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LANKA
VO. 17 No. 16 December 15, 1994 Price RS. 1
TAMING TH
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1994 VOTIN
Aaksiri Ja)
THE CHANDRIK
Mervyn a
SINHALA BUDD
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BRIEFLY. . .
Kadirgamar in India
Indial Prie MiriStar NTSmha Rao told Sri Lanka's Foreign Minister Lakshman Kadirgamarim Delhi that an end to the island's ethnic Conflict Would be one less problem for India. The Foreign Minister Was on a four day official visit, the first by any minister of the new government.
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Despite talkby about asking for Tiger supremo face the Raji w Gae rge. Foreign Mir told Tedialeth
Rao had lot L.
Word" Of Flåt Thé questions the mi negotiations with Continue, becau that President C
Tänlaikė Ku Tlāl
fflfslèr Fläc račč
for peace.
During his wis Tlet the Indiair
Prime Minister, ster and the Lea
tion. H3 also to LJ
The Tinister sai
Orléoffsärfbilic
that te Budd
COStituti
The Goverrit
make the COS
Parliament Will it. The Supremac tion and judicial tion will protect t "majoritarian tyr
UW3ff3tCd itr
te'. Justice Mi said announcing Constitutional ref
WOA p
Anti-Woice of
Strat{OTS WCT di
mbo shortly afte Was going to pre gions Solidarity SerS of the Carr

"Indian politicians the extradition of
Prabhakaraľ) to
di TT UTder Chihister Kadirgamiar at Prie Mirister Ittered "a single ätter. In a SWerto
lisser Såd tildt
i tillë LTE Would
Se the mandate
handrika Banda
"atunga's gowelived was clearly
it Mr Kadirgamar President, the the Foreign Minider of the Opposired Buddhagaya. that it had been
is to Visit the land
Flad trod.
On Supreme
|ent proposes to litution Supreme. 3e SubJOrdinate to ty of the Constitureview of legislahe individual front
anny and/or the USiO Of the Sta
|Ster G.L. PeiriS a proposal for
OTT13.
rotest
Arterica de OJetorally in ColoIr this magazine SS. THE AII ReliAlliance, organipaign, Said that
thousands from all parts of the Country were due to participate in a public rally at the Amanda Samarakoon playground at Nugegoda, after their leaders, Buddhist monks and Catholic priests, handed over a petition at the American Embassy in Colombo.
The petition protests against US pressure on the government to proceed with the controversial Irana Willa WCDA project, which the temple and the church say, in a rare ShoW of Solidarity on a lationalissue, Will debase the Cultural life of surrounding Willages.
GUARDAN
Wol. 17 No. 15 December 15,1994
PrСЕ НЕ 1.
Published fortnightly by Lanka Guardian Publishing Co. Ltd. No. 246, Union Place Colombo - 2.
Editor. Mervyn de Silva Telephone: 447.584
Printed by Ananda Press 825, Sir Ratnajothi Saravanamuttu Mawatha, ColorTbo 13, Telephone; 435975
CONTENTS
News Background
The Crisis of Allgatives
MinorityWoting Trends 7 Press and Democracy in
Sri Länkä 9 Womanhood (5) 12 Patient Dispensable? 15
TE LET CSS 17
EBOOKS 2O

Page 4
NEWS BACKGROUND
PERIOD OF TRANS
Mervyn de Silva
he Peoples Alliance (PA) was
stunned. Taken by surprise, it accused the opposition UNP, and other "reactionary and subversive forces" of a plot to "destabilise" the newly elected administration. It was a knee-jerkreaction. In the circumstances, understandable. HOW could there be a working class "uprising'. such widespread trade union protest, against an "alliance" that had just ended seventeen years of reactionary, capitalist Lle? HOW COLuld labour uniors la LCh, al attack against a four-month old alliance which included the political parties that formed the traditional wanguard of Organised labour? A cunningly Woven plot, a konspirazia was the obvious explanation. It was a compliment that the UNP did not deserve, if it was that resourceful, the UNP Would not hawe got the drubbing it did barely month ago.
There is no Worker in the World Who does not have "just grievances". Nor a trade union that does not a have a "list of demands". But the union leadership always asks itself"isitsafe?". Do the likely rewards of victory outweigh the risks of failure? The Calculation on Which the final decision is taken has much to do. With the political climate. At no time is the climate more congenial thana post-election situation where a labour-friendly administration has replaced a conservative regime.
The trade unions were pleased by the PA's mid-August general election performance but the actual result in terms of seats or percentages was far too close for COIlfort. Not so candidate Chandrika's historic victory. The dam burst. The result — Confusion and chaos; the kind of situation which any opposition, except the most brainless will instantly recognise as a target of opportunity. Since it is the Opposition's job to oppose, and opposition parties in the Third World, if not in the First,
do not always respec rry rules, Sri Kothah when charged as ma; students of the newp Tust approach the different angle. The fast-changing nature its impact on Our poli
Whether the Japar telephoned the Pres
is that the Japanese
promptly to the ugly to former Foreign meed, the Japane: called the President less of América" S seventy-five years a Japan's motto as it century, but with a investment, joint shapes Japanese foi macy. Noritake Was When Mrs. Bandarai With the LSSP and C
hawe lewer SuffēľÉC this country"saida J when asked for his r Illal TirrlgS LOrldon. ntators highlight inW Intures, Japan's role forgotten.
Noritake Managim told the press that t 20 million rupees, production, "This is private Company E understands that N takes, We Will not C We ar Sur SC happen again" says
US ISSUE
It is not always th Sri Lanka. Shetor candidates of both

STION
tMCC or Queenbehad reason to Stile, stermind. But serious ost-election situation roblem from quite a starting point is the
tiCS.
lese Foreign Minister ident or not, Lhe fact government reacted incidents. According Minister A.C.S. Hase Foreign Minister 'S office. "TF b)LUSaid Calvin Coolidge go "is Business'. It is repares for the next difference. Exports, entures. That fact 'eignpolicy anddiploestablished in 1973 laike's United Front, GP. Wä5 i officē, "WÉ di SLCh humiliation ir apanese spokesman eactions by the FiraWhile T10St COITITleastment and joint Veas a major donor is
g Director T. Shibata TE firT1 13 OSt OVEr with a 42% drop in a Japanese-owned Lnd the government lo matter hoW long it pen the factory until incidents Will newer
Mr. Akasaka.
lat a tiny country like led by the presidential parties but President
Bush and his challenger the young Govenor Clinton did hold up. Sri Lanka as a "model". Third World country. Why? Because JR Jayawardene, "Yankee Dicky did show South Asia that for all its many wirtues social Welfarist (or socialist) did not guarantee growth that without growth there was mot Tuch to share, which is What Sri Lankan Welfaris I Was all about. It scored high marks for Social Commitment and moral concern but nol mamy marks for hard-Headed eColor TiCS. YÉS, thČ J.R.Y. UNP experiment deserved high marks for its strategic choice on the fundaTental issue of growth but it needlessly blotted the party's record by its dictatorial ways, some totally unnecessary, Capricious or plain Wicked.e.g. Mrs. Bandaranaike's civic rights.
The IOU Tental blunder however Was the Tamil question - from the burning of the Jaffna Univerity Library, representing not a whiff of grapeshot but barbarous "goondaism". And thus the rise of the LTTE, matched by a parallel rise in the defence VOte, the IPKF intervention, the JWP's vicious patrioticultra-nationalist backlash, the soaring defence budget, the budgetary cut-back on Social Welfare, inflation and unemployment.
The UNPhitabad patch with President D.B. the mam Who Was mewĒr SLipp0Sed to succeed the younger incumbent. A Weak, ineffective leader With an Outrageously narrow, provincial view, in a Sri Lanka that had led the region in joining "the open market economy" Club. The winning Premadaist equation - and it was a narrow victory - had two main factors, tolerance and understanding wis3-WiS e Tin Oritiesa da Well-advertiSEd populism: e.g., JA NASAWIYA. The provincial polls showed that a new stronger force had put this equation under increasingly severestrain-16 years in office and

Page 5
the generational factor, all the more forceful because Sri Lankans Wote at 18.
PARLAMENTARY POLLS
And yet, the mid-August parliamentary polis stunned the P.A.'s brainstrust by both the woling percentages and sharing of seats - nearly 46% for the UNP and 94 seats in the House, while denying the PA a simple majority for its 51.5%. It was Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga (the personality) plus the minorities plus the "pull factor" (vividly expressed in the Sinhala "waasi patheta holiya...") that Talde such a difference.
Of all these factors, would place Chadrika's charisma as the overwhelming subjective factor because it is not possible otherwise to explain the rising PA Wavefront Southern province to the General Election to the Presidential polls in MOVBITlbeľ.
President Wijetunga's May Day budget, Santa Claus arriving very early, Was one of the Tost cynical and partisan decisions taken by a party which knew it wouldface the electorate in a few months. And so to Prof. Pieris' "On account" budget-for two months,
THE BUDGET
And so the PA must take the "PEACE NOW" route not merely to satisfy the "minorities" that backed candidate Chandrika but to negotiate the peace settlement which alone will ease the huge burden of military spending. The recent explosion has made a resolution of the conflict not only desirable but necessary, Urgently so, Though ideal, conflict-resolutiom Wi|| prove - elusive, certainly So if the PA's timetable demands a ceasefire before the pre-budget talks with the IMF-WB. But the LTTE insists on a ceasefire and opening of the Pooneryn route, The PA is quite responsive to the first, though it prefers a "cessation of hostilities" but on Pooneryn, the Armed forces having losts 400-500 Ten, the High Command has dug its heels. Pooneryn, no Way.
Sooner or later, Mr. Prabhakara who Will NOT Compromise on EELAM because the homeland" is a vision, not a trade
Lunior demārld Willm prowed to his peop. party is NOT fund from another Sinhal question. One must Wil|| NOT be a rothê| We Were rightinider the most brilliant p unrestrained terror,
Notices
Dr. Neelan Tir Dr. Sarath AIT Mr. L.B. Kiri Mr. Earl Gun. Mr. Y.F. de Sil Mr. Wasudev H. Mr. Batty We+ Mr. K.P.Silva Mr. Lakshma
Wiilation of Assembly of t without a Wnt human rights. abuse of womi орpressive mt Myanmar;
Ald where:
LDIllImitIIlèrlls of the results
And where: the will of the
And where: historical, reli
And where Wesak Dauyin of the people a an immediate
ThiS, HOLS San Suu Kyi Lurconditional political pri50 to the democ: participatefr rights, funda integrity oft 48/150 ըf 20լ Natio IES.

ake his move hawing le that One Sinhala amentally different
Meanwhile the PA, having angered the Japanese over NORITAKE has another fight on its hand- not just an economic
a party on the Tamil Superpower but the SOLE superpower,
hope that the move the US.
demonstration that
tifying him as one of We are left with S.W.R.D's favourite ractitioners of pure, cliche - "a period of transition". But to
What?
Friday, January 06, 1995
of motions and orders of the day
"Llichelwam
umugamaו
|Illa
sekara
wa Namayakkara rakon
Senewiratne,
Human Right in Myanmar, - That, whereas the general he United Nations on tha - 20th December, 1993 resolwed 2 that it is greatly concerned at the continuing violations of sum Inary and arbitrary executions, torture, forced labour, en, restrictions on fundamental freedoms, the imposition of :asures particularly on ethnic and religious minorities in
as the Government of Myanmar has not implemented its to take all necessary steps towards democracy in the light of the elections of 1990;
as the Universal Declaration of Human Rights states that
people shall be the basis of the authority of Government;
is the people of Myanmar and Sri Lanka have had strong gious and cultural linkages;
as human rights activists in Sri Lanka made an appeal on 1992 to all concerned groups in Myanmar to respect the verdict is expressed in the elections of July, 1990 and to work towards
transition to democracy;
resolves that the Noble Peace Prize winner, Laureat Aung who is in her sixth year of detention without trial be released ly and immediately together with other political leaders and ners, and immediate steps betaken to transfer political power ratically elected representatives and to allow all citizens to 2ely in the political process. And full respect be given to human mental freedoms, more particulary right to live and the he human person and full effect be given to the Resolution h December, 1993 of the General Assembly of the United

Page 6
晶口
The Crisis
of Alternat
..
ive
Second-and-a-Half Roac
Tisaranee Gunasekera & Dayan Jayatilleka
he 1980's Was a lost decade
for the underdeveloped countries of the Tricontinental World, in more senses thār] []F1B, With thE []EfimitỉựE fBjLJTE {}f thE state capitalist - closed economy model and "really existing socialism's crisis of survival (which became obvious towards the end of the decade), the Third World Was Confronted With a crisis of alternatives. Faced with the twin problems of economic stagnation and amounting debt burden, these countries had only one way to go — the pathi charted for them by the IMF and the World Bank, that of adopting a neoliberal Oletarist economic stra
t3gy,
ir 1977, Srī Lākā bā tie first Third World country (after Chile and Sadat's Egypt) to discard the closed econoTic model and to opt for an open market economic strategy. It was certainly the first to do SO in a competitive electoral system (a "pluralist democracy"). This was the logical outcome of 7 years of state capitalist "closed economy" under the regime of MS. Sirina Badararaike's Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP), which retarded economic growth (1), increased unemployment drastically (2) - and even reduced the school enrolment ratio (3). This model, incidentally, is qualitatively indistinguishable from the latest prescriptions of Samir Amin in his advocacy of a "national and popular, delinked' model as a 'genuine option' for the Third World, and its failure discredits Amin's 'option', in practice. The resultante:Conomic difficulties (particularly chronic Scarcities and shortages) laid to the resounding electoral defeat of the incumbent regime in 1977. The United
Tisaranee Gunasekera was a Diraclor of the LCeCMLCCL LCMYS SCCLCLuHkC LLLLL LLLLLLLL0OLOLHaHaESKMEYS LMLLCL LTMeMM MCTk CL LMGaS KLLkLHHLHHLS Review. Dayan Jaya tilleka was formerly Mirisser of FlaTing Manpower Mob)'ı and Youth Affairs of LCH LLLHLHMSLeLLCC LCLLLHLLkOLL LLHLHHLHkLSS LCLaH SH recently, Director Conflict Studies arrierstitute of Policy Studies. Hafs currently Executive Direсfor of Іле пеиyy forптcd Pramadasa Cепtre, li5 Patron is Rani Wickremasinghe, Leader of hé Õpsilo, Desmond Fernard P.Cad 0 LCLL LLLCLLLCLL LLLL LLLLHk SKtOGOLLOLOuO TL YL FETIS FÉg
4.
National Party (U.N Lumprecedented 4/5 rliament, proceeder normy. The new pol economic expanSO declined (5) and ex
Though successf growth of the force CdCOWNIŠird of the IE was becoming incre mid BO'S — the rTCoS" level of powerty. By the Lankan popula the poverty line. "TF highest proportion Nearly 82% of the 14% of the urban p the poverty line. calorie Consumptio lowest deciles decli ad 1981/82. Më ldren increased par between 1975/76a on Poverty'- An A of Fundar Tental SL na Rasaputram - G of Sri Lamka - 25th ||
This situation Wa Wär is 18 islald'S Tamil guerrillas fig state and the Sri Sinhala insurgency JWP (which was are ka PeaCe Accord. Council system W| people some degr nomy) wreakedha part of the country
ded the Socio-ecol nomic growth dec yment Soared.
By 1988 Sri La turning point. It was the economic stral periodensured high until the festering E ded into a full Scale W. dedintackling the pr benefits of high gr. down' to a majority architects of the op predicted. Despite

S and Sri Lanka’s
.P) which obtained an th majority in the Paito Open up the ecoicies resulted in rapid n (4), Unemployment ports boomed (6).
ul in ensuring the rapid as of production, the Weconomic strategy !asingly evident by the tCrucial being the high 1987, nearly 30% of tion was living below he rural sector had the of people in poverty. rural population and opulation were belloW The per cápita daily
levels of the tre reetMW Ġer 137879 nutrition among chiticularly in rural areas ld 1980/82." ("Assault didress at the Institute I dies — Dr. WarnäsVernor, Central Bank Movember, 1987).
S exacerbated by the North-East (between hting for a séparate Lankan Army). The
led by the Polpotist 2action to the Indo-LaHārd the Prowincial Tich gave the Tamil ee of regional autoWOC in the Southern and further compounomic problems. Ecolined and unemplo
ṁk had COTE -- to a 3 obvious that though egy of the post "77 growthlevels (atleas thnic problem exploar), it had lot SUCCEeoblem of powerty. The With had not 'ticked if the populace as the en economic policies the rapid growth and
expansion of the economy, the living stadards of a large segment of the people had actually declined. This made it imperative-particularly in the context of the vicious Polpotist insurgency - to rethink the economic strategy of the post '77 period and to come up with new ideas and policies to ensure that a greater share than hitherto of the benefits of growth accrue, relatively rapidly to the majority of the populace, The prevaiting internationacontext (the failure of the State capitalist as Well as State socialist models the World over) as Well as the experience of the closed economy era of 70-77 (shortages, economic stagnation, chronic unemployment) made turning the clock back, impossible. The task and challenge then was to find ways and means to fight poverty andalitSattendant Socialills Within the broad framework of an open market economic strategy.
It was to meet this challenge that the Presidential candidate of the ruling UNP, Ranasinghe Premadasa, presented his imaginative Powerly Alleviation Programme, 'Janasawiya', as the main plank of his electoral platform in 1988. The struggle against powerty became the hallmark of the discourse of the PreTada Sa CandidäCy and later on, the Premadasa presidency. In a Context where the standard neoliberal remedy for the problem of powerty - high economic growth and 'trickle down" - had failed abystally, the task Was Orne of Creating alternatives, both conceptually and concretely. The Janasawiya programme was an attempt to fulfil ti tāk.
A Really Existing Alternative
Sri Lanka had one previous (and highly successful) experience in creating alternatives, in charting a new course to find creative and viable solutions to the pressing problems of the masses. This was the Million House Programme (Gam UdaWa - Willage Reawakening Movement) launched by Prenadasa in the 80's. Which succeeded in alleviating the problem of homelessness. (At the time, he was Sri Lanka's Prime Minister).
The magnitude of this achievement can

Page 7
be understood by the fact that hoteleSSness is a Tajor problem facing not only the countries in the Tricontinental World but also the affluent, post-colonial and neo-Colonial West. Hotelessness Was a major problem in Sri Lankatoo by the end of '70's (despite the fact that the Minister of Housing of Ms. Bandaranaike's government was the leader of the country's pro-Moscow Communist Party). The rapid, though unbalanced, economic growth of the '80's would hawe made this aSSUTIÉ crisis proportions - except for the Million Houses Programme launched by Prime Minister Premadasa in his capacity as the Minister of Housing and Construction. The massive Housing Programme which was launched in 1984 was based on his approach to development as "finding Ways and means of getting the people to Stard. On their own feet." The airT1 Was to era dicate the problerT1 of ho neleSSne SS and turn Sri Lanka into a House Owning Democracy, by "making housing a people's mower Ternt."
This idea had to face much opposition from within the government itself because it was regarded as a radical departure from the predominant neo-liberal policies. The Milion House Programe was therefore perceived by the 'econo Tic managers' as a Utopia which was bound to fail. The programme was launched in a traditionally marginalised, oppressed caste village - a symbolic gesture of no little importance in an extremely caste Conscious Society and Was based on three guidelines. As Premadasa stated: "First We seek no major foreign aid to support our housing construction effort, second, We rely on local technology to the maxiTurtl, Foreign aid and foreign technology hawe their place. They are howewer no Substitute for local skills. And the best capital investment is the labour of the house builder. A third guideline is the encouragement of exponential development through housing. The rapid growth of local centres of Culture, commerce, education, Social Service are the frequent by products of our programmes." (7)
The Milion Houses Programme deviated from the dominant economic thinking on two major counts. Firstly, in Contrast to the extremely outward orientedidependent economic strategy, it adopled a more self reliant (though not autaschic) approach. Secondly, in contrast to the prevailing dogma of doing away with alforms of State interwentior, It entalled direct state intervention to solve a major
social problem-n ndemCe. On the State the people. The ai fundamental rewers goWCrrrent and C. has joined the pro instead of inviting process of the State
The Housing Prog perhaps be regarde a more balanced a to development, sy Sa'S belief that "dewi involves change an of alternatives or a C ral options." (9)
The Poverty Epide Emergency
The creativity and approach of placing the need for Change which characterize Program Tie, Was br sa's Powerty Alewi: (Janasawiya). The b: as in the case of horr ssing, the redressin result but a pre-cond lopment. Form a mE powerty alle Wiation Tost urgent task of at the top of the gove Prer Tadasa Stated" test social disease has reached epid TLC of the Third W emergenciés. Erner the luxury of leisurel
In implementing gramme (JSP), the fi fyfood Stamp holdini the powerly line, The Jana sawiya Entitlem Progra Time itself W. 11 rounds With each During this periodth be granted a consu Rs 1458/- (Of this th tO Sa Wë a SUIT Qf R The Co-operative supply food and oth to the JSP recipient COinSLUTpotion COTTO
Arrangement Wer| debark as to the Were interested in S уппепt projects.
The main objectiv

tot by fostering depe2 but by empowering TE WES O ESL fe "a all of roles between Immunity. The State cess of the people, the people to join a i." (8)
|ra TnTeitherefore Can das IE fOfErUlrlär of proach, a new path "rimbolising Premadaslopment necessarily d therefore a choice :hoice between Sewe
mic and the Poverty
thë bold, unorthodox a high premium on and for new thinking, the Millior Houses ought into Premadaation Programme – asic premise was that elessness, the redreg of powerty is not a ition of genuine deve}[jiUm/long tẹTTT1 goal, WES tured it it
the day by placing it Brnment's agenda. As "Poverty is the greaof many countries. It Tic proportions in World. Epidemics are gencies do mot hawe ySolutions." (10)
the Jamasa wiya Proirst step was to identig sa Tiilies lliwing belloW ty Were provided with erit Certificates. The as to be completed in round taking 2 years. & ChOSSn families Wil imption alloWance of ley Were encouraged s. 458/-, if possible).
Societies were to er CLInSLITer articles So the Walue of this felt.
2 also made to provi3 JSP recipients who etting up Self e Tiplo
fe of the JSP was to
integrate the hitherto marginalised poor into the development process by helping the Tito become economically productive. Powerty. Alleviation was regarded not as something separate or divorced from the development process but as an integral part of it. In fact the JSP was to play the role of a catalyst in the country's development effort.
As President Premadasa explained "Janasawiya is not a dole or rerely a welfare programme. Its primary purpose is the activation of the people. It enables them to participate in production and share in its benefits, Janasawiya also seeks to make people self reliant, acquire a new Confidence and become actors in their own destiny. It seeks to break down alienation and involve people in the social process."(11)
Export-led Poverty Alleviation?
The JSP was regarded as the main Cor Imponent of Premadasa's concept of "People Centred Development'. Attempts Were made to integrate the JSP with the country's export prototion drive, under the "Big Investor, Small Producer concept of President Premadasa.
Exporters were asked to provide market opportunities, technologial knowhow and inputs to the JSP recipients engaged in production activities. A new institution, the Janasawiya Trust Fund (JTF), Was established to expand the scope of the Janasawiya Programme, to enable it to play its allocated key role in the development process. The stated tasks of the JSP were the provision of credit to the poor without Collateral, training and providing opportunities to the rural poor to find employment in public Work programmes.
Since the JSP is still being implemented (the 4th Round commenced a few months ago), it's too early to say how it has worked in practice and how many of the objectives hawe been achiewed. But it Would be no exaggeration say that it opened up new vistas for the country's hitherto marginalSed poor and enabled at least a segment of them to escape the trap of poverty. Since the "consumption component' was double the value of food startips, it is reasonable to assume that the living stadards of these people improwed considerably - at least for the duration of the 2 years.
The programme also enableda Segment of the recipients to obtain bank

Page 8
loans - sortiething unimaginable previously, as these people were regarded as "aSSetleSS and thBrefore 'nöt Creditworthy". During the first three rounds more than 100,000 JSP families (around 28% of the total no. of families coming under the first there rounds) (12) received Ioans amounting to around 808 milion (13) front the two state banks, the Bank of Ceylon and the People's Bank and the Co-operative Rural Bank. Considering the prejudice against the poor inherent in conventional banking practice all over the World, this was nothing leSS than a radical progressive change. Perhaps the weakest aspect of the JSP is the uncertainity regarding the future of those recipients who have completed the two year period but were unable to becomegainfully employed. The JSP contains two Teasures to look after such people. Firstly, all Janasawiya recipients who have completed the two years are to be-given a Savings Certificate stating that each family has Rs. 25,000/- deposited in their name in a State owned Sawings Bank, This money cannot be withdrawn, though the recipients are entitled to a monthly interest payment. This is also supposed to enable the recipient to also obtain loans frorn basiks using this document as collateral. Secondly those recipients who have completed the two years but are not gainfully employed are supposed to be provided employment opportunities in Warious Public Works Programmes in their areas, But not enough data is available to CoTet Oslow these Teasures are WOrking in practice,
A Different Development Discourse
Whatever the drawbacks of the JSP, it's undeniable that it caused a radical change in the way the poor, the problem of poverty and the task of powerty alleviation were perceived by policymakers. With the JSP, powerty alleviation was made one of the main axis of the government's economic strategy. The hitherto forgotten and marginalised poor were brought on to the centre stage, economically, politically and socially. Helping the poor turned from a subsidy (which was considered a 'drag' om the economy) to one of the Taim tasks of the economic development process. A fundamental change has been Caused in the economic/development discourse which will be well nigh impossible to reveTSE. The Udinents of a nW de Velopment paradigm were created which gawe precedence to the task of powerty älęWiation abOWE a Els8.
Landard the Bour RWolution
The theme of po Tot i Tited to the JS to all the major devel implemented by the Stration since 1989 these is the Land Land Task Force) Pr launched in late 19: of distributing state сһагgeаппопglaпdlє Sident PrėsTiadaSa E lerated programme & launched to bring at Ori LT1 i land OWET. dbase the productiv poor, landless segrT (14)
The importance Col programme cannot t lving the agrarian qu of the main tasks of CratiC Revolution. LE te/private mondբol) interrelated problet Cf ThifL WCrld Cũ| Contributed to the powerty and have a the development E tries. It's accident W ThůStňČtable SLI and South Korea, b. We land reforts W. rural powerty and in a catalyst for the in
By 1985 82.5% C of Sri Laka Wasus rship of the State ( of "land reform' prog mented in the post 11 Uf héSE WEf the problem of rura: result, by 1985, 27 holds were landle country's Unemploy peasant sector (16) Task Force Was ti blems of rural power by attacking the ri SSress. The stated te One Tillior a Cre landless (17). Thi address the redistr was hardly wisible at land reform, UmC government,
Mérf; L'ré

geois Democratic
verty alleviation was SPOLUut WS COTT TOT opment programmes
Fremadasă admini2. Foremost among Reform (Presidential ogramme which was 39. With the objective
OWedland free of asspeasants, AS Prexplained: "This acceof land aliernation Was out a realistic equillship. It Will also broa'e assets among the ents of our Society".
the Land Task Force 3e OWerestimated SOestiois, afteral, ole the Bourgeois DemoandeSSESSarld StaW ower land are two is faced by a number Umtries. These hawe exacertation of rural Icted as obstacles to fforts Of these COUhat the Third World's ccess stories, Taiwan th Carried Out exten Siich helped to redress equality and acted as
Lustrializatio driwe.
if the total land Tlass der the ultiTatČOWIė|5). Though a variety Jrammes Were implemdependence period, a targetted at Solving landlessness. As a % of peasant houseSS and 70% of the ed Were located in the T1B älfT of B Läld o redress these proty and unemployment Dot Cause - landleaim Was to re-distribus of land among the 5 was supposed to ibution aspect which in the previous effect der the Bandaranaike
аппployment
Notes
1. The GDP growth rale (at 1950 pricas) was 2.9% during the 70-77 period compared to 3.4% in 1950-60 period and 4.8% in 1970-70 period.
2. LJETiployment was as high as 2.1% in 1973.
3. The school trirul II: triulio for the 5-14 age group
declined 51Badily fron 10 in 1970 to B in 1976.
4. GDP growth rale was 5.7% in 1978 arixd5 5% lor
tha period 1977-85,
0S KK0SkS 0L0LS OK LLL SKEES LLLLLL LLL LLLLKS
S. 4840 milion rupiggs in 1975 artid 13,193 milliam
rupses in 1978.
7. Address at the International Housing Awards Certmigriyal Princess Amina Theatre in London 3.10.B8.
B. R. Prairiadasa Speech at the Serlinar or Housing
D'ÉlorTri T. 9,3 F.
g. Address to the Asia Society, New York-30th Sept.
19.
LS S TkML0L0LL LLL GGMTMMLMLMLLLLCC LLLLLLLGLLCCDL LL
FLT -- 25. g. 1
11, A Charler Har CET ocracy.
12. Economic Review - February '33.
3. I sid
LETTEP
"Double standards'
Apropos of your comment about the "deafening silence" of your resident community of human rights activists Vis a vis the Thotalanga bomb blast that killed the Leader of the Opposition and 53 others, it may interest you to know that Sri Lankans abroad Werewery much alive to the tragic events in the country than foreign funded local NGOs.
| ar close two stater Tants issued by less affluent, little publicised human rights groups in London, in respect of that bomb blast.
You will recall that the political selectivism of your local human rights industry, like the proverbial monkeys, saw no evil, heard no evil and spoke no evil of the violence by the State, which funded the PRRA to catch and produce Southern rebels, at the rate of Rs. 25,000 per decapitated head. (Wide Sunday Obserwer 17-02-1991)
Pris GL ESCkEr',
L

Page 9
1994 POLLS
Minority Voting Tr
Laksiri Jayasuriya
F: a spirited campaign, and despite being obviously Weighted in favour of the government in power (consisting of 91 Ministers). With ready access to a vast political apparatus, independent obserVers hawe reported a free and fair election. One of the most revealing features of the Election is the high degree of voterparticipation on this occasion (Table 2). This confirms the overall pattern of voter turnout at General Elections since 1947 barring elections held between 1987 and 1989 which were characterised by internal strife and reports of Wote TitiTidatio.
Voting proceeded peacefully in all Provinces except the LLLHaHLLLLHHLL0S L LLLL LLLLLL LLLLL LLLLL LCLLLL LLLLLL turnout of about 75%. The Voter turnout throughout the country was quite high (the nationwide turnout was 765); approximately 82% cast their votes outside of the North (e.g. in 20 out of 22 electoral districts). The consistent trend for a high voter turnout except for 1988-89. The high level of voterparticipation clearly indicates the political maturity of the electorate and preparedness of the Sri Lankan voter to exercise the privilege of the ballot freely and purposefully,
Table 2 also shows the extent of Voter invalidity due to rejection. The proportion of rejected votes compared to previous elections is much less (4.80 in 1994 compared with 6.13 in 1989), but it is stilla cause for concern, especially in a Country which has a high adult literacy rate (approximately 89%). Some outlying rural areas have recorded a very high level of rejected votes (e.g., Moneragala, 9.5% and Badulla 7.8%). Allowing for the fact that this level of voter invalidity may be partly due to deliberate spoilage, this data suggests that the complex PR system of voting introduced with the 1978 Constitution is gaining greater acceptance and is better understood.
The only exception to this pattern of high voterparticipation Was the results of the Jaffna District in the Northern Province, Here, Woting was virtually paralysed (only about 8% of registered votes cast their votes) because of the existence of a state of siege.
Table 2: Sri Lanka Voter Participation in Parliamentary Elections, 1947-94
Year General elections
Tot WOtS % W. Waid
Vt 5
194草 3,048,145 55.8 ΠΕ 1952 2,990,913 707 1956 3,464, 159 69.O. ΠΕ 1950 METCh 4.724,507 77.6 ΠΕ 1960 July 3,724,507 75.9 па 1965 4,710,887 B2. ΠΕ 1970 5,505,028 B5.24 la 1977 6,667,589 B6. 0.53 岛背.T6 6,502617 اظ اقتقTg
g55 5,786.223 55.32 九高6 1989 5,962,031 63.6 6.13 1994 8,344,095 76.24 4.8O
(81.2A
Notes: "1982, 1988 Presidential voting highlighted in italics; In the 1982 Referendum, 70.82% Wotes were cast; Results mainly of 20 out of 22 districts. na: not availabla

'ends
Table 3: Jaffra Wote
Polling District Total Wotes Polled EPDP SLMC
Jafla 50,045 1208 4D) 1,151 Kayis 49,504 11263 9,978 E19 Wadukkōdai 58,949 964 556 5 Kankesanthurai 60,417 121 93 5 Chla Wakacheri 51,717 79 62 Kopay 56,496 57 40 Killiochi 55,995 66 2 56 Poirt Pedro 40,336 34 3 Nallur 62,372 19 8 Manipay 58,382 12 4 UdLuppidi 52,153 8 5
Source: Jayanth 1994)
Note: This includes refugees who woted in Puttalam and Colombo. Polling was held only in the islands off Jaffna and the cleared areas of the peninsula.
Table 3 gives the results of voting in Jaffna which has the highest concentration of Sri Lankan Tamils. These results are somewhat farcical in that, the elections were boycotted by the Liberation Tamil Tigers of Elam (LTTE), the dominant Tamil party which has de facto control of the Jaffna District. Not surprisingly, only 2.32% of the voters participated and this too Tainly in the island's off Jaffna and the 'cleared' areas such as Kankasanthurai and Palali. As Jayanth (1994) observed:
Some of the winning EPDP candidates polled "nil" votes in most of the booths. If they obtained, say, six votes in all, they were declared elected under the system of proportional representation (p.11).
The EPDP led by Douglas Dewananda contested as Independents in Jaffna and WÓn 90Lut of the 10 seats. Iltisa nondescript Tamil Party opposed to the LTTE which, it is reported, "has been assisting the security forces in the maintenance of law and order in the 'safe' areas. The Sri Lankan Muslim Congress (SLMC) won the other seat mainly on the strength of Jaffna Voters who were refugges in camps in Puttalam and Colombo. The representative of the major parties at a meeting, summoned by the Commissioner of Elections in August 17, 1994 immediately after the Election, agreed that the Jaffna results should not be annulled. However, there is some prospect that the results from the Jaffna Electoral District maybe challenged in the courts.
The 94 GE continues to exhibit anomalies and shortcomings of the PR system adopted in Sri Lanka (i.e., the Hamilton Method of Largest Remainder). This is mainly because the Voting is not a Constituency based but om a party and a candidate for an electoral district. Thus, it may be that, even if a candidate is not directly elected, could still get elected on a District basis, (i.e. in terms of the system of bonus seats allocated to a party in terms of the voting strength in the District). To give a hypothetical example, it does not matter whether a candidate, say, from the UNP in the initial votes cast polled much less than one from the opposing People's Alliance (PA) provided that this UNP candidate ranks within the number of bonus seats to be allocated to the UNP in that particular District. For example, as happened in the Trincomalee District, even
7

Page 10
though the UNP did not win any seats (in a direct election), it took two of the four seats because, overalitpolled the largest number of votes in the district' (Jayanth 1994, p.11). The Election Manifestos of both the UNP and PA appeared to be cognisant of these anomalies, and have indicated that they would make amendments to the PR system if elected to office.
Table 4 shows results of the 94 GE in terms of seats gained by the parties.
Table 5 gives the additional percentage of votes gained by the main parties in 1994 and the number of seats secured. Table 6 also presents an overview by giving comparable data (votes gained and number of seats) for the previous two General Elections, noting that the 1977 Election was based on First Past the Post Voting and for a lesser number of parliamentary seats.
Table 5: General Distribution of Wotes and P
1977 19E Party Seats 명. Seats
Wotes Elected Wotes Elected
UNP & CWC 519 141 51.9 110 SLFF" 29.7 8 31.9 58 SLFP+ 5.95 - 5.7 2 SLMC 3. 3 TULF+"TC 6.8 18 38 9 Others 5.7 1 3.5 14 Total 1 OO 16B 100 1ցE
Notes:
"Based on First Past the Post; Woting based on PR systern; In 1994 S SLMC Wolle.
The data in Table 5 shows that the SLFP and its allies in the form of the People's Alliance (the PA) gained, for the second time in its history, over 49% of the total votes cast. The total votes for the PA, along with those for the SLMC votes give a total of 50.74% votes for the coalition parties in the new regime. This would be marginally more if the votes cast for the Independent (Nuwara Eliya) member (Upcountry People's Front) supporting the PA in government are included. When compared with the UNP's voting strength (44%), the difference is sizeable and convincing though not expressed similarly in the number of seats Won by the PA (Table 5). Not surprisingly, the Leader of the PA (Mrs Chandrika Kumaratunga) complained bitterly that, despite gaining 49% vote, the system of voting devised by the UNP had, deprived her of an absolute majority of seats.
Table 6: Hypothetical Results of a General Election on the basis of First Past the Post Wins
Party 89 GE 94 GE UNP 13 44 SLFP 5
PA 94 DYNF,
SLMC 9 TULF 4 Jafna 5 Other 24 5
Sourca: Sahabandhu (1994) Note: In the 94 GE, the COTıbbi Ed PA and SLMC Would hawe 94+9=1 03.

Table 4: The Final Tally of Seats GE 1994
Party District National Total
SCatS List
People's Alliance (PA) g1 14 105 United National Party (UNP) 81 13 94 Independents (Jaffna) 9 9 Muslim Сопgress 6 Tamil United Liberation Front 4 5 Democratic People's
Liberation Front 3 3. Sri Lanka Progressive Front (JWP)* 1 Independents (Nuwara Eliya) Source: Uyangoda (1994) Note:
A from the Warri District in the Northern Province Frorn the Hambantotal District
Elections 1977-94: arliamentary Seats by Parties gb 1ցgգե
Seāts Total Seats Seats Total National Seats Wotes Elected National Seats
List List
15 125 44.0 81 13 94
9 67
3 50.7 gid 14 105P 1 4 6 1 7 O 2.3 卓 5 2 16 2.9 14 O 14 29 225 100 196 29 225
LFP+ is a coalition known as the People's Alliance (PA); "Total vote includes
Table 6 shows the hypothetical distribution of seats if it was based on First Past the Post Voting as in 1977 and previous elections. This data certainly lends some credence to Mrs Kumaratunga's complaint that she has been somewhat unfairly treated by the prevailing system of elections. The contrast between the two main parties (UNP and PA) is more pointed - a difference of 50 seats. However, What stands out from the overall pattern of results is the distinct bi-party polarisation of the Sri Lankan electorate. This Confirms a trendewident from 1956 onwards and firmly establishes the future direction of Sri Lankan electoral democracy and party politics.
Two other key features characterising the Election results, evident from Table 6, warrant comment. They both relate to the way the minority vote has manifested itself in this Election. The Muslim vote (approximately 1.8%) has gone to the SLMC Which was first established in 1987. This party gained 2 seats in the 1989 General Election, and has improved its position considerably in the 94 GE, with a total of 7 seats and forming part of the new government, it is destined to play a critical role particularly in view of its strength in the Eastern Province, which is likely to be sticking point in any negotiated settlement on the Tamil conflict involving a devolved system of administration for the North and East.
According to Hellman - Rajanayagam (1986), the North Eastern Province (especially the Trincomalee District in) is a pawn for both the Sinhalese and Tamils, it is felt that the possession of the North East will decide the outcome of the fight and the chances of survival of an independent Tamil State (p35). The support given by the SLMC to the PA is also likely

Page 11
to be a determining factor in the eventual pattern of negotiations and they may Well be able to gain maximum advantage for the Muslim community, not just the East, but nationally.
Mohan (1987) in his pathfinding study of the Muslims in Sri Lanka, makes the perceptive observation that there has always been two distinct segments of Muslim society in Sri Lanka, Wiz the Eastern Province and the West Coast Muslims' (p. 115). Over many years the Muslim leadership has rested more with the elite and affluent West Coast Muslims who have, according to Mohan, regarded the Eastern Province Muslims as "inferior -apoor relative' (p. 115). In the past, the East Coast Muslims had 'acquiesced in the political leadership of the West Coast Muslims', who in turn had established close alliances of varying duration with the two main parties - the UNP and SLFP. But, the reverse may be true today in that the SLMC - the new party of the Muslims - led by Mr. Ashraf (the grandson of the Weteran Eastern province politician, Gate Mudaliyar Mr Kariapper). The SLMC, as a result of the 94 Election, has emerged in astrong bargaining position not justin the resolution of the Tamil conflict, but also indetermining the future directions of Sri Lankan politics,
Equally, the other main group in minority politics in recent times, viz. The Indian Tamil community, has also shown signs
PRESS AND DEMOCRACY IN SRI LANKA
The Taming of Sri Lank 1960-1974.
KM de SiW
On 12 August 1960 the throne speech - the annual statement of policy - of the newly elected Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) government led by its new Prime Minister, Sirirla Bardaramaike, Contaired a proposal that attracted much attention and a great deal of criticism.
prevent abuse unhealthy monop
This Was the firs mpaign which Wast four years. In choo. press the new gove support from Marxis and outside Parliar xists with whom the had an electoral allie more Consistent an pport of this polic seemed as thought
It was announced that:
"A Commission will be appointed to inquire into the functioning of the press in CÓrre CIOr With the Gegral Elgctions held in March and July this year".
"My government will introduce legislation totake OWerthe newspaperscontroled by the Associated Newspapers of Ceylon Ltd, and the Times of Ceylon Ltd, and to West such newspapers in statutory public Corporations with unlimited share capital in which individual holdings will be restricted so as to ensure a broad-based ownership. This legiSlation Will BПSurg HB dЕТПОСratic Character of newspapers in this country and
reason, Was incline priority than the b A Lugust 1960 appe. Marxist laft WOLuld ke Well-titled and WellThe United Nation part, led the opposi and as usual JR Jay deputy leader, provi insights and tactical his party's campaigr

that its leadership is no longer safely ensconced in the CWC. the long-standing Trade Union cumpolitical party. The CWC, led by Octogenarian, Mr S. Thondaman, a skilful and charismatic leader, for over four decades has bequeathed-in dynastic succession style - the leadership to his grandson, Mr Arumugart Thondar than. But, the Success of Mr Chandrasekera. representing the Upcountry People's Front as an Independent (Nuwara Eliya) member, as well as the growing disaffection in the ranks of the CWC spearheaded by its former General Secretary, Mr Sellasamy heralds an uncertain future for the CWC.
The CWC will no longer be able to play the pivotal role it has played in Sri Lankan politics for the last three decades, and has greatly helped to keep the UNP in power as the governing party. It is true that in the past 'the CWC needed the UNP and the UNP needed the CWC (Dissanayaka 1994, p. 92). But, within CWC, its new forces - the youthful militant segments - have challenged the orthodoxy of the CWC and its conventional style of leadership. In the inevitable restructuring of the CWC, which is likely to occur in the foreseeable future, the SLFF, more tham the UNP, stands to benefit from any realign Tent that Taytake place in the political forces within
the Indian Tamil community.
ca's National Press
by the formation of olies".
t. пove in a long castretch over the next sing to challenge the rint Was Certair of sts parties both within ment. Indeed the Manew government had Lnce İnJuly 1960 Were di resolute il their SUcy and Whenever it the SLFP for whatever 3d to give it allower old statement of 12 ared to promise, the ep the issue alive with po Lublicized reminders. al Party (UNP) for its ition to this Teasura, awardene, the party's ded both the strategic operational skills for 1. As We shall see later
on in this paper, he so managed that campaign that the SLFP and its allies of the left came to grief over this issue in a wote of non-Confidence which toppled the gowernment in December 1964.
Sri Lanka's national press of this period was dominated - indeed overwhelmingly So - by the Associated Newspapers of Ceylon Limited or Lake House as it was called and as We shall call it in this paper. Together with the formerly British-owned Times group Whose principal journal Was the Times of Caylor, Lake House had a duopoly in the country's newspaper busness. Since the 1940's, and especially after the early 1950s, the Times group was wery much a junior partner in this duopoly. Lake House towered above it in terms of circulation of newspapers, and financial resources. The existence of the Times group merely served to conceal the virtual monopolyposition that its formidable rival had achieved. Indeed that dotiinance Was So great that had a similar situation
만,

Page 12
arisen in the US it would certainly hawe attracted the attention of trustbusters.
Looked at from another perspective the establishment and growth of Lake House is one of the great success stories of Sri Lankan business enterprise, at a time When the island's economy was dominated by British and Indian capitalists. This story, in all its complexity, is Worth the attention of researchers. Unfortunately all We hawe i Örl Lake House at the moment is the official biography of DR Wijewardeme (1886-1950)" the founder of Lake HOUse, Written by a man who had served for many years as the editor of its two principal newspapers in turn, the Ceylon Observer and the Ceylon Daily NeWS, the latter Very much the flagship of the enterprise. That biography, unfortunately is unsatisfactory. It leaves out sorTLJIch of the story. We hawe no information on the growth in the circulation of the newspapers, wery little on the financing of the expansion of the group and its newspapers, nothing at allonsortle of the ISSuES that TTläde Lake House afld its imperious founder so controversial with large and vocal sections of the Sri Lankan population.
In HAJ Hulugalle's biography of his employer, D R Wijewardene, he descri
Et Fle EET ES
...the first Sri Lankan) to create a neWspaper business. When he launched the Daily News in 1918, Sri Lanka) was a Crown Colony ruled from London. When he died thirty-two years later, she had become an independent nation..."
HB Werl Of O add tät
"By any reckoning Wijewardene Was among the leading newspaper proprietors in the Commonwealth, yet his name was unknown outside a small circle of newspaper men. The public knew next to nothing of the Press magnate. His photograph did not appear in his own newspapers or in other journals. He was a man of few Words and Unassuming ways. Yet his influence on the events of his time in Sri Lanka was greater than that of most politicians..."
Wijewardene's achieve Tent Was remarkable for his day and age. One is inclined to agree with much of Hulugalle's assessent of it. That assessment read as follows:
O
"...he bought a b, and, by degrees, E of journals, in the and TarTil langu; amongthe bestoft and politically inde were able to SerWE fear or favour. The newer before, a S public opinion, dermed it his This right conditions an lopment..."*
Within 20 years of Career as a GWSpa Wardene was a powe ge tieso and person, mirr to Some of the | cians of the day. In transfer of power (the Tabelid ho SCB the policies of the the Council, DS Senana' rded Wijewardeme E and dependable ally
He Was, in short, emerging Sri Lank shment. Inevitably t his newspaper-into and opponents of th: lugalle explains that
"Powerful newsp; not, in general, The fact that they take or break rep resented subcons beings. They SOT esteem, but rarely Tā kā cie E doing no Tmore tha pers are Suppose and inefficiency respect for perSO forgive. When a
he is generally fic yesterday's news
But 1355 Were fl obloquy that Wijewa se earned among S nkan population. F. Tidene Wasa Tartir lE respected among admired rather tha SSness With Which ssfully broke astrik in April 1929 did no

ankrupt rewspaper stablished a group English, Sinhalese ages, which Were heir kind. Financially pendent, his papers the public without Country needed, as trong well-Informed and Wijewardene ision to provide the T3ä5 froitS dEWE
the beginning of his per proprietor, Wijer in the land. Marriaa friendships linked most powerful politithe last days of the 2 1940's) he was the Ile in his support of Leader of the Statė yake.The latter regais a trusted advisor
a key figure in the am political establiis brought him - and conflict with the critics at Establishffleft. HL|-
aper proprietors are Jopular personageS. laye Lille TealTS t0 Lutati05 ST15 t0 bĖe ciously by their fellow etimes gain popular publicaffection. They ywen When they are n their duty. Newspaid to expose Scandal in public life, without ns; the wictims rarely press magnate dies, orgotten as easily as paper".
ot the reasons for the rdane and Lake Houections of the Sri Laor one thing Wijewatand was feared and his employеes апd lowed. The ruthleWijewardene SLICCCin his establish Cit it come as a Surprise
to those who knew him Well. At that time, A LE GOOle Simha ard his LaboLur:Union was on the crest of a Wawe of successes one by one powerful British commercial houses succumbed to his organizational skills and dedicated advocacy of the rights of labour. Successfully thwarting Goonesia and his union on this occasion set Wijewardene on apath that brought Tluch opprobrium from radical and left-Wing groups, his defiant role as one of the principal opponents of the trade union movement in the Country, and of trade union leaders. That policy continued Well into the next decade, and Lake House was literally in the forefront of the opposition to the trade union agitation in the public services in the Tid-1940's and the general strike organized by the Marxist parties in 1946. Naturally the trade union Towement, especially the Marxist Controlled unions, counted Lake House and its proprietor, Wjewardene, amongits principal targets in its political agitation. To them they were the unacceptable ugly faces of Sri Lankan capitalism, and enemies to whost no quarter Would be forthcoming when the day of reckoning Came.
Just as Lake House identified itself completely with DS Senanayake and the Sri Lankan negotiators for the transfer of power, its close ties with Senanayake continued after he became the country's first post-independence Prime Minister. That support was extended to the party he established, the UNP, and Lake House became to all practical purposes the voice of the political establishment and of the party in power. This is not an unusual phenomenon in democratic states in other parts of the World, this partisanship of newspapers. One has only to turn to Britain for appropriate examples. But the difference im Sri Lanka Was that the Support was extended to the governing party by a group of newspapers that had wirtua|ly no effective rival.
As long as DS Senanayake Was alive Lake House gawe him Unstinted Support. At the time he died DR Wijewardene was no longer alive, but the latter's heirs helped to swing party and public support in favour of Senanayake's Son, Dudley, in preference to Sir John Kotelawela, the Leader of the House, and heir presumptive. At the general election of 1952 the Lake House newspapers served as propaganda sheets for the UNP. When Kote

Page 13
la Welatook Owerras Prie Ministerin 1953 they supported him as enthusiastically as they had done his predecessors in office. At the next general election in 1956 the Lake House campaign on his behalf failed to save him and the UNP from a stunning defeat. For the first time its propaganda campaign had proved to be completely counterproductive.
During the UNP's year in the Wilderness (1956-1959) Lake House found a new role as a very effective opposition press. Thеге Were innumerable opportunitiesto exploit the divisions in the ranks of the Mahajana Eksath Peramuna (MEP) coalition led by SWRD Bandaranaike. On many of the Controversial issues that divided the MEP government the Lake House press could be relied upon to expose weaknesses Within the government, and, on occasion, to take a partisam stand behind one cor other of the factions Within that coalition, but generally against the left-wing and Marxist elements. To its many critics this was no more than mischievous, irresponsible journalism. Those who ran Lake House could argue, not without justification, that they were acting in the public interest in exposing shortcomings in the government's policies, and the foibles of its more irresponsible Cabinet ministers. Thè Friffè MinisterhifTSElfWäSlot immLthe to attack, Sometimes at a personal level, for his indecisiveness, his tendency to Succumb to pressure, and to tolerate indiscipline, but TOTeofter CriticiST1S Were on policy matters. Nevertheless whatever he may hawe felt about it in private he made no move to curb the press. Not once did he threater to break the dominance of Lake House in the newspaper business, much less to nationalise the press. Such threats generally came from the Marxist parties.
With the assassination of SWR D Bafldafarlaike Lake House retLIrned to its traditional role of propaganda organ for the UNP-for a return to power of a revived and re-organized UNP. There were two Electior5 in 1960, the indecisive One i March that year, and the election of July 1960. Which brought the then inexperienced Mrs Bandaranaike to power as head of the SLFP. On that latter occasional electoral pact with the parties of the left helped once more, as in April 1956, to prewent a division of the anti-UNP wote, The Lake House campaign of July 1960 was intent on helping the UNP to return
to power with a large st häd in Märch 196 minority government as air of desperation the realisation that th Was a Står attraction prospect of her leadi ther period of powe campaign focused ol of experience, aпa i potential instability incompatible allies. rmpaign Was shrill, b had been in oppositi ranaiké as Prime Mir
On this occasio, leadership and its a issue of the political House and held out - the SLFP, eith Coalition. With the M power they Would a to examine the pres: and to take effective up the press mono Lake House, in parti of Ceylon. Left-wing SLFP's new leaders |ively political pгора, the Lake House pres at the Cartoons of C best known cartoonis slanted пеWspaperrt at these 34 years at аппаzed that anyone offenses that mer slict" for such Was lizing the press. In re' political propaganda mpared to the heady Elliott and the Color dedalittle Over a Ci E time of Crisis in Whitehall, and tha CC general, if mot Wisc gower Tor, ShoWedi f dealing with the resi Elliott and his new: Lankan politicians o who led a campaign the press.
The most persiste Introls over the press Of Lake HOLISB a S a the Marxist äl||35 0 aninosity against La lar, Wert bJack t0 the and to the days of D F Were seeking to exe R Wjewartleng. Thị

ir support base than OWhen it headed a . The campaign had about it because of 3 rigW SLIFP leader and there was every ng the SLFP to anor. The Lake House n her presumed lack i also played On the of a government of The Lake House caLut To shlriIler thr it Or to SWRD BarHidahiSter.
however, the SLFP illies made a public partisanship of Lake the threat that it they חו חס וחWם IS|3 חם - r. arxists - Cartle to point a cort tission S campaign of 1960, measures to break polies in Sri Lanka, cular, and the Times politicians and the hip took offence at the ganda turned Out by is, in its newspapers, ollette, the country's St, 10 le SS than at the aportage. Butlooking er the EWEIt OE IS could treat these as ited "Capital punithe effect of nationarospect Lake House
Was Small beer copotent brew that Dr. mbo CEServer provientury earlier during Colonial Sri Lanka. lonial government in ount Torrington the ar Tore restraint in ourceful Christopher spaper than the Sгі 1960's and 1970's för lätionalizati Ol Of
nt proponents of coand the breaking up Tedia Centre Were if the SLFP whose ke House, in particu
1930's and 1940's, Wijewardene. They rcise the ghost of D ey, heartilyerndosed
the proposal, outlined in the new government's statement of policy on 12 August 1960, to bring the national press under state control.
TErofor It Was IFE MarxS Eft at kept pressing the government to implement thēSe proposals on state COintrol over the national press. Thus when the 1961 throne speech made no mention of these it was the Marxist left which focused atterior this Ti55ion, Wille the 1962 throne speech referred to the proposal in the following terms: "A Bill to prevent Press Tonopoly will be submitted for your approval," Pieter Keuneman of the Communist Party (CP) accused the government of Watering down its earlier propoSals, While in the Senate, a Lanka Sama Sarthaja Party (LSSP) Tember regretted that the proposal in the first throne speech had mot been implemented. In 1963 there Was no reference to the press take-ower in the throne speech, and on this occasion the LSSP moved an amendment, through its members in both houses of Parliament, urging that the press Tonopoly be effectiwely ended. On 31 July 1963 the Minister of Justice, SPC Fernando, announced that the government had decided to appoint a Press Commission in accordance With its throne speech of 1960. A similar assurance had earlier been given by CP de Silva as Leader of the House, in the House of Representatives, in his reply for the government in the debate on the throne speech.
To be Continued
NOBS
1. H. A. Hulugalle, The Life and TNT as of DR Wyawardare, (Associated Newspapers of Ceylon Ltd.) Colombo, 1960.
td. p.1
jbkp3
Iեիl,
He married Ruby Meedaniya, the daughter of Médeniya Adigara Kandyan aristocrat, and an influential member of "traditional" element of the colonial administration. His wife'ssister Adeline was married to AFMolature, who was for many years Speaker of the State Council as the National legislature was called under the Donough Tore Constitution of 1931-1947. He was the first Speaker of the post-independence legislature, and a very influential politician by virtue of being one of the most trusted political-associates of DS Sвпапayake. 6. Hulugalle, Tha Life and Tirties of DR Wyawa
гаеле ор, сit, p.2.

Page 14
WOMANHOOD (5)
Buddhist Religious
Kumari Jayawardena
he dasa sï' malhas (Thothers of
the ten precepts) are lay Women, With shaven hair, dressed in yellow robes, observing the ten precepts or rules of conduct. They are not bhikkunisor ordained runs. The beginnings of this moveTent Carl Betraceadback to 1907. Cathering De Alwis, a convert to Buddhism from Anglican Christianity, who had gone to Burma and received ordination there as Sister Sudharmachari, started an araraya (Buddhist temple) in that year. The TowerTerti did mot attract mLuch attention during the early period when its few members Were generally old Women (Salgado, n.d). Recently, however, there has been an expansion in the numbers of dasa si Talhas, Earlier the majority of them Were mainly poor older Women, treated With little respect since they lacked social and religious status. A fair number of recent converts are, on the other hand young and Well educated.
Buddhism was the earliest religion to Ordain Worther, Though agreeing finally to the Ordination of Worten, Buddha is Said to have laid down certain conditions that clearly defined their subordinate status. "Amur Who has been ordained ever for a century must greet respectfully, rise up from her seat, and do proper homage to a monk ordained but that wery day.... Admonition of monks by nuns is forbidden, admonition of mLuns by monks is mot forbidden". According to Buddhism, a Woman Car mÉWêrbê CONTÉ a Buddhiä. Morgower, her birth as a Woman is due to her past bad karma, and if in this life she acquires merit, she may be reborn a man. Buddha, While treating exceptional Women like WiSakha on an intellectual plane, frequently Warned Ananda about the Wiles of Women: "Women are soon angered, Anada, full of passion, en wiOLUS, and Stupid" (Conze, 1954).
Abhikkuni order actually existed in Sri Lanka at least up to the tenth century; there are historical records that nuns from the Abhayagiri Wihara in Anuradhapura Went tữ Chima arlt LifClairled WCrÎlẽrh there. The order of nuns disappeared in Sri Lanka about the twelfth century but lives in the Mahayana form in China. It has been Suggested that the bhikkun order in Sri Lanka berg W|Wed With Ordination frOT) China but this is a tricky question, since Sri Lanka is very protective of its Therawada tradition. Anotherfactor preventingan ordination of bhikkunis today is Sri Lanka
12
lS tflE lãCK Lf ET1!hUS Buddhist TOKS ET hawe raisaid the iss and as Salgado Writi
| diwiduals and til Some publicity to patriarchal nature ddhist Society is
Dasa Sil Matha W the fore and cont OT the Character Col have to change (S
But changes hawa years in the status ol and many educated these groups and h; nctions of a bhlkkur) TES Of Casa S : to a developmental Wain KambourLupitiya) June 1991 Was givet newspapers and on gious Womėn hawe a counselling and help Work and in religious young better educat more aggreSSiWestal Sitio to their role o July 1991, the Rev. Well-kroW itallectu chose the occasion honor to make a pl daSa SITäliaS:"th that female lay dewc attempt to appear a (Nuns) er Tulating the in a Tanner that is C Wardal tradditiôr". This: their Lise of yellow rol and Suggested that t facilities to learn Buc "rather than be utilize ficantly, he did not Order of muns, but W the dasa Si Talas tus. This led to live the press; one Writer hLula 3S () e of the "är" chauvinists in the S that "The proposal Mathas, give them. W se ordaining them a: be code II led and that "the Sinhalese nviable history of mol ad Tale cha LuwiniST
Conclusion
| hlaWC) Outlined ab).

WOnnen
ast among both the laity. A few feminists ug Without SUCC8SS,
ES
ne media may give their cause, but the of Sri Laka BUsuch that either the Well hawe to COITE to ibute to changing it, f the society itself will
algado, n.d. 18).
3 CCCLurred in TeCent of the dasa SiWrParas, Women hawe joined awe assumed the fuf. A Walk of over 100 das froT Colombo -elebration (garudaOver several days in publicity daily in the elevision. These relilso assured roles in ing Women, in social rituals. Some of the ed Oms hawe taken Ces leadingtooppoW laadiring TolkS. In Walpola RahLulā, a al Tonk of Sri Lanka, of a ceremony in his uliC Criticis of te as beCOThe evident. tees are making an ld act as Bhikkunis Bhikku appearance, ontrary to the Thera3 Tolk Coldermed oes like Tale TOnkS, hey be provided with chism and Teditate das exhibits". Signiadvocate a parallel was Content to keep in a SLubSerWient stay Correspondence in * alluded to REW, Rati-feminists and male angha" and added L0 derÎ10te Da55a Sil hite robes and oppoS Bikkurhis, should resisted," and noted Sangha has an Lume"polisri, Casteism... ဗူp၀
yvesoпe acceptable
roles for Women that were developed Within the owerarching framework of Sihala Buddhist consciousness. There will probably be others that further research will uncover. However, it is often the case that activities undertaken with one intention tend to generate opposite impuleSēS. I Wärt to Tlake a brief Temtiof here of One Such impulse,
The educational activities undertaken by the Buddhist Theosophical Society and other such organizations created the context for new roles for WOTier that Were in COfltrast to traditional Wig WS. Thé EUddhist Schools Magazines in 1895, for example, a Tented the absence of "blue stockings" in Sri Lanka and called for higher education for local Women so that they could become as distinguished as Western Women (Jayawardena, 1986, p. 124). The first Sinhala Buddhist Women doctors appeared at the tur of the Cantury, and educated Women started entering other professions such as teaching and nursing. In the 1920s, Women began to be active in politics; some of thern entered the Ceylon National Congress and the Ceylon Labour Party, while others joined the trade union movement. The Women's Franchise Union was an autonomous WorTen's organization that agitated for Women's suffrage; they made representations for Wotes for Womem in 1927 to a Constitutional Commission. Educated Women also made their presence felt in other ways. To give one example, Nancy Wijekoon, a School teacher, wrote poems with a distinct anti-British flavour around 1915 and was Suspected of sedition by the police (Jayawardena, 1972, p. 172).
In the early 1930s educated women took a further step. Inspired by their teaChers, SJIThe WoTlen fTOrT1 Buddhist The0Sophical schools joined the early antiimperialist and socialist Towerments. Most responsible for this trend was a British Socialist, Doreen Wickremasinghe, nee Young, wife of the leftist leader Dr. S.A. Wickremasinghe, she was successively the principal of two Buddhistgirls' schools, Sujatha Widyalaya in Matara (from 1930 to 1932) and Ananda Balika in Colombo (from 1933 to 1935). The Suriya Mal movement, organized by radical groups as a Counter to the Poppy Day of the Colonial power, had its nerve center at Ananda Balika School, whose teachers and pupils eagerly participated in its activilies mixing freely. With young me of the

Page 15
Left of different casts and ethnic origins. These trends, however, Were not WelcoTle to the COTServative elementS Of the Buddhist educational establish Tent With whom Doreen Wickremasinghe had problems. Once, when she was offered the post of Principal of Visakha Vidyalaya in 1933, the offer Was Withdrawn when it was discovered that she was to marry the Leftist politician, Dr.S.A. Wickremasinghe that year. Again in 1936, she was replaced as principal of Ananda Balika because Some Buddhist Were alla Tmed that the School had becote a centre for Controversial anti-British and Leftist activities.
The concern of Buddhists at the appearance of Women political activists was reflected in a Piyadasa Sirisena novel of the 1940s. He categorizes the "bad Woman" as one who travels about on her own, attends political meetings, addresses public meetings, speaks English to Sinhala persons, considers household Work demeaning, and shows scant respect to parents. What is more revealing, however, is that a character in the book who talks in favour of education, employment, sports, theatre and other indepedent activities for WOT er is told: "If anybody accepts all that you have said, then he or she must necessarily be a communist" (Sirisena, Debera Kella), This illustrates the view arrong some Buddhists that Socialism Teat WOTE going out of control in the form of free love and the holding of Women incommon. The reality, however, was that there was no Buddhistfeminism, There werend WofTlen from Within the Buddhist di SCCLurSe to dispute its patriarchal structures or at least to reinterpret its texts and practices in ways that would question women's Subordination. Buddhism did not apparently offer any inspiration to feminism.
| hawe thus far looked at a fe'W' of the constructions of Womanhood engendered by the Sinhala Buddhist movement. As pointed out earlier, it started as a revivalist discourse in the late nineteenth century With anti-Christian and anti-Western overtones, and developed into a movement dedicated to the maintenance of SinhalaBuddhist hegemony over other ethnic groups. During this long period it has passed through many phases and has undergone many changes and nuances of emphasis in response to changing politico-economic circumstances,
There hawe recently been greater attempts at Welding the many and sometimes contradictory elements of this consciousness into a coherent ideology. During the last decade, some members of the Sinhala intelligentsia hawe attempted the articulation of a falhika chintaraya, Ornational ideology. While stressing the Sinhala Buddhist nature of Sri Lankan
society and the nei have developed as on ideas of Cultural r position. They have to invent the picture har Tonious Societ Lanka in pre-color restoration is the air attitude to gender According to them,
zation is inherently
Tot so EasterTn or E recognize the impo give them an aqua no changes are r status quo as far a rned. Fог example, stem dress by unive challenge by Tale
of Jahika Chirilara
While it is certain tion of Sri Lanka W. physical quality of lif riced, and the rheto is freely indulged in, rdinated. Messages in religiousand ethn SOfThe nuanCes, résT) ditional. Buddhistm intellectuals, stil er tterns of Conduct. W to follow alien an mples; preventing th sions is seen as the government. In Suci leaders professing to te to take up) fentlinis Women agitating for seek Support amor gious and lay hierar
During periods of Tartill ethnic conflic res Lultant ir CreaSee O nophobia, one also attitudes to Wards W be brainwashed an rform their "patrioti Women are disco ethnic contact with barrage of propagan them tũ CCflfing thế gious and ethnic Co disregard this and ntact across ethnic bo traitors to the natior not surprising that feminist often emerg de Wairt "Other". FC challenge the patri roles that confine and in condemning nism and Thale cha L rist who is able to society that has over gender subordinatio
Would like to exp to Romila Thapar, W

ed to preserve it, they et of arguments based elativism to justify their 2 reinterpreted history 3 of an egalitarian and y that existed in Sri tial times and whose in of their project. Their remains traditional. Judeo-Christian Ciwilioppressive to Women; Buddhist Cultures that rtance of Women and | Tole With Ten. Thus equired in the basic S WOTE ATE COTICEthe Wearing of Wersity Women has been students in the name
ya.
y true that the cordiJr Tier1 ir terms of their e has materially advaric of Women's rights WOrmer retain Suboi to Women, Couched icterms, have despite ained remarkably traonks, supported by lay phasize Correct paWomen are urged not d demoralizing exale entry of such intru3 duty of a righteous a situation, Women be Buddhists hesitat causes, and radical Women's rights do not Ig the Buddhist reliյիliÉS.
heightened Sinhalat ard War, with the F chauvinism and xeSees a hardening of omen, They have to d Conditioned to pe" and ethnic roles. Jraged from crossother Women and a da in the media urges TlSClweS to the reliTir nunity. Those who :Ontinue to seek co}Lundaries are tarmgd II this Context, it is O the Orthodox, the as as the threatening it is she who can irchal imposition of r as wife or mother, Eð0th ethimic: CHUWinism, it is the femi}roject a vision of a orTlebothethnicand
ESS Ty appreciation ilentine Moghadam,
Arjuna Parakrama, and Doug Allen for their helpsul suggestions in the preparation of this chapter.
Notes
3. The Island, 25 July 1gg1.
4. Letter to the Editor from D. Amarasiri Weeraratna, "Demoling Das Sil Malhas," in Sunday Observer, 11 ALug, 1991.
Referercogs
Anthias, Flora, and Nirayuwal Davis. 1983.“Comtextualising Feminism: Gender, Ethnic and Class Divisions," Feminist Review 15. AIT unugarna, Sarath, 1979. "Ideology and Class Interests in one of Piyadasa Sirisana's Nowels," Collective Identities, Nationalisms and Protest in Modern Sri Lanka, edited by Michael Robarts. Colombju: Marga Institute, 1979, Besant, Annig, 1913, "The Education of Indian Girls" in Essays and Addresses, Wol. 4. London: Theosophical Society. Conze, Edward, ed, 1954. Buddhist Texts Through the Ages. Oxford: Luzac & Co. Gombrich, Richard, and Gananath Obeysekere. 1988, Buddhism Transformed: Religious Change in Sri Lanka. Princeton University Press, Guruge, Ananda, 1956a, Return to Righteousness, Colombo: Department of Cultural Affairs and Information, GowerTrent Press. - ed. 1956b. Dharmapala Lipi (in Sri Lanka). Color Tiba: Department of Cultural Affairs and info
Tiation, Govert Press. Harris, Elizabeth J. 1989. The Female in Buddhism. Unpublished manuscript. Horner, I.B. 1930. Women Under Primitive Buddhism. London: George Routledge Ltd Jayawardena, Kumari 1972. The Rise of the Labour Movement in Ceylon. Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 1972, - 1986, Feminism and Nationalism in the Third World. London: Zed Books; New Delhi: Kali for WTE. - Doreen Wickramasinghe, 1991. A Western Radical in Sri Lanka, Colombo: Women's Education and Research Centra. Kosambi, D.D. An Introduction to the Study of Indian History, Bombay, 1956. Natharcot, A, 1963 The First Five Lives of Annie Besant, Londom: Rupart Hart-Davis, 1963, Nivedita. 1973. Complete Works of Sister Nivedita, Vol. 3, Calculta; Ramakrishna Ashrari. Olcott, H.S. 1954. Old Diary Leaves, Madras: Theosophical Publishing House. Roberts, Michael. 1989. The People in between, Caldrllէյը, 193ց. Salgado, NirTala. Custom and Tradition in Buddhist Society: A Look at Some Dasa Sil Mathas, Colombo; international Centre for Ethnic Studies, n.d. Sirisena, Piyadasa. 1905. Jayatissa and Roslin. - Dingiri Menike (in Sinhala). Colombo, n.d. – Debera Kella (in Sinhala). Colombo, n.d. Seneviratne, Prema 1986. Malika Hewawitarna (in Sinhala). Colombo. Tennekoon, Serena. 1986. "Macho' Sons and 'Man-Made' Mothers," Lanka Guardian, 15 June 1986.
Wright, Arnold. 1907. Twentieth Century Impre
ssions of Ceylon, London: LydsfäerBritia Publishing Co.
13

Page 16
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Page 17
Patient Dispensab
Sarath C. Tillekeratne
H驟 is a throttle down description of how drug Rationalization in Lanka, the country of its birth, was strangled.
It is perhaps not so Well known (memories are short) that Prof. Bibile's proposals met with violent opposition from within his own Ministry and he was contpelled to go to the Ministry of Industries for their implemermitatiom,
Irl the Industrial fieldthis inter"Vention led to an immediate upsurge in Pharmaceutical production by the island's six Pharmaceutical factories, an influx of new technology from some of the best known International Pharmaceutical research groups, increase in skilled employment and Scientific knowhow, sawing of valuable foreign exchange, and growth in this GNP Sector.
In the reluctant-Health Ministry, Prof. Bible's plans brought about an immediate sawing in Drug Expenditure, eliminated shortages of Essential Drugs, and nipped several looming epidemics in the bud by instant supply of unanticipated requireTents of Tedicines from local production. His cheerful and pragmatic approach took a II the local Pharra Ceutical ManufactUrers (most of them branches of foreign firms) of balanca and While he WaŠ On the scene they responded with three shift production of Essential Drugs. So well that they abandoned their old clientele of promotion primed, brand activated, professionals. To Teet the information gap Prof. Bibile and his team, which included Some charming and persuasive personalities like Prof. Lionel and Dr. Gladys JayaWardene brought out newssheets and journals and conducted sentinars to neutralize brand reflexes and foster a healthy questioning attitude amongst doctors to drug-use and action.
By an unfortunate train of events, all these people (Who Were considered Tawericks by their Health Ministry contemporaries) were dead within a decade, Prof. Bibile, Dr. S.A. Wickramasinghe, Prof. Lionel, Mr. Edirimanasinghe, Mrs. Osmund Jayarathne, and Dr. Gladys Jayawardene, the latter brutally murdered on the streets as the drove away from her Office in the Fort.
Also by an unfortunate administrative move the entire edifice put up by Bibile, safe from Health Ministry interference, was transferred back to this Ministry. Thus the State Pharmaceutical Corporation, the Drug Quality Control Laboratory, The Pһапmaceutical Manufactшriпg Corporation, and the control of Private Sector drug manufacture were all putback under Mini
stry administration. paper, but What hap
Seweral things be. SaTE tirTE.
The import protect ntial Drugs made Also stopped Were imported by the Pha tion at wery favoural supplied to the local manufacture for the: The State Quality which was geared f lysing avery batch red drugs supplied to was systematically
Though Prof. Bibil Laboratory be admi Analyst it WaS place Hospital ColoTibo a Hospital Pharmacist | Pharra CeLutical mists in charge of the in disgust.
Withiпаfew yeагs Cal equipoTrent dorial under WHO auspic due to Ulskilled US was deliberatedlyre Where it could riot locally manufacture who regularly callet ridering for state Sup ction and drawing Ceased to Corear tender Supplies Was This was perhaps N the new administrat nder supplies Were and tenders Were CE to importers at high
The aim of Drug Third World as CO Was to arrive at SelfS: drugs by fostering Lanka was in a Ver tiom in this respect b Were Six local marlı technology transfer -date., iristrurriertati Prof. Bibile took më this readily available t0 arriw åt Self Suffii test time. This Wa: State Quality Contrt рагїу сопfirmatory a exactly why the Mini Opposed his every dismartle the Labor: took control. There Stakes ir Terder ir

be 2
This looked logical on репed?
gan to happen at the
ion afforded on Esseocally Was stopped. the raW Taterials TTraceutical Corporable World prices and factories for contract State Medical Stores. Control Laboratory or Sampling and arnaof locally manufactuState Medical Stores ji5Talled.
e had advised that the nistered by the Govt. di Lunder the General ldslaffed mainly With Swho had no training Analysts. The Che2 Laboratory resigned
the Valuable Analytiled by the Japaneese es Was ir Sharbole:S 2 and the Laboratory legated to a condition
analyse and certify didrugs. The Analysts at the Factories to ply of drugs for inspeof batch Samples ld the Certification of ; totally disorganized. what was required by OTS because loCal tedelayed or disrupted ancelled and awarded ar prices.
Rationalization in the ceived by the WHO sufficiency in essential | local Tanufacture. advantageous posiecause already there ufacturers with ample capability and up-toii) ri for quality Controll. Lximur Tad Warttage of 2 production potential cier1Cy With1ir 1 the shOSi Why he provided a ol Lab0ratory for third Italysis, and this was stry Officials who had " (TOWg hästerned to atory the moment they Were hillion dollar Tports and local Su
pplies had to be stifled. They had to reverse all progress towards self sufficiency in Drugs as early as possible.
Hence the new Drug Act was carefully drafted by the Health Ministry to destroy all initiative towards local production of pharmaceuticals. The six firms which had for years been meeting all the stringent requirements of the Pharmacopoea. With batch control in their local and foreign laboratories and in the state Drug Quality Lab, were required under the new Act to re-register every one of their products which had already been approwed by the Pharmacologists of the Ceylon Hospitals Formulary Committee. They Were now required to obtain approval every year all ower again for the same products from a team of Hospital Pharmacists led by foreign expert of unknown qualification and uncertain expertize whose knowledge of Pharmacology and follow up of recent Pharmacological reserach Was nil im-COmparison With the Formulary Committee which apparently was sidetracked by the New Act, The foreign expert had his Act Well rehearsed. He went full speed into the Registration of Multinational Brands. The Multinationals had apparently supervised the rehearsal because they had product registration applications ready in Wolumes of irrelevent information of the type Which the earlier Formulary Commities had confined to the waste paper basket but with which the foreign expert appeared so enlar toured that he insisted on all locals using the same format.
Thus Commenced a period of calculated destruction of all local manufacturing initiative of the Six Copanies which had Originaly Callaborated with Prof. Bibile in producing the COL Intries requirements of forty Essential drugs. From the earlier intelligent monitoring of their plant capabilities, scientific potential and performance, regulatory activity now descended to un-i- ntellingent bureaucratic stalling of local manufacture by canning Applications for dotting I's and crossing T's. By this technique local manufacture got delayed Regulatory Approwal while Tost Tenders Were a Warded elSeWhere.
The Drug Quality Control Laboratory gifted by Japan was so mishandled by the General Hospital Staff of Pharmacists that it limped along for another few months and then collapsed unable to handle the same routine which it had handled so efficiently for a devade. The collapse Wasshamefully Cor Cealed While the routinė balch samples from the local manufacturers contiLued t0 aCCLITTI Lulate Without Certification.
15

Page 18
  

Page 19
NAM FORUM
The Debt Crisis: The C
T Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) has published a report om debt and development, The Continuing Debt Crisis of the Developing Countries, prepared by the NAM Ad Hoc Advisory Group of Experts on Debt. The main points of the report are that there should be a Once-and-for-all arrangement for the settling of all Outstanding debt; the application of debt reduction to all categories of debt, including multilateral debt; and the application of the above principles as well as an adequate degree of debt-reduction for all countries. The report also found that there Were 55-60 COUmtries in 1992 Which Were facing extree difficulties in serviCing their debt,
This report was presented at the Ministerial Meeting of the Non-Aligned Couintries. On Debt and Development: Sharing of Experiences on 13-15 August 1994 in Jakarta, Indonesia. It was attended by representatives from 25 debt-distressed least developed countries and it was the first time that high level political leaders, economists and experts from so many Southern countries gathered together to address the problem of debt.
The report by the exprt group was a result of a decision taken by the NAM Summit in Jakarta in 1992. Following its resolution om the external debt of de wellping countries, an expert group Was set up under the chair of Dr Gama ni Corea. The other members of the expert group are: Alhaji Abubakar Alhaji, Mlqbal Asaria, Dragoslav Avramovic, Norman Girvan, Carlos Massad, Percy Mistry, A K Mullei, Ennio Rodriguez, N. Waghul, and Widjojo Nitisastro, with the South Centre providing administrative support. The expert group's report became the focus ofthis Ministerial Meeting in Jakarta which adopted the report.
Below is the first part of the Executive Summary of the Report.
By the NAMAd Hoc Advisory Group of Experts on Debot
Third World Network Features
Seven major conclusions follow from this study:
Continuing debt lower-middle-inco
First, the interra emerged in the ear nged character at t Three major devel place in the past five affecting some of COUmtries, particula has largely recede tine, the USSR ar Component states, major international the most devastati rapid deterioration lower-middle-incom ntries, resulting fro burden of externali
The Sewere diffic Opoing CountrieS i fac debt resulted in the tion of arrears, wh serwice obligations. Scheduling, mamy have mot been abla Service obligations Several years.
During the early 1. 60 dėveloping C0Lu debt Servicing diffic excess of 20% of SC In 1992 among 58 c exceeding 20%, Tor had arrears excee arrears larger than a quarter had arrear
Of the 58 heavily 1992, 32 were class ped Countries. Sir designated as leas United Nations, twoveloped countries rious debt problems of the 32 least devel much larger than the had arrears excee агrears exceeding 8 arrears in excess of
Of the 58 countrie level of per capita ir USS60 to USS650.

orea Report
Crisis in low- and ne Countries
onal debt-Crisis that y 1980s clearly chae tur of the deCade. pments have taken years. The debt crisis he larger developing ly in Latin America, |. At about the SarThe de later On its for Ter hawe emerged as debtors in crisis. But g crisis has been the of many low- and a developing coum a rapidly growing
debtedeSS.
|ties that many deve:ed in servicing their persistent accumulaich are unpaid debt Despite repeated redeveloping countries to meet their debt fully and on time for
90s between 55 and ntries faced serious ulties, with arrears in heduled debt service. :Ountries. With arrears ethan three-quarters ding 50%, half had 75%, and Tore than sil excess of 90%.
indebted Countries in ified as least develoce 47 Countries are developed by the thirds of all least depresently facing seThe actual arrears oped countries were 20% threshold: 91% ding 50%, half had 6.7%, and 39% had 90%,
is in 1992, 35 had a come ranging from Their inCOIThe LeWëls
worsепеdoverliппеas many experienced negative growth rates: 29 countries had real per capita growth rates between - 7.8%ard-0.1% between 1985 and 1992, While 15 countries grew between 0% and 2% annually.
Taking a longer time span, 23 developing countries had continuing arrears in excess of 20% during the 10-year period from 1983 to 1992. Their average arrears was 56.5% in 1983, increased to 71.3% in 1986 and reached 91.7% in 1992,
Arrears area key indicator of the intensity of a developing country's debt burden, because of their undisputed nature as actual facts. If a country is in arrears it is a clear sign that its debt service is beyond its capacity to pay, There may be cases in Which arrears occur because the debtor is unwilling, rather than unable, to pay. But such cases are rare. Arrears bring econdmic development to a halt. Countries with large arrears cease to be eligible for deveopment loans; trade financing frequently ceases altogether; and creditors may take retaliatory measures in finance and trade.
While using arrears as the key indicator of the debt burden of developing countries is appropriate, it should be kept in mind that there are developing countries with Serious debt problems which, newertheless, do not hawe arrears on their debt service payments. These countries refuse to incur as Tears, in order to assure continuing access to market borrowing. Thus, Countries with large arrears definitely have serious debt problems. But Some countries without arrears may have serious debt burdens also.
Need for debt reduction
Second, the ability of these heavily indebted countries to resulte economic growth through additional domestic sawings and investment, repatriation of domestic capital, and new foreign capital inflow are Constrained due to the 'Overhang' of existing debt which makes new investors reluctant to resurne activity in the fear that they will soon share in defaults With the creditors on old debt. The need for debt reduction in heavily indebted de
17

Page 20
Veloping countries is accentuated further by darkened prospects for resource inflows from official sources due to rising competition forpublicfundsfrom the “transition' economies in Eastern Europe, and to deterioration of the economic position of some other developing countries.
The difficulties that Eastern European and other developing countries have faced in borrowing from the international mārkets and their recourSeto Official deWelopment finance has tended to reduce the supply of such finance to the heavily indebted developing countries. All this has Cole in the face of enormous accumulateddemand forreplacementandmodernisation of worn-out equipment, as well as additional new investment required to keep pace with population growth and installation of new technologies, after more than a decade of depressed inveStrTestad Taiterance dua to the debt crisis and the commodity slump.
Depth of debt reduction
Third, debt reduction needs to be sizeable to make a difference to the eComComic future of low-income and lower-Tiddle-i- income debt-affected countries. ExperieCehas ShOW that Tere debtrescheduling in the case of these countries aggrawates the problem quickly due to interest-on-interest effect. The pressure on debt servicing capacity and its future prospects are reflected in heavily depressed prices of debt instruments of low-and IOWer-Tiddle-income CountrieS in the Secondary market and in negotiated buy-outs of their debts owed to Commercial creditors. The average discount Works out at about 70% off face value, equivalent to the debt price of 30 cents on the dollar. The existence of market discounts Was a major factor in the decisions to scale down the Latin Atherican debt to Cortiniercial banks through the Brady Plan and the degree of debt reduction followed the market to a considerable degree.
Scaling down the debts of low- and lower-middle-income heavily indebted developing countries by 70% on the average, Would seem to be an appropriate objective to be aimed at in international debt policy in view of their poverty and their high degree of dependence on depressed and frequently volatile export commodity markets. The 0% debt reduction, hower ver, is not a single reduction target to be applied to every country, but an overall order of magnitude, applicable to the 55
B
to 60 COLluntries tak an acros-the-board rpose of highlightir blemand the Scale to be reached for. It for detailed Work indiwidual debtor CC
In practice, debt to be negotiated o case basis, taking

an as a group. Such review serves the puthe size of the prof the strategic solution cannot be a substitute debt settlement for JIntries.
eduction Would need I a genuine Case-bymto acCount the indi
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uce Le FreeMP,
te management LJLeu say's L'Ile drag
jou need a Priuate Eye. * Guurtor's glass to huis oLUruglassetje eals to Erlation arcLuhas nore "eports 5 percent grouth! pouerty? That he says is only sloth)
Tanagement ouerheads? "Tige the pilla LU for the ache in the head
WOrld BťIIlk 5OILFL
GLLu'nor dozes, seeing dollars fall in the leafbaskets, and the train clatters past
Pt(If Ernst steeds World Bank Offertfort) Ny Tipus chatter by, as the car horris Call decides there'll be trauellers cheques for all.
vidual country capital requirements over the medium term and the likely debt servicing capacity over the long term, in addition to the debt market price, or, if the latter is not available, prices of debts of other countries in similar circumstances. This Will lead, artnong different debtor Countries, to different scales of debt reduction and differences in interest and a tortisation terms On the redu C90d debt.
- Third World Network Features
U.Karunatake

Page 21
DRU
Amendment to Drug Regulation No. 34. ) of Monday the 6th July 1992.
“No person shall dispense a prescriptio, rg."
M.S. goes down in the history of Drug R LL LLLLLLLT L T LLTLLLLLLL LLL LLTLLLLLT decades of Brand Martifacture for the biggest Friuli so almost exclusive Generic Manufacture for the p row serve a vivide spectrum of Health Services fra renotest Govt. dispensary and General Practition
There is no glamour in illness - not forth safe, rational treatment, mot Imarketincentiwes.
Illness does not spare either rich or poor,
The Bibile-Wickremasinghe drug reforms into therapeutics. Generic prescribing and Generic of Drug Rationalization Policy.
In Good Times and Bad Times, Epidemi from MSJ ha ve been a dependable source of reli
M. S. J. Industri
Factory and
P. O. B.
Colo
 

GS 2
f 1984 in Govt. Gazette Extraordinary No. 722/3
r which does not specify the Generic Name of
ationalization in Sri Lanka as the first Company Manufacture. MSJ Swiftly moved over from two irational Drug Companies operating in this region eople of this country. Our range of Generic drugs On the big city Clinics and Base Hospitals to the ær in the Country.
e sick anyway. The sick need swift, cost-effective,
Ραίίεπί or plyνιαία π.
were designed and adopted to re-introduce ethics dispensing were the main levers of implementation
c and Disaster, War and Peace, Generic Drugs efin illness for over a third of this century.
es (Ceylon) Ltd., Laboratories
Ox 430
bo 15.

Page 22
BOOKS
The Gaze of the Coloniser; British View
in 19th Century Sri Lanka
Elizabeth Harris
Social Scientists' Association (1994) 63pp.
The images of Sri Lankan Women drawn by Elizabeth J. Harris in The Gaza of the Coloniser indicate how general concepts of femininity, beauty, chastity, marriage are imbued with Walues, aSSUmptions and expectations of the observer,
Archival material reviewed by Harris comprise a range of sources from members of the military and their wives, missionaries, Theosophists and Colorists, |t includes COTTgrts and objSg|Wäticrs made by George Callardine, Colour-Sergeant in his memoirs, Rev. Frederick Jobson who wisited Sri Lanka on his way to Australia, Henry Charles Sirr, barrister and advocate in South Ceylon and Lucirida Darby Griffith, an avid diary Writer who accompanied her husband, a Major, in the 1840's. Marie Musaeus Higgins, Theosophist and founder of Musaeus Girls School, COTTürts about WCT har and Educati) i åre ChläfČtėristiC. Shē nolēS that "happily in Ceylon Woman has no necessity to enter into the rough and tumble of the World in Competition with her male relatives. She has still to be Wife and mother, and we have to train the growing girls in all that makes Woman the goddess and the light of the home" (page 33).
To the extent that Harris analyses the values that underscored British obserWations, the images of British men and Women that emerge are illuminating. For instance, Harris in considering the nexus between women and religion notes that Victorian stereotypes of Womanhood were projected onto Sri Lankan Women, who were expected to become the "moral conscience of the village and the angel to her husband" (page 44). In addition, the impact of class and gender on British views are Considered.
My reservations stem from a methodological perspective, and it is acknowle
2O
dged that many rei possible. The Sub-ti Criser is Eri: WOTgf1 Ff7 7977, Cog| one, expected anar lonial perspective th ideologies that info tions of, and attitude stated purpose is tic British Colomizers ir conditioning and clɛ Writers, together Wi statistical material a (page 1). It transpir The Gaza of the C. primarily with ascert Länkar WOT-arh, alb) Buddhist during the the primary source and ObservationSm
Harris acknowles were not objective O They were conditio of Cultural Superiori tionships of thair im 1). The "conditionin faCtOS that ifCT Citations of the Colo dered by Harris. ACC Of Sri Lanka WeTE IL feeling of Superior fascination with "th 6). Thus, the Briti WOTE WAS "ONE W st aducation for WO men's ability and a Og i||-treated Withir Cted diWoľCB Violatiť of Todasty and cha that WOTE COLld V political privilegesh
Despite this exe ning context of the ceeds to accept obs British, and attempt

S On Local Wonnen
adings of the text are til of 79 GZ3 Coffa We WS o Local Tfury Sri Lärka. II, for alysis from a post-COat deConstructed the Tmed British observa
SLO OCI WOTE. The assess the Views of light "of the cultural iss background of the th nineteenth century nd Sri Lankan Writing" es, however, that the Colorissaris Cor Cered aining the status of Sri eit Kandyan, Himdu or 19th century, wherein Of data are the WieWS ade by the colonisers.
iges that "the British rumbia Sed ObserverS. ned by the conviction y and the power rela|perial ventLire" (page g context", that is, the dthè wIäWS arid expanisers are also Conscordingly, British views derScored "With the ity" and "a romantic e exotic Other" (page sh picture of British 'hic Could hold Within men, respect for Wo
Woman's right mot to the family, but it rejens of Wictorian ideals stity, and also the idea Win thë gCOf Orflic and eld by men" (page 9).
gesis of the conditiocolonisers, Harris proervations Tlalde by the s to substantiate their
views. Her analysis of the appearance of Sri Lanka WOTEglis Salignt. On the One hand, Harris ascribes some British wiews to"the male propensity to objectifyWomen and to make judgments according to idealized standards of external perfection" (page 19). On the other, observations relating to the premature aging of Sri Lankan Women are accepted because it "appears in several accounts", and possible explanations posited (page 19). For instance, Harris Suggests that "Sri Lankan Worther Were faced with pressures not experienced by middle and upper class Women familiar to the British observers" and "their remarksimply... that Sri Lankan Women were expected to undertake excessive duties in or outside the home (pages 19 & 20).
Thus the "object" of scrutiny shifts betWegin the Colonisers and Sri Lankan WCmen, as attested in the concluding paragraph, where Harris seeks to assess the Wera|| status of Woer of the basis of British evidence (page 56). The subjectivity which underlies British discourse about Sri Lankan Wormer is at once, both questioned and accepted. Within this frameWork, the status of Sri Lankan Women is delineated by the Writing of the colonisers, and oп occasion by reference to the co
Tlments by Sri Lankan Tam of the time.
Discourses about Worlle hawe beel challenged and transformed by feminist theoretical paradigms. Irrespective of whether the critic' adopt a fluid position shifting between and including the insights of post-structuralism, deconstruction and/or psychoanalysis, or locate myself Within frTimist la Cuma, the delineation of Women's experiences, where those Women's voices re.Thain silent, is theoretically problematic.
Mala Dhar Taranda
Wisiting Fallow, Law and Society Trust

Page 23
Why there's so in this rustict
There is laughter and light bantet amongst these rural damsels who are busy sorting out tobacco leaf in a barn, it is one of the hurdreds of such barris spread out in the mid and upcountry intermediate zone where the urable land remains fallow during the of season.
Here, with careful nurturing tobacco grows as a lucrative cash crop arxi the green leaves turn to gold... to the value of over Rs. 250 Irillion or more annually, for perhaps 143,000 rural folk,
 

ENRCHINGRURAL LIFESTYLE
und oflaughter obacco barn.
Tobacco is the industry that brings Empkynherit to the second highest number of people, And these perople are the tobacco Exarri cywiners, the tobacco 9Towers and those who work for them, on the lard anc. in the barris.
For them, the thacco leaf Ingans Tenningful work, 1 Comfortable life and a secure future. Å god Erough Traşırı for laughter.
at CeylonTobaccoCo. Ltd.
Sharing and caring for our land and her people.

Page 24
PEOPLE
Celebrating TI
C
Dynamic
In 1961. People's Bank ventured out in the
of only 46... and a few hundred Customers.
Today, just 33 years later
People Resource exceeds 10,000
Customer Listings at a Stagger
Branch NetWork in excess of 32
in Sri Lanka
In just three decades People's Bank has g. in the Sri Lankan Banking scene. Their spec
resources at their Command dedicated t
dedication that has earned them the title "
PEOPLE'S BANK
Banker to the Millions

'S BANK
hree DeCade:S
f
! Growth
challenging World of Banking With a staff
ing 5.5 Million
8, THE LARGEST
rown to become a highly respected leader tacular growth is areflection of the massive
O the service of the Common man - a
"Banker to the Millions'