Page 1
ANKA
GU
VO. 17 No. 15 December 1, 1994 Price RS
SAAAeSSAAA S S S S S S S S S SYSAS 琴、。、
seen Sess
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LAKSRIJA BERTRAM RBA
MERVYN
How they took the
MEDIA AN
Peter 1
Pradip
FEMALELE
Kumari Jay
Linda
Is DEvoLUTION
Jeyaratnam WilsOI
CLINTON THE U.
HOrCCe
 
 

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1 O.OO Registered at GPO, Sri Lanka QD/33/NEWS/94
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YASURYA STAMP L LA DE SILVA
news in Canberra — Sатson Abeyagипаиvardena
CONFLCT
"achaи
Thomas
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THE ANSWER 2
On Bastian 'SbOOk
N, AND BOSNIA
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Page 3
TRENDS
Off to Australia
Prominent UNP elector Carrpaign activist Wickrama Weerasooriya took off for Australia after the party's decisive defeat in the Nowamber 9 presidential election. Dr Weerasooriya teaches at Monash University.
GOWernet cuts food prices
In an attempt to peg down soaring food pricas the goverпппелt movad fo bring down the cos of esserifia/ Terms, following a decision of hig Government Parlamentary Group. Among he items: Mysoor Dhal a FS 22 për kilo and rice at RS 72, available a Co-operatwa Wholesale Establishment (CWE) reta/ ÖUİleİS.
Also, sugar importers will be fold not to increase prices. If theyda, the go Wer77 mer? WW ISS Le Micences to mawiгтпрогtвгs.
EBRIEFLY. . .
Election petition
The UNP is to file am electio petition against the election as President of Mrs Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga, according to The Sunday Leader, Mrs Kumaratunga WOn by a near two milion majority. The UNP alleges widespread intimidation and rigging.
FLASH: The UNP has changed its Tirildi.
Commission to probe political killings
Justice Minister G.L. Peiristold a preSS briefing that the Government had decided to appoint a Special Présidential CortlITission to fwäStigate the murders of political leaders. The first such killing to be probed Will be that of DUNF leader Lalith Athulaithmudall.
Among the other murders to be
probed: SLMPle; ratunga, General. duwa and Wijaya" Sident R. Premad ster Ranjan Wijer
Gamini DiSSal Ildia re
In response request for assi asked for a Clari areas in which II help in the investig ni Dissanayake a
| 18 Sri La asked India for as a letter to Presid from Srima Dissa ssinated UNP pre te's Widow, Callin Of tWO dia il probed the Rajiv
Wote OT1
Presenting a W PariäTErit for si rnmentos daytoda Budget in anno bruary, Depшty G.L.Peiris asked д5 biliоп. Н5 29.5. expenditure and til capital expenditu
Revenue for
expected to be F Peiris told parliam tfall of Rs 1.4 bill through Commerc fisiCal dificit is E шnanticipated exp ction, hē said.
The economy grow by 5 - 6 p. exports by 9 per by 8 per cent this Finance Minister, Ster Of Justice a Said.
Medical
Assistant M: (formerly Apothec islandwide strike hospitals, mostly

ader Vijaya KumaS Demzi KobbakaWirTalaratre, PreaSaard UNPIminiatre.
nayake killing: Sponds
to Sri Lanka's stance India has fication as to the dian experts could gation of the GamiSSaSSination.
kan government sistance following ent Kumaratunga rayake, the assaSidential Candidagfor the services nvestigators who Gandhi Turder.
ACCount
Cote O ACCOLulit in lancing the golweay expenses till the i Uri:Cegid next FeFinance Minister parliatent for Rs Was for recurrent he balance was for
this period was S 31 billio. Prof. ent that the shoion Would be Tet ial loans. The high Irgely a result of enditure irlanelle
Was expected to 2 Cent, industrial cent and exports year, the Deputy Who is also Minidi External Trade,
en strike
dical Officers, taries) were on an - li gOWerrirTerit in the provinces,
demanding the same facilities, privileges and perquisites available to "other medical grades"
"The superiority complex that the GMOA (Government Medical Offcers Association triesto bring about Within thamiselweS in the health Service Suppresses the rights of other Categories in the Health Department", the AMOs argue.
Skeleton unearthed irn ashгапп
The skeleton of a Sri Lankan engimeer Was Lulearthed i ar aShTaT in Fatimanagar, India. The skeleton Was found following a confession made by a person arrested in cornection with a Sex Scandal at the ashram inwoling a SWami with Sri Lankan ties. The murdered engireer, må med Rawi, is beliewed to have beder tortured and beater to death.
GUARDAN
Wol, 17 No. 15 December 1, 1994
PTICE HE JU
Published fortnightly by Lanka Guardian Publishing Co. Ltd. No. 246, Union Place CollOKO - 2.
Editor: Mervyn de Silva Telephone: 447584
Printed by Ananda Press 825, Sir Ratnajothi Sarawamamutu Mawatha Colombo 13. Telephone: 435975
CONTENTS
News Background The Detacle of the UNP 3 ||5 Dawolution too Lala? 5 UN and War (4) ES Electoral Politics in
Sri Larika B Media ard Asia 11 Asian Female Leadership (3) | Womanhood (4) 18 Leter fron Canberra

Page 4
MEMWS BACKGROUWD
Contradictions and c
Mervyn de Silva
he first 100 days are over -
for the P. A. administration, if not for the Kumaratunga Presidency which of course is much younger. But the PA's supporters would take the mid-August General Election as the Red Letter Day, the defeat of the 17 yaan UNP administration, the government of its traditional foe, the United National Party. The hopes were high, mass aspirations higher,
The Peoples Alliance is a seven-party (some say, eight) coalition dominated by the S.L.F.P. but an S.L.F.P. led by a radical (left-leaning, if not Marxist) charismatic young woman whose meteoric rise from Chief Minister Westem Province paralleled the rise of Sirimavo Barıdär är ha ikë frCT party leader to Prime ministril 1959-60, after the assassination of the SLFP founder, Mr. S.W, R. D. Barda rariħa ikel, lrn short, it WaS a. repeat performance. But not quite, Many things had changed since 1956-60 in Sri Lanka and even more dramaticaly on the international scene, including South Asia.
President J. R. Jayawardene's UNP-admirlistration Häd introduced two fundarslantal changes, the first a truly radical experiment in the regioni, e, the IMF-World Bank Supported (and supervised) "open economy" or free-markel economic Strategy and S9condly, an elected Presidency modelled on tha Franch Gaullistsystem. Since them SÓLuth Asian reginTees hawe gradually aCCĖeptĖed thĖ IMF's structural adjustment", and the openmarket policy with modifications. Foreign investment has not only been accommodated and eagerly invited but generous concessions offered. Restrictive practices of the past Were rapidly abandoned.
On the global scene, the Soviet Union had collapsed, socialism was in disgrace, and even China was taking "the capitalist road", But a more shattering blow to radical or Left-minded Sri Lankans was the break-up of Tito's Yugoslavia, a model for both the SLFP, the only serious challenge to the conservative UNP, and to the major Leftist party, the LSSP, which was fiercely opposed ideologically to the Soviet Union, and Stalirism. Its particular brand Was Trotskyism-Titois. For the "grand alliance" of 1970 (the SLFP-LSSP-CP United front) Yugoslavia was obviously the Todel-for Mrs. Bandaranaike's SLFP, the dominant force, it was non-alignment or foreign policy; for the LSSP, the largest Leftist formation it was anti-Moscow Titoism. The UF was routed by
JR'S UNIP, SOCİEİS The 1977-1988. Pri: "Long Parliament" ur installad iril 1978. lt WI radically altered the "t be it as "value-syste electorate, Certainly
The Woter Was S001 risT1, the Te Wërsë: Sid shaped socialist. So maighbour, would foll
In the constitutional ver, JR or more app introduced parallel an we changes, as hel W. ned an increasingly The electorate liked t the authoritarianis T : of power, Hawing Sul the pre-1977 'socialis the wast majority of Col to tolerate the day-toyoung who had role n-card and Cooperati new generation decii Out- and Widespre: a great many. That g the minorities (oram: gawe the P.A. 105 SE a majority, Not Tore
The administrative police, awital part of th ir LUMP1a S. OTC | Woter psychology chal nce of the police-C assumption that "the be decisive Was prow than 50%. PA Wotes UnderstiTated the which the 'system' o OCEE Parlia Tert Todd of the electo Chandrika, the abse opponent and let psychology produce. daman (CWC) an pushing her majority
Ald now?
The bigger the m Constituency, to satis the demands. In ord battle, the PA raised ions, and held out ITII of those promises WE rtant than the pledge Conflict in the Orth. price?

conflicts multiply
had failed to deliver. ament was Sri Lanka's ider the JR Presidency as that decade which hinking" (some descri: m") of the Sri Lankan its wast middle-class, |l Liked LII CISLITee of queue-and-quota on even India, Our huge
With is route,
-political sphere howepropriataly JLJinius Rex decCesarily supportiould argue that SLStai
authoritarian System. le free-Tärket. Ut Tot ind the growing abLISe ered the WExations of in the Older Water, or der Wotars, Ware ready day ordeals but not the xperience of the ratiorestore Way of life. The ded to Wote the TESCE IS ad corrupton did breed enerational factor plus ajority of the minorities) ats, first but less than har 503%
machine, including the Ie State apparatus, Wäs hg UNP was dêfêåted, ged; so did the allegia-um-bureaucracy. Our change factor" Would "ed Correct but the less luggested that We had in-built advantages ffered the ruling party. ary result indicated the rate, the charistia of ce of Gamini a strong s-join-the-winning-side a landslide, With Thothe other minoritics Way ower a record 62%.
|ajority, the larger the ify, and more pressing er to clinch the NOW, 9 even greater expectar ore promises. But none as more critically impoto resolve the attled Peace... but at What
In Tatters of "security", I have argued in the past, the armed forces hawe what | termed a "quasi-velo" in our councils (Security Council?) of war. Last week, the ISLAND announced quite confidently that the army Commander Lt. General Gerry de Silva would not get the usual one year's extension when his term expired on December 31. An extension of One year ora DPL apointT1Brt Snowa Wel|-BStablished tradition. Męąnwhile, the weekend papers reported that defencesecretary Lt. Gen. Hamilton Wanasingha would soon get marching orders. But the victory of the "peace candidate", it was Widely felt will see a change in the pattern of automatic DPL appointments for departing Commanders and top brass. Nothing happened. Both hold their respective posts.
However, it is the LTTE leader, Prabhakaran who hlas Sent a message to Colombo that the LTTE was ready for a ceasefire. This was a response to the government sending the ashes of "Tiger" officer Col. Sinnathamby Pathmanathan, killed by the forces, to Jaffna, and agreeing to Ceasefire or negotiated terms, The Casefire for Orle-or-two Weeks may begin before this issue of the LG iS OLu.
The LTTE "regime" is not an elected EdTriStrati. BLtita SitSO COStituency, and that Surely prefers peace or, at least, Some degree of normalcy, a Sure sign of "war-weariness". However militaristitmay be the LTTE must be receptive to its own constituency. It would be logical for the LTTE, not keen to isolate itself, to respond to Colombo's requests - always keeping its own powder dry, and ready to prove to the Tar nil people that no Colombo regime is prepared to "recognise the legitimate rights of the Jaffna people", this side of secession, Warwar may give way to jaw-jaw and diplomacy, chiefly because the government has been caught in its own trap - fulfilling election pledges (Cost of living, primarily) without offending the IMF and World Bank, ourfaceless 'masters'. The economy, stupid.... as foreign minister Lakshman KadirgarnarrealiSes whenheis Caught between Lhe USWOA and the Church, the All-religious Solidarity front, the farmers and the fishermen of IraniaWilla.
If the UNP strategists had Tastered their Mao, they would hawe said "Great Disorder under the heavens, the situation is excaIlent..." But the United National Party is NOT all that "United" or energetic, right now.

Page 5
The UNP debacle and it
elections
Bertram Bastiampillai
he assassination of Garmini Dissa
nayake, that affected the presidential election of Prime Minister Chandrika Bandaranalike Kumaratunganor her late arriVals at public rallies deterred Crowds from gathering to listen to her. It happened at the Ratmalana railway grounds ten days after GaminiDissanayake's killing. To the last, the elections were exciting and entertaining, despite the tragedy that marred the campaigning. And When the elections did take place on 9 November 1994, the Voter turn out Washigher than anticipated, It is certainly more than what the Nepali elections could lure recently
When the results came out, one by one, the bastions of the UNP fell like ninepins - it Was akin to the manifestation of a domino phenomenon, Udu Nuwara, Maha Nuwara, the North Central Prowince, the North West, and Matale, all of them strongholds of the UNP, went into the hands of the PA. Kotmale, the birthplaCe of GaminiWOtëdina PACandidate. And Mr. Rani Wickramasinghe, leader of the UNP, lost all the areas with which he had something to do.
The people Seemed to hawe made up their Tids — Imewer a UNP executive President, but better a PA one who in any case was pledged to dismantle the Executive Presidential system. Whether it was under J.R. Jayawardene, Ranasinghe Premadasa or the exceptionally lucky D.B. Wijetunga, the woters appear to hawe experienced enough of the executive presidency which well nigh makes an elected president a Superhuman political authority. Accountability and answerability to the people's representatives, openness to Criticism, exposure to legal suit, and a leader who could be seen and heard in the legislature Was What the people seemed to Want. And Jaya Wardere's promised stability either was not there inspite of the Executive Presidency - the civil war with the LTTE raged on and the JVP rose up in revolt again in 1987-89.
The PA had repeatedly stressed that they would create a fear-free society, that corruption would be exposed and not remain an endemic canker, that transparency in dealings under the open economy Would prevail, and above all peace Would be ushered into the fractured strife
(Dept. of History & Political Scie
ridden nation. The extravagance woul and that the opul authorities Would there were promise of the average and Would be reduced, youth would be por public Services Suci fare, alleviation of tion of children Wi sounder footing. Co neglected commo shown. Briefly, a bet was guaranteed. M The attracted the and not the evocati UNP Which tried it eTotions of the citi the tragic position of communalism by pa PA presidential car presentativa of the authentic spokesw the Sinhalese Budd
During its a little c re, the PA did del promises. The pric dhal and garlic Wa: nerS received SOTE increä5gs of the UN before, and even a routine talks by offic ble enemy, the LT held. Legislation on corruption Was ena Minister pledged Sr of Some of the car spect of human ni which the UNPla Arother W3COTE : agreed to take Wa depoliticisation of th the retirement of the of bureaucrats Who interminably extenc grin of the younger,
No doubt, this wa nda for any governr general elections by And to complicate nfronted the PA the of the principal lead ding the Presidentia place. This deman making strenuous

he aftermath of the
rice, Colombo University)
y assured Woters that d be severely pruned ent life-styles of the be curbed. Further, s that the cost of living ordinary householder
employment for the OWided, and that the 1 aS public health Wetenury and the educaJuld be placed on a cert and Care for the people Would be ter democraticsociety laturally, this prograattention of the voters 2n of sympathy by the s best to exploit the zens by appealing to Gamini's Widow. And inting a picture of the Ididate as more a reTinorities than the lman of the majority, hists.
I'WertWOT10thIS ELiwer o Some of the e of flour and bread s decreased, pensio
of the long promised PWhich were not paid
preliminary round of cials With the intractaTE in the North, was curbing and exposing cted and the Foreign iLanka's acceptance inal measures in reghts observance on | been prewaricating. tep that the PA had S to bring about the a public services; and senile "yes Tnen" type Se Services had been ad Luch to the chaand rightful aspirants.
Sindeed a large agelet that had Won the a Wafer thin majority. he situation that coSSassination of some ars of the UNP, inclu| riwal Candidate, took ied the PA's leader fforts to retrieve the
confidence of the security forces of whose leadership she had made some critical Corfirnentsjusta little before. However, in Spite of the odds being stacked against her, she won a convincing victory that indicated that the faith of the masses in her remained unassailed, and that the credibility of her opponents had ebbed.
NOW she has to grapple With the problems that confront her and not forfeit the goodwill of the Woters. There is the Constitution, that Would make democracy real and meaningful, that needs to be introduced. Welfare measures have to be recomiciled with the - demārds of dolors that expenditure on Welfarism should be cutailed. Budget daficits hawe to be cleared. Of course, with her good team of ministerial auxiliaries she can proceed successfully if everyone in her team pulls together ardhard.
An immediate need would be to rid herself, and her ministers too, of the "fair Weather" friends who changed allegiances like a chameleon changing colours. She must jettison those immature sycophants who surround herself and her Timisters insulating them from public observations and criticism. Such people who Unscrupulously jump onto the bandwagon are those who could call the makede Tiperor clothed. They create complacency and leave no root for Criticism to reach the President, the Prime Minister or Ministers. They fail to reveal the truth and lead the rulers along the path to folly. A skilled, efficient and honest set of administrators are needed if the government isto execute successfully its policies and programme.
The path to peace is going to be obstruCted by many roadblocks, and these hawe to be surmounted. One failure or mishap should not discourage and deter the purSuit of peace. In fact, much of the majority who rejected Communal parties and chauwinist cries along with the minority substantially Woted for the PA candidate, confident that she will, as her husband had endeavoured to do, work for peace and end the civil War that has divided the nation. Apparently, the present President has both the vision and the will to fight for peace unlike her predecessors who lacked courage and succumbed to chauwinist pressures in a plural society thereby
3

Page 6
alienating the minorities. Peace as well as war is a matter for the politicians, and the President has courageously made this clear to everyone.
In recent times, in spite of much freedom being allowed, there still hawe arisen justifiable complaints in regard to themedia. The electronic media, especially the Rupawahini, and to a lesser extent, the radio has come in for a lot of flak. This is due to overzealous officials who want to demonstrate that they are more pro-PA than the PA themselves. This misplaced and misused enthusiasm has to be nipped in the bud. More efficient and naturer officials should be entrusted with the responsibility for direction and public decision making.
Again, the Lake House newspapers, it is alleged have been forced to submit their publications, for proofreading and wetting. This should not be tolerated by the PA government. Over-enthusiastic guaridians, arrogating to themselves such authority should be discouraged. The PA campaigned against censorship, partisan use of the media, and monopolising the media by the UNP. It is time that the PA gawe up repeating these same practices. The PA has to be wary of those "yesmen" of the UNP of yester year Who hawe now crept into the PA because they could, as they did to the UNP, lead the PA to its downfall. How can the same people serve the ideologically different masters? In many statutory bodies those who flourished but misled the UNP are now with the PA. It is time that they are weeded out and efficient people of integrity are chosen to replace those officials. Some of them had even got better places in the PA owing to their patrons.
The UNP's fall from grace after sewenteen long years of unchallenged authority is another tale of power intoxicating the holders of office. Aparty that was miserably reduced to an ineffectual opposition Valiantly fought back to rise to a powerful position with a five sixths majority, thanks to the assiduous planning and campaigning by President Jayawardene ably aided by the late President Ranasinghe Premadasa. They became a law unto themselves and felt that they were invincible; the UNP turned to be arrogant and unmindful of the electorate.
Jayawardene ruled as he wanted to, making all instruments of governance and public mechanisms as the means to push through whatever he yearned for. His Successor Created a sense of fear of all those around him so that they became pliant, and never forewarmed him. The Challenge to himno doubt was thĞrefrorT
the beginning front leaders, Lalith Athul Dissanayake. But
Ways, Premadasa
even the impeacht less, the rot had se and dissensions r although for a while contained within by Stionable Tear15:SI issuing frightful thre,
With his assass Splintered party wa пргessive апd шпіі Wijetunga. He estral his imprudent talk of the right of the perso to disburse patronag of Course, such o un SCrLupulo US in Wolv ceful "Fransico epis discredit the UNP. badtimes; president sed. Obviously, the malign influences.
Wijetunga gawe lit tude and propriety w
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nation however the ; headed by aп шпіIspiring leader, D.B. ged the minority with atree andcreepers", in who held the spoon eas he wished; and, her things like the ement in the disgraOde" also added to he UNP had to face al pardons Were abuPresident Was under
tle leadership. Rectwere abandoned and
a leadership that should have rightlygone to Ranil Wickramasinghe was "hijacked" by another and his coterie. The party lost all sense of even the little ideology it had professed in the past, and as Jawaharlal Nehru once confessed a party without an ideology became something like a drinking den, Such was the UNP — divided and degenerate.
When Garnini Dissanayake was murdered the UNP being bereft of leaders and surrounded by opportunists looking for easy ways to win the Presidential election ignored the claims of a UNP leader such as Rani Wickramasinghe, Some of the senior but not so popular members aided by the relations and friends of Gamini Dissanayake chose instead his wife Sirima Dissanayake to contest the Presidency. She was a lawyer and had succeeded Gatlini in the Central Provincial Council, but proved to be no match in the hustings for Chandrika who had already won the General Elections, and easily won the Presidency. It is now up to the UNP to put their house in order, if they are hoping to rise again.
uiting the Frontiersmen
COWn’s CantoS 9
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perial Hour.
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gilt edge on the Dollars.
U.Karunatake

Page 7
IS DEVOLUTION T
Sunil Bastian’s Development a
A. Jeyaratnam Wilson
S. Bastian has performed yeoman service in linking the twin problems that beset our contemporaneous body politic, through his editorship of DevoluШоп and Developптелtiп Sгї Lanka, published by Konark Publishers Pvt Ltd., Delhi 1994, in association. With the International Centre for Ethnic Studies, Colombo, a centre which under the leadership of (Dr) Neelan Tiruchelvam continues to prosper as a hothouse of intellectual discourse in claustrophobic Colombo. The chief merit of Bastian's volume is that he has dowetailed the controwersis that beset Sri Lanka on these inter-related subjects and edited ä Coheret and readable Wolu Tle, The contributions of Bastian himself, Jani de Silva, Uyangoda and Shastriare of apiece and throw much light.
Bastian's "introduction" read With his "Liberalised Policies and Regional Autonomy: focuses attention on the importance of reconciling the seemingly irreconcilable problems of development and inte-ethnic Conflict. There are other instances but these are not exactly of the same kind. For example Latin American states promoted four stages in their development strategy by twinning repressive orgradua|istic démocratic developmentalist regimes With incremental stages of industrialisation. Sri Lanka, Without aforethought, had followed such a path but not with much success until a different turn took place With the advent of the P.A. regime. The latter seeks to weer from the norm by a return to the Westminster system of parliamentary accountability, a reversion it must be admitted to the bestin bourgeois democracy.
Bastian and Shastri raise the significant question as to whether the er wisaged provincial Scheme of autonomy can help in the much needed developmentalism. Individual styles mattered. JRJenvisaged a minimal devolution While Premadasa took away What the right hand had given (Bastian). Both Presidents were cheese
paring. The solutio question of style b tions. Neither was autonomy therefore de Tlands as Bastia: ted.
There are three i opinion is not prepa stiments. Uyangoda: Sion draWSOUrattan lese nationalism hE stian is meticulous i With which he poin autonomizatiÕṁ ex expectations. In a c is Worth noting that Marasinghe (Univer "Ethic Politics an fort: The Indo-Sri L. глatioла/Compaгаїї 37, July 1988, p. 58 this conclusion. Whe form package conta Councils Bill and T is no more than the lly ascertained loc exercising subordir additional fact which is that the Sinhale; expects the War in encapsulated ther account the spillowe (Rs. 50,000 a mir "Provincial Council A Solution to the E nfirms with convinci of first hand intervic Sinhalese to agree in the process igr effects.
Bastian raises the "different interpreta by the lists relating provinces". Here mE nounce verdicts. T Laski Stated of Britis culate major premis mplified in Sri Lan

OO LATE ?
nd Devolution in Sri Lanka
1 hOWever WaS nOl a ut of building instituinterested. Provincial fa||far Short of Tamil n has carefully posi
nferences. Sinhalese red to make the adjuWith Surgical precitionto this fact. Sinha|s come to stay. Ban the clinical candour ts out that the 1987 cise fell short of Tamil lifferent publication, it ProfesSÖr Lakshman sity of Windsor) in his di COStitutional Reankam Accord" (Inteve Law Quartery, Wol. 32) confirmed exactly 2n he wrote, "the relined in the Provincial hirteenth Amendment creation of an ethnicaal government body late legislation". An needs underscoring Se politicalised class
the northeast to be 2, not taking into reffects and the Costs ute). Shastri in her System in Sri Lanka: Ethnic Proble?" Cong evidence inclusive Ws, the failure of the opower sharing and oring the economic
! relevant question of ions given to the law O the Centre and the n/Women judges proley hawe, as Harold hjudges, "their inartis'. It was best exca by the dissent of
Justice Wanasundera and his brothers in respect to the Thirteenth Amendment. Erbedded as an ingradicable in articulate premise is the Sinhala view that the island is theirs. What hope therefore do the Tamils hawe in a bench With a majority of Sinhala judges? Nor does one need these days a pick axe to find out whether a Sinhalese of Tamil is communal minded. A mere scratch is adequate. There are of course a few rare exceptions. Add to this the dyarchical nature of the Provincial Councils Act (1987) which resembles the Government of India Act of 1919. The latter was a perversion of the promise of self government given to the Indians by the Wartime government of Lloyd George (WW) and when compared with it, the whole Provincial Council system disintegrates as a crochet Work of deceit.
Jani de Silva's "Centripetal Pressures and Regime Change in the Post-Colonial Sri Lankan State" delves deeply while simultaneously providing a nearly all pervasive overview. Herinterpretations give a clear understanding. Whilst the dichotomy she poses between regime maintenance and the state as an independent agency may be valid in respect of her approach, one is nevertheless impelled to ask Whether Cor not the two are also interconnected. To vary Marx somewhat, is mot the ex-Colonial State, the execCLuliwe Committee of the SuperOrdinate ethnic majority? Therefore are not the two (state and ethnic majority) one and the same where the distribution of the limited pie is Concermed.
Uyangoda's insightful piece, "The State and the Process of Devolution in Sri Lanka" confirms that the "nation-state came to signify an ethnically exclusivist Sinhalese state" (p.83). In effect in the contemporaneous setting, ethnicity takes command ower ecolonism. The traditional Marxian view that a solution to the econominic question will mitigate ethnicantagonisms has been flung out of the window, Uyangoda's

Page 8
chapter is Central to this volute and Tust be read carefully.
What may We conclude from this richly rewarding volume? Compulsory reading, one daresay, it Tight be for students and ECSCI, ITakers ELII at THE SafTE tiITE: we must firstly take note of the marked absence in Sri Lanka of salutary leadership, given that we are a polarized bi-lingual polity. Since independence political leadership has been deceptionist (D.S. Senamayake) if not hapleSSly una Ware of the pitfalls (Mrs. Sirimavo Bandaranaike). The historia, K.M. des Silwa, hlas dra Wri our attention to the leadership role of D.S. Senanayake, the so-called Father of the Nation, namely, that "to the extent he shared the attitudes and prejudices of the great majority of Sinhalese politicians over the Indian question...his conception of a multi-racial polity was flawed" (A History of Sri Larka, London 1931, p. 491).
Secondly one hopes that Bastian and his colleagues will undertake a study of the island's multi-ethnic political culture and political behaviour patterns. Executiwe presidentialist suits the French tieImperarrent with its relative homogeneity, notwithstanding the Bretons. But Sri Lanka is ethnically and religion Wise Crisscrossed. Carl even the Westminster modelbe considere da SUCCESSfultraInsplant in the light of 1947-72? There is a need for modification. Mr. S.W.R.D. Bandaranalike system under the DonoghToure constitution.
Lastly aren't We, wery sadly, a bit too late? The "time lag effect" (provincial councils delayed by at least ten years) and the "too little too late syndrorme" (the measly sharing of powers provided for in the three lists under the Provincial Councils Act) have brought secessionism to our doorstep. We can still avoid King Solomon's judgment. All too often the demand by the Tamilssorself-deterITiination is mistaken for the right to secede. Uyangoda gives the answer when he refers to "the notion of self-determination and the right to autonomy". This is absolutely correct. The Tamils do mot seekamputation of the polity. By self-determination they mean a recognition that they could sit round a table as equals with the Sinhalese and come to an agreement on res0wing the question of autonomization.
U.N. AND WA
Clinton.'
HOraCe Perera
|Jl Cäfflé 1
Јапџагу 1993 са a mandate to give isSUBS. In wig W, 1OWB stater Ternts on foreig promise of activism a Clas Will Flis Isles til overwhelmingly to unless he avoided g. foreign political comr daunting task as the rzegovina was not the for is attention. Tor Were the issues in former USSR and M Concern to the Unite Bosnia-Herzegovina SrT}{d t fåWOLJr options mentioned ir graph; namely of as There Were three pri this. One was to supp Weaponry to help the strength of the B. second was by aeria Bosnia Serbs force -structure and their tion especially the br River with Belgrade red to be supplying BOSria. Third Wa tary interwention in E The kimde of action - W, Called "BIK St TTT first of these but his re foreign policy issues indency to proceed to response rather tha range Strategic plans of this was his having to a meeting specific options when, to th positions round Gor Illes, the BOSnian SE king UN personnel down a NATO plane ssiles and snatching an earlier agreепе! Lunder UNI COtro. form of military actior ble reactions bythee and adequate Count

5のリー
's Yugoslav Policy
o Washington in irwir Ċed tħadt he hadd priority to domestic wer, of his campaign In policy issues, his DOWS DOUT, tO In to de Vote HirTISElf domestic issues, atting too involved in i tret S. THİS WİS War for Bosnia-He: only problem calling mention a few, there Haiti, Somalia, the orth Korea of deep 2d States. As far as Was COfCerned he the second of the h the previous parasisting the Muslims. incipal ways of doing ly them with effective "rn match the military snian Serbs. The Tarent of Of s, their military infraines of COTTulicaidges over the Drina Which W3S COr SideFEr folf IV Sort-JS i Slassive allier illBosnia-Herzegovina. licht 3 - ECO) [TiSt 1". ClițO COSB thig l'LICtari Ceto dea With Contributed to a tea tactical day-to-day In engage in longer S. A classic instance to summon his aides ally to Consider meW e bombing of Serb azde by NATO pla:rbs retaliated by tal| hostage, bringing by surfaceto-air TiWeapons which, by nt they had placed Normally, when any is planned all possinemy are considered вг пеasures are put
in place for immediate response should the need arise. In any case, Clinton newer resorted to the extensive aerial bombing that its protagonists had repeatedly urged. The "pinprick bombing" which was sanctioned had no real impact on the Bosnian Serbs and only strengthened their resolve and Tadethern more aggressive. To a reporter's criticismata news Conference thathis administration had Constantly flip-flopped on Bosnia Clinton insisted that "there had been no constant flip flop". He was really and truly conceding the point, though in a sense he had not intended. Still bent on assisting the Muslims he toyed with the proposal to lift the arms embargo on Bosnia-Herzegovina which Was a relic of the OVeral embargo on the whole of former Yugoslavia imposed by the E.C. and endorsed and tightened by the Security Council beginning With resolution1 713 (1991), but when the Was a dwised that to do this a fresh Security Counsil resolution would be necessary, with a possible Russian weto, but that the US could do so unilaterally he abandoned the idea giving the specious reason that to do so unilaterally Would be setting a precedent and lead to states lifting, unilaterally, the embargo oni Iraq Haiti, Serbia etc. There was no parallel and therefore no precedent could have been set. Iraq and Serbia were proven aggressors and the Junta in Haiti was an illegitimate government With an atrocious human rights record. The Muslims were, on the other hand, wictims of blatant aggression. Most appropriate in this connection is a coLLaaLLL LaaLLLLL a LLLLLL LLLLeLaaaaLLLLL LL LLLLLL of the few predictable things about Cliinton's foreign policy seems to be that with every zig there will be anotherzag, MassiWe military intervention was ruled out by Some of his advisers who, by a misreading of Hitler's invasion of Yugoslavia in 1941 Conjured visions of a quagmire. General John Shalikashvili, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs, was among the few who felt that only a massive ground intervention would stop the Serbs. But he opposed it on the ground that it had no backing in Congress. What this former artillery officer did not

Page 9
know was that Congress never leads in foreign policy. It only reacts, Criticizes or restricts. When necessary, Moreover the US which had not joined its NATO allies in sending troops to participate in UNPROFOR's peacekeeping cperations Was not likely to send troops for what could be a costly war, not merely in funds but in human lives. Moreover, he had not only Withdrawn his election campaign recoTimendation of an international standing army but he also declared that were such an army to be formad the US Would mot be a party to it.
An Cowerall rewiaW wil|| reveal that the principal reason for the inability of the Western allies to bring the wars in the former Yugoslavia to a suitable end was that they lacked effective leadership from the one power that could give it and that Was the US. The Clinto administration had at no time a clear and consistent goal in the conflict and consequently all it did Was to resort to half-hearted measures far below What was necessary to match the requirements of the situation. The result is that the conflict in Bosnia-Herzegovina still lingers in spite of the map drafted by the Contact Group. Meanwhile Clinton is Corting in for criticism at hole and in Europe. Americans, like any other people Would love to see their dornestic problems sollwed, but they also hawe a vision of their Country as a great land held in respect by the World. In a gallup poll held at the end of April this year as mamy as 55% of Americans considered that Clinton was not effective as a World military leader, According to Jim Hoagland, Writing in the Washington Post, thereis also in Europe, even among ATerica's best friends the feeling that in the absence of clear and consistent policies they cannot work constructively with him and are resigned to endure it. Europeans are accustomed, says Hoagland, to the US asserting its agenda and seeking their participation. They, on the other hand, have learned to respond to that approach and at the same time protect their sovereignty and their interests. What leaves them at a loss are the uncertainities and the omissions. For example, Britain and France felt that significant progress had been made when the US agreed to a Geneva Conference om Bosnia on a settlement giving the Serbs 49% and the Muslim-Croat Federation 51% of the territory of Bosnia-Herzegovina. Barely 24 hours before the meeting
the Europeans dis had given its blessi the Serbs 42% and The State Departm to Paris or London But it finally acce. for mula. In view of tl trilent with the C Robert Kaplan, th Ghosts" who has argument for deep Bosnia-Herzegovin that the son-inter Compelling argume mely hat this White ddled performance issues, may not be
The UNBarks but
|rl wig W of ITIOrg Eff those taken by the States participating Sir CeJLurig 1991, tE on 25 September 1 El Umber of Statg5. Was officially Welc. Yugoslavia, the Co. tion 713 (1991) in to Earl the CSCE rsed the suspensic arms and military ec via and called on all. by the cease fire ag 22 September 1991 April 1994 when til resolution 913 (199. itenCouraged the "C tO efect a Settle TE Bosnia-Herzegovina pted as many as 5 Situation in that reput resolutions show tha WOcally considered former Yugoslavia tc rnational peace and itS COTT Titmetto Lh SOWereignty, politica territorial integrity od snia-Herzegovina", rmer Yugoslavia San ly expanded and tight red that the present Yugoslavia (Serbia a not entitled to OCCL former Yugoslaviair and that it would have rship (Res.777/1992 lutions will also reves the Bosnia Serbs to achieve their objec

overed that the US g to a plan that gawe the other party 58%. 2nt could not explain how this happened. ted the 4988 : 518 is growing disenchainton administration, author of "Balkan lade an impassioned US involvérêt in 1 is willing to concede Grmtioists hawe orie it in their favour, naHouse, With its TUon national Security up to the task.
does not Bite
ective measures than E.C. and the Merber in the CSCE process Security Council met 991 at the request of At this meeting, which lmed by the former Jncil adopted resoluWhich it commended or their efforts, endoin of the delivery of uipment to Yugoslalarties to abidestrictly Jreements of 17 and ... Since then and 22 he Council adopted 4) in which, inter alia, ontact Group's efforts rt of the conflict in , the CoLIrhCil ad03 resolutions on the lic. A review of these it the Council unequithe situation in the be "a threat to intesecurity", reaffirmed a preservation of "the independence and * the republic of Boimposed on the foctions which it steaditened and also decla
Federal Republic of nd Montenegro) was py the place of the the United Nations a to apply for membe). A study of the resoall the extent to Which Were prepared to go tive which obviously
is to carve out a sizable part of Bosnia-Herzegovina, in total disproportion to their numbers, exclude from it all nor-Serb elements, Especially Muslims, and maintain it as an ethnically "pure" political entity or affiliate it to the rump Republic of Yugoslavia. In their efforts to achieve this they showed that they had no scruples at all. They disregarded agreements reached at Conferences, violated cease fire agreements with ruthless regularity, paid scant attention to Security Council resolutions which called for positive action from them or urged them to refrain from further perpetration of atrocities already commited. They deliberately attacked UNPROFOR and other UN personneland also UN declared "safe areas' and Committed appalling Violations of the Genewa Conventions of 1949 and basic rights set forth in the principal international human rights legal instruments. These last included the forcible ejection of people from their ancestral hortles, the Widespreadmassacre of people of other ethnic origins, the detention of prisoners of war as Well civilians (Womenandchildren included) ir veritable death camps, the rape of women, particularly those who professed Islam, and the impeding of the delivery of relief aid thereby causing untold human suffering. Brutal atrocities of this kind naturally led to an increasing flow of refugees prompting the UN High Commissioner of Refugees to say that she knows "that Wars create masses of displaced persons but this is the first time that she finds the Creation of refugees as the purpose of a War". On the background of the heimous and horredous critics Committed in Bosnia-Herzegovina, chiefly by Bosnian Serbirregulars, the violation of human rights in Haiti tand to pale into insignificance. Nevertheless the Security Council has seen fit to authorise the use of force to restore democracy and human rights in Haiti but only the use of air power in Bosnia-Herzegovina and that too for very specific purposes such as to protect UNPROFOR, other UN and Aid Agency personnel, to repulse attacks on UN declared "safe areas" and ensure the delivery of relief aid. Evidently the solitary Super Power and its Western. Allies can pilot through the Council the kind of resolutions they want, provided they are not contrary to the national inteTests of the other two Per Tlament Members. In this post cold-war period there is a tendency for the Council not only to listen to its masters' voices but even to share sole of their "wices'.

Page 10
  

Page 11
of Welfare statist policies as a method of state regulated control of the Wider population.
Phasa 2 (1956-70): Nationalist Welfare Polics
in the next phase, extending from 1956-1970, we begin to observe the first manifestations of competitive electoral party politics, and in particular, the evolution of a bi-polar political system. While there are many reasons for this development, it is widely agreed that the two-party model was in many ways an inevitable result of the "plurality" system of elections, i.e., voting by the first past the post voting system. To quote de Siwa (C.R.):
any electoral system based on a plurality system generally confers disproportionate benefits on parties with the highest poll., Thus) a party with Tuchless than 50 per cent of the vote could obtain a majority of seats and formastable government (1981, р, 121).
Accordingly, there emerged two main party blocs, the United National Party (UNP) and the Sri Lankan Freedom Party (SLFP) The UNP is essentially a non-sectarian Centre-Right patrician party whose leadership was comprised of the comprador elite, "the old guard' of Sri Lankan politics, representing the landed aristocracy, the bureaucracy and big business. The UNP, in this early stage, was paternalistic in approach to politics and was led by a highly Westernised middle class. As the political analyst, Kearney (1973) rightly points out, in these early days the UNP was essential a 'pragmatic party with little sense of mission ordedication to the pursuit of social economic goals', plagued by schisms and family 'squabbles' (the clash of cousins for leadership).
The main opposition Party to the UNP, Sri Lanka Freedorn Party (SLFP), was formed in 1952 and was initially a collection of breakaway politicians from the UNP. It was led by a brilliant patrician politician, S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike Who remains a pivotal figuro in the politics of Sri Lanka. Manor (1989), in his authoritative study of Bandaranaike and his politics, described him as 'a complex, inconstant, visionary", broke away from the UNP. With a stall band of followers to form a centre Party with strong nationalist leanings. Bandaranaike's guiding ambition as a political leader in his own words was, "to capture the national imagination' which he said had not preceded independence as Sri Lanka had achieved freedom without a national struggle. Hence, the SLFP's resort to Cultural nationalist sentiment Was a means of gaining popular support.
Though billed as a party of the "common man' with a strong rural power base, it was not a peasant party nor a party of the pea
santry; it was more tr Silhale:Se rural Tidd leaders, which inclu ddhist clergy, indig petty landwners. Or the SLFP as a politic ction of the privilege class - the Western
through a series of na Social reforms such a as the official langua res and agricultural Social Welfare measu Teasure of distributi sector. In short, the
political power, alon SSiÕn of Sinhalese ni gorously espoused " and State interventior the economy.
At the same time, t sed that it could not ge through the ballot bo: the Thore urban rural larily the Lurban Wor middle class which f of Seweral Well establi tskyists and ConTITIL hada sizeable electo 20% areas marked levels of education a especially in Colomb Southern region. The ty and justice, throug cted mainly at the urb class groups, andwa the Left Parties. Herc "electoral pacts' 1956-1977, as a nec gaining political powe ry Systerin. The Supp has been a key factor the SLFP has gained
Its triumphant ent 1956 was a Watersh in a new regime which of Sri Lankan politics dis. Whether in offic SLFP — largely bec influences - Tainta tment to progressive maintenance of a stric a mixed economy. Ul it was awowedly arm ir
Howawar, the achi in its claim to recognit cal party has always ethnic minority issue mmand any confide parties, especially the Corne to the fore dur its notabla achie WermlE resolution of the ques 'stateless Indian Tart 1964-65 aSa TPSUlt of (1964). As a result, C

Lully representative of the le class, Such as Village ded teachers, the Blu2nous physicians, and Ie of the mair airls of all party was the destruS of thEa establishirment educated ruling eliteitionalistandegalitarian s the removal of English ge, land reform measu
tenurial policies, and res to ensure a greater onal equity for the rural SLFP, in its search for gside its strong expreationalist sentiment, WiWelfare statist' policies in the management of
le SLFP, soon recogniain political ascendancy without the support of -Lurbān, Wolters, particuking class and lower ormed the power base ishedLeft Parties (TroInists). These partias albase, approximataly by urbanisation, high ld Wage employment, 0, ils ervirons and the SLFP's pursuit ofequih Wallfarism. Was direan middle and Working Sgreatly influenced by e, the SLFP negotiated during this period, assary Condition of its r Within thea paliamientart of the Left Parties OneVery occasion that pOWCr.
y into government in ld because it ushered Was to alter the COUrSE for the next few deca2 or Out of office, the ause of the Left Party ineda strong Commisocial reform, and the ng public sector within I like its riwal, the UNP, terventionist party.
les heel of the SLFP, ion as a national politibaer its Wacillation On - its inability to coIce from the minority Tarmil parties, that had ng this period. One of nt5 WaS theSLuccessful ion of the Status of thea ilplantation Workers in the Sirirra-Shastri Pact Ver tir TC, a Substantial
number of Indian Tamils gained citizenship status, and the Indian Tamil question has become a 'non-issue' in Sri Lankan politics.
With the coming into being of the two party blocs — the UNP, and the i SLFP — the minority parties and other smaller parties had declining fortunes with few opportunities to bargain with the two main party blocs. One direct consequence of this changing political scenario in the 1970s was to use the constitution as an instrument of social and political change. The more racent phase of Sri Lanka's political development, especially since 1970 is dominated by the way electoral politics has been fashioned by constitutional changes which in turn hawe had important implications for the evolving political process ir Sri Lanka.
Plase 3 (7970-77): The Failed Socialis Experitant
The third-phase of Sri Lanka's recent political history extending from 1970-1977, saw the return of the SLFP government for the third time. This relatively short, but important phase typifies Sri Lanka's 'turnovor pattern of politics, which is revealed in AppeIndix Table II showing the strength of the parties in the 10 Gerléral Elections sinCE 1947. As Dissanayaka (1994) notes: "in the entire third World only Jamaica has a comparable "turnover pattern" in "a country with a two-party system'. The landslide victory of the SLFP in 1970, as in the 1956 Election, was again not in its own right, but in coalition With a group of Left Parties. Although the Coalition gained a massive majority of seats, it should be noted that the outgoing UNP, despite the small number of seats (17 out of 168), still obtained a larger percentage of Wotes than the SLFP (UNP, 38%; SLFP, 37%). In the evident bi-polarisation of the political spectrum, the 1970 results clearly indicated that the electoral fortunes of the SLFP depended heavily on the success of electoral pacts with minor parties such as the Left Parties whose electoral strength has traditionally been in the South.
Tiportantly, it was this alliance with the 'socialist left in 1970 that served to transform the SLFP into a genuine Centre-Left Party of social reform firmly committed to Taintaining a strong public sector in a mixed economy and continuation of Welfarism. More importantly, the 'left' influence on the SLFP served to mitigate, if not to control, the extreThe nationalist elements within the SLFP. In short, the Left Parties, were not just the soul of the SLFP as a progressive force in politics, but also became the 'theoreticians of the new gover 1 ent, Orle of its main achievements was to introduce a new 'socialist' constitution in 1972, the Republican Constitution of 1972 which replaced the Constitution of 1948, with an autochthonous Constitutitյր1:

Page 12
The 1972 Republican Constitution was also "in many ways a symbolic assertion of nationalismo (de Silva 1977), and reflected the dissatisfaction with the Conservative and pragmatic Constitution of 1948, a legacy of British colonialism (Jupp 1978). The main Criticism of the earlier Constitution was that it was a Conservative document Which did not guide policymakers towards any progressive social and economic changes. It merely Served to reinfore and sustain Westminster traditions and practices such as a bi-cameral legislature and the Queen as the nominal Head of State. Thus, the 1972 Constitution, was an "indigenist Constitution' which, in addition to establishing a President as the nominal head of State, Ventured - through its statement of Principles of State Policyto enshrine socialist principles such as full employment, distributional equity and a state regulated economy - in justification for the expansion of the public sector in a carefully regulated and planned economy. It was, in essence, meant to be an expression of a new nationalist as Well as the eTibodiment of progressive socialist ideals of people's power and Centralised planning.
Perhaps, the most significant feature of the 1972 Republican Constitution was that, "the National State Assembly as the supreme instrument of State power of the Republic Was Wested with the legislative, executive and judicial power of the people" (Zafrullah 1981, p.20). Zafrullah adds that, in theory, this envisaged a fusion rather than a separation of powers' (p.21). The Supremacy of the legislature, embodying the power of the people, was to be exercised through the National State Assembly which had ultimate power over the judiciary and the bureaucracy. According to Jupp (1978) the placing of bureaucratic and judicial posts within the political area was more in the American than the British tradition of constitutional government Clarateri5tiCOf Lle 1948 COSitutio". "The Colonial Platonism' which had inspired the architects of the 1948 Constitution Jupp (1978) states "was replaced by a cruder, but more politically realisticassertion of majority demination' (p.25). Not unexpectedly, the conservative UNP vigorously resisted the concentration of all power in the National State Assembly it decried the principles and constitutional practices of the 1972 Republican constitution,
The 1972 Republican Constitution in effect, as have argued elsewhere (Jayasuriya 1977), established a "legitimised dictatorship' of Parliament which led to a blatant misuse of political power by the curtailment of individual liberties and freedoms through the use of political patronage and favour, as Well as government control of, and interference with, the independence of the judiciary.
O
Politically, this peric 1971. Youth Revolt, a youth movement in the country led by the JVP FrOrt foundigd i 1969 the first significant att bogfore the 1983 Tami JWFinSurrécliofof 198 -parliamentary" contro revolt was sparked economic problems c пkameconomy, especi high UmerTimployment a Ty whose rate of grow Although the economi to the utmost, it did Collapse becauseofth nce of Welfaro policies enabled the wast major in 'relative powerty".
These adwerSe Soc nditions of thisperiodi growing diser chantm mmunity with Tainstre rties, all led by afflue urban, Tiddle class | |OCatéd in Colombo. A nomy had previously e liticians to ameliorate til the increasing state do my in the 1970s led distributional issues or evident in the oppositi the standardisation C marks and the introd systern for universitya of discrir Tiination. It mainstream Tamil p Inding a Federal Unior to a unitary state. They Sly opposed the provi Institution which they a language to a second
The coalition gover its left allies - attem build bridges with th such acts as the appC clans to responsible of concessions for language in official mi tion of Tamil politici Conciliatory moves of as Wel|| as the establi Campus in Jaffna cat proved utterly ineffect opinion which remair to the SLFP governm
Ethnic relations C. sharply and the Tami away from the main: young, educated mill homeland of the Nort to Violenc9 and se militant groups, the

also witnessed the adical revolutionary southern parts of the rPeople's Liberation This was, probably, Tipt in recent times, revolt, and the later '-1989, to gain 'extraof government. This f by the intractable nfronting the Sri Latly galloping inflation, da stagnant econoh was rapidly falling, system was strained not reach a point of Continuad mantenaand programs which ty of people to survive
al and economic Colso contributed to the ent of the Tamil Coam Tamil political pant Wester19dCated rofessionals, mainly relatively strong econabled nationalist poese forces. HOWe Wer, mination of the econd-O the politicisation of ethniclines. This was on of Tamil parties to if university entrance Iction of district quota dmissionaS evidence s significant that the arties, though demaremained Committed nevertheless vigorouSions of the 1972. Corgued relegated Tamil ary Status.
ment-influenced by led unsuccessfully to a Tamil minorities by imtment of Tamil politiositions and the grant ng Use of the Tamil tters. Even the cooptains into the Cabinet,
university admission, hment of a University bring to Tamil interests we in appeasing Tamil ad resolutely opposed ent,
intinued to deteriorate leadership began shift rearn Tamil parties to ants in the traditional l, who were Committed ission. The all these beration Tamil Tigers
of Elam (LTTE) have "remained the strongest and most determined off all guerilla groups... nearly all other groups in existence derive from it either through fissure orimitation (p67 Hellman-Rajanayagam 1986 p.67). In an instructive and revealing account of the history and ideology of the several groups besides the LTTE Hellman-Rajanayagam (1986) states that the only other group which can neasure up to the LTTE is the Peoples Liberation Organisation of Tamil Elam (PLOTorPLOTE), founded in 1981 by Uma Maheswaran. With this shift in the power base of Tamil politics, a new chapter in ethnic relations was beginning to emerge, but the Sri Lankan government failed to grasp its significance and respond meaningfully to these new powerful minority interests which had Паđe the Colombo based Tamil leadership ineffective and irrelevant.
Phase 4 (1977-94): The Politics of Economic Fiesos
The 1977 General Election marks the beginning of the fourth and most recent phase of Sri Lanka's political evolution which lasted for 17 years until the UNP defeat at the recent General Election of August 1994. In 1977 the UNP, under the able leadership of theastute patrician politician, J.R. Jayawardene, a master political strategist, inflicted a Crippling electoral defeat on the SLFP government, which had broken its alliance With the Left Parties in 1975. He Was the dominant political figure of this era whose "overriding goal appeared to be to preserve and extend his own personal predominance regardless of the costs to Sri Lanka' (Moore 1990, p.381). Besides the personality cult politics of Jaya Wardene and Premadasa of this era, this period is significant for many Social, political and economic changes. Some of these include the radical Constitutional changes, the introduction of riew economic policies, the growth of the Tamil secessionist mowerTnent, and abowo all, the militarisation of Sri Lanka. The latter was a consequence of two events of historical significance in the political development of Sri Lanka. the armed revolt of Tamil groups in the North and East, and the radical insurrection in the South - the JVP revolt (1987-89).
One of the first acts of the new government was to introduce a radically different constitutional structure by introducing fundamental changes to the Westminster style of parliamentary government that had existed since the grant of independence in 1948. This second Republican Constitution of 1978 was a complex and sophisticated document Which has attracted considerable interest among Constitutional theorists and in particular, analysts of political developments in developing Countries.
Wg; FF Frèfgr

Page 13
MEDIA AND ASIA (1)
Journalistic decisions With f
D. Peter TCHU
d5t leeSWEStar W2StBICOUtBS
East - and old question since Tiary generations already. It's been along histroy with innumerable pitfalls and detours - a history of misunderstanding, disenchaintment, complex conflicts and even brutal wars. But it has also been a story of mutual LLaHLLLLL LL L LLL LLLLLLCLS LLLLCS wer, the question still remains, although it is as old as any travel of mutual discovery: Do We understand each other? Do We relate to each other properly? Can we understand each other at all?--Some of you might think now, that this is indeed a very philosophical question, beyond Lur realm of giwing a COCrete answer. But, I am convinced, this should not be an argument for us here and
OW - Out of two reasons:
It is the mere fact of every single article in "Newsweek' in the "Financial Times", in the thousands of dailys and magazines that come out in Western Europe and the international World. And it is the mere fact of every single news-item and feature or radio and on the screens of Our TW-sets that Tust be questioned and analysed in terms of its Connection to truth, balance and trustworthness. We are communicating already, before any philosophy. But is it true, is it fair, is it to the benefit of the people? -These are not only questions of ethnics in journalist, but also questions with regards to the basic foundations of global communication. Repescussions of lousy and lazy research, of biased reportings, of false news can be tre TerdOUS — 10 dÕLubot: al SÓ CÓrrect ård fair Comweyance of news can be desastrous, if the reality reported about has to be described this way since it is not the journalist, who produces the news, the reality, but it is the event and the situation - good or bad - which is to be conveyed by the journalist as a tool with high responsibility, Communicatio bé-twëér East 3rd West 3rd Wie Wêrš3 takes places already - and that is good. FUrt Er Tre: COTTILICatDO al Cidnnels, so to speak, although we should concentrale (these dayshere in Tutzing) on the print media. Tust admit, though, that the TV and the print media slip together. They are alsTost comparatively fast. Looking to the Screens, watching the same news take place LL LLL LLLL LLLaLLLL LLLLHHHHLGLLL LLLLaLLLL York, and reading the "International Harald Tribune" or the "USA-Today" happensat the sar The day, if not at the samme hour in Manila and in Paris. Bad or good? We can't change it, wie might not even want to change it. Therefore; Good. But it is really good enough?
The second reason is as simple: World politics require World communication, Since
time immemorial politi on all levels, even ju: would only be able to communicate With eac the history again is full differing Words and s understanding, but of ssful reciprocal Comml. nication - orally, in accepted signs and sy sine qua m[]n": Wilh0Ut relate myself to anothe Tot exist ärld T18 Stef presence and future, to the that East and long already and have other over the decade: observes and interpre nting out that a Worlds of becoming. There ar. year 1000 B.C. there political entities, like h peoples. Nowadays, S We only carn Count a li an a stanishing proces Language always has this admittedly compl always has been thef ndation for the ever la mbly of people, that that reason, SOOmer Or of the globe, more Orle areas will merge - Wl - to a World-society, CCITITIOrl LundgrStandir cation, maybe not E (which I am not opting Tass Tedia that COLuli: time - all people. The pposes World-synchro like it is titleTE global networks of corr lity of time in all parts is already a reality. A me pose the question: do We use? What kind What kind of ethics in up? What means and
lop for the daily Work o got to Work in this sys synchronized intercon
If We Would imagine space watching Our WE they would probably s ming up on the globe: irfront of their individu: and practisinga neWCI phies. For: what are evening? Scandals, de - in Ruandai Haiti, ir Sri Laka at Ore to an idea by Slotel

arreaching repercussions
cal entities, SOCIÉties st two human beings ) surwiwe, if they Čar hother adequatelyof misunderstanding .entencës, pretended course also of succeritir.But CorTirriLWriting, with mutually Tools - is a "Conditio the desire and Wi||0 irpersor a Society Will the problems of its - There is no doubt West hawe met since Come closer to each s, and probably some aters are right in poiociety is in the process e estimates that in the WETE SOITIE 500,000 Ordes, tribes, groups, come 3,000 yearSlater title Tore tar 200 - is of nations-building. played a wital role in ex history language rame, maybe the faurger beCorning assegrows together. If, for later conflicting parts assisolated spots and letter We like it or ot that would require a Ig, forms of communin languageטחrוחסם ו for to be clear), but reach - at the SäTE 2 World-society presuInisation. Whether We ional news agencies, Thunication, the equaof this World - this for that reason let What kind of language ofnews dowe report? journalism is to be set tools should We dewafajournalist, who has tant of Worldwide and
ECOF
people from the Outer ays of communication, ied a new religion cohuman beings sitting aaltars in their houses Lult: the Cult of Catastroһе паіпtopics every sasters, catastrophies 1 Papua New Guinea, thtaking Speed? (acc. r-dijk). - Worldwide
LLLLLLLLLLLLLL T LLL LLLLaLL LLL LLLaL LLLLLLLGL time leaves the question open: what are the critera for Selecting the news and the stories, and who is he, who is doing the job of SIBCtið?
These are Some of the questions that ni Ed to be answered urgently, and with this WOrkshop here in the midst of Western Europe we'd like to initiate some thinking, since it is a genuine concern of journalists and ChriStian Church 35 to kOW TOre abÖLut the elements of a global society. And, I am CO wirnicard, it is a Christiari wirt Lue to ballar CE hopes and frustrations that come upon LIS when observing the global network of information-exchange,
Since We observe Societies groW together and at the same time conflicts grow bigger and gulfs increase between differing groups and people, Ole Will easily point OL ut to the important role of religion in reconciling the opposite, but also in dividing people ever
TE.
Religion and culture seem to be element that divides the regions of our one globe. A prominent professor in Harward University (Huntington) recently has come out with the argument that it will be mainly the division on the lines of difference between religions, traditions and cultures that will shape the conflicts of the future - right or Wrong: reporting about conflicts on the religious line Seemto presupposespecial Sensitivity as it Very often implies repercussions that cannot be mastered anymore by the journalist who is doing his job correctly or Wrongly. Journalistic competence and responsibility are required.
For all these questions We hawe chosen Asia as an example, since the Asian continents undoubtedly are of very special impotance: the TETE LITber of people living there, the forthcoming economical weight of the Asian nations - wersus the predominant Weight and political supremacy of the "WE".
For OL ir dalliberations these days We hawe selected two examples - the Philippines and Sri Lanka. They shall stand as case studies, symbols of a problem that can be observed almost everywhere: How is to be reported about the NPA im. Mindarlad, the government and the resistance-mowerTent, how is to be reported about tourism in Sri Lanka, is it safe or not sovery much?Journalistic decisions with far reaching repercuSSİOS.
Well, let me break off here With these opem questions and let us start with the twocclures for tonight...

Page 14
MEDIA ANDASIA (2)
Reporting ethnic-religious-n media and Asian realities
Pradip N. Thomas
During the next day and a half We Will attempt to grapple with issues related to reporting Asia by the Tedia in the West. We may at the end of the sessions come away with an understanding, of the whole and perhaps draw conclusions as to What can be done to better the situation, We have become accustormed in the fashion of current affairs reporting on television to collapse weighty and complex issues within the manageable time-frame of a sound-bite. It would, howeWer, ble Wonderful to come away from this meeting with something substantive and look forward to this.
Western Understandings & Asian Realities
It was George Bernard Shaw, the English dramatist who once defined newspapers as "a device unable... to discriminate between a bicycle accident and the fall of a civilization". Many of us here would agree that this is a rather harsh and wholly cynical definition but it does Take a significant point. Reality is complex Media reports however, by their Very nature, cannol afford to be too Complex, For they are in the business of dealing with the here and now, Ethno-religious-nationalist conflicts in Asia are often caused by a host of factors, fed by multiple-streams - the memory of oppresion, both real and imagined, the trauma of accentuated globalisation processes and the dewaluation of tradition, conflict over scarce resources, amongst other factors, fuelled by the politics of identity. It is possible to come to a general understanding of a particular conflict, even of common patterns and shared features between conflicts. But beyond this knowable foreground is a background, whose Weave differs from conflict to conflict.
Some of you must hawe heard the story of the Englishman who on being told that the World rested on a platform that rested on the back of an elephant that in turn rested on the back of a turtle asked the question - What did the turtle rest on? The replyanother turtle, And that turtle? Ah, Sahib, after that it is turtles all the Way down. It sometimes takes a bit of effort to scratch the surface. The point is that there are different depths and surfaces in Asia. The story of the victim is markedly different from official wersions and the versions given by demogogues. Western journalists covering Asia typically resort to using a few theoretical haindles, essentialist understandings in their
A paperpresarieda"Asiain Wesarr Media".- a Saminar held at Tulzing Munich, September 26-28. Prado Torras was WACC Director,
12
interpretation and re. realities. A balanced CeiWedi WisdČT gwel dominant opinion. Fo may be little Tore tha the majority and this have to be the trut responsible journalist for competing truths Complete an understar
Went or situation.
Journalists likg othe bring along with thema Indings with which they There is a common y. Teasures the Worth events, Thus, in the W to beligwe resolutely in Tentary forms of de rights and freedoms, th and other Enlightenme taken for granted and th in their Universal Currë as a Whole, journalists What Edward Saide interpreters'. This cort mTOn history and exer bility with respect to the meters of their trade. With an example of a Well krÕW in ASi.
John Pilgar happens admire for his couri reports on Caribodia : the Gulf War and East Speaking press he is a and can tell you they a of one, And yet, them reports, the Tore I am Out of to Luch with What C and TimoraSa Wanta 1 interminable War, di your enemy, even with implicated in genocide. im ASia thält do mot Etel of evil or good can evi and who also believe a continuity betweenth wictim (Nandy, 1978). I Suggesting that questio lid. I am merely pointing of coming to a consen to justice Waries. There Cess, fixed for all time. hawe fixed expectation conflict or of the nature democratic imperative it is common to most Asia and is expressed th of Ways-through their

ationalist conflict: Western
resentation of Asian
truth is better than if it. Seerts to irror a dominant opinion in the perspective of does not necessarily The hallmark of a s one who has a feel and Who mirrors as dingas possible of an
r members of society baggage of Understamake sense of reality. Lrdstick by which one of happenings and West, journalists tend the primacy of parliamocracy, individuals le centrality of reason nt WalLIE5, These äré greis an Lumsaid balief incy. Taken together from any region make ms a 'community of ITLunity shares a co'cisesa Certain Sensi! objectives and paraLet TIE | LIStrate LiS reportar who is quite
to be a journalist that ageous investigative Ind more recently On Timor. In the English Voice of Conscience rein desperate need ore read his recent Convinced that he is ordinary Cambodians and thats peace, not talogue - ever with those Who hawe been There are traditions ewe that the concept arbe clearly defined that there is always Ie aggressor and his är Tot for a Thommert ns of justice are inwaout that the process Lus Om İSSLJEls related
iS no universal pro
And it is unwise to s of the outcore of I of democracy. The Taybe uniwersal but f not all Societi85 in rough a great variety Istitutions and proce
sses of modernity as well through tradition, ritual, notions of harmony and the languages of local politics and conflict resolution processes. Even in the West, democracy sometimes triumphs in the most unexpected of Ways. The British media's response to the recent declaration of peace by the IRA bordered on the quizzical at best and contemptous at Worst- and this Was the case across the board. It almost seemed that the speed of unexpected change was difficult for themedia to handle particularly when a "terrorist' group suddenly became a "peacemaker'. As Roy Greenslade writing in The Guardian, Sept. 5, 1994 remarked "...if the press is not to find itself dangerously out of step with the wishes of all those in Britain and Ireland who Want this peace to last, editors Thust Come to understand that the news agenda is different, How many times have commentators thundered: the problem with the Irish is that they keep looking back instead of forward?" Let me illustrate the way in which news values work by citing the BBC's coverage of the storming of the Babri Masjid in Ayodhya a few years ago.
The BBC, the storming of the Babri Masjid and news value5
The storming of the Babri Masjid mosque in Ayodhya by an organised group of right-wing Hindus Therited prime-time coverage in Tedia throughout the World. There was dramatic footage of frenzled kar Sawaks in the act of demolishing the mosque, the breaching of the security Cordon around the moSque and the skirmishes between military-police and numerous bands of saffronclad Volunteers. There was also less dramatic footage of an inept, complicitous and coTiplacent state and central government who had neither the will nor the courage to act decisively, While the independent press in India took sides on the issue, the Wernacular press, particularly Hindi, was in general, blatantly partisan in their handling of the conflict. The state-controlled broadcasting establishment however refused to cover the actual storming of the mosque for fear that it Would inflame passions and lead to civil unrest. BBC's coverage of the incident elicted criticism from the government as well as from different quarters of the majority comr munity. We hawe become acCLustomed to hearing conflicting opinions with respect to reporting ethno-religious-nationalist struggles. Governments justify their action or inaction by citing reasons of intra-national security and media institutions like the BBC in turn articulate their defence by foregrouinding principles of democracy including info

Page 15
Tlation rights, free flows, etc. There is, as yet, no end in sight with respect to this ControWerSy. But One Can bè Surë that the regulation of transborder data flows is bound to take Centre-Stage Soomer that later tot Only in Asia but in the West as well. The stakes are just too high,
| happened to be in India during the Ayodhya incidents. In its immediate aftermath there was sporadic violence throughout the Country, particularly in the North. The violence spilled over into neighbouring Bangladesh diaspora communities in England and Canada Were also affected by its fall-out, While it would be wrong to ascribe to the media primary responsibility for the violence, in a situation characterised by heightened COTimural tensions, the media do, Wittingly of unwittingly reinforce, contribute to, prowoke and inflame passions. There is of course a lot of difference between Tedia that is used for implicitly propagandistic purposes and the so-called quality, mainstream media that Sawo Wedly and Expressadly in the business of a non-partisan reporting of issues and events. And yet, in the context of interpreting ethnic or religious conflict, the mainstream Western media frequently come to an understanding of the TRUTH when in reality there are multiple truths. The trouble is reality is ambiguCOLIS. We Striwe to Corme to ar LundeStanding yet there are different understaindings. We Would like to believe in the primacy of values rooted in a tradition of Judeo-Christian, Enlightenment and post-E- nightenment understandings, yet there are 'other traditions whose value system may or Tay not approximate to our measure of What is right and good...lar not for a moment advocating for the relativity of truth. I an merely saying that great care needs to be taken when the particularisinterpreted according to the Canons of the Uniwersal.
Togo back to the reporting of the Ayodhya incident, it is quite obvious that the dominant standards of newsworthiness were a point of contention. The images and reports of the dramatic, the tragic, the violent and the confrontational coalescad to forma representation of the "Other-the state of Indian society as inherently unstable, irrational and unre. deemable. There were few attempts at prowding intomation on the background to the Conflict. Stereotypes were often used as a means to explaining the reasons for this Conflict. It was between Hindus and Muslirts thus implicating all members belonging to each community in the conflict. It was Hindus who demolished the mosque. None verified the fact that the stormtroopers of the right, the kar Sewaks, Were specifically mobilised for the occasion from the South. Or that there Was a tradition of Hindu-Muslim amity in Ayodhya prior to the conflict; that a Muslim had traditionally been in charge of one of the more famous Hindu temples at Ayodhya; or that the source of the conflict may have had to do more with economic rather religious reasons. There were few attempts at highlighting the opinions of people other than those belonging to the Hindu Right, topoliti
cials or to officialso in mind that a few I ctions in Uttar Prade: the city of Ayodhya is state government was combine consisting of Çasts Hindu ard Mus| rately, given the domi dition of newsWirtire nity Was just not drE reported or 1, Cuite O humanity is just not ir scoop for the media.
The Tedia as defing
Most of the title W granted and WE seld fact that the redi id influence the Way. We In the West and in Cre of the World, the Thed Timand a large chunk people. Traditional de Organised Talligion, edi hawa baen forced to a.C. With an increasingly meaning-themedia. interpret, they provic Which We Take sers ewents and ISS Lues, do this sense the media rnsciousness, They cl. enterprise of making T tion of Walue, the moL the disbursing of beli do play a role instructu trans-local, national a this process of defining Wè prOCESS. BOLlundariE rices established and tWe "US" and "ter Subjected to a discou ruities and futures, irt ring of nationhood an citizenship. And Wear tha 'olher in Lur Tids
Defining the 'other'i media in Europe
Let The illustrate this The Europe of today i. the Europe of a centur Capital cities, for insta pockets of people Wh Cultures that are other ad Who Corle froT1
globe. Yet, in veryman these people are stil t notas fulcitizensinspi are second or third ( Britain for example, ha tions of people from th the Indian sub-contine Wêr, routinally name tit ethnic affiliation thus
between the true "Brits' and the "others' Who
racial stock. Both theta for instance almost alw non-Caucasian stock i they are British by birth trend is probably repe

Jrces. It must be kept onths later, in by-elesh, the State in which ocated, the ruling BJP S Ousted by a political Door, middle and IOW
im peasarts. UnfortLant, inteiTationaltraSS, this Wote for hur Thaamatic enough to be bviously a Scoop for the Sarmė Class ås a
rs of identity
e take the Tedia for om acknowledge the irect and indirect ways
think and do things. asingly in other parts ia hawe begun to coof the leisure time of finers of TeaningIcation and the family COT 100 datea Indreckoll dominant definier of The media infort and de fräTWOrks Withi e of and respond to mestic and foreign. In have a clairT1 or coearly compete in the heaning, in the arbitralding of attitudes and ef. And as such they ring identities-local, rld global. Inevitably, identities is a selectiSETE defield, differedistinctions made be"... We are constantly se Onl'origirls', Contiplicated in the structuin the celebration of eta Lught to distinguish
OUT 5t: tE
with some examples. 5 wastly different from yago. Most European |Ce, ha We Substantial IOSe origins are from tharl Judé0-Christian Various parts of the y ELJropean Countrias realed as guests and te of the fact that many Jeneration domiciles. is perty large populaa Caribbean and front nt. The media, howehem ir tör TTS of their making a distinction of Anglo-Saxonorigin belong to a different bloid and liberal press says qualify people of inspite of the fact that 1 and nationality. This ated in other parts of
Europe. It goes to show that the unwillingress of the media in Europe to support and accept multi-culturalism is a problem that needs to be urgently tackled. For unless attempts are made to accept the 'other living in one's back-yard, it may be more than idealistic to expect Western journalists covering Asia to be sensitive or sympathetic to Asian realities. There is, in other Words, a need for the media in the West to accept the reality of a multi-cultural Europe, to celebrate the hetrogenity of nations and Cultures and their role in defining the nation as well as national heritage. The role of the media is absolutely crucial to the establishment of a multi-ethnic public sphere in Europe. In Brilar, for example, support for this has come from the strangest of quarters. Prince Philip, in a recent statement, did for example, question the priwelleged relationship between the Anglican church and the monarchy and suggested that the monarch should represent the diverse nature of peoples and beliefs in Britain. Such suggestions area rarity and by and large the media in Britain do not provoke debate on such matters. In fact, it can be argued that the Tedia in Britain actively der Thote the expression of multi-culturalism particularly its institutional expressions. When there are controversies with local people in the context of building a temple, moSque of Synagogue, it is almost always the case that the majority is given a priwelleged hearing. Not that thea majority is always Wrong or that minorities are always right. But that witting and unwitting bias, a provocative headline, choice of language and tone, use of inaccurate statistics, selection and oriSSion can result in consequences that can get OL ut of hånd. As One Correspondent put in "In sensitive situations, War or not, a superficial correspondent is a guided missile'.
The changing balance of power
If the need for sensitivity is an important first step the secondisfor Western journalists to have a bit of humility, to confront and accept the real changes that are taking place in global political and economic power equations, particularly as this has affected Asia, While levels of development in Asia wary considerably, there are quite a few countries in North and South-East Asia that are economically more robust than many Countries in the West, let alone other regions in the South. There are emerging giants like China who have the potential to become a leading world power, Wealth and sustained growth have often been the catalyst for the many self-a- SSured responses made by Asian governments to the challenges posed by global pressures often mediated by the Western media, particularly broadcasting and the press. In the Pergau dam affair for instance, Britain had a lot more to loose than Malaysia at least in the short-ter T. When the Dutch ConTriplained about the Dili incident, lm donesia opted to cancel Dutch aid and the World Bank fashioned financial arrangements without donors from the Netherlands. Inspite of Tiannammen, China enjoys most favoured status as a trading ally with the USA.
3

Page 16
Inspite of Chris Patten, Hong Kong will be shaped according to China's dictates. And inspite of the International Telecommunication Unions rulings with respect to orbiting facilities, China has recently statioreda satelite where it pleased. Does a free media inevitably reflect a democratic state of the lack of one a despolic state? With or Without the mediathere was the TianmarTen incident in China, Ayodhya and Warious other commurial disturbānces in Indiam and routie wiol grice in many parts of the Philippines,
There are many in the Westandar insure there are some of us in this room who are likely to view these actions by Asian governments as a cower-up for their own short-comings and their reluctance to abide by univeSal standards with respect to human rights and freedoms. This position is entirely justifiable in Some cases for they hawe been racent instances where draconian laws hawe been enacted, freedorns curtailed and where the dignity of human beings have been compromised as is the case in Indonesia today. The issue at stake is not whether journalists from the West should or should not report issues in Asia which are sensitive or politically Woliitile. JCDLurnalists hawe a job to do. The Key issue, beligwe has to do with the inlerpretation of fundamental Western UniveSals including whether Cor not the principle of free speech is universally valid and whether the global media has an intrinsic right ld abide by the normative claim of free speech together with the commercial claim of free flows. There are times When the language of rights is virtually indistinguishaEble from the language of privelegas.
Selective amnesia and elective justice
How many of the media in Asia or for that rThatter in Europe have reported on the restrictionsplaced on the Sein Fein laader Gerry Adans from Speaking with his Voice on British television? Wery few would think. Yet
the media in the West r. restrictions in Asia. Ho have upheld the princi respect to the recent H industry controversy . imports and their con: pean Culture? Selectiv be a recurring illness a be short. When the M recommended that eq free flows becore the
media flows there Was ndemnation by govern the extent that a fewe UNESCO, The probler Stardards at WÖrk årli ground that the West c to hold änd spaak froi norms underlying med the West-corrittle nce and ideological called to question time perverse to hide behin When it is plain to see
are socially constructe be exceptionally gifted
that there is a scend with respect to the W. Gulf War, the Crisis in Yugoslavia and the di Rwanda. The US gow pported the 1965 rTmass Communists in Indongs Filment played its partir thus allowing an excu British government has of aid to fund Warious en ndly projects all ower A: in irCalcLlable darrage rights of indigenous p rnments increasingly te starr forms of derrücré civil and political rights iri the interesto CCCori OrT the media Work in the development and that
ASIAN FEMALE LEADERSHIP (3)
No Institutional Base ?
Linda Richter
OTle hawe tended to mowe into
top positions of power in South and southeast Asia under the most dramatic of circumstances - as a result of assassinations, coups, Sudden death of the previous leader or by moving to the forefront of the opposition against nondemocratic forces. Only rarely has there been any long-standing POWer base. Thus, the powerful Women leadETS CÓnsidered Here do lot hawe ar firstNLШопаI base, a regional constitшепсу, ап administrative track record, or a Tiirany nijkeLL SS LLLLL LHH LLGGuuD SKLLLLL LLLLHEL Gandhi - häd party /legadership rofes in /ha strong parlies their fathers had shaped, Bluflo's party was in disarray from long years
14
of political exile under Gandhi was besler pola as polifical leader of the se SS har a year ir 79, power in 7966. More irr that her fathar had purg rivals for power shortly asked for the resignatic CérSarld Chsgffl'Irlsfors se of Gardiffar Sessies: Wer. They complied bL Cabrief ar d5x Chriaf (T) significal power base, fils dėāff), a 77 iad ard Sasir briefly succeed himsessmJanuary, 196

utinely criticise press W many of the media ple of free flows with ollywood-French film ywer US programme sequences for Euroearnesia seems to mid TÉTOria5, teld to McBride CoISiOI Jal flows instead of TOrITTI1 iir North-SILL near unanimous coTents in the West to ven pulled out of the n is, there are double d there is no moral an legitimately claim T1. The fundalent a professionalism in nt toobjectivity, balaneutrality has beem and again. It seems da Veil of objectivity that news and wiews d. We d'Or 10 leed to to recognise the fact ing order of priorities ast's handling of the the ex-republics of 2SpBrale Situation in erTiment actively sukillings of so-called ia, the German goverecognising Croatia Se for War, and the given large artounts wiranmentaly unfriesia that havo r3sulted to the livelihood and 80ple, Asian gove3rd to say that WeLicy are a luxury, that nead to be curtailed nic development, that interest of national the foundations of
democracy in Asia need to be based on a Symbiotocrather than antagonistic relationship between the individual and the state. Givan the fact that Westorm forms of derToCracy have a pedigree of less than fifty years in most parts of Asia, it would be unwise to pre-judge the results according to standards set by a single yardstick of progress, Orto CO-OPI ETĘerging, indigĒrious, multi-dimensional understandings of democracy.
Wastickled pink at the pompous, self-righteous, hurt reactions of the British press when the Indian governTient turned down the offer of British aid in the after fath of the earthquake that struck parts of Maharashtra earlier last year. Although an no great Supporter of the Indian government at the best of times, their decision to rely on local sources for the aid effort Was a staterTest of strength, a wole of Confiderica in local capabilities to respond to the reed for relief. This was mot how the British media saw it. In the midst of the Rwandar Crisis, the British media barely reported the presence of cholera experts from Bangladesh in Rwanda for after all this was a Western aid effort and all the expertise Was in the West. Some attitudes seem to newer change. Asiam Countries are attempting to forge locally-valid stategies of growth. Most of these are not perfect, have not resulted in equitable growth and there are rurferous instances of the abuse of authority and crimes against the dignity of Common people. Western journalists need to be firm when reporting the frequent lapses of Asian governments but according to standards that are recognised as just fair. They also need to recognise that Indonesia is not East Timor, India not Ayodhya, Sri Lanka not the Tigers and Malaysia not Mahathir. This is a bare Tinimum.
References Nandy, A. "Oppression and Human Liberation: Towards a Third World Utopia' (pp. 165-180), ALTERNATIVES, 1978, 4, 2
General Zia. Idra Ced by Sh9 Served a Congress Parly for 59 before coming to portant was the fact edmany of her/key before fís dga). He in of a cabinet offfra suppOSedgesluі гепшлciation ofроthe selected only six Tistars, se wera I wiih S O Mesir OWT. A for 7ffff9f7f Lg Egladdu'r ed hir before dying 6. With no heir appa
reril, Indra Gardi was able to win the support of the Chief ministers and assure POWODr With few expėČfiring arabe more har an interim prime minister'.
Mr) general, however, Worl77ër) Meadors hawa lacked an institutional base. This appaars to be a most serious disadvantage wis-a-vis the army. In many of these countries the military has been the de jure or defactogovernment. While the least traditional institution in many respects in Tlost developing rations, it is the institution least accustomed to deferring to female decisions in Societies Where Women are relatively invisible. One only has to remeTiber haW diffiCJlt it Wä5 for ATBriCS to

Page 17
see Geraldine Ferraro as a potential Commandër-in-chief to appreciāte why. Pakistan, Bangladesh, Burt Thai and the Philippires might See a Wortlan leader as a threat to military prowess and morale. Each of these countries has experienced periods, sometimes long periods, of martial law during its postindependence history. Each of these countries has Tajor dissident groups with which to cope. Faced with the need for military aid, presence of domestic strife, and a highly politicized military, it is not surprising that female leaders like Aquino and Bhutto have lacked credibility with the military and that their greatest challenges have come in trying to appease the Tilitary establishment without abandoning their domestic agemdas*8.
In Indonesia, Thailand, arld Vietnam, all COLUtria35 With traditio 15 of de fase if Illot de jure military Control, Women hawe mot been Seri OLUS COnterderS for top postS.
Only in India and Sri Lanka with their traditions Of a political military SystemiS hawe Womencome to power without major opposition from elements of the military. Significantly, however, Mrs. Bandaranaike faced a major coup attempt within two years of coming to power. While the coup plotters Were opposed to her husband, it was to remove her that a COLp atterflpt Wa5 lauriched. Politically "she pursued much the same course as he (Bardararaike),...but her inexperience...and her apparent lack of restraint gave the officers no confidence in her ability...As th12 Officers a SSSSaid Mrs.Banda ramaike ir the first year and a half of her stewardship, she was a Weak and uneducated politician, Susceptible to Tanipulation by her equally inexperienced...nephew....Mrs. Bandaranaike, Wrota Sir Charles Jefries, "W858 WOmarl Hriti inexperienced in the art of politics or Cricket".
While few would argue Mrs. Bandaranaike Was a particularly enlightened leader, it is interesting to note that it was her administration rather than any others that was challenged militarily. In India, however, a sawy Indira Gandhi kept military, police and paramilitary authority divided and in balance'. War also enhanced her credibility.
It was the successful Indian war against Pakistan in 1971 which gave Mrs. Gandhi her ultimate prestige and also her ultimate kind of deification, as Durgaon the one hand, an imposing leader of her country on the Qhes. AfterWards, as DorT Morag5 Wrote, "She has achieved the status of Tyth. She Was Joan (of Arc) without the inconvenience of prison, fire and cross".
Another disadvantage has been the tendeTCytO a SSLume that these Women Were fee7porary leaders chosen to unite the country during a short-term leadership wold or crisis. It is hard to believe now, but in 1965 Morarji Desai referred to Indira as "a little princess." strongwilled but capable of guidance should Desai ever take power'. Two months later "the little princess" was the compromise
choice of the chief Morarji DeSai Would than "Nehru's daugh scalculated. Exceptf Gardilled dial fort Luntil Fler BSSESSİhati she died not for E decision to end Wiole tle Sik Golder Tel bloody battle to cap and hostages inside own bodyguards to E
Bhutto, Aquino, A Mrs. Eldararaike red symbols for th araundo. Aquino, es Benigno's death in th as almost a Madorr the wily, corrupt Marc drafted to run again opposition figures di riously, and Marcos. rräŠSed to bĖ Turrir ""WorTnger1," hg nore "belong in the bedroc roles ir Which he hai ghters, and sisters, Tostids EffOfir lig r
Ewr Salwador L agreed for the Sake ol wice-president, was Would be a There fig to do What ha doa: professional politicia a CCL5tOT3d to SurWiy TITI Odation. Indeed, collaborator during th of the Philippines. B not step aside. She Coltro Cabilt Col. Tuch of anything. F awhile he used his pe to go abroad seekir position. She thenre day, he stands strippe his position as wiceeven that given ther See him impeachedf of COLupos against AqL
Still, being underes price. Six coups have President Aquino in le military, politicized by rule and years of mar liable, DeSpote inheri tical Situation Coraz much progress, but th military challenges C foreign investmentar the bureaucracy,
ArøthET faLitor Com ved Weakness of Aq San Suu Kyi is theire: tic rule, Following au! if those regimes were ption is that tolerance to compromise, insi. procedures and aw toward opponents ar rather than courage,

ministers who thought be harder to deal. With iter." They clearly mior two and a half years, he next eighteen years O ir 1981 EW2 fler 2r timidity but for her ntly a state of siege in Tiple, in Amritsar. The Lure the Sikh terrorists Covinced or of her Ig her assassin.
Lung San SLJLu Kyi and awa, also baem Conside|e opposition to rally ecially, was seen after a Catholic Philippines a, a Saintir Corträst to Os. She was reluctantly st Marcos. Ewen other d not take her very serosa55ed to EDE "Tibang against a woman."
too gallantly claimed, Im."Given the powerful d placed his wife, dauthere was irony not to erarks".
laurel, the Timan Who Lunity to runas Aquino's Co1Wir hC2d that . She ure-head allowing him best, behave as the 1. Laurēl Wās å mån wing politically by accohis father had been a e Japanese occupation LIt Corazon Aquino did did nDt Ewan |gt him :es, policy decisions or He was incensed. For rtfolio of foreign affairs Ig support for his own le'Vedi Üftat, T2d of all authority except resident. He may lose many Who Would like to or his apparent support III1ւն.
stimated has its political been launched against 2ss than four years. The twenty years of Marcos tial la W, is clearly unreting an intolerable polion Aquino has made a frequent political and ripple efforts to secure ld aid, or to reorganize
tributing to the perceiLino, Bhutto and Aung plicit bias fordamocrahoritarian rule - even despised–the perceof dissent, Willingness SterC2. O deTOCfältic "en political amnesty e the result of timidity Weakness rather tharl
strength. As one newspaper editorialized concerming Aquino: "The Presidency of the Philippines is not for the faint hearted".
lf Critics act on such perceptions sennale leadership) irideed Caribew dak ċried. Corinsider the case of Aquino: In her first two and a half years in office she survived five coup attempts, turned a negative growth economy to one moving at about 41.2 percent per annum, negotiated three ceasefires, renegotiated the nation's foreign debt, reversed the flight of capital, recovered some of the money stolen by the Marcos family, gathered major Sources of aid abroad, freed political prisoners, insured basic civil rights, had drafted ändratified a rČW Constitutional Ordet ad held congressional and local elections. Does this sold like the record of a demure Woman Wh10 CritiCS ir SİSt IS WÉäk ärld Whið fričrds fear is reluctant to use power?" As Aaron Wildavsky observed: "Would-be egalitariam leaders are in trouble before they start. Leadership implies followership - in other WOTds, in Equality....Meelings are lengthy, discussions interminablg. Would-be leaders must dissemble at once being persuasive about the right course to follow and self-efiacing...Exercising leadership in hierarchiasis a lot easier".
This was wery clear in the criticism of Aquino's first year when she was operating cautiously while the new constitution was being fashioned. Friends and critics alike faulted herfar more often for mot ruling more by fiat than for being too bold,
Nor do the current democratic political institutions fashioned in the Philippinesallow her readily to remedy public perceptions of timidity. Like the United States, the Philippine government is designed to thwart tyranny more then to facilitate leadership.
Ironically, formany women leaders in Asia religious Orthodoxy also thwarts leadership and discretion. While the support of the Catholic Church has been a marked asset for Aquino, italso Creates para Tieters for har policy leadership, especially in such areas of Social policy as divorce, abortion, and family planning, Despite a PPP manifesto Calling for equality of the sexes, Benazir Bhutto also confronted thestrong constraints erected by the mullahs and their conservatiWe Islamic followers. Emboldened by their growing influence during the twelwa years of General's Zia's rule, they were adept at keeping Benazir Bhuttoon the defensive and Unable to take initiatives that might benefit Women or liberalize society generally'.
If there are so many disadvantages these Asian Women share in attempting to lead at the top, are there any advantages that appear to mitigate these factors? Not many. Most of the Women were able to tap into Some sympathy or compassion among the populace during their early period in power (or in the case of Burma's Aung San Suu Kyi during her resistance to military pressure). They were seen as uncorruptěd, remoWedi from the shadier tram Sactions of even close relatives around them."Don't get your
15

Page 18
hands dirty, Keep them clean and vote for Gertie" was the 1989 campaign slogan of Gertie Suwana, the Anglo-Indian sister-i- n-law of a prominentpolitician in India'. It highlights the tendency for female candidates to emphasize their incorruptibility, Imelda Marcos is a spectacular exception to this assumption.
Ewen today as Corazon Aquino's govemment is being savagely attacked for corruption, nepotism and ineffectiveness, the president herself is not considered personally tainted. Indira Gandhi's rule (or reign) lasted long enough that she was later to be accused of ethical Wrongdoing, but even then charges were largely couched in terms of her bliindness to her younger son's overzealouSness and his financial and political irregulaгilias.
While no Indian leader of independent India Was no occasion Tore undermocratic than Indira Gandhi, there is generally an assumption that female leadership is fore public spirited and less power hungry than that of males. That is only a theoretical advantage, however. Other power brokers may well worry whether female leadership will behave in resonable and predictable political ways and whether such "accidental leaders' will be decisive and tough enough to use power effectively.
Not only are these assumptions about female leaders held in south and Southeast Asia but in those regions, class and family remain more salient than gender, meaning they are probably more accepted and so less of an issue there than in the West, Politics is more personal and familial in most of south ard ISOutheSt ASia.
The impact of female political leadership in south and southeast Asia
Measuring the impact of any one indiwiduals leadership is a Tiethod-ological nightmare even in a dictatorship, let alone in societies ostensibly more broad-based in thier authority. Several studies of Women figures elsewhere in the World hawe Concluded that Women are more likely to operate with "a different voice" and style than their Tale counterparts.They areostensibly more interested in domestic than foreign policy, are more supportive of the environment and social spending than defence expenditures, and more likely to support Women's issues regardless of political affiliation than their male equivalents, Such studies drawn from rol cal votes and surveys of WorTien in Western legislatures are not available for most Asian legislatures. They are also drawn on the basis on the basis of the typical 3 to 6 percent female representation in such wester legislatures.
While paralal information om nationallegislatures in South and southeast Asia is absent, the Indian parliament does not seen to fit Such obserwationS. Indeed, it has been a complaint of liberal feminist journals like Manushi that the Women in parliament made little difference in terms of policy,
16
|s Pakistan, a Wom WS al lif|Lumtial li:EDE as har husband Was ir Benazir, had very littl the legacy of Zia's Cor Own precarious grasp
Aung San Suu Kyi of the Eutal Burtle inspires others, when she confronted milita ddiSSIddeft:5. Whether pursue a distinctive p speculation.
Corazon Aquino's : Were alsO importarit, impact WaS ir1 term1S C Women to key position selection of delegates tional Convention. Six tes Sheappointed Wer president of the Cons The Philipping constit Thothers" as Wėl|| äS delegates made a diffe and succeeded in get! Written in, including a equality. They did no sought but their strug in gaining the adopt language of the docu provisions”. The pres was also critical bec commitment. The mo Women's groups be encouraged Tale åCÓ SiST.
The evidence of mixed and inconclusi talented, female lead rtt S 3 TO TOE socigtigs. HDWDVer, 5i flects Thany other wari the role model impact than in SociatiBS like where gender is mc support for female C where class allegianc
Prospects for female and southeast Asia
The foregoing Secti beliewe that SCLuthi ; wgппеп have genera ways historically TÖr ptional than leaders These career paths a for those holding their Cal and party p0:sts.
Once in power tho mfront particular gen and stereotypes. Asia leWëls haVB bOth ady ntages common to th Little empirical data CũnClLISiOrls about th!
WOTE.
Despite the current Women leaders in the few sanguine assump prospects of other W

like NLSA BHLutto ral Voice Only as long power. Her daughter, a policylatitude given |Ser"WatiWesule Earl Cher
of power.
's brawery in the face sê repression Surely
as a "There Wotan" ry troops and rallied in power she would olitical course is only
spunk and demeanor
bLuther T.Dre lasting if her appointments of sand especially in her
to the 1986 Constituof the forty-six delegae Worther including the stitutional COWeil. Lutilo tET. Hild "Or
"refathers." TOSE arence. They fought for ing many keyphrases guarantee of sexual it get everything they gle made a difference iC Cof the Of Sexist ment and many of its Once of those WOThen aLISO of their interise bilization of scores of hind their positions Luiescence if motermith Lu
policy impact is then le, but the example of arship is clearly impofor others in those rice their presencereables besides gender, may be less powerful the U.S. and Canada bre salient, organized ändidates exİSLS, ad es are more blurred.
a leadership in south
ons laad the author to and SOL the St ASiar |ly come to power in distinctiweard EXCEhip routes for Ten. re especially divergent mations" highest politi
se at the very top COder-specific obstacles m Womanat allpolitical antages and disadvaair gender and status. supports any definitive air likely policy impact
prominence of several region, one can make tions about the political Omer. The Conditions
bringing a few Worther to political power are sufficiently exceptional and tragic in the lives of these cited that they scarcely portend grealer general female political power. In fact, unlike in Western nations where there is a gradual increase in the representation of Women, at state/province levels, arewerse pattern is emerging in the formely colonized powers. The percent of Women in elective politics is actually dropping in many nations as Women in those Countries become more detached from the political Socialization impact of their independence efforts, Nor in theS; COuntrieS WOLuld E de Cr3S i CSS stratification and national powerty or even increased female education likely enhance female leadership opportunities. Experience in Japan, China and in the West suggest that a change in such factors may actually reduce female leadership, since the leadership has in large part been drawn from those who are already the must affluent.
While Margaret Thatcher's and Golda Meiris impressive leadership should hawe stilled any doubts about female toughness, encouraged caution regarding any female stereotypes about policy impact or nurturing, and qualified any generalizations about the importance of social class, they are exceptions in the West and Without peers in Asia.
While Asian CultLTES Have not bEErl Without their female leaders (even Japan had its famous Heian period), then as now gender equality has been elusive, Opportunities for female leadership have been rare and in spite of gender inequality have not been harbingers of political liberalis T.
hatag
36. Linda. K. Richter, "The KarTnaraj Plan," 1966. 37. Fraser, Tha Warrior fueens, p. 36. 38, Carolina G, Herrianidez, "The Philippiriegs in 1987: Challings of RedirTor Elization." Asiri Survey, wol, 28, no.2 (February 1988), p. 238. 39. Donald L. Horowitz, Coup Theories and officers' Moses (New Jersey; Princeton University Press, 1980), p. 157, 40. Fraser. To Yarrior Juggrs, p. 310. 4. 42, Personal Interview with Morari Desai, December,
1955,
43. Fraser, T. Warrior Outers, p. 307. 44. Linda K. Richler, "The Constitutional Rights of MMM OrTmiem il-tha Post-Marcos Philippima5," Pilipiirllia5, .33-48.18BB], pp)2.סח 45. World Press (quoting South China Morning Post.
Jarl Early 1990, p. 1). 45. Linda K. Richter, "Constitutional Rights of Worrign." 47. Aaron Wildawsky, "A Cultural Theory of Leadership," in Bryan Jongs, ed., Leadership arid Polities Lawrence, Kansas: Liversity of Kansas Press, 19E9), pp. B7.1 13. 48. Frank R. Baumgarta, "Political LBadership in Di
Werse Settings" in Bryan Jones, ed. Leadershiprid Politics (Lawrence, Kansas: University Press of Kansas, 1989), p, 123, KKSSL LLLS LLLLSSSLLLLLLLLukL LLEH LL LLLLMLL L
Wormen in Pakistan" Asian Survey, Wol. 30 no. 5 (May 1990), pp. 433-45. 50. India Today, 15 December 1989, p.7. 0SLLL LLLMLLLtkL SHLHMC LCMMLLLLS S CCS
28-30. 52. Linda K. Richler, "Constitutional Rights of Women."

Page 19
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Page 20
WOMANHOOD (4)
The Buddhist Femal
Kumari Jayawardena
shall now briefly delineate two roles
for Women, outside the wife,mother roles, that were accepted, and approwed of the Buddhist patriarchal model. The first is the role of the female benefactor of the religion. A Buddhist Woman who has completed her "duties' to the community in the matter of reproduction is allowed a certain freedom, BSpecially if She Is a rich WitjøW; She is tham at liberty to decide on how to distribute largesse lo Buddhist Cau585. Hawing passgd a certain age, she is presumed to have transcended the age of sexuality and therefore she should not be in need of rigid rules of Corduc.
Wor Thair as befactOT is Omg of the most acceptable of role models for older Buddhist Women, Buddhist religious lore is replete With tales of the wives of traders and merchants Who Ware among the staunchest lay di ScipleS Of the BLICddha. TheSe Wilën were important personalities in their own right; the TIOst rolable of them Was Wisakhä, who in Sri Lanka has been projected as the ideal Buddhist Woman: dawout, educated and benefactor of Buddhist causes, often cited as an outstanding symbol of the emancipated independent Women of Buddhist India. Her grandfather Was Mendaka, "a greatmerchant of illimitable Wealth"; her father, Dhaanjaya, Was also a leading merchant, and She rTarried Punrawāddhānā, the son of another wealthy merchant. With all this Wealth behindher, she became the chiaflay benefactress of the Buddha. She advised ECriticiS2 da Eye Edite idEEEEE5 on the doctrine among monks. It is clear from her example that certain privileged women were able, by reason of their wealth and Social standing, to lead independent lives and to be accepted as the intellectual equals of men (Horner, 1930, Partill, Chap. 5). The other role models from Buddhist history included MaharTlaya (Buddha’s Thother), Yasodara (Buddha's wife). Sujata who supplied him food, and in later times SargarTitta, daughor of King Asoka, who brought a sapling of the Sacred Bo tree to Sri Lanka. Significantly, Buddhist girls' schools in Sri Lanka hawė bėên Called after these personalities (Sangamitta, Sujatha, Wisakha, Mahamaya and Yasodara).
With the Buddhist revival in Sri Lanka in the late nineteenth century, there emerged a mLIFTıber of Womer1 = Especially widows - who followed these early Buddhist examples and achieved fame as benefactors. Some examples can be cited from this period. Colonel Olcott and Helena Blawalsky, fouinders of the Theosophical Society, on their arrival in Sri Lanka in 1880, stayed in the house of Mrs. Wijeratne, a rich widow of a
18
Contractor for Tercha Galle, who, accordim every hospitality upon 158-159). And among mdBrs of the Buddhis Was a Widow, Mrs. Ce described by Colore Buddhist lady of "sain the Sinhala and Engli "Buddhist Catechi ST luable books to the
library in Madras (Olc
The rich foreign W funder. Arnagarika Dha: was dependent on Ma Theosophist in Haw: HILJsband had made fo She was the largest fl. Buddhist projects in Britain. ASE Was to: to Ty parents, to Mac Mrs. Foster' (Gurug tW 1903 and 1908 him, folloWed by lar! dates of money, boric 50,000 or har daath. liberality and personal hawe accomplished th kem," Wrote Dharmap: frequently as his "F. Buddhist termsås Mäł Female Lay Devotee 155,668 & 672). D School and hospital aft in ClOTTBU stil ЕЕГVE links with Sri Lanka.
Dharmapala's Toth sna (1842-1936), also Budis revivalist is ghter of Don Andiris a rich merchant, and Carolis, who had a Colombo, was one o' ddhist entrepreneurs Hewawitarma is highlig gher, wife and mother also in her own right : charitias and especial being the first Contribul Se of three acres ofilar (Guruge, 1965a, p. 7
Teralled in the Aged, begun in 192 Colombo. She also fol and Wore the saria Her biographer gives Widow who, during t When Sinhala. WOThe homes, came forwar national service" (Seni Mällika HeWa Witär ä's highlighted by the Buc

e Benefactor
nt ships in the port of g to Olcott, "lawished Lus" (Olcott, 1954, pp. the early Woman futrevival in the 1880s cilia Dias langakoon, Olcott as a Wealthy tly piety" who financed Sh BeditiOS Of OlCOtt"5 ' and who donated WaTheosophical Society ott, 1954, p. 199).
idOW COLUld älSÖ bĒ2 artlapala, for example, ry Foster, an ATerican iii, WhiÕSČ fälther and rtunes in shipbuilding. inder of Dharmapala's India, Sri Lanka amid Say", "I Owe gwerything lame Blawatsky and to a, 1965a.p. 768). Be* Sh9 SBrit 8 8,000 lü ge donations al later is and a bequest of S "BLlt for har WOnderful affection1 || Would ng Wear Ie Work had undertailla, who referred to har Star i Mitro" är i na Upasika (The Great | (Gшгugё, 1965а. рр, han Tapala named a Er hErard Foster Lar19 s as a T3Tildar of hier
har, Mallika Hawawitafigures prominently in tory. She was the dauOhlarnThagLJr1a Wardema, her husband, H. Dom furniturg bLIsiness in thE FEW Sill: EU
Of hiS tirTie, Malika yhteid mot Only as dau* of important mem, but is benefactor of many yof herson's projects, or towards his purchaI d im Sarmath, Berlares 32). Her name is coMalika Hole for 1. | and sti|| Existant in owed herson's advice d propagated its use,
a portrait of a pious imes of "foreign rule Were confined to their d to perfort a great 19wiratne, 1986 p. 10). i role was particularly ddhists because social
Work and non-government institutions for the poor were at that time mainly in the hands of Christians and foreign missionaries.
Another important Buddhist benefactor Was Selestina Dias, Widow of P. Jeremias Dias, one of the largest liquor traders and land owners of the late nineteenth century. Her father Solomon Rodrigo of Panadura had also been an arrack renter and owner of largė exterits of land. Om her husband's daal in 1902, Selestirla Dias took Öwér"thé sfläflLufacture of arrack... in ä|| its forms, in addition to the management of the estates" (Wright, 1907, p. 678). The latter included Coconut cinnamon, rubberandtea plantations, and she was assisted in their manageTent by her four som S. Jerer Trias Dias had been a large benefactor of the Buddhist revival and was the chief lay supporter of the Buddhist temple in Panadura, the Rankot Wihara. Selestina Dias Continued this philanthropy and gawe , land for additional buildings to the Rankot Wihara, and large donations to Buddhist charities, including Visakha Widyalaya, the leading Buddhist girls' school.
In the 1930's, this tradition was Continued by rich women like Badrawathie Fernando, Wife of a rich Terchant and land owner. She donated large sums of money to the restoration of Buddhist monuments like RLIWarwellSaya, and to temples ärid girls' schools; and as a result she became a legend in her lifetime among the Buddhists.
These generous benefactors, who were generally designated as maha upasika (great for tale devotees), played an important role in endowing temples, in fund-raising, as Well as in organizing Buddhist lay groups. They were, however, definitely a part of the laity, living in their own homes and participatiпgiпlay activities. There are anothergroшр of Women who renounced the lay life, yet do not for IT part of the order of monks; this is a role for Buddhist Women that has become acceptable during the last two decades. The erTierger Ce and acceptance of this new role has to be located in the context of another davelopment im Sinhala BLICJdhist concloLSness. This is a tendency to effect certain purifications in the Buddhist religious order and in the practices of lay life so as to approximate the ancient glory of Buddhism in Sri Lanka. It implies agoing back to textual Buddhism and an atterript to eradicate cartain "corrupt" practices of contemporary populārBLJIddhisT; this has remained primarily an intellectual trend, but has manifested itself in the public acceptance of women as religious figures.
To be Continued)

Page 21

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Page 22
LETTER FROM CANBERRA
NeWS in the net
Samson Abeyagunawardепа
Aါးမြို့ခြီး is crisCrossed with thouSands of Sri Lankan networks which are activated wherever there is news of Special significance, such as a general or presidential election, assassination of a notable by a Suicide bomber, ora particularly bloody encounter between the Sri Lanka Army and the LTTE.
These networks spreading thousands ofmilesacross the continentcarrymessages by phone -- about every home here has a phone and many have mobile phones too - by fax Tachines and by electronic Thail.
Herc's an instance of how a network is activated. KoSWardena in Sydney habitually listens to the BBC's World news roundup relayed by the national broadcasler, the Australian Broadcasting Corporation (ABC), between 5 a.m. and 6 a.m. daily. One morning he hears the report about the assassination of presidential candidate Gamini Dissanayake. Unable to keep the news to himself, he wakes his Wife and three children up to tell them the news, then phones several friends, including Orle in Melbourne and another in Canberra. These friends in turn phone their friends and so it goes through the network.
Once the network has been activated, people in it keep phoning one another for bulletins regarding further developments until they are satisfied they have Wrung every bit of news flowing from the event.
When their appetite for straight news has been satiated, they want analysis of the news, Why Was this done? What do the police say? What will Chandrika do? Will the presidential election be canceIled? To get instant analysis of the news, they phone friends who they believe have access to other sources of infortation, including contacts in Sri Lanka. Many of these analyses are amateurish, more
The Writer, who began his career in Journalism in Sri Larka, WWks ALStral).
2O
ofter than not reflect nations, interests a "апаysts"
HoWever, for peop as "thinkers', this is E nship. Thambiliratne SOThe One Who has: so he phones him to heard and ask him. W tne tells TharTbiliratr has told hir is oldt give him the latest ir claims to hawe got fra in the course of a СОПWEISatОГ, ТПВI impressed, can hard phones several of hi What he hashgard.fr claims "has access places in Sri Lanka".
When you are a m there is special sa Others killDW that friel Sri Lanka phone you as it breaks there, someone gets hot nE time dispersing it, V check its weracity. SE a Sri Lankan Wedding a guest burst in late t as the registrar Wa! ncing the couple hu the guests who turne Tild comTotion Was: about to lea We home I got a callfror Colc
and ..... hawe Looks like it's going Lլ|Լյր":
Much of the Conw dding dinner was a couple of days later, further confirmation, that this news Wast
A Sri Lankar Bud Tibent of one of th Australia, is a special Se of his nocturnal ha short Wawe radio. Be

ing the political incliand naivety of the
lle With a reputation time for one-upmaregards Poiratne as superior knowledge, tell hit What he has hathek ON5. Pordthat the news he at and proceeds to side infortation he OT a Sri Laka WP ong distance phone Tbiliratne, suitably y contain himself. He s friends to tell the OT Polrattle Wh0 he
to people in high
ember of a network, tisfaction in letting nds in high places in to give you hot news Which is Why When Ws he/she loses no without bothering to veral Weeks ago, at in a small town here, o the hotel room just s solemnly promousband and wife. To d to find out What the about, he said: "Was to COITETE. Wher ibo. The hotes of Jeer burned down. to be a bloody elle
STSåtil at the Wesabout this news. A When there was no it becate evident
trLE.
hist monk, the incUB Tany temples in news source becaubits and his powerful fore turning in at the
end of his late night meditation session, he tunes to a radio station broadcasting neWS in Sinhala from the Philippines betWeen 1 a.m. and 1.30 a.I.
Informal news networks are especially important for the news hungry expatriates because most Australian newspapers give Scant coverage to news of the South Asian region. The media depend om freelancers' reports from Colombo and on Syndicated reports from newspapers in England and the US, especially the LoIndon Trias, the Guardar, The New York Times and The Los Angeles Times. These reports are usually a rehash of what the Wire Services Such as Reuter and Agence France Presse have reported.
The ABC has shown more enterprise in its efforts to get background information On the news. Its Asia-Pacific specialist, who has extensive contacts in the region, hooks up by long distance phone Sri Lankan politicians, scholars and media commentators with various points of view C CCITTElt Ol EWES HEs. Of COLISE Some of these comments cannot be expected to please everybody, which is why So often after a broadcast of CorTTent Om Sri Lankan news the ABC's switchboard is jarmed with calls from infuriated expatriate listeners.
A question many expatriateshawe been asking since the conclusion of the presidential election is: "What's going to happen to S-adso
So-and-SO is a reserved Sri Lankan expatriate Whose property and lifestyle are those of a millionaire. It is generally believed that contract Work awarded to him in Sri Lanka is the Source of much of his wealth.
Asks an envious expatriate: "What will happen now? Will he continue to get Contracts?"
Replies a Wise old owl: "He says he is Well Connected to both sides. He will SUIT WIWE9".

Page 23
Why there's so in this rustict
There is laughter and light banter amorgst these rural damsels who are Jusy sorting out tobacco leaf in a barn. It is one of the hundreds of such
barns spread out in the mid arid upcountry interTradiate zone where the arable land remains fallow during the offse:13011.
Here, with cateful rurturing, tobacco grows as a lucrative cash crup and the green leaves turn to gold... to the value of over Rs. 250 million or more annually, for perhaps 143,000 rural folk,
 

ENRCHINGRURAL LIFESTYLE
und oflaughter obacco barn.
Tobacco is the industry that brings employment to the second highest number of people. And these people are the tobacco barrowlers, the tobacco growers and those who work for theTT, on the land
ridim the barris,
For them, the tobacco leaf means meaningful work, a comfortable life and a secure future. A good enough reason fot laughter.
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Page 24
PEOPLE
Celebrating
(
Dynami
In 1961 People's Bank ventured out in the
of only 46... and a few hundred Customers
Today, just 33 years later
People Resource exceeds 10,00
Customer Listings at a Stagge Branch Network in excess of 3.
in Sri Lanka
In just three decades People's Bank has g
in the Sri Lankan Banking scene. Their spec
resources at their Command dedicated
dedication that has earned them the title
PEOPLE'S BANK
Banker to the Millions

oSBANIK
Three DeCadeS
Of
: Growth
challenging World of Banking with a staff
O
ring 5.5 Million
28, THE LARGEST
*
froWn to become a highly respected leader :tacular growthis areflection of the massive
to the Service of the Common man - a
"Banker to the Millions'