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ANKA
GUAR
Vol. 17 No. 14 November 15, 1994 Price R
WAR AN
O Behind the
O The peace p
O LTTE: Sinh
as target
KODIKARA : SALUTE
PEACE MAKING:
BUDDHIST WOM
a SOCIAL THEORY O COMML
 
 
 
 
 

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DAN
S. 10.00 Registered at GPO, Sri Lanka QD/33/NEWS/94
D PEACE
assassination
- Mervyn de Silva
OCeSS
- Shelton Kodikara
ala leadership
- P. Jayaram
: To A SCHOLAR
-- Ray Forbes
eJan Egelands Horace Perera
EN Китari eЈауаиvardena
UNICATIONS O HUMAN RIGHTS

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Blackl
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NEWS BACKGROUND
WAR AND/OR P
Mervyn de Silva
"This Writer has introduced the folloWing observation tothepre-polls debate. The UNP has ruled for 17 years, Sri
Lankans Wote at 18'
(LG August 1)
The generational factor and the climate for change Were the two points emphasised in our commentaries in the run-up to the two critical contests - parliamentary and presidetial.
Since R. Premadasa won the Presidertial election in 1988 and the led the UNP at the 1989 parliamentary polls, we did not anticipate President Wijetunge's switch. Whether Mr. Wijetunge Would hawe entered the fray if his party had fared Well, at a general election, remains anybody's guess. But his unexpected move did encourage much speculation.
As it is, the UNP did not do too badly in the first contest. It did surprisingly well -94 seats and 44% as against 105 and 49%. And then came the stunning LTTE interwention. Here Was ar asSaSSination where the authors of the plot did not wish to conceal their identity. There was a message in the style and the tir Thing of the murderous act. It was a repeat performaCe Of the drar tit the LTTE E conceived in April-May 1991 when it was announced in the Indian press that Mr. Rajiv Gandhi Would be holding election rallies in Tamilnadu, starting with Madras, on 19, 5.91. With the ruling party unable to command a majority in the Lok Sabha "there was a perceptible upswing in the popularity of Shri Rajiv Gandhi", and the strong likelihood of his Congress party assuming office in 1991.
Gandhi of course was the Tan who forced the LTTE leadership to accept the Indo-Sri Lanka Peace Accord he had signed with President Jayawardene.
The LTTE leaders, Prabhakarar included, were held "hostage" more or less, locked up in a Delhi hotel, by the Indian bureaucracy and its secret Service.
Supremio Prabhakaran Cannot betrealed that Way. He is a proud Tan,
KISSINGERIAN RC
MT. GāTiri Dissa Kissingerian role int which brought some as a Peace-keeping
TWO TOS EOfO ctions, Mr. GaminiD been successful inh Kotha, the UNPhqrs Where he assured th cularly the HINDUthat he was fairly su the Presidential elec
The LT TE Whlich|| on political developst cause for Concern. rmed Sumday Islama passage from an LT tat Sile:SE"Cla gathering in the So anti-Tamil forces h; proselytising drive, T the journal said, " encouraged by lind any doubt Gaminii
A suicide-bor Tibe blew herself up - C his fellow (anti-Prem: plotter Mr. Premachi Sa loyalist, Mr. Mallir 5O OtherS Were the ir (Mr. Ossie Abeygune tal last week).
(Of Course the LT TI Tent. But that is rOL routine is SOITe COT journal giving bio-d: Which makes it clear for and why he dese
In 1B months, the Լ firmly established which has governed any of its rivals, seer nctively, the decisi pressure-groups, se dow, as the last hope Was a profesional, lawyer who had be
 

LE
hayake had played a hat historic "ACCOrd" 40,000 Indian troops fOCEt Sri Larka,
"e the Nowe Tiber elleis Sana yake Who hlad istake-over bid of Sri Was back in Madras ie Indain press, partiFRONTLINE group, TE El E. WOL| Wir tion.
keeps a close Watch lents in Colombo had Tarak, the Well-infocolumnist, quoted a TE journal which said uwinist forces" Were uth. Evidently these adlauched a new his coming together, "is being secretly ia. There cannot be San Indian lackey".
r, a Tamil Woman, Gamini Dissanayake, adasa) impeachment andra and PremadaTiara atchi, ard SOT13 mmediata2 CaSJalti ES. Sekera diad in hospi
E has demied in Wolwetine. Also part of the 1ment in a pro-LT TE ata of the deceased What the Wicti stood
Wed to die!
JNP the island's most conservative party Sri Lanka longer than ned leaderless. Instion-Takers and the ized on Garmini's WiSriпаDissanayake a first rate company en Secretary to the
multinational giant Unilewers in Colombo. Her academic record was excellent. But SRIMA was no Sirima Bandaranaike, and Certainly not a Chandrika, Wijaya Kumaratunga's Widow, and the daughter of two prime ministers,
It was a desperate Towe, along shot, a gambler's response. It didn't work. The UNP has neverseen its national percentage drop So loW.
MINORITY WOTES
In her address to the nation, the newly elected President Kumaratunga said:
"Their vote is in essence, and above all else, a vote for change". She then speaks of the "diversity" of the "far-rea
ching" changes the voter would like to see. H
GUARDAN
Wol. 17 No. 14 November 15, 1994
Price Rs. O.OO
Published fortnightly by Lanka Guardian Publishing Co. Ltd. No. 246, Union Place Colombo - 2.
Editor: Mervyn de Silva Telephone: 447584
Printed by Ananda Press 825, Sir Ratnajothi Saravanamuttu Mawatha, Color:Tmbo 13, Telephone: 435975
CONTENTS
Folg: Il di Wi-Wl Shellori Kodikata National Integration 5 Presidency and Delivery System 7 Norway as International
Peacemakg (2) UN and War (3) 12 Womanhood (3) 15 COITITIUnication for H
New World (2) 16 Boks

Page 4
While Chandrika charis Ta is the subjective factor, the nature of the change which the electorate would like to see, is the next question. The President believes that an and to Wiol ECG is What the Wote desires most of all. She speaks of State terror and political violence, placing the emphasis on violence in the Sinhala South, not the "War" in the north.
Of the latter, she says: "The ravages of War in the Northern part of our country have inflicted an enormous toll in tes Of OSS Of life and resources".
In the present context, emphasis should be placed on "resources". "We spend a millon dollars a day and the cost is rising". Just the other day, the new PA administration tabled 19 Supplementary estimates that totalled 13 billion rupees. The largest Was for Defence, 5.3 billion or over 100 million dollars. More will be spent on an increased allowance for Home Guards (Rs. 55 to Rs. 85) and on soldlers in operatioпа!агеas — 10/-per day rise. It is not just the peace constituency" in the South that voted for the PA president but the Voters in the predominantly Tamil areas. (See table). In some electorates, the UNP Wolte Was Zero – KKS, and
Manipay,
TAMIL WOTE
JAFFMA
Kayts
P.A. 14,7O1
UNP 83 Udupididy
P.A. 24
UNP 2 KankeSaturai
P.A. 16
UNP O Wadukodai
P.A. 539
UNP 6 Manipay
P.A. 18
UNP O Batti Coloa
P.A. 59,814
UNE 9,812 Padiruppu
P.A. 40,489
UNP 53
ThiS COLld Tot i It Was a knee-jerkr Sinhala "line", the the top advisers to the Voters of the no peace. But it takes What of the LTTE sed with the result, gural address mad politician her first t nate the majority t inaugural address mined carefully by Course has also t( opinion trends. The Coted the NEW TE Indiam, rather thaf WWIPsecurity.
NOW that she is is
V.O.A. W.
The main story o issue of this journal COWBT ES PAXAME
The WOA issue bec
provoking a WarUS Embassy and assisted by many those ConcerTad W
bleTS. The Kandal,
Seen enviroristienta Sangha, including the main temple in
And now, this is diplomatic problem Strati). TB US is3 li
pressure" on Pres government, said a Sunday Times. W after the PoliCE, ki|E
September. "There shington might link or the WOA issue W as aid trade, and minister Herat has this area will notb

awe happened before. esponse to a virulently last desperate bid of candidate Srima. So, rth and the east desire two to make peace. it cannot be too pleaThe President's inaue it clear that like any nought is NOT to alleat Woted for her. The Would hawe been exathe LTTE. Which of be mindful of Tatil LT TE WOLWE ISO Igime has requested American, help for
office she must satisfy
the Toderate Tamils but the Toderate Tamil will be looking over the shoulder at the LTTE before he agrees to any terms offered by the PA. Let's not forget that the LT TE elimited TOTE "moderatē"TITIS than Sinhalese politicians.
President Chandrika has to walk a tight rope on the Tamil insurgency (Sinhala opinion, moderate Tamils and LTTE) and 0m the #C0mørny (dẹfence and social Welfare, the "human face" to structural adjustment). Its a pretty tightrope. But she has COUsage.
The LTTE has declared a unilateral Ceasefire for a Week - but the Defence ministry has not confired it. The LTTE may Want to satisfy moderate Tamils, and international opinion.
S P.A. 2
f the September 1993 was introduced on the
ERICANAWS, ROME.
ame a point of friction, of Words between the
the Catholic Church, " NGO’s, particularly ithi emwironmental proama hotel project had |groups backed by the the Nayake Thero of lhe arва.
S could be a ticklish
for the P.A. ad Tirikely to "put diplomatic ident Kumaratunga's frontpage story in the ''ork Was Suspended da dēmonstrator last
Were fears that WaSri Lanka's response ith other TatterS SUCCh
investment. Foreign said - the people of e displaced or their
fishing restricted. No hotel, no airstrip, no environmental hazards, no displacement of residents, no ban on fishing" (Daily News 23.793).
Aggravating the issue was an incident that took place at the US Embassy a few days ago, said the ST (1311/94). It is alleged that SOThe members of a delegation which went there to hand over a petition were abused by a US diplomat who met the delegation. DPL Sou= rces said that the Kumaratunge government, aware of the need for US aid, but also obliged to carry out promises given at Chilaw election meetings, to Scrap the WOA project, has sought time from the US authorities to allow resumption of work..."
It'll probably be Ambassador Jayantha Dhanapala's first job when he moves into our Embassy in Washington. From a press release I received just last month the Colombo project is just one in a chain — Bangkok, Sao Tomē, Morocco, etc.

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POLLS: INDIAN WEW
Another Shattering
P. Jayararm
VE is no stranger to the people of Sri Lanka, But it seems to be stalking the nation's politicians with a Wengeance. Less than two years after a President met with a violent death, a suicide bomb attack at a Colomboelection rally on the night of October 23 Wrote yet another chapter in blood, killing opposition leader and presidential candidate Gamini Dissanayake, and wiping out almost the entire leadership of the United National Party (UNP). The Chandrika Kumaratunga Government reacted by breaking off talks With TallTil Tepels, but mot before incurring considerable loss of face. "The magnitude of the crisis was such, We decided not to proceed to Jaffna. The whole mood had changed," said Lionel Fernando, a member of the Governement delegation. Peace in Sri Lanka proved elusive yet again.
Moving quickly to cash in on the sympathy factor, the UNP's Working committee fielded the slain leader's widow Srima Dissanayake as its new candidate for the November 9 presidential election, and dashed Prime Minister Kumaratunga's hopes of a cakewalk to the presidency. With the assassination filling the public with anger, and skepticism about Kumaratunga's peace initiative growing, the outcome of the presidential election SBEeITS all b) Lt Certairl.
The two Widows pitted against each other symbolise between them the cruel fate of Sri Lanka politics. In a span of just 18 months, Dissanayake became the third top political leader to be assassinated in Colombo. President Ranasinghe Premadasa was killed by suspected LTTE Suicide bombers while leading May Day rally of the UNP in 1993, less than two weeks after prominent Opposition leader and former minister Lalith Athulathmudali WaS shot dead at an election rally. In 1991 State Minister for Defence Ranjan Wijeralne Was killed in a car-BOmb ExplossCr
beliewed to hawe be LTTE. Says Liberal Amaratunga: "This ning people's COnfic. tic process and the
Among the dead Was the One Wie We |dia for His role i 1 1987 Indo-Sri Lапk: ction of Indian troo he had no illusion safety. The militar said, had Warned LTTES st ||St. D complained that the providing enough W eSCOrt.
For Kurmaratung ssination of Dissar Tlaim riwal in the CO COLuld lot hawe CONT a few days earlier : army high Comma a "government untC rged them. With attel peace process in interview With the army had "reigned 11 years. "We will what they think is r
Now, analysts S spitting on her face involvement in the are prowed true, T him and more thar by a suicide bomb tactic. There Was less, that it was anti-Dissanayake headed by formel Wickremesinghe, { Alliance (PA), jitte
popularity.
The LTTE di the assa SSilation,
The Wrifer is a Collar Tibi

BioW
en engineered by the Party leader Chanaka Wiolence is under miEle in the deTOCrasecurity it offers."
leaders, Dissanayake d most as a friend of he drafting of the July accord, and the induJS into the island. Ard s about his personal intelligence, he had in that he topped the
3 GW9||Tert WaS Cot ehicles for his security
a personally, the asSanayake, who was her riming presidential poll, eat a Worse title. Only she had castigated the nd for trying to act as themselves" and chaTipting to sabotage the itiated by her. In an BBC, she said that the supreme" for the past mot permit them to do ight," she said.
ay the army would be : if suspicions of LTTE killing of Dissanayake he explosion that killed 150 others was set off ler, a trademark LTË speculation, neWerthethe bandiwork of the faction in the UNP, prime minister Ranil }r of the ruling People's ry over Dissanayake's
ed any involvement in but nobody was surpri
-based Indian Corresponden
sed. "They never admit anything," says a senior leader of the moderate Tamil United Liberation Front (TULF), whose leader, A. Amirthalingam, and MP, W. Yogeswaran, were killed by LTTE hit men in 1989.
But if the Tigers indeed had carried out the killing, the timing left a lot of questions UmansWered. The aSSassination CasThë hours before a four-member government delegation was to leave for the northern Jaffna town for the second round of peace talks with the rebels. A Week earlier, the first round had ended on a highly optimistic note. What could the Tigers, then, stand to gain from such a brutal act?
"You'd befoolish to look for a rationale in what the LTTE does," says Democratic People's Liberation Front leader and MP Dharmalingari Sithadthan. Their basic aim, according to him, seems to be to Weaken the Sinhala leadership. Many Sri Lankans - not just the Sinhalese in the south but Tamils and Muslims of the strifetorm orth-eastas Well—beliewe the LTTE isn't serious about the peace talks. According to them, the killings are part of a long-term LTTE strategy of systematically eliminating the Sinhala leadership, so that they are ultimately granted the separate state of Eelam.
Last fortnight's killing of UNP leaders notwithstanding, analysts say the party, Which has made Cornebacks in the paŠl, will survive and recover. In a compromise for Tula thrashed out by the party leadership, Wickremesinghe, who was tipped to fill the presidential candidate's slot, Would succeed Garnini Dissanayake as the opposition leader in Parliament, and take over the party's reins when President D.B. Wijetungalays down his office after the presidential election. For, right now Dissayanake's widow is the UNP's best bet. "Srima Dissanayake is the best candidate Under the circumstances, "Said UMP

Page 6
Vice President Susil Moonesinghe rather wowed to abolishth candidly. Mrs Dissanayake, 51, a lawyer it carries sweeping by profession, is no newcomer to politics, once it came topol being a member of the Central Provincial parliamentary electi
Council. said it would do so
Ironically, the November 9 election is Kumaratunga's Wir over an office which both the UNP and Gamini Dissanayal PA say they want abolished. The PA had who felt that if the P.
Prof. Shelt
Being an Internationalist of the first grade, Shelton Kodikara'. is his loss irreparable in Sri Lanka, but it will also be felt in the of America. It is significant that his call from this world came jus
My association with Shelton goes back to my spell in the Sri L In Madras 1975-77. His clear and penetrative analysis of Tamil immense assistance to officers at the headquarters in understar
It was as Director of Studles at the Bandara manlike Centre for li relationship with Shelton. This gave me an opportunity of gettir which all in all made up an individual who was of a higher pla to the level of students and the urinitiated.
As a Visiting Lecturer in Sri Lankan Foreign Policy at the BC of a Guru. Never did he miss out on a scheduled lecture, ever BMICH, except when he was hospitalised for surgery. The mast aspects of Foreign Policy, comprehensible to the novice, was Sh or Sri Lanka: A Third World Perspective" which he had the op the Delhi University in 1991-92, Shelton steered many a BCISD Foreign Policy since Indepdendence.
All the qualities of a Guru of the finest tradition were posses a most persuasive lecture-delivery style, he was one who could how he calmed the fears of a group of postgraduates attending that if they were confused it was a sure sign that they were be highest academic standards from his students, he was extreme living. This endowed him with a humanism in his personal rela Versa.
As a member of the Council of Management of the BCS slnice was there a negative response to a request for the exacting tas edition of the publication of the Proceedings of a Seminar. It wa publication, "Diler IIIas of Indo-Sri Lanka Relations". However m of International Relations at the University of Colombo, it had wital importance, whose correct course was dear to his heart.
Shelton assumed the post of Excecutive Director of the Regio 1993. This provided him an opportunity of giving substance to r His continuing dynamism was reflected in tho organization of Int ranging from "Refugees and Internal Security in South Asia" to ". even more actively involved in International Relations with the American University, Washington DC comment. Accumulated ex him tin.
Shelton's demise is a pause in this process. But his life's worl of many a young Sri Lankananaspiring for the regional and globa of Shelton Kodikara, an academic whose thought and voice were citizens, equipped to meet the challcnges of the twenty-first cent
Bravo Shelton, for a life lived to the fullest
 

President's office - election, it would retain the office "with all xecutive powers - its glory". Were his death to take his party er. After winning the to victory. Sri Lanka would continue to n, however, the party have a president from the UNP, and a within six months of prime minister from the rival party. Given ing the presidency. the violently fractious and polarised nature was among those of Sri Lankan politics, this could only bring
won the presidential a fresh spell of instability.
)n Kodikara
demise leaves a void which cannot be easily replaced. Not only South Asian Region and beyond especially in the United States after he had attended an Asia Society Seminar in the USA.
anka Overseas Service when he was Deputy High Commissioner Nadu politics in particular and Indian politics in general were of ding the interplay of Centre-State relations in India.
ternational Studies (BCIS) that I was able to cultivate a personal g to know and appreciate his fine intellect and human character he by way of mental make-up, but who could easily reach down
IS for a decade, Shelton exhibited the total dedication expected though it entailed his having to motor from Peradeniya to the crly art of making the finer and sometimes not easily discernible elton's unique strength. With his basic textbook "Foreign Policy portunity of revising when appointed First SAARC Professor of iploma Course student, through the vicissitudes of Sri Lanka's
sed by Shelton. Blessed with a sense of humour, patience and LLLLLL LLLLLGLC aL 00LL LLLLLa LLYLLCMLL CLLLLCLLLS LLLLLLLLS his class in Concepts in International Relations by telling them ginning to understand the subject. Although he demanded the ly understanding of the problems and uncertainties of modern tionships. For him the Sabbath was made for man and not wice
ate 1987, Shelton displayed a whole hearted commitment. Never of supervising a student's Dissertation or the time-consuming with enthusiasm that he took on the editing of one such BCIS Ichthis came in the way of his other commitments, as Professor o be done, since to Shelton, Indo-Sri Lanka Relations were of
al Centre for Strategic Studies (RCSS) located in the BMICH in any of his concepts for the growth of South Asian regionalism. rnational Seminarson a regular basis on most relevant subjects plomacy and Domestic Politics in South Asia'. Shelton became rogression of years. So did Professor John Richardson at the trience made complex issues more comprehensible and spurred
Will continue. For Shelton has aroused in the hearts and minds implications of Sri Lankan politics. This was the life achievement Insecrated to the development of Sri Lankansas Global-thinking Гу.
Ray Forbes Director, BCSI
(1.7)

Page 7
NATIONAL INTEGRATION
Peace feelers and the pe
Shelton U. Kodikara
he most hopeful sign that ethnic
peace may at last dawn in Sri Lanka is that both sides, the government as well as the LTTE have been sending out peace feelers to end the Corrosive War which is taking a daily toll of lives among Sinhala soldiers and civilians as Well as Tamil militants and civilians. If there is any broad agreement among Sinhalese and Tamils about the ethnic conflict, it is that it must end soon. In Jaffna, it is reported that senior citizens are now coming out openly and asking the LTTE to lay down its arms and enter the peace process. When a delegation of Catholic dignitaries visited Jaffna at the end of March (1992), they came away with the strong impression that the people in the North had "a profound and authentic yearning for peace with dignity and justice", and that a political solution of the ethnic problem "which does not necessarily reject the idea of a unitary state", that is, presumably, within the parameters of a united Sri Lanka, was negotiable. This must be take to Tlear that from the Tamil side "Eelast and no less" as the minimum demand has been given up for a solution "which meets the just aspirations of the Tamil people". The term "unitary" in the language of Political Science, however, is juxtap0Sed to "federal"; and if the Tessage intended to be conveyed through the Catholic dignitaries implied acceptance of a unitary political structure, that is, a structure in which the Central Parliament would be the supreme law-making body in the state and in which the provinces or regions enjoyedno entrenched powers beyond legislative powers deWolved on them, and executive authority on issues such as land and law and order is divided between centre and periphery according to already accepted norms, then we are closer to resolving a question which has frequently come up in the ethnic debate, namely, whether federalism is not Tore suited to the present-day situation in Sri Lankathan the present supposedly unitary structure.
I have always regarded this question to be one which is very largely academic, because more important than the unitary/federal nomenclature is the disposition of power between centre and periphery. It can beargued that the 13th Amendment to the Constitution has already introduced elements of federalism to our political structure. There is nothing intrinsically Wrong with a federalist approach to our political problems. It received a negative reaction from the Sinhalese because of
(Faculty of Political Science, Uriversity
its early associatior under Chelwanayak: ffered from the disad inted to a question ( tween two ethnic gr One been mot intere all. More Ower, feder: wing the best of times ower. The Soviet Uni so has the Yugoslav is faced With sevel metS a| at Orce. V stage when a unit polity can declare its time, ad Sri Larka: rience of a unilateral
der C9 of the North||
Yet anotherhopef Ce in the fores éêâble at long last a Parli: mmittee, with repres political parties entrl. devising a consen ethnic problem. EWE rnment Party, the Opposition Party, t submitted proposal and the LTTE itself, Tistances cannot a is reason to believet parties Tight go alo that might Come fron Acting Leader of th Вапdагапаike, hopє mmittee Would i Wor political package, b last chance" for a he said that one of opposition parties P. from Colobo to focus the attention futility of continuing (Daily News, 13 Ma
Ob Stacles to a Pe
lftisis, ideed, a political solution c. one might ask: what cles to a peaceful mind, there are sey ledt bē remove of a political Solutic prevailing misperc nhalese as Well as T attitudes and inter other must be re. cannot help their Country; they must that they are being status in parts of th as traditional Tami

ace process
of ColorToy
with Tamil politics im. But italways SLwantage that itam Ouif power-sharing beoups with the larger tgirl federal ST at Il politics are not hathese days the World on has disintegrated, a that We kne'W. India a separatist moveWe W3 COITIE LO the tonstituting a federal independence at any already has the expejeclaration of indepeast not so long ago.
ul sign for ethnic peafuture is that Weave amentary Select Coentatives of the major Isted Wilh the task of sus Solutio to the in though the GoveUNP, and the Taim he SLFP, hawe not s to the Cormittee, under present circuppear before it, there hatthE major Political ng with any package the Committee. The e Opposition, Anura d that the Select Cok out an acceptable ecause "this Was the Dolitical Solution, and the objectives of the ada Yatra Undertakerı Kataragama Was to of the people on the the Northeast War rch 199ጋ).
ceful Solution
the "läst Chance" for if the ethnic problem, Ereth Current ObStasolution of it? To Thy eral obstacles Which beford One car think Et II. (O3 is that eptions amongst Siamils as regards their ti05 twäTdS ÉCh owed. The Sinhalese majority status in the
slot bE Tlade to feel reduced to a minority le country designated homelands. Without
going into the historical validity of claims of particular ethnic groups to particular areas of the country, it would be most conducive to peace to regard the Whole of Sri Lanka as a territory to which every ethnic group has an equal claim, in terms of freedom of travel, freedom of residence, and freedom to carry out one's avocations without fear and favour. Terms such as "colonisation" and "decolonisation" are emotive terms which do not help in creating the properatmosphere necessary for removing misperceptions. We must take account of present realities, mot COnCentrate on What is percelved as Wrongs perpetrated by history. Otherwise, We get embroiled in questions such as "Whose history is right?", and "How far back in history shall We go?". One of the encouraging signs in the report of the Catholic dignitaries was that they were made awareof the need for greater people-to-people contact between the ethnic Communities than obtained at present. The following concrete suggestions were, in fact, made to the IT in this regard:
1. As the lack of COITTunication between the North and South Creates prejudices and paves the Way for further alienation, a people-to-people dialogue through goodwill visits be poursued.
2. That multi-religious groups make visits to the people North in order to bring about greater understanding of one another's positions and apprehe
SiOS.
3. Create confidence-building TeaSUres, such as further easing of the shortage of food, medicines, etc. in the North with a view to bringing about the right climate for a cessation of hostilities and the negotiation of a political Solution.
These Conditionalitis are Tot hard C) bring about; they are easily arranged. They were, in fact, long overdue. To Create a Climate of Copiilor Such as this, it iS also very necessary that the Tamil people throughout the length and breadth of Sri Lākā īst rītave tie conviction that they are continually discriminated against, that the Tajoritarian principle implies that they are in a permanent minority in the country politically, without any real say in the Conduct of its affairs. There are institutional means by which such a feeling of discrimination can be dispelled. One is the Creation of a Second Chamber another is a reversion to the Executive Committee

Page 8
system of the Donoughmore Constitution, which has already been proposed by one of Sri Lanka's eminent jurists. Other devices Canbethought of The importantthing is to realise that Sinhalese, Tamils, as well as Muslims are engaged in a common political endeavour, namely to raise the living standards ofal sections of the people. At a time when even Tamils are ranged against Tamils and Muslims, as well as against Sinhalese, and when India itself is taking a decidedly unfriendly stance against Sri Lankan Tamils, it becomes all the more necessary that the ethnic groups in Sri Lanka itself must begin to trust each other and lear to live With each Other.
The biggest obstacle to a peaceful solution of Sri Lanka's ethnic problem is the issue of the merger of the Northern and Eastern Provinces. Devised as a transitional arrangement to be confirmed or rejected on the basis of a referendurn to be held in the Eastern Province, the merger has become the biggest bone of contetion between the Sinhalese and Tamils, Since the projected referendum has now been postponed six times, ground conditions in the Eastern Province not being conducive sofar for its holding, and since all Tamil political groups and parties are inflexible in their stand that continuance of the merger is an essential prerequisite for a political solution, the biggest task of statesmanship now is to find a compromiSe which meets also with Sinhala Concerns that perpetuation of the merger is tantamount to reserving two-fifths of the country and three-fifths of its coastline to Tamils (or to Tamils and Muslims), with Sinhalese marginalised in this area as a minority with, at best, "minority safeguards", according to the Thondaman proposals. Perpetuation of the merger of the Northern and Eastern Provinces is not likely to be an abiding political solution of the national question. Not only are the Sinhalese opposed to it, even a segment of the Muslims of the Eastern Province is opposed to merger, although Mr. Ashraff's SLMC would go along with it provided there is a Zonal Council. Within the Northeast Province to look after the interests of Muslims. The views of the Tamil people of the Eastern Province on the issue of the merger are not yet known. All Tamil political groups and parties, however, regагd the пnerger as a siпе qша пon of any political solution of the Northeast problem. Quite apart from the fact that the views of the Muslims and the Sinhalese of the Eastern Province must also be ascertained before any decision about its future status is finally taken, the argument for the merger, that it demarcates a Tamil homeland, where Tamils can live in peace and security, has lost much of its force due to the increasing number of Tamils who are migrating from the North to the South,
6
and due to the fact nCe has beCOITle al against Tamils as W. Lankan security for
Proposals of the E
In this context, th ddhist Bhikkudeleg talks with the LTTE ration. The delegati the merger be allo further three years Subjected to a referE referendum to dec merger has now bee as stated above, a tions for it to be he Seems necessary Lh pulation Census be referendum is held, period Wilenableth de upon the feasibilit stion made by the B power be devolved Pradeshiya Sabha, power to negotiatef. de on economic priot Sabha can be the E chical structure Wh delegates to the Pr tier) through a pro ctions. Indirėct electi ncils may prove to t Current impasse in' peacefulandfree ele -Wide scale might b the existence of art electoral violence ; groups themselves.
The Bhikku deleg have emphasizedeq ethnic groups in the arinity amongst them to the necessity for all ethnic groups all present, Tamils hav throughout the Cou Cannot be said for Muslims.
Given these priori can be amended i elements of federalis rther without tamper unitary nature. We ne example in this res. ndment to the Con: introduced a federal gards the division ( between the Centre (based largely on the Wing Pradeshiya. Sa reign loans and decic is adding another. T posals advocate the Current List of powe Provinces. This d'Oê; nable in principle, bu and care must be gi

at the Eastern Proviattleground of Tamils II as Muslims and Sri
S.
hikku Delegation
proposal of the Bution visiting Jaffna for herit careful considein has proposed that ed to continue fora but that it then be Indum. The proposed de the issue of the postponed six times d the ground condidi do mot Still exist. It at an islandwide potaken before such a he three-year interim | governmentto declof the further suggehikku delegation that
at the level of the
Which Would hawe reign loans and deciities.The Pradeshiya Ottom tier in a hieraich could thén Send ovincial Council (top :eSS of indirect el 3önto Provincial Coue the way out of the which the holding of :ctions on aprowincee impossible due to |ed groups OrdLe to alongst the ethnic
lation is reported to ual recognition for all Island and greater . This, again, points reedom of travel for
ower the Island. At e freedom of travel ntry, but the same
the Sinhalese and
ies, the Constitution such a way that In are conceded fung with its essential 2d only follow India's ect. The 13th Ametitution has already element to it as relegislative powers and the Provinces Indian model). Allohas to negotiate fo: economic priorities ve Thondaman proabolition of the Cos of the Centre and not Sound objectiomuch more thought ento the allocation
of subjects between the Centre and Provinces than has been done in these proposals, For example, "territorial Waters" is assigned to the provincial list in the Thondarian proposals, an obvious mistake. Another is the relegation of Trincomalee as a provincial Concern. This cannot be. Apart from being one of Sri Lanka's major ports, Trincomalee is also the headquarters of its navy, and it has become the subject of an international agreement with India. "Archives" can be left to the Care of provinces, but there is such a thing as "National Archives" which can only be in the custody of the Centre,
We take it as a basic premise that any attempt at a resolution of Sri Lanka's national question, based on the restoration of peace and normalcy in the Island must rest om a surrender of arms by all militant groups operating throughout the country, and by a recognition by all the concerned parties that only the state and its agencies retain the monopoly of the use of force in the Island. In this context, state Theans central government as well as provincial government agencies now Wested with control of law and order.
We are here talking about the situation which must emerge as part of a negotiated settlement of the national question of Sri Lanka. Present day realities may, howeVer, preclude the laying down of arms by the militant groups concerned during the process of negotiations. These realities must be taken account of by the negotiating parties, but the negotiating teams must not come to the negotiating table with arms or with armed guards. Sri Lankan security forces must provide protection for all concerned in a carefully pre-selected location.
The question of peacekeeping Willarise only if the negotiations are attended with a degree of success, which requires Tonitoring of the peace settlement. If the merger is to be continued for a further threeyear interim period, the question of monitoring the peace assumes importance. With the increasing role that the United Nations is now taking as regards peacekeeping the World over, a UN peacekeeping force to monitor the transition to peace is one possibility. Another is a group Comprised of SAARC representatives from, say, Nepal and Bangladesh.
The time seems now to be ripe to work towards at least an interim solution of Sri Lanka's national question. The Parliamentary Select Committee must grasp the opportunity which has presented itself, and try to work out a formula which finds maximum supportfrom аппопgtheparties principally involved in the conflict which has been raging in Sri Lanka these many years.

Page 9
PRESIDENCY AND DEL VERY SYSTEMM
Super-Secretaries, Effecti some random thoughts
fter President Premada 5a died and
President Wijetunge assumed office. Mr. Wijetunge made a speech in which he stated that there Would no longer be Super Secretaгies.
It Was a referEICE: to the administrative; structure which existed during the Premadasa Presidency. It is an undeniable fact Conceded by everyone today, that despite all his shortcomings, President PremadaSa maintained effectiWg Government. What this in fact meant was that policy was quickly and effectively translated into action. President Premadasa, with years of experience and a "hands on" style of Government, knew that unless there was direction, monitoring and control of policy, the Public Service, being what it is, would take a casual approach to implementation of policy. He injected not only a sense of purpose but also a sense of urgency. An editorial Writer Who Was one of his critics stated, following his death.
"President Premadasa's ability to coInceptualise plans, define the para Teters, mobilise the resources, organise the manpower, and superwise the implementation of the minutest details is a remarkable feat".
mention all this only because with the assassination of Premada Sa, effective management became a thing of the past. This is also an undeniable fact.
In the CirCUT1StarCes it WOLuld be releWant for us to examine What the structure was. Did President Prerada sa hawe SuperSecretaries for its own sake or was it to ensure effective GowerTent? It Would be recalled (by all those who remember the good old days of the Public Service) that the ST was indeed a Super Secretary, and the DST was Head of the Public Service. There was no question LLLLLL 0LLL LLLLL LLLLLLL S aLLLL0LLLL Super Administrators. It was not a matter of wanity but it was for the sake of effective government that President Premadasa established his clair of Cortland. After the matter of тепаning in power Premadasa's priority was Economic Developoment. Political matters, (dormestic political Thatters of course), Were important for that was the bed on which he sought to
germinate and grow TITES.
He controlled N programmes throug Cretariat. Where he the Trouble Shoote supervisory and ow all other Develop in skaratingam had e! from the President permeated all lineold technique, one pted by De Gaullei other successful F Reagan, Who Was I PR - Than, buto Was Presidenti re Cert Staff at the White monitor developmer of the US Governm
This Would also accountability in G Tore thal de Sirab Should en Sure tha histrative structuri ster's office, whic Tonitor the Work keep track of the cabinet decisions. responsibility of th āCCOLlunt both in PE people at the time imperative that the F shes a ControlRoor that the late Dudley shed one in 1968) f progress Could bem Prime Minister to giv have political ContrO
The Government for two months andi judgement on its p days. For that matt to pass judgment ( ower the first 100 da dential Elections h; Arld ättention, HOW loprepare for the es management struct ment the policies of
With the econom OWeral else other blem - we must

ive Government et al
his economic progra
ational development hi thig Presidential SEad Paskaralingamas r cum Secretary with ersight authority ower ent Secretaries. Pastablished a letWork ial Secretariat Which - Ministries. This is an Which was ever adoFTC and Certa Presidents, including hot only a successful the most successful
years. His Chief of
HCLUSE WAS ble t) hts in all departinents
Take for executive overnment, which is ille, the Government t it creates an admie in the Prime Miih Would be able to if the Ministries and
implementation of Since it Would be the 5 Pring MiniStart:0 arliament, and to the of the elections, it is rime Minister establi(it would be recalled Semamayake establiTOT Where eCOrior Tic onitored to enable the eproper direction and l.
has been in office OW it is unfair to pass any Hertformace ower 60 er it WOLIld be ursair ower its parfor Tlance ys because the Presias diverted energies ever now is the time tablishment of proper res in order to implethis GowerTent.
y taking precedence han the Northern progive consideration to
adr Tinistrative reform in this area. Much lip service is being paid to our intention to achieve NIC status by the turn of the Century. However hardly any thought has gone into the matter of Institutional arrangements which should underpin any efforts towards achievement of such an objective,
Every strategy which is being formulated by the Government towards the achieWerment of NC Status should include:
SoLund Fiscaland Monētary policies, Promotion of trade and the penetration of Tarkets; Promotion of investment; Promotion of tourism; The obtaining of technology, and MaxiTlisation of efforts towards the procurement of Aid, Review of Currency and Commodity Markets; SoLund industrial relations policies; Development of good infrastructure including modern coTTunication fa
cilties; 10. Development of good management
Tlaterial; 11. Upgrading of Standards to interna
tional levels; 12. Quality Control.
:
The aforementioned Work could be accomplished effectively only through trained perSonnel. Our efforts today in these fields could best be described as pathetic.
1. Trade
We hawe todaya network of 25-30 trade officers attached to our Missions. They are perhaps the only category of trained offiCerS in OUr OVerseas establishments. They are today essentially doing administrative work related to trade and almost nothing in the area of product promotion, product development or marketing. They just don't hawe the tirne for it.
As for the efforts of the Export Developlent Board, they merely scratch the surface in relation to what they should be doing. This is very evident when one Compares the efforts of countries such as Malaysia, Singapore, Taiwan, Korea, Indonesia, to name a few. The compari
7

Page 10
son is relevant and justified if we are to take the statements of intent regarding achieving NIC status by the turn of the Century, seriously. Trade Sections of all Embassies World over are as big if not bigger than the Political Sections. Trade is the principal vehicle of Economic progress. It must be so With US too. The Ministry of Trade must be a Central MiniStry or a key Ministry. The importance of Commerce and Trade to the Nations well being cannot be overe Tiphasised. CoT1T1Brce must be taught in School, We must attract the major American Business Schools to the Country. Offer them incentives to establish in Sri Lanka and grant Scholarships to as many students as possible so that we build human resources capable of taking the country forward.
2. Foreign investment
If we are to promote foreign investment into Sri Lanka (we are competing not only with developing countries, but also with developed countries in this area), we should make a serious effort by having |rwESTErt Promotion Officêrs Stationed in target countries with adequate resources to enable them to promote investment effectively,
We must promote investment not only in Manufacturing Industry, but also the Services where possibilities are greater and far better, considering Sri Lanka's circumstances.
There has been no indepth study of the strategies follo Wed by Countries such as Thailand, Malaysia and Singapore, The Govern Tent Should COTT1ission a study by a team of qualified Consultants, who should be required to make recoil endations on the strategies we need to follow including identifying areas where investments ought to be promoted.
Embassies are today expected to proTote investment without personnel or funds for this purpose, leave alone direction. It is both unrealistic and absurd beyond Words to expect officers of the Department of Commerce to be involved in and responsible for investment promotion, in addition to their other functions.
The present Economic, Physical and Social infrastructure has to be improved and brought up to international standards. The investment in a highway network and a fibre optic based communication retwork are imperative. The reference to Social infrastructure has been made adviSably. No important foreign company
B
COUld IslvEst in B
Executives and the a manner they are a TmiriirTILIT ir Cowelli
3. TOUTIS
The promotion of done in professiona rcial Constraints. I Board has one off
kfurt and another ir Cted to COVer the wh Officers Work Dr. Sild motion is beingdon Lanka''S Ġfforts ir til The principal com promotion of touri is promoting the tourist from Eure those who collect travel on packag flights and spend the country — ha Ola Cikaga tour — N. tourist. The Sex Tou Lanka an attractive to attract the better must discourage the rist by compulsory lo tis iS dire We Will the better class of T
The quality of the also needs to bein|p| to depend on thos themselves such as: the ancient cities and
4. Technology
In regard to the relevant technology factures, our effortsir ficant by their total ntries, including Inc. effort in this Sector.
5. Manageппепt . " Development
The Gower Tient Business Schools fra blish in Sri Lanka. I give ther attractive permanent tax holida where possible bui exGCUtives are Witalft development progral
6. Development. A
In the area of Dewe perhaps the Govern increasing trend tow Development Assist stria S. COLIrllries in for instance, discusst mCe programmes With

Country unless their rfamilies could live in CCustomed to - with
ETCÉ
Tourism is not being | Tanner due to finaEurope, the Tourist Cer stationed in FraParis who are expeole of Europe, but the estring budgets. Proa by travel agents, Air is area are marginal. plaint regarding the Sm, is that Sri Lanka OW class - cheap ope — particularly
a little money and 2 tours or Charter ittle or no money in wing prepaid for the it the better class of rist has also found Sri destilation. If We are class of Tourist We Sexand Drugs Tourigail terms-Unless mot be able to attract OUriSt
product we are selling oved. It is not enough e “Worlders' that së| Sigiriya, the beaches, the game reserves.
matter of obtaining OSL upport our manuIn this area are insigniabsence. Most Coufia, make a sgrious
Training and Skill
must attract reputed m the West to estais iri Our interest to incentives, including lys and also land and ldings. High quality or the success of any Title.
SSiStarl Ce
lopment Assistance, Tent is aware of the ards coordination of ance by donor COUhe Aid Consortium, heir bilateral assistathe World Bank, the
Asian Development Bank, and the European Community. The World Bank Coordinates the efforts of the aid consortium countries. There is therefore a structured approach.
On Our side too there is a need for a structural approach. In Sri Lanka, relations with the European Community and being managed by the Department of Commerce because in 1975, the Agreement that was signed with the Commission, was a Commercial Co-operation Agreement. The situation has undergone a sea change today with "Commercial Co-operation' having vanished as a Concept from the EC Development Co-operation map. "Commercial Co-operation' forts a very small part of the Economic Co-operation. The EC gives greater Weightage today to Development Co-operation and Scientific Co-operation. Considering this situation, it is anachronistic for the Department of Commerce to continue to manage and implement the decisions of the ECSri Lanka Joit Cissid. Tis must be done in our own interest, at a much higher level to be effective, particularly now, because we have signed a new far reaching, third generation agreerTent Will EC.
This brings. The to the matter of the coordination of Our External Economic Relations. Whilst this is done in many countries in a separate Ministry for External Economic Relations, in other countries, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs has its own External Relations Division, which Would have sub-divisions covering External Resources (foreign aid), foreigntrade, scientific Co-operation etc.
We had in the recent past in Sri Lanka the Cabinet Sub-Committee on Economic Affairs as an apex body. Decisions of this Committee were transmitted to various Departments and Ministries concerned for implementation. It may be in our interest to examine these arrangements which seems somewhat loose, with a View to restructuring perhaps the Economic Affairs Division of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to enable it to function also as a Secretariat of the Cabinet Sub-Committee or to establish a separate Secretariat for the Sub-Committee orto establish a separate Ministry of External Economic Relations.
The new Government which is Committed to restore Parliamentary Democracy and Cabinet Government, would no doubt go back to the British System of Government and the system. We had prior to changes effected in '78.

Page 11
|Would be relevant to reca|tile rea5.Jr5 adduced by J. R. Jayawardena for establishing an Executive Presidency. His foremost claim was that it was necessary for effective Government.
No Economic Programme, or for that Tatter even a Social Development Programme, can be effectively implemented Unless the government machinery is effective. For this purpose it is not only critical to have a proper chain of Command, but also train personnel at all levels. The situation in Sri Lanka today in this regard is to say the east, sub-Sardard.
Administrative Reforms
The new Government does not appear to have dose its hotework Whilst it Was in Opposition. For there was no mention in the Manifesto of any reform of the Administration. This is a Tatter which must be given the highest priority if the Government is to implement effectively its policies. There are today, both in the ranks of the present Public Service and among those retired persons who have had experience in the AdTinistration of International Organisations, which had Wider COLLLLLLLLK aL LaLa aSSSLLLLaL LLLL LLLLLLLLS ster may consider appointing a Cornminission from a Tiong them whose mandate should be to make suggestions for the establishment of a new "developrent administration" taking account of the dê-centralised situation consequent to the devolution of power to the Provincial Coucils. Such a Commission could also explore Ways and means of attracting the best talent to the Public Service, as was the case in the years before and after independence. With no offence to today's Public Service, the quality of the Ten at the top cannot be compared with those who held the same positions both before and immediately after independence. There Were many reasons for this, one of Which of Course is that the quality of university education was fair supéricJr. In India today the emphasis is on university level education. They are more concerned with quality than quantity. There Wasatime. When they churned sub-standard products, but they are aware that as is in all other fields, they must produce quality products and in this instance executives, to contpete interrationally.
Whilst the Gover Test needs, or an urgent basis to do strategic planning and decide om what they would like this country to be ten years from now, the building blocks shOLuld be put in place now. Ferhaps the most important building block in this exercise Would be the quality of Education.
Whilst any respo should indulge in str political parties the W. rnments are required immediate problems thF3T. TE GOWETIT these problems by an raging internationally ment schools to estab Tertioned earlier t attractive incentives, i tax holidays to staff a Such institutes, onCE rum Crash CÖLur:SBSC management in all a

sible Government ategic planning, all Orldover, and gove
to think Inter|Tills of di SolutiOS tO ent should address mongst other encoureputed manage]lish in Sri Lanka, A,S ey could be given Including permanent and other privileges. established, could upgrade quality of reas. Such Schools
WOLuld attract StudërtSWExg:Liwes : fr the Region if they be prestigious institutiOS.
dQ not Wish in this articleto diSCUSS any other issues. It is intended to provoke Some urgent thinking on this wital issue on gearing-up the administration in the shortest possible time to be able to service the Government. If this is not done on an urgent basis, We Would once again hear the old cry of the politicians blaming the bureaucracy for having failed to deliver the goods to the people.
G.K.
he Scholar’s Tale (20)
re LUIS OLI Jero. Le Scholar
απΙετημα ΓαΓL HorΤΟΓ υied IιαrΓΟΓ
he re-coding his Programme
verts his Computer ou trait?
Luxissor Acceler Licurl
du Lused in LFLe DéLelopTrterlt Equation “LL Lip rrLLltiple solutiors List or Irrigatior and PoLLer, bLi Possessior LS
Calipll thLLLS, eclipsed by the Wizier its Livert Lildly Fast-Breeder
the Vizier's vision rounding the comers Corrup Luter cuit mLLullidir7 zerus forual Capers.
lans that Lere safely Agri-purpose Wüzler de Creeds[cately FJL I rrp-LCOLISes lerating LifIIrage land Lubbers Sea Lizards epair lessly drauned in their hundreds, Foreign Experts or Failure and Commission lid their perceritage. Ebeller Luar corsessior L.
OLUr Prosessiorials hookedon percerlages e Ligue (EOLL Weeping Walls drid Seepages latter, since their percentage Extraction
rilexa rati Luxorker" de Luccaluatiorill Lng the graphics of recul LUage deslatiort yrrLe ricculto the CLI. Le für fleiricorn
Led to the rili I irl IIIIIIIIIIII for ercerutages for Alle Ullation.
LLLLaGLLLLL LLLLLLLLu LLLLLLLLLGLLLLL suole carcer Lied Ntfol.
1 CaTTLe TTLatters transcending Economics
background roses dro Ling the Poler Titics se L'ere the neu roises as History Irarruled or the Old Maha LLCL IIasa II listery
1 Ute Cholars allegedly ECullering Liegcutes Progr(IIILIT te selected Hot H. Pol-Poss als Mates.
L. HETITIBatia EE

Page 12
PARACE
Under glamorously advertised br popular Pain Killer.
IS PARACETAMOL
There ha ve been world vide reports of liver damage or repeated dosing with Parac dose is 20mg/kilo of body veight or tuvo 5 ίoo high frepραίed four hourly. Το αυοία Seri το 10ηg / hilo tody ιυείghί or one 500mg ίαb
As for Childern above one year Pa Paracetamol per 5ml teaspoon. At the this means, for instance only half teas one year, should be given Paracetamol
Υομr ιλυεη η εeds ίίνη είο αλεαr the poisono bind to the liver cells. If dosage is repeate irreversibly damaged. Resulting malfunction ευεη ή οηι ηorηλα όσαν processες μιλιαλι αν circulate in the blood leading to serious da ιιγίηe - the Kίαιηεν. Hence liυεν αίαγγιαξε η ιει το ίλιe Cιμrrenί εμία ρηνίο οί Κίαιη εν γαι λιμνο ιμή.
CAU
A Market Economy functions on the gir for Medication can be dangerous.
When you are really ill, our range of the Health Services.
M. S. J.INDUSTRIES
Factory and
P.O. B.
Colon

TAMOL?
and names PARACETAMOL sells as a
ALSOAPLAINKILLER2
αίαι αγια, η οτι γαίαι poisonίπg linked to sευεrε είαγγιοι. Τιομέh thε ηια αίηιμrη recorη γη επαίρα 0ng tablets for a 50 kilo adult this dose is οιμς ίίύer dαηιαEείhe dosαge Shoιμία θειιητίίρα εί οην ευεrν 4 ιαμrs for α 50 είλο ατιμίί.
racetamol Paediatric Syrup has 120 mg safe limit of 10mg/kilo of body weight poon for a six kilo child. Infants under only on a doctor's responsibility.
μs brεαλαιομη μγοαμαfs of Pανααείαγγιοι τυλιίαή αι αθουρ ίλιe Sαγείν λίγη ίί νομr lίνει ίιssiιε ές 1 of the liver means that poisonous compounds 2 usually detoxified by the liver, continue to η αερ αί the poiπίίλιey αre filtered oιμί ιη ίliε αης μίίίγγια τε Κιανιeν-fαίίμre reιαίed μεrλιαμς ch has become the basis of a major Industry.
TION
λιμth of ίηα είηαη:y needs. Aη ίπια είηed ηρεαι
Essential Drugs will reach you through
(CEYLON) LIMITED Laboratories
κ. 430,
bo 15

Page 13
PART 2
Norway as international
Jan Egelands
t is time to develop new strategies
if We are going to have any chance of reversing the trend of an ever increasing number of refugees and displaced pe
SKOTS
First, We must include all displaced persons and migrants in our quest for short-term protection and long-term solutions. I have felt an increasing need to fOCUSTOTE attention Oñ ñāSS TOWEement:S of people not covered by the traditional definition of refugees in the Geneva Cowention. In addition to the 20 million ecognized refugees to day, there are an సాక్ష number of internally displa
ced peple.
Second, we should use the methods We already have differently, or combine thern in new and unorthodox ways. We should also realize that resettlement in faraway countries will benefit only a decreasing minority of the global refugee populations.
Third, there can be no long-term solutions without a comprehensive package of humanitarian, political and development initiatives as presently undertaken in the Middle East. The same should apply to our approach to other wars from the Balkans to Angola.
Fourth, we must ensure that international action is taken to protect Wulnérable communities in repressive systems. Comprehensive strategies to safeguard the human rights of those threatened by aggression and brutality should be elaborated. "Humanitarian intervention" by use of force should be our last resort, when all other diplomatic and humanitarian options have been exhausted,
Fifth, we must have the necessary organizational and material preparedness in order to be able to provide humanitarian assistance in time. Our capacity for early Warning has increased in recent years due to enhanced cooperation between networks of NGOs and the multilateral organizations. But our capacity for early intervention is inadequate. In Norway, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs has taken the initiative to create a Norwegian Eme
The writers Norway's State Secretary.
rgency Preparedr REPS). In coopera gian Refugee CDUn UNHCR and other large number of e. rkers i Within 48 holl World. We also pro' Selected airborne stand-by relief stocl Cain less than 24h proven to be great situations When di: quickly for any one vernmental organi. thaIT alone.
Sixth, We shoul ability to make peac Today, the peace-k assisting the imple Tents between Con militaryand civilian n has been extended free and fair electior rights and police cor order, prowiding hur and repatriating refl.
We have proposE more actively send to areas of potential
Seventh, We mus Strategy to protecta|| cy and good gow System of checks ar patory democratic C no segment of sociɛ tent. We can preven sting democratic for to build systems go law. Our Ministry ol the Norwegian Hui hawe established i expertise Which por funds for democrac dozens of countries, by authoritarian forc
In August, a Norw ntion delegation visit te hOW We Can aSS forces to help prevel rming a neW RWan(. projects have been the two main conten and the Tutsi.
Eighth, from ourc

peacemaker
ess System (NOtion With the Norweil, We now provide the UN agencies With a perienced relief WOJrs, anywhere in the ride ten categories of
relief iters from Sin Norway and Afriours. This syster T has value in emergency asters strike far too nultilateral or non-goration to cope with
i enhance the UN's 2 and prevent conflict. eеріпg forces aiпn at rinentation of agreeFicting parties by both means. Their mandale to include organizing is, rmonitoring human 1duct, ensuring public manitarian assistänCe Igees.
d that the UN should fact-finding missions ԸՃrlflict:
tfind a more powerful ld promote democraarnance. Through a d balances, a particirder can ensure that ty becomes omnipoconflictthrough assiCes inpoor Countries Werned by the rule of
Foreign Affairs and man Rights Institute resource bank of Vides perSon el and -building projects in and areas threatened
S.
egiam сопflict-preveed Burundito e ValuaSt the UN and || Call t Burund from becoa. Today, Some ten 2stablished evolving ling tribes, the Hutus
Terin morthWestern
Europe, We may easily overestimate the efect ofemergency assistanceandunderstimate the importance of rehabilitation and long term development. The initial relief phase should always be followed by international cooperation and support for reconstruction. It is important to prevent refugee camps from becoming shelters in which refugees spend decades passively waiting. And it is imperative that the poverty that has caused so many refugee disasters should not be allowed to produCEE W OTS.
Ninth, We must also reaffirm. Our coTi mitment to provide protection through political asylum for those in need. The concept of "Fortress Europe" against refugees must never become a reality,
My tenth, and last suggestion is that the efforts of government the UN system, other international agencies and non-governmental organizations should be betief COOrdirläted Isl Order to Bräsics offciency and avoid duplication. Non-governmental organizations represent the greatest potential for future effective huTanitarian action for those in greatest need. Their operational capacity and rapid mobilization of resources make the T1 the best tools for immediate international disaSter relief at the grass-root level, We are actively lobbying the UN and other governments to give NGO the same status in their disaster preparedness as they hawe in Our Norwegian system.
Norwegian model
The close cooperation between voluntary organizations, academic circles and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in humanitarian action and peace Work has become known as the "Norwegian model". Long before the creation of the Middle East channel, We used this model to engage in systematic efforts to achieve peace in Guate Thala, then in the throes of civil War, The Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Working in close cooperation With Norwegian Church Aid and the Lutheran World Federation, has taken steps to facilitate a peace process on two levels: firstly, peace negotiations between the government and the guerrilla movement, the URNG which began in Norway in March 1990 and hawe continued with the UN as mediator. No
11

Page 14
rway is one of the six Friends of the Peace Process designated by the two parties. In June this year the parties signed two peace agreements in Oslo: one regarding the safe repatriation of tens of thousands of refugees from Mexico and the other establishing a "Commission of Truth" regarding the more than one hundred thousand political assassinations during the reign of terror in Guatemala.
Secondly, the government and a nuTiber of church organizations have begun a process of reconciliation between the government, the army, the guerrillas and Indian and other grassroot organizations, IпAprilwергоvidefuпdingforaпесumепіcal meeting between the military, human rights groups and Nobel Peace laureate Rigoberta Menchu and other Indian leaders, In September, for the first time, the gueriallas Tet with the military, and Indian and other local NGOs in three-way negotiations in Oslo.
There have been other attempts to foster peace as well. The government of Sudan and the armed opposition movement, the SPLA, have met through warious Norwegian academic gatherings. Under the auspices of the UN and EU mediator for the former Yugoslavia, Thorvald Stotenberg and Lord Owen, the Serb and the Croat side of the Krajina conflict met for talks at a Norwegian mountain resort last autumn. There has been further initiatives and Contacts elsewhere, which shall remain unofficial upon the request of the parties.
The nature of each conflict is unique and any attempt at mediation or conciliation will by necessity be different from
other peace talks. from the abovetaught us that we trying to transplant Ce process to the d
Still, there seem der Omirātors for T actor'S.
First, there is, fori a surprising gap in ptions of what is, in basic historic data tistics may be highly because informatio storted or censored parties.
Furthermore, it is for the observer the peace is in their inte nued conflict. In the a short "Window of 1992-93 for the first and the PLO saw compromise for the It lost cases the oth their opponents are Often, willingness to interpreted as Weakr allies. The task of th convince the leader Concessions in Orde are small compared refits of peace.
Finally, we tend ti internal interplayofpi side of the Conflict.P. tions across the C. difficult power strug
U.N. AND WAR (3)
Bush Fire Burnt Ou
Horace Perera
he se institutions hawe been Studied
in fair detai| With a Wiew to dernonstrating that except for NATO, the other two had not the capacity for co-ordinating the Western response. Apart from efforts at brokering ceasefire agreements, conducting peacekeeping operations and providing humanitarian aid they could, at the time they accepted responsibility for solving the crisis, do little to discharge it. The leaders with whom they were dealing, particularly the Serbs, hardly showed any desire to come to the negotiating table and
2
When they did, the intention of impleme reached. The only stood Was force an The one Super Po shown the force,
Clinton, lacked the
sdom and dumped tt of the E.C. Ewen afte 1991, when the Se responsibility this S give the internationa ctive leadership whic

ird learnt experience ntioned cases has hould be careful in ssons from опереaect benefit of others,
be certain common dern Wars and their
he impartial observer, he respective perceact, the reality. Even Socio-economic Stacontroversial, in part is systematically diby at least one of the
often more obvious n for the parties that estratterthan ContiMiddle East there Was opportunity" when in time both the Israelis it in their interest to benefit of peace. In }r side is not ready if prepared to bargain. give Concessions is less by foes and even le mediator Will be to ships that short-term to reach agreement to the long-term be
forget the dynamic litical forces on each 1 rallel to any negotiainflict lines, equally gles take place bet
weer hawks and do WeS at home. In the Middle East, as well as in Central America or on the Balkans reports from street meetings or fighter reunions indicate that the respective public opinions are often much more hardline against giving concessions than their remote and jet-setting negotiations.
With less than one tenth of a percent of the world's population Norwegian milltary, strategic or economic power Will always be marginal. Still, in certain areas of international relations the small, Coherent, affluent and activist nation may have Comparative advantages to that of the big power or intergovernmental organization.
In promoting peace, human rights and democracy there are occasions when the small country may make a difference, because of, rather than in spite of, being a small country. We hawe brought together conflict parties in the Middle East, Central America, the Balkans and elsewhere. Not because We in any Way can force or threaten the parties, but because the parties see it in their interest to use a trusted facilitator to test the chances for a peaceful settlement of their conflict.
Our commitment does not stop here. We hawe leart that Wisios Carl betrarhislated into reality. Whether peace negotiations organized by NorWay will again be Successful is an open question. Perhaps only one in ever hundred attempts will succeed. Nonetheless, it will be Worth the effort. The slogan of the student revolution of 1968 may be appropriate:
Be a realist, attempt the impossible.
did so with hardly ting any agreements nguage they undebrute force at that. fer that Could haWe ile it Lurder BUSh or ourage and the Wi2 problem on the lap he 25th. September Jrity Council seized Der FOWEr fallêd to community the effeit alone could hawe
given. Even when the Council finally authorized the use of force it was linited to the use of air power and restricted to specific purposes such as protecting UN personnel and ensuring the delivery of hur Tanitarian aid, Consequently the war for Bosnia-Herzegovina continued and the second War for Croatia had still to be fought unless it could be ended with peaceful means which is, as thingsstand, very unlikely. The US, by its shameful act of omission shares the guilt for the barbarities, including the "ethnic cleansing" that

Page 15
hawe been perpetrated by all parties, particularly the Bosnian Serbs,
茜 H
L LLLLL LL LLLLLLLLLLLL LLLLL LaL LCL in Yugoslawia broke Out in Jung 1991 when Bush had still a year and half left of his term of office, it is a matter for Surprise that the person who gawe Such effective leadership in the Persion Gulf crisis and in the war that followed agreed to hand over the responsibility for "the Western response" to the E.C. The US should hawe known Wery Well that this Community had not the procedures, nor the machari STS ad therefore mot the capacity to di Scharge that responsibility effectively. There can be пnany reasons for Bush distancing himself and his country from the situation. To begin with there wasnt in the conflict in Yugoslavia the compelling combination of reasons which made the situation in the Gulf a matter of paramount importance to US national interests. It is very likely that, at that particular tinTe, to Tost A Tericans and to Bush him:SElf - t0 LISE Chamberlain's memorable Words in regard to the Czechoslavak crisis in 1938 - the Conflict in Yugoslavia was a "quarrel in a far away Country between people of whom we know Very little". There may be other reasons too. He probably had his hands full trying to "win the peace" in the Gulf after the expulsion of Iraq frost Kuwait, pitted as he was against consistent efforts by Saddam Hussein to circumvent, with his usual craftiness, the undertaking he had accepted by agreeing to the conditions laid down in Security Council resolution 687 (1991). One cannot also rule out the allegations made by quite a few politiCal Commentators that Bush was already beginning to calculate his chances of Tg-election i 1992. This Could hawe Contributed to his enunciation of What hasbaan Called "The BLS DOCETTE" titi ATiCE SOldièrs should not bE SElt into a Conflict in which they are not going to prevailand prevail rapidly. This consideration may have gathered weight with the extension of the War into Bosnia-Herzegowina, particularly as his opponent in the Presidential campaign was focussing attention overwhelmingly on the need to give a high priority to domestic issues facing the country. Bush had consequently to trim his campaign sails and to avoid involving the US in a warfaraway which, if it turned out to be a prolonged operation, could Tost probably have an adwerse effect om his prospects of re-election. Not only did
ha lot hawe the CC interwene at a tirTle rytors feel interwenti dividends but he ey ckles" Clinton's prop against those impe humanitarian aid. It Wit Willial Paff'SC nqueror of Panamɛ KuWait", for the mc Sons of partisan adw: leadership which
-Chief Of the Solt expected to give the nity. NATO, recogniz rful military alliance ha We bees uSed t) { ssion when in July 19 and the spi|| Cower ol snia-Herzegovina CC mtėd, NÖ-interWėmit allies only encourag Vicard his HercПITla to proceed with their the hor Tendous atrol and is still going with
Clinton's Legacy
In view of Bill Clin the election trail of licy, the latter Woul no regrets at all in le Problem" as a lega After all Clinton durii declared that the U takes to stop the slau that it "could not ign be a deliberate and S tion of human beings origin". Furthermor Bush of giving shor rning for freedom is: Bosnia-Herzegovina the fact that the rise Milosevic signalledti international stage bloodiest Tyrants", SOThe suggestions, r observers, such as the economic block: "Seek Security Cou the use of air strike attack relief and aid Te hEadw0Cated the tional army "Whose ti to risk tir liyS for sumably as "knights at the borders of COL aggressio, preWET against civilian popu Thalitarian relief ar riS. "With dcat|

urage and vision to Wher OStR COTITTEon Would hawe paid van declared as "TEIosal to use air strikes ding the delivery of is difficult to disagree Trent that the "COa" and "Liberator of 1st contemptible reaantage, abdicated the the Commander-i- ary Super POWer is international COITIThuPcasthamOstpOWEin the World, could check Serbian aggre91 it attacked Croatia f the Conflict imto BoJuld hawe beempreweion by the Western Eti Slobodan Milosel, Radowa Karadzic, War of expansion and cities that hawe gone, - itו
ton's criticism, during Bush's Yugoslav podi probably hawe had 2awing the "Yugoslaw cy to his successor. ng the campaign, had Si Should "do What it ghter of civilians" and Ore what happens to ystematic exterminabased on their ethnic e, he had accused t shrift to those yeaslovenia, Croatia and a" and for "ignoring to power of slobodan Te appearance on the of "one of Europe's He also picked up Tade by international the need to "tighten ide of Serbia", and to ncil authorization for S against those Who convoys". Further Tocreation of an internaroops would be ready peace standing (pres in shining armour") Intries threatened by ting mass wiolations lations, providing huNid Combatting terroOms like these he had
Very little to complain about his legacy because he had claimed, rhetorically, at least that he was prepared to do what Bush had left undone. The task he had broughton himself was a formidable one. By the time of his inauguration in January 1993. Some 25% of Croatia had be overrun by Serbian forces and an uneasy peace reigned in that republic in spite of a peace plan brokered by Cyrus. Wапсе, the UN mediator, and the deployment by the SeCLurity Council of UN Protectior Forces (UNPROFOR) for peacekeeping purposes in UN Protection Areas (UNPAs), The war in Bosnia was at its fiercest with all the barbarities associated with that euphemism "ethnic cleansing". What was expected of the new President Was, as far as foreign affairs was concerned, a clear state Tent of the goal of US policy in regard to the War in Bosnia-Herzegovina and to the former Republic of Yugoslavia, referred to from 30 May 1992 as the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (Serbia and Montenegro) in Security Council Resolution WW1991. There Were, one Tight say, three options. The first of these Was for the US to put its Weight behind the territorial and political lines imposed by force by the Bosnian Serbs. The Second Was to assist the Muslims to lowe forward militarily with a view to restore Bosnia-Herzegovina to its pre-war dimerisions. The third Was to broker, with the parties concerned, the partition of the republic into three, more or less ethnic, areas. Whichever options were chosen there would hawe to be entrarched constitutional provisions for the protection of the rights of the minorities. To implement a selected option the US would have to hawe a President capable and determined to give effective leadership to Europe and to the World at large. As events proved, that leadership Clinton Was mot able to give because of his little experience of, and less interest in foreign affairs. This Was revealed by one who attended most of Clinton's foreign policy meetings. He complained that at these meetings little Was done beyond the consideration of the Thost immediate issues, that Clinton hates to take decisions on foreign policy, and Consequently there is no crisp sense of direction from the President. It is this manner of dealing with foreign policy issues that brought from the United Royal Institute of Strategic Studies in London the resTiark that "the LJS, gwes, Tiore thal USual, does not seem to be following a Steady cort pass".
NePr: rifer's Eaur
13

Page 16
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Page 17
WOMANHOOD (3)
Purity, Motherhood and S
Kumari Jayawardena
he concepts of female purity and
of the Women as the producer of heroic males acquire enormous significance in times of heightened ethnic rivalry and conflict. Popular inflammatory and dennagogic appeals during such times are based on atrocity stories about Women, ranging from allegations of rape, to the cutting off of breasts, abduction, forced marriage and the luring of Women by males of the "other" community.
These attitudes were apparent even in earlier periods. During the 1930s, a period of economic depression and unemployment, the campaign to deport Malayali Workers from Kerala (South India), who at that time forted an important section of the Colombo working class, was characterized by frequent accusations that these Malayali Hindu Workers were using unfair tactics such as "Malayali blackmagic" and charms to entice Sinhala Buddhist I WOTE. SOTČ racists of the time praised Hitler's policies of Aryan purity, and a letter to the editor of a trade union journal, cortinenting favourably on Hitler's prohibition of marriages between Aryans and Jews, wrote:
"Everyone says that unions between Sinhala Women and Malayalis, whether legal or not should be prohibited. If this practice, which is certain to lead the nation to slavery and servitude, is prohibited, it will beatimely stepfor the cause of the Sinhala race. It is the duty of all Sinhalese to support such a demand (Wiraya, 17 April, 1936)".
The affirmation of Women as mothers of heroic males has now acquired significance in opposition to the Tamil separatist struggle. The emergence of militant Tamil youth groups destanding a separatestate and Committed to armed struggle to achiewe it has dolinated the politics of Sri Lanka for the last decade. The violence of the 1980s included the army moving in against the militants, the pogrom against Tamils in July 1983, the continuing escalation of the Conflict, and Indian intervention and consequently the flaring up
of Sinhala militanty. | the South. The ur Northalid Southmad with the highest num per population in the
Gender issues ha ntly in the carnage o South, the 1983 pogr numbers of Tamil refl. organizations comin and help to refugees V100 WTērfa nent in the arts, prof signed a statement settlerient to the Colf could be no military the formation of an WorTiger for Peace ir Women hawe thus be Ce, the dorThinant ten nhala Buddhist ethni oppose any political pport the efforts of th the Tamil militancy b |ti Tlakes hēroes of t security forces, calls arld Exalls the TiOtl heroic Women rakir Country and the Sinh
In an umsigned arti Sons and "Man-made Tannekoon made a Constructions as they a Cassette of Sinhala Gi) putout by the gov "glorified war and vio the name of patriotis by Tale 'military cul One Song,
Defending the Tic like protecting the M nourished you,
AS Tennekoon motės
The CaSSette... rThal who have entrapp Vicious cycle of wi r-violence. Male n their "supporting" (

inhala Buddhist Women
Luth, led by the JWP, Ceasing violence in e Sri Lanka a Country ber of violent deaths World in 1989-1990.
we figured prominef these years. In the om and the resulting gees led to Women's J 0Ut to give Shelter In December 1984, communities promiessions and politics calling for a political Fict, stating that there Solution; this led to Organization called I 1985. While 5Te en agitating for peadency within the Sigroup has been to Solution and to su Le state to SuppreSS y the force of arms. he Tembers of the for support to thern Eers Of Soldiers ä5 Ig Sacrifices for the ala Community.
cle (called "Macho" "Mothers"), Serena 1 analysis of these Were marif-StEd in battle songs (Rana rnmentin 1986 that ence perpetrated in T and motherhood
ure". According to
therland, Tyson is other who bore and
es heroes ofmales :d therTmSelwes ir a ler]Ce and COLInteilitary heroes, and ast of mothers and
admiring wives and lowers, are invoked to condone the insanity of organised male violence. A...pernicious objective of these Songs is to define Worren as an intrinsic part of military society.
These criticisms notwithstanding, the invocation of motherhood as a sacrifice for the country proceeds apace, Newspaper stories hawe recently been giving prominence to tales of mothers whose sons are in the battlefront. One tells of a mother With three sons in the army, She is quoted as saying, "The North and the East War had just started to rage. But I Wasproud of my sons and of their desire to go and fight not only for the country but also for millions of people in it". Elements of popular Buddhism are also involved in this glorification. She goes on to say: "If tragedy befalls any of my sons, I Will hawe to take it as a karmic effect. If they have to die, it will happen Whether they are here at home or fighting in the north. If they die while fighting the War I would be proud of my sons as they died for a cause" (Sunday Times, Colombo, 11 August, 1991).
The role of the mother, as the producer of new generations of acceptable Sinhala Buddhists, is now being transformed into the producer of warriors who fearlessly give up their lives for the cause. The maintenance of ethnic hegemony now demands sacrifices and this need is then Written into the Construction.
To be continued
Notes
2, Lanka Guardian B, No. 15, 15 Jan, 1986.
One Song begins"The blood-milk of Tothers"; and another, by a woman to her soldier lower, Says
Don Write to mg in pretty handwriting Tales of innocent love, as in the past Write some of how you are doing Brave and steadfast at the battlefront.
Part 3 of the Asian Female Leadership will appearin olur next issue.
15

Page 18
FORUW
Communication for
Cees Hamelink, Herbert Schiller, Fernando Henric
Cees Hamelink (The Netherlands)
"Thank you wery much, Professor Cardoso. As you were talking, I did realize that processes in сопteпрогагy histoгу are not necessarily irreversible. We talked about these processes in an industrial production that goes from human labor, from human dimension to mechanical production. I think you did demonstrate this morning, that a process can also go the other way. You did confront US this morning, With a new mode of academic production. Whereas, SO often, Our academic presentations are a mechanical reālding of papers, that might as well be done by robots or computers, you brought us back this morning to the human dimension of eloquence, and I'm very grateful for that, as 'Tobviously grateful for the substance of your talk."
"I know that although We are running somewhat late, since you are not only an intellectual but also apolitician, you would hate to leave Guaruja WithOLt. a little bit of a debate, wouldn't you?"
Herbert Schiller (U.S.A.)
"I personally would like to say that I hope the rest of our meetings corne somewhere.... I can't say, to the same high level, but to the same level that approximates What We hawe just heard this Torning."
"However, after saying that, I would like to ask, or at least to comment on the first of your points, which I think, in a sense, affects all the other points. And that is, as | understood it, you gawe us a feeling that there has been a transformation, may be a revolution, in the means of production and that this permeates the rest of society. And I wonder if this is what you intended to say, because it came out as if We have an autonomous independent technology that has, somehow or other, come into existence, that has these Wonderful characteristics of producing larger and larger amounts of goods and services which, with a little good luck, may be able to be distributed widely, but there are Some areas of the World, because they don't have these capabilities of knowledge and information, that Will be marginalized."
Now, I don't disagree With that second
16
point, but, to believ dgment, that this i promotion based or technologies, is Son det for C3 Which hi the very fundamen society that produc just....
I agree with your орепness and pe things can happen. I think you handled thirik We håWE :: tÓ ľE extremely powerful structure in being, technologies are ba and Tot at the Serw although sometimes little messages or streams or flows, b) relationships are WE ādāSāSulfE that We see is so directly out of the W these technologies for a COTımarı LISE talking about a new in the U.S.A., our decimated. True, W engineers and syste the rest of that, but no longer exist, or i such an attenuated Wernet which is We |KnOW each case, e.' ty is different, but ir Societies the unior Tuls, ard SC) WÉ HI in terms of this sys to say, and hear y d. We feel liste-Cl ted blessing and dic it comes from and W Tlalner Of forTito a redirection or ma' its wery character at
Fernando Henriqu
Well, let's reply I would like to add an introduction to W. | fully agree with y sake of brevity that the problem of thes you are absolutely r

a NeW World
ue Cardoso, Peter Bruck and Lisandro Nogueira
'e, at least in my jus a new system of the BW information he kind of an indepeSOCollection. With tal StrLJ CtureBS of the edithern, and Tay
dialectic that there is rmeability, and that
don't question either. it brilliantly, but I also scognize that it is an structure institutional for which these new sically at their service ice of the rest of US, S We are ableto İrı Sert be able to get little Ut at tę TOTIgrt the ry, very asymmetric, at, this marginalization mething that comes ery pUrposeful Use of for exploitation - not ... And when you are labor force, We See abor forCE ha5 bBer te hawe EW kirds of arms managers and all urblue-collar Workers if they do, they are in Stato.The union TOy differenthere. So very national specificithe most developed TowerTents lay down awe enormous tasks, term, and all I Wanted Our Words on that, is пologyisап шппіligа} We recognize where hat We Calcio in SOrT1B possible even ask for y be even to question ogether? Thank you."
e CardOSO
O you by saying that a footrote, or better, lät|Said besoré, Sirlce Du. It was only for the : I avoided discussing structure of power, but ight. And since We are
now disCUSSing in Brazil, the question of a new patents law, control of new technology, it is quite obvious that the power structure is behind all this, so you are absolutely right | hawe no disagreerTent with you. It was my fault: for the sake of brevity, I started with the new technology without emphasizing what you did, and you are right,
Peter Bruck (Austria)
"I wery much liked your theory of short-circuits and sparks. One of the things which came to my mind from the research which we are doing is that to think of the media, especially the tabloid media, as a kind of Social agent which continuously creates sparks, that continuously elects people) as actors, ContinuO LIsly Solicits people lo do Certain things, but then als 0, Within their contexts, contain these sparks and this kind of activity to a Very limited amount of Social activity and range. So if we can think this a little bit further through in terms of the activity of enticement of action on One hand, then of containment, I think We can get a little bit better towards the nation of potential activism which you alluded to."
"The other thought which I had was in terts of your opening actual sequences. When I came doWm om the plane, I picked up a book before left Ottawa. It is a short issue of the Cambridge History of South America. Andread about the first Empire, and, actually, the stages leading up to the independence of Brazil. And what struck me there, actually, was how the historians narrate lhe independence of Brazil and the coming about of the independence of Brazil as basically a struggle over international trade, means of production, the exchange rates, the terms and trades which Were going Con between Portugal and Britian at that time and their colonies in the The W. World."
"Which leads me to Take the point that actually what I'm asking myself is - it seems to me that kind of background. Whom does it actually serve to talk about the present changes which We find in ters of this new kind of international order? It is actually nota new order which is created on new flows of trade, but We

Page 19
- this country has been in the historian's narration constituted in its beginnings through this kind of dynamics. It is just that We hawe to get through this and see what are actually the dynamics in the way in which these changes are being brought about. It is not just that it's new, that there are global dynamics. These global dynatics are constituted of the features of these nation states, and these Societies, in the way they have developed. But the dynamics as such hawe to benarTed much more concretely and think that using the language of business and the language of free trade negotiations and the language of people who see that in the board rooms, and also the leaders of the state, does not help us analytically to understand, actually, the dynamics which are taking place. Thank you.
Fernando Henrique Cardoso
"I don't know if got your point. It is true that when you reflect about the indepeindence, it's obvious that kind of trade interests were behind independence. It's also true that now it's not enough to think about the new World in terms of the new concepts proposed by businessmen and by international trade. I don't know exactly what your point is. What you are objecting to or asking me, so..."
Cees Hamelink (The Netherlands)
"Is there anyone very specific question, Peter, that you could raise that Professor Cardoso Would respond to? If not, We will ask for one or more additional interventions. We Would still| hawe time for Come or two more interventions. Yes? Could you please identify yourself?"
Lisandro Nogueira (Brasil)
"When you referred to the changes that are taking place in communication, throughout the entire World, and that you coTiment in respect to the people that will remain, or are remaining, to one side of the process, I will ask the following: in what Way do means of communication, the schools of communication, both in Brazil and in the United States, in Europe, in fact, in what Way can We work so that these people do not remain to one side? How do you see the role of communication in this process? In the book entitled "A Sociedade Informatica" (The Informatics Society) by Adam Schaff, he comments on these people who will remain to one side and he positions precisely in this mass of people, one of the great challenges of the next century. Why is it that these people, even remaining to one side, as you said
and cited Hegel, the more and more pt through and they ge they have some pi manipulated by sev you see the role of th cation in this proces
Fernando Henriqu
"Look, naturally Works of Adam Sch: recognizes this fact that, increasingly, W. zed masters of thep ction and consumpti What Will be the effe
"I tried 10t to Sh0) fact that in the past this process interms rTninated dialectic. Bu the dOrthinator, in SOn the dominated. The of his slawe. Well hê is posed by Schaff, is геally becomes па ask Te how it is ' Comunication Car it is not the Schools therT15elwes, It is wh; been referred to as Sèärch. But Bre in easy to show the ir people that are not b by the flow of what h ThOderfllzation and t Now, politically, what Can We play in politi The fact that they are lation or that they humanity, is no cons tors Were always a in India were newel hundred thousand a millions. In China, als is Cruel. The fact tha ΕΓΕ ΕΜΕΙ ΠΠΟΤΕ ΠΙΠΠΕ tion. The problemiso transfor II themselve political actors, but he is created capable of ralized demand. And questions: 1 -) From economic growth, th theory, as you all kn growth, because with growth, it is imposs majority. To Catar ti present style of eCos exhaust the natural generate enormous greenhouse effect. heart of the questic

Se people -- they are aople and they pass 2, they are living, and Jwer including being "eral groups. How do
9TBaSofCOLיילים.
E CardoSO
arm far Tiliar with the all and believe that he With much precision, e Will have marginalirincipal flow of produon. Then you ask me ict of this."
N, but to ention the We always thought of of the dominator/doalways thinking that le Way, depended om Tilaster is the Slawe tre, the problem that also-that this mass rginalized. And you that the schools of deal with this? Here, of Communication in at here in Brazil has the accusation reBrazil it is extremely Timërise nuTiber of enefited in any way ere is referred to as lat are to Corg Side. is the question, how Cal termis With this? millions is nocolsoare the majority of lation, The dominainority. The English поге пап a fey nd they dominated 2. Therefore, history : it is said that they "OLIS is no consolaly to know how they S - not only into Wit is that a system atering to the geneerel go into several he point of wiew of re is a Whole new W, of Self-sustained
the present style of
ble to Cater to the
the majority, this Thic growth would Sources. It Would plution, a colossal , Certainly, at the
of Contemporary
civilization is the need for another Style of civilization. With the present style of civilization, these majorities will newerbe catered to and there will always be a feeling of fear on the part of the dominators in face of these majorities and of impotence on the part of the latter. We hawe to think of other styles of development. We hawe to think of other styles of political action and here arises the question about the means of communication and of the Schools of communication.
Because what I have tried to Say here, much of the passage, is that these marginalized people, when they do move, they need the flow, they need to enter into the flow of communication in order to be able to short-circuit. And here, the political action, the organizing action, or at times, even the personal action of the communicators, of the teachers and of the journalists, etc. is fundamental. But this is a question the answerto which is not academic, it is necessary topoliticize and have no means of politicizing. If I had, I would not be a senator, I can assure you that it is much more comfortable to be academic. It is very heavy to participate politically. It is very hard as a life-style. But there is no other way out. It is necessary to politicize this question, isn'tit? To increase the degree of conscience as to these problems and to establish conditions for an increasing participation of this marginalized mass that will inevitably lead to another style of development, for the presentis not feasible.
Cees Hamelink
"Senator Cardoso, in her famous book, "March of Folly, the late Barbara Ta ckman, the famous historian, explains Why politicians always do everything Wrong, and she explains in a long historical account that politicians always know how to take decisions against the interests of their constituencies and against their own interests. And she says this is basica. ly because all politicians are afflicted by a virus that she calls "imbecilitus". Today we've met an exception. I'm Very happy that there are also politicians which are not affected by this virus, and Would only wish that political life had more intellectuals such as you and that intellectual life had more politicians such as y'OU."
"Thank you wery much. You did Spark of a good inspirational tone for the rest of our academic deliberations and this effectively concludes our Opening Session. Thank you, Professor Cardoso."
לך

Page 20
BOOKS
A Review of an Introduction
TODWiGSO
Radhika Colomaraswamy and Nira Wickramasinghe, ed. Infroduction To Social Theory (New Delhi: Konark Publishers, 1994.)
An Introduction. To Social Theory presents an interesting dialogue of certain aspects of Western Contemporary SOCI al theory and its application to social, historical, and cultural problems present in Sri Lanka. Through the presentation of contemporary problems in light of social theory, it has appeal for the scholar, incipient academic, and the Concerned citizen. But as a introduction, the intended audience are those people who are mot terribly familiar with social theory. All seven articles that comprise the book are Worthwhile in this respect. To anowice, the Vocabulary and concepts of social theory may seem alien Or irrele Wamit. The Writars here haWe applied these concepts to problems of the everyday in a manner which may be helpful in understanding their meaning and relevance. Further, the articles sho|W how a critical mind can be developed through the use of concepts that comprise social theory.
Beyond the introduction of the discOUrse of social theory and the development of a critical mind, an introduction has the capacity to orient a student within a given discipline. Typically a survey is rather dry, Consider the Tarimoth texts common to introductory undergraduate Courses, or the rote lectures intended to Craft the World of sociology into one semester. They may offer a history of social theory, a general articulation of various Schools of thought, instruction astomethod, Statistical data and research, and possibly a brief sketch of the importance of social theory today. This approach seems to Weigh heavily upon the student. Presentations of this manner typically present the vocabulary and concepts of social theory divorced from the past and present coTriunities that afforded them witality and passion. Not is it terribly evident that Surveys of this kind foster the critical mind. A better introduction to social theory allows the student to Wander about for a time within applied social theory to find what may seem interesting. This type of approach entails a certain degree of confusion and possibly disorientation at first. But even if the concepts may not be
B
entirely understood, if and contingency is these concepts and blems, a student Tay a certain degree. On shed, the desire to ncepts of social theor COTE to bē āriSES. seemed boring may stimulaling, and WOrt investigation.
It is in this capacity has a good deal of m Sri Like StLudrt, B critics, historians, ar only in relation to the blems of Sri Lanka, E the history of Social maya Cquire a Sense the everyday shape how social theory affect contemporary nner, a degree of throughout the book, ssaгy concepts and socialtheory. Given conceivable that a E theory could be addr i a positiwe marrier, not the intention of a positively presented the wocabulary of th sophicalleftin Europi ding Frantz Fanon's St-Colonial latio. authors Coltral to thi Sophical left is as got any I Would propose to acaderTmia are per must be addressed another. Thought it ( that the post-Marxis should be juxtapose opinions of the his direction of Social positive manner. BL may hawe been beyi book, and it is only present some ideas social and political My second point of relatiom betWell I theory based in Eurc the history and cont in Sri Lanka.
"Post-Marxist phil bably an unfortunate ption might be thos mitiam or absolutist Sil

to Social Theory
'a sense of Urgency conveyed between Contemporary probecome inspired to :e interestis establiunderstand the Coy and how they hawe
What might have OW seem relevant, h further study and
that an Introduction erit, especially to the y placing the Warious id philosophers not 3 contempогагy prout also in relation to theory, the student of how problems of social theory, and as the capacity to problems. In this Ta= witality is conveyed along with the meceUTiries Čėñtfall tO is approach, it is not road base of Social essed from all sides and this is certainly Iroductor. It has a dialogue central to a post-Marxist philo= Band Arnerica, incluposition on the poThe concepts and e post-Marxist philoDda starting point as TIBir COltri LtiOS vasive, and ole that | in orie fashion Or loessee T1 it portant it school of thought di relation to other tory, structure, and theory argued in a ut Such juxtaposition Ond the SCOpe of the my intention here to that are part of the hilosophical debate. ritique concerns the contemporary Social pe and America and emporary form of life
osophical left" is prote. AbtterdScria who reject the Kaance, where notions
of intrinsic human dignity, intrinsic human rights, and an ahistorical and trans-Cultural understanding of "the self" are of seminal importance to the maintenance of liberal societies. The post-Marxist School has a more Hegelian flavor, and proposes that human dignity, rights, and identity are derivative of a respective community. Both schools assume that philosophy prowides foundation for the constitution and Workings of a society. The post-Marxists reject the notion of the Enlightenment self and all the notions derived front it that have made for the liberal societies of Europe and America. Consequently, the institutions, including that of the academic disciplines and their respective Scholastic Works, which hawe arisen frOT I ård åre supposedly based within the discredited philosophy of the Enlightenment should be abandoned. It Would be fair to say that the philosophers and theorists positively addressed in the book, and the Writers themselves, tend towards this position for Warious reasons and to varying degrees,
Beyond the Kantian and post-Marxist positions, there is a third position that has come to some degree of prominence in the last century, commonly associated with contemporary Arnerican pragmalism founded in the Works of John DeWey. The position holds that the institutions of liberal Societies should be preserved while abandoning their philosophical justification, Philosophy, and socialtheory is notunderstood as providing foLundations, nordoés philosophy and social theory necessarily hawe seminal importance to the construction of a society. To abandon the Kantian position does not mean, or give justification for, the abandonment of the iristilutions and language of Contemporary liberal Society. Philosophy and Social theory may or may not be needed, or wanted. If it is needed, it may serve to introduce various metaphors and ideas to assist the constitution of a given Society. Once this is understood, or accepted, contemporary American pragmatismpositsthatan historical understanding of the self, and an understanding of identity based in a respective community serves the notions and İnstitution5 of libGral Societies better than the notions of the Enlightenment which gawe rise to them. Within an Introducror, the Kantian position is only referred to through critique from the post-Marxist position, and the pragmatist position is not mentioned either positively or through сritique

Page 21
But this is not necessarily good or bad, An introduction is a tricky business, and it seems that the best approach to take is to begin the process of developing a student's capacity to think for herself. This is a "liberal" idea, of course, but one will assume is desirable, Given the above explication of what a good introduction Tanages to do, it is hard to allow for a Certain degree of ideological freedom Without losing the vitality of impassioned debate. In some respects it must be considered good to bombard the student with an ideology probably foreign to the everyday perspective. The student should become jarred, in a sense, out of thinking only along the lines of what is considered "normal," "obvious," and "accepted." Yet, if an introduction is to foster critical thinking, it is important that the student does not become an immediate devote of a respective ideology that may be preseInted in an introduction.
Pradeep Jeganathan's article, "The Task of Social Theory," is placed appropriately at the beginning of an Introduction. Jeganathan steers away frornphilosophical jargon and focuss on the fundamental purpose of social theory as critique, but in a casual and conversational manner. This fundamental purpose though can become disconcerting to the new student, or to anyone for that matter, if its Constructive nature is not addressed. The student may come to feel that social theory is nothing but a hostile attack upon the very constitution and form of life integral to her existence and identity, Jeganathan shows how social theory as critique can be applied to a common everyday occurremce – Watching a national festiwal on television with the family. He continues to point out what may not seem obvious to the common perspective, and how what is implicit and potentially harmful can become explicit through the method of social theory. The viewer becomes free from one way of looking at what is presented on the television. In this manner, Jeganathan has also given an example of how Critique can disclose what may drive or constitute a Contemporary problem of Society, like the War in Sri Lanka. Once part of the implicit drive or constitution of a problem has been disclosed through critique, critique takes onaconstructive role. But Jeganathan not only emphasizes the constructive role that social critique may have, but emphasizes What social theory cando after a problem has been made explicit through Critique. Social theory, according to Jeganathan, must take on the role of introducing new concepts and metaphors beyond critique to fashion a community in a manner previously unthought. Jeganathan's emphaSisonthe "imangined,"–athemecarried throughout an Introduction - Conveys to the student the necessity of thinking for
oneself beyond vari sort such that new blems may come at
This last point of to The the Thost Vital the intention is not student to the disco but also to instill oneself. A person ca. t0 the Commor Lurd OTESEItEd Or tele Wis: slawe to a certain Cri Understanding. A cr purpose if it frees : thĒTS2lweS and mot specific Critique, Int Tay Cortle to deWE іппаgine, and thшs imagined cor TImuniti might become real.
The Other article! follow a similar, the pattern to that of Jeg the rather intensive presented by Ismail are rightly placed wil book, each article b: to What may be a reli mêW student, Qr qL make sense to a new tion of certain aspet then presented in rel Or the questions, fol of social critique to th ryproblemsplaguing wa nying degretas of c SWany's article ori F Sexuality, and Crim appropriate in terms Sophy of a Writer cen Social theory, and . relation to other writer Car refer for further Swamy does a goodj COn Crete examples of and crime - issues in o Lur everyday live: discussion of the im Writings had not only Whole, but also Within of the Western phil She applies Foucault' in an interesting light JWP. To varying de hawe preached a ME C00 maraswamy quic may seem "radical"ic rxist Wanguard hawe out upon the basis model of organization rent from the very Oppose. She states LI TE are a Subaliter subaltern have theirp sion." But Coornarasw On the deletarious eff relation to the JWP ar

us ideologies of any Solutions to old pro)Luit.
eganathan's seems to an introductor, if only to introduce a urse of social theory apacity to think for 'n be as much a slawe rstanding of what is on as they can be a ique of that common tique only serves its
person to think for only in the light of a is Tarner a StLudert lop the capacity to hink of and design es in order that they
in an Introduction Ligh more rigorous, anathan's. Except for and scholastic Works and de Alwis, which hin thé midd|E of the agins with an appeal avant example to the lestions which may student. A presentait of social theory is ation to the example owed by application вlarger сопtemporaSri Lanka today with omplexity. СоогmaraFoucault, "Madness, e," Seems the Tost of outlining the philotral to contemporary blacing the Writer in 'S to Which the rowice reading. Coomaraob of intergrating the madness, sexuality, We all Come a CrOSS s - into a general portance Foucault's " Lupon society as a the conceptual turns DSophical dialogue, snotion of exclusion to the LTTE and the grees, both groups arxist ideology. Yet, kly notes that what ileologies of the Maplayed themselves of exclusion. Their is not terribly diffegroups which they "The JWP and the Voice, but even the fOCedures of excluamydoes not dwell ects of exclusion in ld the LTTE, which
is fortunate given the scope of an introduction. We are presented with a glance of Foucault, how Foucault may be relevant, and what we could study to find out more about Foucault and his place within social theory. In this manner, Coomaraswamy has demonstrated to the new student of social theory how a critical mind can be developed, and how such a mind can lie above the fray of political ideology. "Exclusion" has been presented as an idea, and Coomaraswamy has managed to show how interesting an idea it is without drifting into an impassioned fixation upon its merit or deterit.
The other articles tarry on the line between presentation of ideas and impassioned debate from an ideological Standpoint complete with dogmatic claims. Argument for various ideologies is certainly an integral part of Social theory, and Worthwhile as part of an introduction. But rather than presenting positive arguments from the Kantian (or absolutist), pragmatic, and post-Marxist positions of Social theory, all the articles come from the perspective of and treat concepts central to the post-Marxist tradition. This may be detrimental to the new student of social theory, given that she might not have the background and skills to see outside of this ideology, or something with which to compare this ideology. Such a perspectwe fosters students that may not beinterested in varying viewpoints – the kind of perspective that tends towards exclusion, the kind of perspective that so many of the writers in an Introduction are trying to avoid. Such a perspective tends to alienate people of otherwiews, and tends to stifle the creative expansion of a particular ideology and its application to a community as a whole.
The abowa Critism is not meant to discount the Worthiness of an Introduction, but is meant to Suggest what is passed Over in the book, which understandable considering its intended scope. Though it does seem that an Introduction Would hawe prospered with the inclusion of an article or two that argued for, or positively described, the Kantian and pragmaticipositions. It also seems that as an introduction intended for the Sri Lankan student, or the student interested in Sri Lanka, it might hawe been WorthWhile to include a discussion of social theory in relation to Sri Lanka's own philosophical tradition. The Pali Triplifika, the Wedic texts, and the Koran are full of social theory in dire need of contemporary interpretation. As a westerner, it is not my place to determine where, when, and how, the concepts of Social theory developed in the West should be used in Sri Lanka, any my comments here are meant only for the sake of Conversation. One of the lost
19

Page 22
intersting questions that faces Sri Lanka, is how the country has, and apparently Will continue, to integrate the concepts and institutions of liberal society within their own philosophical, historical, and cultural tradition. In an Introduction, many of the Wester notions are used with the intention of developing a history and identity of Sri Lanka which is distinctively Sri Lankan after the colonial period. This Seems highly constructive and worthwhi|E. BL ut there TList also be a aWareness of what Will call "conceptual colonialism." The ideas and concepts developed in contemporary Western social theory are the product of a long history and depend upon a contemporary form of life and Situation quite different front Sri Lanka. A Concept removed from the history which made it possible and its present context is readily misunderstood or simply irrelewant. This does not mean that I am oppoSed to Sri Lankan's using western concepts in Whatever Way they see it. But | Would suggest that it may be worthwhile TC BlåCẽ lflẽSÐ C[]TlCepts in TElatĩCm tr the various philosophical traditions so central to the Sri Lankan form of life. Otherwise, what is distinctively Sri Lankan may become lost with the acceptance and use of the concepts developed in Western social theory. American and European universities can be justas much an imperial force as the British governmentora Portuguese merchant, no matter how much they would like to think or present ther Inselves othe
WISE.
Most of the contemporary conceptions developed in Western social theory are designed to dismember the philosophical picture of the Enlightenment, and the hold this philosophical picture has Lupom weStern Society. Sri Lanka, at least in a Sense, does not have this problem. There is no Enlightenment philosophy to overcome, except what has been instilled by colonial forces including that of modern day "cultural imperialism." This of course does not meam that Sri Larka has mot felt the effects of the Enlightenment, or that an understanding of the Enlightenment philosophy is not important to Sri Lanka. But it may mean that if Sri Lanka continues to accept and foster the institutions of a liberal Society, Sri Lankan scholarship Would do well to articulate how these notions and institutions are to be integrated with, or completely overhauled by, the philosophical and historical tradition so evident in Sri Lankan Society today.
To so the degree this is already being dome by Contemporary Sri Lankan scholarship in the Works of Obeyesekere, ThoTibiah, and numerous other Scholars preSented in various journals including that of ICES. It might not hawe been the intention or the scope of an Introduction to present such esoterical and complicated
2O
scholarship. Regard ObeySekere might h as WorthWhile as a Or FOLCault. I hawe o
Sri Lanka
(Published by Lav,
Reviewed by Mala
In may 1994 the L published an anthol reviewed the status Lanka, The State of report presentsanov tieflä| instrufTEst5 r: and attempts to sit Tarl Worman Wchild Wii Ciwil, pClitical, BCCT1[]r
To a degree the Externt to Wicht obligations imposed intermational ComWar are Tet at t ||0Ca Patricia Hyndman, S Kanya Champion prc we analysis of natic Specified articles of Weilant on Civil a (ICCPR), as well as international requirer
The report is divide rein the primary focu of specified instrume nomic and social righ of a particular group Women, children or approach allows ther dnissues of interest that critiques of topic Tatters are included. frarnework, the gx grOupS may be rende example, although , devoted to the issue and the reader is a chapter on Social a analysis of wiolence inadequate in both th Women's rights and displaced people anc
As may be expect comprises articles W. indiwiduals, there are and repeated descrip instruments such as
In Colclusion two

lless, a discussion of ave been Worthwhile, discussion of Famõri nly offered the above
as commentary, and maybe as Suggestion of what might be included in another introduction produced by ICES, one that might Complement the one reviewed here,
- State of Human Rights 1993
V & Society Trust)
Dharmananda (Equal Opportunities Commission, Parth, Australia)
aw and Society Trust ogy of papers which if human rights in Sri Hur an Rights 1993 erview of the interraatified by Sri Lanka, Jātė the Sri Lankar thin the framework of nic, and social rights.
report assesses the 2 requirements and by the ratification of tions and Cowenants
level. For instance, abila Fernando and wide a comprehensiinal laws that fleet he International Cond Political Rights identify breaches of TetS.
!d into chapters whesis either the status nt (for example ecots) or the experience of people such as refugees. Such an eader to concentrate as Well as ensures Cal and controwersial However, within this perience of Some red SS Visible. For a whole chapter is } of WorTien's rights, sked to refer to the ld economic rights, against Women is especific chapteron in the chapters on di Orth-East Wa.
ed of a report which itten by a number of ! stylistic differences tionS Ofinterational the ICCPR.
uestions are posed.
The first relates to who comprises the intended audience of the report, While those familiar with discourse of human rights are likely to find the reportarelatively concise critique, others may find the report less accessible. For instance, explanations of the functions of the United Nations, the processes by which a country Chooses to ratify an international instrument, or the mechanismsby which reports delineating the extent to which requirements of articles are met by member states are not provided. If the report is to inform the people of Sri Lanka of the status of their rights, then an introductory chapter which includes a brief explanation of the abowe and the broad philosophical premises of human rights would be useful.
Second, the report does not address the question of whether international instruments ratified by the Sri Lankan Government are accepted by the people of Sri Lanka. The Convention of the Rights of the Child is a salient example. The Convention was the subject of much debate in countries such a Australia, where it was perceived to infringe upon the rights of parents to Smack their children for misbehavior. Similarly, to what extent is the ratification of instruments a result of lobbying on the part of grassroots groups and/or representative organizations. The identification of groups in Sri Lanka Who are seeking ratification of the Optional Protocol to the Interational Covenantor Civil and Political Rights and ILO Convention No III regarding occupation and employment Would illustrate that access to human rights instruments is perceived to be of relevance and significance.
Notwithstanding these obserwations, the report provides a benchmark, whereby the status of human rights in Sri Lanka may be evaluated against international standards. Such progress may be now monitored and eWaluated or ar arımua| or bi-annual basis. The report fills an impotant lacura in the discourSe of hLUTla rights.

Page 23
Why theres sou in this rustic tc
There is laughter and light banter amongst these rural damse's who are husy sorting out tobacco leaf in a barn. It is one of the hundreds of such
barns spread out in the Tid and upcountry into mediate zone where the arable land Terrains fal’, during the ol 34:15 Com
Here, with careful nurturing, tobacco grows as a lucrative cash crop and the greer leaves turn to gold... to the value of over Rs. 250 million or more annually, for perhaps 143,000 rural folk,
 

ENRCHINGRURAL LIFESTYLE
und oflaughter bacco barn.
Tobacco is the industry that brings employment to the second highest number of people. And these people are the tobacco barr owners, the tobacco growers and those who uxark for the IT, On the land and in the barris.
For them, the tobacco leaf means meaningful work, a comfortable life and a secure future, A good crough reason for laughter.
SCeylonTobacco Co. Ltd.
Sharing and caring for our land and her people.

Page 24
PEOPL
Celebrating
Dynami
In 1961. People's Bank ventured out in the
of only 46... and a few hundred Customers
Today, just 33 years later
People Resource exceeds 10,00 Customer Listings at a Staggel Branch NetWork in exCeSS Of 3.
in Sri Lanka
In just three decades People's Bank has g in the Sri Lankan Banking scene. Their spec resources at their Command dedicated
dedication that has earned them the title
PEOPLE'S BANK
Banker to the Millions

'S BANK
Three DeCadeS
)f
: Growth
challenging World of Banking With a staff
O
ing 5.5 Million
28, THE LARGEST
rown to become a highly respected leader tacular growth is a reflection of the massive o the service of the Common man - a
"Banker to the Millions'