestization of the Third World. The Lord Guardian thanks Ohio State University's Rohan Sannarajiva, come of Our longstanding supporters, subcriburg and Occasional Contributors, for sending us this material. Calrdoso's speech is excerpted from 'Conn unigation FIT A Betler World: Brazilian Perspectives, edited by Joe Marques de Melo. The NYT piece was published in 1988.
We are on the threshold of a new era. Just as there was primitive accumulation referred to by Marx, where there Was pillage as an initial form of accumulation of capitals, there was an accumulation Lihat was Carried Out i ter TS of dirČIČt exploitation of man by Tarn. Only, today, this accumulation does not solve the problems of their timense mass of humanity that is mot provided for with the resources of intelligence, of new technology, and that is useless for the Wealth of the prosperous countries. Said in this Way, slightly exaggerated, it seems to be Something that hardly concerns us. It concerns "the others", those "overthere in Africa", those
A lecture given at the principal session at the XVIII aeLLMEL LeeeLOLTOHHLLL LuMGtkOLLuLeeuS for for Mass Corrirunication Research, Guaruja, August 73, 1992.
18
in "Bangladesh", wh; nitries, hÓWewer, aS | as Well as in the case so many more, there are not goՃdenDugh And, as they are not to be exploited, the Were, Hegel-like, to Tere is Tre T Where there is a m: the slawe i5 able 0 When the Tlaster is with these segment Which may be wery they were the "detrit this neWintertationa Same time WitreSsir the economy, the pe Tanist, the end of - or at least atomic W of this as well.(). W. marginalization of in through their incapa TSEelweeS iri tile Tha Today the main drive wholesale exploitatio TESOLITICS.
This is the reW W prosperOUS Sectors : all islarld all[id t0 bl migration, against th from abroad, AIDS tha funda Tentalist II according to the poir rational, Capable ol technological progre Ties a threat, powert
If you Were to ask Ilder CE? Wilfir fé пce, we are dealin. slaves. There was a exploiters and the E isanother phenorme conflict, but another a situation of a diffe beth OLIght Out ir ItS ra We Carlot old t0 hl historical era. The gr; dy of the Social Sci historicity of its con changes, We hawe ncepts, for in applyi to the new historical ower the inTipossibility

a NeW World
so and Senator of the Brazilian Republic)
atever. In Some COLthe case of Brazil, of India, Mexico and are also sectors that even to be exploited. I good enough even y remain, as if they one side of history. lasterslave dialectic. aster-slave dialectic, refuse the master. no longer concerned s of the population |arge, they are as if Js of history". Within | order, We are at the 1g the globalizing of rispective of new hi Lthe possibility of War ar — and the dpposite e are witnessing the mmense populations city of engaging theinstreat of history. 3 of history is not the of laborar lidmatural
Orld Order, in Which aspire towards being uilding walls against e plagLes that come or whatever, against eligions that are not, it of WieW of the lost ' being sensitive to SS, etc. Islan beCOy becomes a threat.
"me: how about depetheory of dependeg with masters and dialectic between the 2xploited. Now there nom that also implies type of conflict. It is rent type that should adicality of being new. a language of another andeur andthe trägeenCes resides inthe cepts. When history O dd:3WISG ; TGW, ICDing the old concepts moment, We Stumble of the fact that imagi
пatioп саппоt grasргеality. Iпаgination SOLIld bE Creat|WE in Order Ö als W LISO perceive on what plane new conflicts are positioned, for new conflicts there are, What we cannot do is to try and describe them as if they were like the old conflicts.
Thus, With the neWorderalditSCOSequences, the problem of the paradigms |s immediately jeopardized. In 5Ome Way, Western thought has always been proud, Supercilious, and always capable of imagining that reason should be able to contain the definition of globality. Whether Kantor Marx, liberal or socialist, there Was always an aspiration towards globality and to the domination of this globality by reason, through concepts that Would unify history.
I would say that the Social Sciences today, are a little more humble. Without going in the sense of the Vulgar postmodeis that I do not like, in the sense of fragmentation and radicality, of the refusal of the possibility of seeing the whole, they are endeavoring to rethink this Whole Without the pretension of knowing the end of the story, but with the conscience that it is mot possible, beforehand, to know the end of the story.
Who could foretell the crumbling of the Soviet Union in the way in which it occurred? Nobody. Not even the hundreds of Sovietologists, Americans of the highest quality that foresaw everything except this - nor the dissidents. One of these dissidents I am Wery fond of - Zimoniew, a Tathetiaticial Who Writes nowels, describing the Soviet World, he did so in the manner of Montesquieu Who maintained that every Social system has lawspeculiar to itself. Or describing the characteristic la WS of the Sowjet World, ZirTiOriew Corweyed the impression that this was an unattailable ard indestructible World. And, suddenly, all of that failed and led sociological reason to be slightly more cautious in its ambition towards globalization and in its certainly as to the main lead of history and the end of the story. In some way, We had to introduce to our paradigms, what the physicists who deal with tiny particles had already introduced long before: the notion of uncertainty. The certai

Page 21
nty of the triumph of capitalism and of democracy that guided the liberals was parallel (with the same degree of ontological aspiration), to the certainty of the socialists that imagined that class war would develop in a certain direction and that it would be possible to build a classless society. Both were certain. Today, neoliberals believe their certainly is proven. I think that they should be more cautious in defining the paradigms and in шпderstanding that there are very large degrees of uncertainty. It is necessary to introduce these degrees of uncertainty in the actual logic of the Social Sciences. There cannot be a theory of change Worthy of this name, with a capital "T", except with a certain degree of humility concerning how the mechanisms take place of the transformation of contemporary Society.
Many years ago, I Wrote an article Where said that We should think of change in terms of a short-circuit. We should have less confidence in the objectiWe factors that lead to the transformation of the subjective ones, or also that the infrastructure will condition the superStructure, or other ideas of this kind - wery Techanical. We should think that societies can change, as occurs in a fire. Sometimes, a badly-covered wire is enough for a spark to cause a fire and burn down a hOLISE.
I wrote this thinking of Nanterre, in May, 1968, where I was the professor of the class of"Dany Le Rouge", Daniel Cohn Bendit, one of the leaders of the movëment. Theories to explain how that occurred, why it occurred, have never conviced me, What felt Was that had taken partina short-circuit. There was no conductor wire between what was taking place, in a small college in Nanterre and what happened in the Whole of France, with the labor Lnīrs ir ebulti.
At times, in contemporary Society, so long as the Sociologists, the "politicologists", the anthropologists and practical men stop believing that they know how it is going to change, it changes almost accidentally. I say almost, because, obviously, I am not here dissolving the structural conditionings. What happened in Nanterre was immediately blocked, further om, by the action of General De Gaulle, who never forgot that in the final analysis, force rules. He went to Germany, where he assured himself of the support of the French forces stationed there, to
be able to carry ( French Communist inTimportant role puttir order to avoid the capacity to lead
Obviously, there are What leads to the f to the spark? It is v. starting from anamt rythatthinks it cant
Yesterday, in Br similar phenomeno stake in calculatio President of the R a spark. He asked f time society does support. Without me enormous Tlanifest Out int0 LF16 Streets, it was not necessary All of us complain Certain, Would nots Was Witnessing the
oping here, almost television novella, V ower in Brasilia, Wert of the population. Ti for some and shout ( the population did ni
Suddenly, mot thre the forces of the op a poorly thought-ou of the President, ap off that mobilized sc the time in contempo ned very recently ir are notprocesses th their effects, if they tionings, are also inc
The great issue t cting how society ch actual essence of the society? The great societies are highly ntation Tay OCCUr from spreading, as those steel doorstha spreading. Up to no the Social Sciences, ries concerming th almost all of them ( of communication in
In this type of seg allows the fire to Co segments of the str of intercommunicati extremely rapid mo Tnics of which depe COTTLumicatios. Tf

ut his reaction. Th3 party itself played an g a stop to all this, in
development of its the union process. structural forces. But rst shot? What leads ry difficult to foresee, itiousand proud theo|| the end of the story.
azil, We witnessed a 1. Yesterday, by a mion the part of the -public, he produced or support at the very hot want to give him aning to, he calledan ation against himself This was not written, that it should be thus. 2d that there was a ay apathy, but Society olitical process deveas though it were a where we, the actors, 2 followed by the gaze ley could even cheer )utagainst others, but ot take an active part.
Jugh the insistence of position, but through tigesture on the part rocess was triggered ciety. This occurs all rary society. It happel. Los Angeles. They at are predictable and lawe Structural Condiit foreseeable.
hat is posed in reflelangesis: whatisthe 2 forces present in this luestion is that these segпnented. Segпnehat prevents the fire here are in buildings, t prevent the fire from w We do not hawe, in more complete theoa change, because O mot take the issue lo a.CCOUnt.
Tented Society, what Sume a great set of Ictures, is its degree in. In these, there are difications, the dynald on the network of is, in turn, is subject
to highly complicated mechanisms of domination that should be better analyzed.
The theories of communication imagined that societies of contemporary masses, the result of Tlass production, by the globalization of the economy, Would generate passive actors in their great majority - Who are not even actors, spectators, which does not correspond to reality.
may not be wery popular to say So, but the Frankfurt school that so enthused me, was completely wrong. Because it was the first moment in grasping what was taking place. But it remained not up to the possibility that this typeof society, this type of mass communication is also capable of generating.
it is not right, to my Way of thinking, that mass Cultures and the "mass media" should produce a society of people that are administered, in the words of Abraham Moles - who seek happiness, of administrators Who Want efficiency and of creatorS Who Wat innowation. All of this ėxists, but there is a dialectic. It does not exist as data, but as a process. Suddenly, the administered person moves and breaks the concept of efficiency. And suddenly, innovation Connes not from the intellectual who is Inade in order to think and to produce the creation, but it comes from the influx itself, the quantity of actors who unleash new process. Within this new society (here speak as a Sociologist and not as a communications expert, which am not of the new international order, the paradigms to analyze the processes of change, of the new life-style) it is not true, to my way of thinking, that we should have transformed all of the people who watch television and listen to the radio intorobots. The process is a lot more complicaled.
In fact, there hawe been studies im England, even since the fifties, on the life-styles that were produced not by communication in itself, but by the "department stores", these great chains of shops, showing that in the contemporary World, there is a massification of lifestyles so that classes can no longer be distinguished simply by their clothes, that there is a certain uniformity and that this has changed the English Working class, etc. These studies also show that Consumers are not passive beings: at the limit, they choose. The listeners are not passive beings; at the limit, they choose. And the information does not project itself as if the
19

Page 22
recipient were a being in the negative. There is a process of selection. And, we might say: good, but there are flows of information that are guided from top to bottom, from the rich down to the poor, from the powerful downto the less powerful. All of this is truel But there is also a certain dialectic. Just as Society suddenly breaks because of a spark, this mechanism is also subject to transformation. We saw this in France, in '68. We saw this in Brazil, when there was a struggle against the military regime and in 83/84, with the great campaign that took place for direct elections for President, there being a military president in power. We saw how, in some way, at certain noments, all of these mechanisms break. And in order to break them, the system of information itself that always has leaks, is essertial. Here, in Brazil, We hawe Seen how the political leaders, and I include myself among these, have failed in evaluating the transforming potential of society.
|f| Still hawe a little title, allow mea Small digression. The first great mass manifestation against the military regime in this state of Sao Paulo, on January 25, 1984, coincided with the anniversary of the University of Sao Paulo, January 25. I was a Senator, president of the PMDB, that was the opposition party, and a professor of the University of Sao Paulo, although inactive. Then I went to the University of Sao Paulo. With the Governor of the State, and we were there when they called us: | Was to hastento the Praca da Se, in the center of the city of Se, in the center of the city of Sao Paulo. We had called a public demonstration and we were expecting ten thousand people, but theгe Wеге one hundred thousand people and we did mot know What to do because We did not even have a loudspeaker that Would reach the end of the square. None of us had planned as much. They said at the time, that the great television networks were not transmitting anything. And they were not. But somehow, a little information via radio, via television, eventually multiplied and produced a great deal of movement, that, later, lead to millions of people in the StTetS.
Those who participated in the movement against the military regime in Brazil and tried to understand the electoral process had the same sensation. The first time that we defeated the military goverintent, which was in 1974, nobody knew they would lose at the ballots. Nobody
2O
knew, not even We C that I was helping Paulo to do l a StLu Pastoral of the Wor With many priests outskirts of Sao P believed that the anything else other tion by the military Tet With them and happen? Where dic begin? How did this Ce?
Continuous COTT complex than is tho electronic commur through anotherflow tion and wice Versa. with the fact that the media themselves, i hic media, are il CC if it is class. But a causes ewer the TO that want to hold pc Tent, to break and of sustaining power.
And then, there als there bene Withimki the means of commu of society. For it is "passivization", not ( the Owner's voice, i mplex than that.
Finally, the lastpoli cratic participation of pation in these Conte
| hawe always bet capacity of the mec Here in Brazil, We W. the World of Unions. unionS is inexistert. dictatorship, but the li designed. They ex beings, dissatisfied mé. In some Way, th spokesmen by them Create Company lea exist. I myself was created by the med intellectual who had
became a senator extent, thermanner in ty operates, where ti if not actually invent union TowerTentist When, in the poor OL there is to be a to Creches, or somethin a School, or any kin

JтSвweS. I remember he Cardinal of Sao ly on the so-called of labor, and Tet Who Worked on the Lulo. None of them election could be han mere manipulaegime. Afterwards, I asked: how did this this train of thought short-circuit take pla
unication being more ught, it is not merely lication. It passes of direct comunicaWice versa has to do veгургоducers of the ncluding the electroflict || do 10t K10W
strong conflict that st powerful networks Wer, at a given moto longer be capable
to, it is necessary that gon what the role of nicationis in this kirid not only the role of only that of serving at t is much Tore CO
it: the issue of demothe means of particimporary Societies.
in fascinated by the lia to Create actOrS. atch the invention of Not that the World of It existed during the aders Were Created, isted as indiwidual With the Tiilitary regiley Were created as dia. I Saw the media dership that did not
in a certain Way, a. They needed an olitical influence and This is, to a large Which modeT S0Ccieemedia legitimates, , the actor. And the Le SOCial TOVerTherht, tskirts of Sao Paulo, "ement on behalf of Јсопcemingstarting of protest, the first
question the leader of a community moveTent asks, is whether there is a local newspaper and whether there is television. In this contemporary World, ewerything has to exist by means of the televiSion screen and of the radio, because, if not, it does not exist. The social movement itself knows that the "establishment" is real, but that it is permeable, And that if the movement can attract a small part, however small, sometimes only a journalist of less importance, but that later passes to another and to another, suddenly, it will reach the great circuit.
So that I don't think that in the new society, means of communication are only a reinforcement of alienation. One part is so, but also believe they are the contrary. And that in this being the contrary, they are a necessary part of the movement of the dialectic between the powerful and the oppressed, sometimes between the state and civil society. Civil society realizes this, fumbles, and tries to capture pieces of the system of Communication in order to act in them. It is useless to imagine that there can be control on the part of the owners of the media over the whole of the media. Any person with a little more political experience knows this to be impossible, if only because the media is also a Complex industrial product that requires many people, several specialties, introducing within the company a dialectic, a dynamics, that does not allow that the flow exist solely from top to bottom. In the day-to-day, it is from top to bottom, but at the times when society boils over, it produces a transformation that passes through these mechanisms and in some way transforms what was formerly the alienating instrument into an instrument of
Thodification, into a critical instrument.
| believe, therefore, that We are, in fact, facing a new society, a new international system, full of injustices, that requires a new way of fighting against injustice, and politicizing the objectives. This implies rethinking not only the new way of producing, but also the new way of communicating. I understand that both can result in ar1 irTmiemSee allier lation and in arm ir Tmenise accumulation of Wealth, to the detriment of others. But they may also mean the opposite: the mechanism by which alienation is diminished, injustice is diminished, and the democratic participation in society is increased.
Next: Debates)

Page 23
ــــا
Why there's so in this rustict
There is laughter and light banter artwigst thes: CCLLLL LLLLLL OHHH GHCCL LaLaLuC LLLLLLaL LLLL LLLLtltkLLL
Beğif irqı zı bişir. Tı, It is : Tı : Tof the hiç Lur dreds of sLhı
bar:Tis spread ut in this: Tiid artid LipCoLimitry LLLLLLLLu LLLLLL HHOLLLLL LLL LLLkLLL uuu LLLLuLLLLL fallow during the off season.
HETE, ĻĻrith CaTeful Luri: Luri- 1:3:C. T.J.'5 45 a lucrative cash Top and the gree leaves turt to gold... to the Value of JŲ ET Rs. 250 million or Ticare annually, for perhaps 143,000 rural folk,
 

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For them, the tobacco leaf means Teaningful work, a comfortable life and a secure future. A good
rough Teason for laughteT.
e Ceylon Tobacco Co.Ltd.
Sharing and Cring for OL ir land and her people.

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