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LANKA
GUAR
VO. 17 No. 18 January 15, 1995 Price RS
BENAZİR
внUтто
ON
ISLAM, NAM AND
THE REGION
- by the Editor
PRESS
LAW AND CENSOR
LAKE HOUSE BL SINHALA JOURNAI TAMIL PRESS - 4.
POWERTY
THE JANASAVYA
THE 3rd PATHI — 7
D
 

/ ジ
DAN
}.10.00 Registered at GPO, Sri Lanka QD/33/NEWS/94
SHIP - G. L. Aerts
- A. M. de Silva
-S - K. W. O. Dharmadasa
, Sivanesase/Van
PROJECT Susil Sirivardana
"isaranee Gunasekera Dayan Jayatilleka

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Blackl
itsyOu
 

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POPES WISIT
WAR AND PEACE
in the dham made
Mervyn de Silva
Wo importart Events dominated the
past fortnight, Each could hawe a major impact on the politics of 1995 and perhaps beyond. Each Would certainly determine the popularity of the People Alliance this year and perhaps Sri Lanka's political stability in the foreseeable future. Each ëWënt relatiëS 03 Central isSUE - (a) economic policy and (b) peace. The two are not unConnected. In fact, President Chandrika's strategy for survival and success is founded on what Dr. Lal JayaWardene spelt out as "the peace dividend' in his Banda ramaike Memorial Lecture. (If We can trust the Widely read political columinist of the Sunday Trries, Lal typed out the President's policy statement to parliament on his machine in the early hours of Friday 6th).
It takes two to make peace. Is the LTTE ready to make peace or is it merely testing the Will of the newly elected government? It did have quite along honeymoon with the Premadasa administration with apoWerful LTTE delegation led by Mahattaya spending months in Colombo negotiating a peace settleet. Andall this was done on the explicit instructions of the LTTE Suprem:0 Welupillai Prabhākaram, a maSter Of the Māoist tactic of "talk-talk, fight-fight.
After three rounds of 'peace talks", the Presirent and the LTTE leader signed an agreement on a "cessation of hostilities" which would be converted to a formal CBäSésiré if ä| Werl Wé|,
The last delegation to Jaffna marked an interesting change - the inclusion of a Brigadier and the Director of the Navy's Training Institute. This change in the composition of the delegation was more than a symbolic salute to the island's Arted Forces.
It was a recognition by the newly elected President of the increasingly crucial role of the Army in the decision-making process. In a BBC interview, Prime Minister (and later President Chandrika) hadrather harsh things to say about the Armed forces its wested interests in the war, and marked indifference to any serious attemptat"conflict resolution" or any effort
to negotiate a rea (One also observed Brigadiers to the rar The fact is that a TO has grown-about IOW claim more tha day to fight the tou dedicated guerrillag a guerrilla group the the "Sea Tigers". Wł on Constructing an LTTE is a prower II jaw-jaw" approach. powder dry.
But it does recog are now TOre p(W TOWBTignt Or thg SI For instance, the C; also sulg a Slate t recognised, the Wati STE area of ROITE the World, Wherewe community ora regir licopinion, including HOLIS. Johl Kerg
AUGUST-NOWEME
In mid-August th shock, it could only assembly of 225 MP the UNP led by a cousin" Dingiri Band Who Was NOT expe WOT 94 SeatSalda : ble 44% against the It was Chandrika w record-breaking 64: face-to-face, (a) Chi: med [Thin Oritig's Who hi a politician untouch prejudice, Committe Society, free of diSCI Tocratic ideals. Am Were the (Indian) Tar Who had tamely fo rTman's Order S... Nomo tes' cut traditional Thus, the record bre in some parts of th Wa5 le SS thal.3: T1 LTTE order — no pɛ
DEFENCE WOTE
There is another
 

ISO labole Settleriert. the promotion of five ik of Major-General). iest ceremonial Army 100,000 today-and in a million dollars a ghest, and the most roup in the World. And at has a "nawal arm". hile Working furiously
airplane. Yes, the aster of the "war-War It has always kept its
rise institutions that trful that the Tamil i Lanka government. atolic Church. Whic hat is internationaly can. It is located in a ut its Writrus a CrOSS rthere is a Catholic lle:Ster Stiwetc.) Cathol)- the Title White dy for example.
ER
e P. A. got a rude Wir 106 Stäls in al s. After 17 longyears, colourless "country a Wijetunga, the man Cted to be President, Surprisingly respectaP.A.'s Odest 50%. lo raised that 50% to %. The reason a arisma (b) the combiave recognised in her ed by racial-religious ad to air ulti-ethnic imination, and to deOng these Tinorities Til polaritation Workers ill:0Wed Mr. ThomadaÖre. BÖh "block WDlinks With the UNP. aking 64%. The Wote 2 northern peninsula he WOrd W3SOLut. The articipation.
"vote" though which
is even more significant to any Sri Lankan regime - the defence budget. Sri Lanka was satisfied with a ceremonial army. The police Could handle strikes or willage-level Violence... until "group" wiolence (i.e. Cottural riots) became a feature of Sri Lankan politics-1956 and 1958. But the expansion of the armed forces began after JWP insurgency of 1971 and the post-1983 EELAM WAR.
Numbers, expenditure, professional lism, Todernisation and weaponry, and most of all the increasingly serious threat to the island's territorial integrity and sovereignty, altered rapidly and radically the isSlitLliÖslä| chäfäclär of BäffTEdfOrcES and its role Tore Cowetthar covertin
GUARDAN
Wol. 17 No. 18 January 15, 1995
Pri:a , R5, 1 OOO
Published fortnightly by Lanka Guardian Publishing Co. Ltd. No. 246, Union Place ClOTEKO - 2.
Editor Mervyn de Silva Telephone: .447.584
Printed by Ananda Press B25, Sir Ratmajothi SarawanamiLuttu Mawatha, Colombo 13. Telephone: 435975
CONTENTS
Editorial Opinian
Benazir Bhutto Speaks
Censorship and Society (2)
Latters
THE TEITTI Pr655
Press Commission (2)
The Powerty Threat:
" Twards a 3rd Pat 1 " Understanding Janasawiya 15
Sirhala Joursialisit EO

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high-level decision-making. In short, a seat in the cabinet. Our more obviously a voice in the National Security Council, With a Veto. On occasion. So, it was a charis Tatic but an immoCent Chlandrika Kumaratunga who believed she could translate her stirring slogan "Peace in Our Times" to an everyday reality.
First, it takes two to negotiate peace; in this instance, the LTTE.Yes, the LTTE did hawe a problem. There Were other Tamil groups and parties, parliamentary or "Tilitant", which thought its views matered or its voice should be heard. Wrong. The LTTE dealt with that little problem by ordering the assasination of Mr. Karawal Kandasamy, the DPLF leader, in his home in Dehiwela, Mr. Kandasamy had presented his own 14-point plan to the govertment. His death was a clear signal "to all Concerned" that LTTE is the "sole legitimate spokesman of the people of TamilEelart". On this matter, there is no compomise-from Opposition Leader A. Amirthalingarn to EPRLF boss (in Madras) Padmannabha .... and it started Way back in SLFP times, Mayor of Jaffna Alfred Durayyapah.
EXPATRATE TAMIL
Welupillai Prabhakaran is a militarist more than a politician but he understands quite clearly the politico-military nature of his struggle to establish EELAM. He has however inverted the Clausewitzian dictum — war is a Continuation of politics by other means. For Prabhakarapolitics is a continuation of War by other means. The advent of the Chandrika Presidency, an electoral triumph made possible by the Tinorities including the Tamils outside the LTTE's mini-state. The Jaffna peninsula, He cannot ignore that fact nor neglect that Constituency.
Nor can hea ignore the Pontiff, who has a Worldwide Constituency, though his State occupies only a small part of the city of Rome. It is largely in Europe, and then the US, Canada and Australia, that the EELAM Cause has active supporters, fund-raisers in particular, The LTTE cannot ignore the increasing pressure from the large Christian community in the North now that Pope John Paul has included the diarradeepa in his itinerary.
Nor can the convent-educated Chandrika Kumaratunga ignore the pressure from the Church the pro-PA Christians and a Christian Constituency in the north to open a "safe passage" from the peninsula.
Though the Sri Lankan terrain is small and not all that important the exercise in decision-making, (diplomacy in short) reweals the complexities of ethnic conflict, and the funda TGItāliSSLJg of Self-determi
nation in a post-Co by new problems ( yers, including the Vatican, recognise "citizens" across t Context, We also
Tamil part
S. Selvakumar
Tamil political lea about prospects for Cessation of hostilit tween the Gower II also urged caution in to fulfil its side of the
Tamil United Libe dent M. SiVasithan
We are very hap decision. We hope permanent ceasefir emd to) h0stilites. Th be a prelude to The for a political settlert
On the question W be trusted: especia record, there is no Sting the LTTE. The We will Wait and see, flere Should HE Islut blossominto a perm: Would like all politic otherwise, to get in politics,
D. Siddharthan, Le ration Organisatio (PLOTE):
We Welcome this it will develop into a and pawe the Way for
LABOURUNRE
CMU Press
Considerable pres ge has been given de SCribed as "labOL Government of the F office. Undue promin to a few cases. Whe unlawful acts on the in relation to manag rfed. This as beer case of a few foreign rporises in ard Outsid Trade Zones. Their of Investments (BO CdLI Strial relatiOrS ir r prises also deserve We think that Certain

ld War World, shaped dentity) and new pla
antistate LTTE, the as a State but with | World. Arditat ote that the local
Church, at least the Chilaw diocese has taken on the WOA (The Woice of the sole Superpower) while the Buddhist prelates Would like to hawe a Clarification frOT the Pontiff on a certain Papal declaration on the dhamma.
ies hopeful but wary of LTTE
ders expressed hope peace following the iOS agreed upon beent and the LTTE, but 1 relying om the LTTE
deal.
ratiOFOt Presiparam:
py and Welcome the I this Will lead to a е апсi a permanent e TULF wants this to aningful negotiations lent of the problem.
Fetħiġr tl LTTE ly going by its past question abouht truay hawe agreed, and
In the first instanace, Jal trLJSt Which should netSolution and We all parties, Tilitant or o the mainstreat of
ader, People's Libe
Of Till EET
move. We hope that permanent ceasefire a permanent solution
and a permanent peace. But a word of caution: In the past the LTTE had used the opportunity of a ceasefire to eliminate their political opponents. Hundreds of cadres of our party, including leaders like Vasu and Kannan were killed by the LTTE when they had a ceasefire with the IPKF. |also recall the assassination of Amirthaligarm, Yogeswaran and Sam Tambitiuttu. Though we hawe Cour serious doubts, letus Wait and see, and hope for the best.
Douglas Devananda MP, Leader, Eelam People's Democratic Party (EPDP):
The truce Will certainly give some relief to the people. But the problems of the Tamil people are quite different from the problems of Prabhakaran. The problems of the Tamil people cannot be solved by talking only with Prabhakaran.
Mr. Prabhakaran already enjoys enosmous power with his own military and his own administration. In the event of the peace talks succeeding, what will the LTTE leader get? It will only be a demotion from his present status of power. If the President is genuine in her attempt to find peace, the results of her efforts will expose the LTTE to the World and it Will isolate Mr.Prabhakaran.
S Conference
is and Tedia COWerato What hlas been Ir Unrest", since the 'eoples Alliance took ence has been given re Wi:Coler CEg. Or Otler Dart of sorte Workers erial staff had OCCLespecially so in the export-Oriented entee the So-Called Free trusion of the Board into the field of inespect of Such enteis to be considered. Wested interests are
seeking to brow-beat the new Government into abandoning the Election promises of the Peoples Alliance in relation to Worker rights in that context.
The purpose of the Press Conference is to explain the Union's views in relation to the handling of industrial relations by the Government of the Peoples Alliance, With particular reference to strikes and lock-outs that hawe occurred or continued since it took office. This has to be considered having regard to undertakings given by the Peoples Alliance in its General Election Manifesto on the subject of "Trade Union and Labour Rights".

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EDITORIAL OPINION
Talking to the Tigers
President Kumaratunga, emotionally timing the cessation of hostilities to coincide with the 96th birthday of her revered father S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike said that the political package she proposed to offer Would be based on the Bandaranaike-Chelwanayagam Pact of 1958. Some Would call regionalism, others federalist and Others SOTlg Other iST1. We rslUStr10 be caught up in mere terminology, nor must be in a Totional make-believe World of our own when We are dealing with a Wery. Committed organisation that has repeatedly said they will stand for nothing less than "Eelam", — a Separatê sowereign state.
The road to peace is full of pot-holes and land-mines on the way. History itself is replete with occasions when signatories to peace accords went to war, Adolf Hitler signed a peace treaty with Neville Chamberlain in Munich while preparing for War, and eventually going to War. The 1990 peace talks with President Premadasa Were officially on When 400 policemen were killed in one night in the Eastern Province. There is need to remember, that vigilance is the price of liberty.
On the economic front everybody was asking President Kumaratunga for a comprehensive statement. Indeed she gave it in full and overflowing measure. That's the kind of stuff the country was waiting to hear and by lunch time on Friday the share market showed signs of booming
again.
SLunday Tirné35G
But the longest journey must begin with the Smallest step. Given the history of the conflict and the rancour and mistrust that has piled up over the years, those first steps have not been easy for either side. Now that they hawe been taken, it is to be hoped that further advances will be less diffCuL.
Many of Sri Lanka's foreign friends have long indicated their willingness to invest Substantially in the reconstruction and rehabilitation of the War-torn districts if the necessary conditions are established and peace is at hand. President Kumaratunga's electoral pledge of forging a durable PeaCe clearly Won the applause and Support of the people of the War zone. Had the Tigers permitted it, there is little doubt
that they Would hav her for president. kthrough must ti enhance her statur invest greater mon process as it takes in the beginning, th hard ground to cow
Predictably, the ai and groups have ex tions. Given their pa can fault them for t necessary that als polity must support now begun. Its frui Senseless blood let the country's lot for this island to realize mic potential. Succi Will lear a better lil
On the Tamil porc that she Was for "pe, hawe Othese COILUIT offler Whe accordi of some of her spc that they were anycost'. On this i; been much doubts
Trent has been fir lings So far, Preside Won the confidence Of the Tar||CCT atterTipts to resolve earlier state Tents W of the security force sion to lift the ban of goods going to fears of being too se
There still appea Coddling of the Tige Was last Week's pict and LTTE megotial "Eelam" betWeër tf hilarious that gove e Wern COTTİSSİOmd Services Should met of a rebel group whic Wedits objective of E te State. TFIS ki does not convey th king peace With hon
The CEa Safira Earl brings in further i observers are to be

"e Tlassively Voted for
The present breailerefore necessarily e in the peninS Lula and enturn in the peace hold. But, as We Said ere is much long and
er.
nti-LTTETamil parties pressed their reservast experience, nobody hat. Nevertheless it is ections of the Lankan the process that has tior Wil||both Halt the tting which has been too long and enable its un doubted econoSSS In this BrideaWOLIr fe for us all.
Sunday Observer
blem she has stated ace With HOno Lur". We ls been much Critical ng to early Statements kesппеп it appeared pursuing "Peace at SSLJEe tO0 , there hawe whether the PA gove"m enough in its dea2nt Kumaratunga has of a significant portion Jnity. With her sincere the issue. But her hich appeared critical s and her quick decion certain categories the North resulted in oft On the LTTE.
rs to be some molly rs, Fог вхаппplethere ure of the government ors With the flag of he tables. It is indeed Tert Cofficial S and 1 officers of the armed akly sit before the flag hhas not yet disawostablishinga separaof behaviour certainly e impression of see
||
Inounced last Friday mplications. Foreign brought into monitor
the ceasefire. Some of the countries that have already indicated their Willingness to send in monitors are known for their sympathies with the LTTE. The neutrality of Such monitors should be beyond queStiOS.
And in proceeding with these negotiations, at no stage should any indication be given that the government has ever considered acceptance of a separate state. President Kumaratunga has achiewed Some degree of success in bringing about a ceasefire. But much there is a hard and tOrtLJOLIS fOäd ahEäd, Shë Tlust COrilislLJB to negotiate with sincerity but firmly not forgetting the fact that the unitary state of Sri Lanka is non-negotiable.
Sury slid
Has the President, Chandrika Kumaratunga SOme extra sensory perception to ignore Prabhakaran's depraved record and reach an accommodation when Rajiv Gandhi himself was betrayed. Can Mr. Rajan Asiriwathan succeed where Mr. Dixit failed.
What then can We do, our readers may ask? Are We, a nation of Buddhists, who believe in the sanctity of all forms of life to indulge in the carriage of a civil War in pursuit of a criminal. This is an option which cannot even be seriously contemplated.
Dr Rajan Hoole an Academic living in Jaffna provides part of the answer. Dr. Hoolesays that the LTTE "is an institution Which Can suppress everything in Tamil society that is healthy and decent" and he identifies a remedy which can deprive the LTTE leadership of legitimacy. "Only the Tamils can do that".
Legitimacy can arise only with derinocracy and democracy is not negotiable as the Government is attempting to do. We deplore the attempts of the President to reinforce Prabhakaran and his clique with 39,000 million rupees. She can demostrate her bona fides to the Tamils and all our communities by spending this colossal sum of money on the Eastern Province because it has a democratic administration. The Tamils here and abroad Would prefer to see democracy being reWarded rather than fascism being faWoured.
Sunda y Leader
3

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EXCLUSIWE
Benazir Bhutto Spe
The Prime Minister of Pakistan answers question
2: What is it like to be Woman PrinTe Minister or party leader in an Islamic country? I pose this question because Islamic Society, it is said, imposes restriction on Women? Western Writers Callitoppressive?
A: First, I should like to dispel the wholly Wrong impression in some western minds that an Islamic society is oppressive to Women and that it imposes restrictions on Women. Nothing can be farther from truth. Islam came as a great liberating force, liberating mankind from many bondages particularly liberating womenfolk from the shackles of customs and traditions prevalent at the time. Islam gives equal rights tomam and WOT lan and makēStherT1 stand Onequal pedestal before God. It was Islam which for the first time in human history gawe unique rights to Women — the right to divorce, the right to inheritance, the right to alimony and the right to child's custody, Which other religion has given these rights tO WOTE
It was centuries later When the Western Women began agitating for the rights to thern which were long guaranteed by Islam. So it is Wrong to say that Islam imposes restrictions or denies rights to Women. True, that in Some Muslim societies the Women are suppressed but that is because of the male prejudice and male chauvinism and has nothing to do with Islam.
After correcting this misconception Would like to say that it is a pleasant experience to be a party chief and the Prime Minister of an Islamic society.
Q: How serious is the threat to Pakistan from domestic unrest, ethnic and regional?
A: Domestic unrestis a part of democratic process in any democratic society. The acrimonious debates in the national and provincial assemblies by opposition parties forms part of democratic process especially in the third World Countries. The present government is not facing any
4.
domestic unrest as sition's demands : rmoil which is newer The present gover after fair, free and has Tajority in th provincialassembli rent which has
We do mot hIWE Whichmaybe regar to the country. Alth ethnic groups are fr Ce according to the Almost all the religi hawe their represen Assembly and the
We have a hostile in this region, which militarily far strong being a small count and Carlot Thatch ghbour. Our neight a SeriOUS threat tot reignty not only to P Smaller states in the
Q: After the colla Islam or "Islamit has been widely Tenace. How do attempt to de Toni. great religion?
A: The so-called " lis T' is a distorted ргораgated by cert: the West, it as E
SOTTE WEStETT COL graph of a bearded and stick the captio it.
Of course there throughout the Mus rgence is often misre aS "fundar TentaliST return to the faith by They are disenchan and ulcertainties o' their faith a remed. сопtemporary age.

leakS
s from the Editor of the Lanka Guardian
such, however, oppoSOTIČetiras CTeate tua threat to the country. Tent came to power impartial elections. It e national and three es. Its a popular gowedeep roots in masses.
: any ethnic problem dedaSa Serio LS threat e religious parties and ee to move and practiir wishes and norms. ous and ethnic parties tatives in the National Sėmåte.
2 and powerful country is 10 times bigger and er tharli uS. Pakista ryhas limited sources its poWêr With its neiFour's military might is he security and soveakistan but also to the з геgion.
pse of Communism, : Funda Tentalism" bra?Sented as a na W you under Stand this Se One of the World's
"Islamic Fulda Teta
view of Islam being In Wested interests in COe - fa Sħi) riable - ir tries to flash a photoTham CJI a WeilErlWOfTham "fudamentalist" on
SIslamic resurgence list World. This resu-presented in the West l" but in effect it is a the followers of Islat. ted with the inequities f the title and see in y to the problems of They are turning to
Wards religious devotion but that is not the same as religious extremism or fanatiCiST.
True, that Muslim societies also have its share of fanatics and extremists but this phenomenon is not peculiar to Islam. There are fanatics and extremists among the followers of other religions as well.
Like other Societies Pakistan also has Some religious fanatics and extremists. But they hawe no popular support. In last year's general elections, for instance, religlous parties got less tham 2 per Cent of the votes cast and Won only six seats in a OLSE of 20.
Q: What is Pakistan's attitude to the Afghan tragedy? What is your view of the ongoing civil War?
A: Afghanistan is passing through a diffiCult period of transition after fourteen years of War. Pakistan is seriously concerned over the continuing instability and turmoil in Afghanistan. Over the last two years We have been engaged in unremitting efforts to help bring about peace and tranquillity in Afghanistan. We hawe tried to help our Afghan brothers during and after Jihad in ewery possiblemanner.
It is basically for the Afghan leaders and people to resolve their internal differences and ensure peaceful political transition. Pakistan adheresto its policy of non-interference in Afghanistan's internal affairs and strongly supports Afghan efforts for reConstruction and rehabilitation.
Q: Is Pakistan Strengthening relations with the Islamic Central Asian Republics of the former USSR 7
A: Yes, Pakistan is committed to strengthering relations With the Islamic Central Asian Republics of former USSR. A natural urge is felt by both sides to revive their historical links through interaction between the Government and the peoples.

Page 7
Pakistan has taken a number of concrete steps towards achieving these objectiWes, We have Our Embassies infive Central Asian Republics and Azerbaijan
Whereas our Ambassador at Almaty is
Concurrently accredited to Kyrghyzstan also. High level bilateral visits have been exchanged. Pakistan International Airlines is operating its regular flights to Almaty, Tashkent, Baku and Ashkabad. We have also extended suppliers credit to each Republic, Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan, Kyrghyzstan and Tajikistan are already in the process of utilizing these allocations. A number of bilateral agreements have been signed with these Republics to provide an appropriate political and economic framework for cooperation. With these measures, we have laid the foundation for forging a meaningful and mutually advantageous relationship with the Central Asian Republics.
We are also engaged in exploring the possibility of rail and road links With the CentralAsian Republics which are a prerequisite for the establishment of sound eCOTOTİC relatio 15.
Pakistan is also cooperating with these fraternal states through the international and regional fora especially the ECO and OIC. Under ECO, chances of expanding economic Cooperation are very bright. All Central Asian Republics and Azerbaijan are members of the Economic Cooperation Organization. The next ECO Summit Will be held in Islamabad in March 1995. Azerbaijan, Turkmenistan, Tajikistan and Kyrghyzstan hawe also joined the OIC as full fledged members. These fora prowide excellent opportunities for cooperation to the The Tiber State S.
Q: Are you pessimistic about NAM and its future? Can the movement play a vital role, and if so, how?
A: I am not at all pessimistic about the future of the Movement. The end of the Cold War has not led to the fulfillment of Our common aspirations for the equitable and just international order. This is inflcted in the continuation of hostilities and antagonisms in several parts of the World. The Security of small states continues to be threatened. Peoples under foreign occupation continue to be denied their right to self-determination. The principles of the United Nations Charter are being
flouted and the deve rtinue to suffer frot tion.
The Non-Aligned Ze:S OUT COTTOCO free from oppressior deprivation. The Mo important platform Countries to jointly pl objectives on the inte
The Movement played a creditable as decolonization, apartheid, disarmam ECÓTOTTiC relatio S. || attainment of indepe ald the ElirTilation C Africa are widely reci peful that the Mower With its mandate, cc cause of the oppre: Where particularly in E PālēSting di Jamr
Q: Whom would y stan's allies and fri
A. Pakistan enjoys TBlations With a|| C[]] except India beca US Spute.
Pakistan's relation: sliT! World and Sri Lan and extremely close.
China: China is a friend. It has extender in many Ways and at history. It has played rving peace and stabi the past four decade.
Ігал алd Tшrkеy: With rail and Turk close and War.
Gulf and Middig Ea. tionally enjoyed close with the Gulf Countries nce Co-operation at GCC members and p maintaining a balan significant proportion rhducted With the Gu| fuel imports are from mately two million Pal productively employe co-operation is likely

aloping countries copowerty and depriva
Movement symboliTi Titrert to a World I, injustice, Want and Westent provides an to the Non-Aligned IrSue their goals and
fratiosälarema.
aS, Ower the years, role om issues such Self-determination, 91t: 31d internatida SCOntributions in the indence by Namibia f Apartheld in South ognized. We are honent will, in keeping intinue to plead the SSed peoples every Bosnia Herzegowina,
ārKāli.
"ou regard as Pakiends?
normal and friendly untries of the World e of the Kashmir di
SWith China, the Muika are rather special
tested and trusted iSupport to Pakistan critical times in our a vital role in preseility in South Asia for
Pakistan's relations y are exceptionally
G. We Fla WB tajand Cordial relations 5. Pakistan has defegreements with all lays a critical role in Ce in the region. A of our trade is cof. AIIIost OLIr entire this region. Approxikistani nationals are ld there. This close to grow further.
Central Asia: We are working actively to promote new economic and political ties With the emerging countries of Central
Asia.
-
Russia: We are actively building biridges with this major power. We are seeking to promote economic and defence
links with it.
Teg LMMg,5f:
There are traditions of close
cooperation between Pakistan and the West-firstly through the Commonwealth and secondly through the late Cold War aliances, like SEATO and CENTO.
With the U.S., we are in the process of building a new and mature relationship. Pak-US relations hawe changed from a strategic alliance to a partnership based on shared values and objectives. It is no longer hostage to one or two issues, Heavy U.S. investment is flowing into Pakistan. Our relations are being broadened despite the Constraints of the Pressler
A Tiedent.
Q: Could you kindly sum up India-Pakistan relations after the PPP took office? In which areas, if any, has there
been significant improvement?
A: Ever since the PPP Government took office it has been making endeavours to improve Pak-India relations. Our relations With India at the moment regrettably are not good. Much as we Would like to hawe normal and tension-free relations with India as neighbours, a number of Outstanding problems hawe impeded our progress in that direction. My Government has been sincerely endeavouring to resolve all outstanding issues including the Core issue of Jammu and Kashmir With
India.
Pakistan has shown its willingness to negotiate with India. The latest example is that of the Foreign Secretary level talks held in January 1994. However, these talks did not yield tangible results because of the negative attitude of the Indian side. We are concerned about the stalemate in our relations, We hope that the deterioration in our relations can be arrested by progress in resolving the Kashmir issue which will also make it possible to settle
the other differences.

Page 8
PARTY2
Censorship and Society
G. L. Pieris
he essential function of this law
of defarslation is to hold balancE between these conflicting interests so as to bring about a satisfying equilibrium. There is no social value in exposing the foibles or Scandals of individuals to the public gaze for no other reason than Catering to the curiosity of the public or the baser irStincts of hi LurTarr Luture. At thie SarThe tifThe, hOWever, there are situations in which material which reflects adversely on individuals may properly be published and commented upon in the public interest in order to serve some legitimate interest of the community in general.
The law attempts to strike the required balance by admitting a series of exceptions to liability under the action for defaTlati Cor. TheSe ä5SLITE :: the character of defence which are open to a defendant as instruments for relieving himself from liability for defamation, even though the eller Tents of the action for defamation hawe been estabilished initially by the polaintiff.JLstification, fair commentand qualifield privilege are instances of Such defences Which, ineffect, enable a defamatory statement to be made with impunity because the Court accepts that the statement is made for a worthwhile social purpose."
The essence of the defence of justification does not consist simply of the submiSSion that a defamatory statement is true in its purport. The law would hawe little to contend it if spiteful persons had an unfettered licence to tarnish the reputations of others by pulling skeletons out their cupboards and then arguing blithely that no one is entitled to cort plain because every Word they spoke was demonstrably true. The law of defamation does not take kindly to the Wagging of fruitless vendettas which can only bring ill-will and potential violence in their Wake. This explains why public benefit, quite apart from truth, is a crucial component of the defence of justification. The defendant will be exonerated from libility only if he establishes to the
ES
satisfactor of the C. Stater Tert Wa:StrLJE also that the public Was of direct bene the latter element W cation of the states If, for example, a cri cted for years, and dual Were to take it responsibility public the deed, so that W Offeder to be borO rthwhile social purp achieved by the de On the other hand, Conviction, had SE imprisonment and achigwadrehabilitat abiding member of Fle allitLICE Of 15
purpose is served previous Scandal E nothing false in the which the plaintiff h; sflake. IfS|SlèflCB L a requirement of th tion reflèČts the Jal belween the interes the Collective intere
A similar analysi regard to the ratic Other defenCES tO : tion. Fair commer allows Wide scope journalist whose air by directing attentio attract COrderTrati rSons and, by so
dards and WaluesW the life of the COTI rprise is being gros COinSequent damagi irrigation scheme is in the long-term be or implementation is саг |f there are fla Connection with the a public Corporation that public should h

: Some Reflections
urt not merely that the in the substance but ation of the statement Fit to the public. It is hoch TakEsthe publlment Socially WalLJable. me had gone undeteCiwi-Conscious indiw|- upon himself toirTiputs ly to the perpetrator of ay is prepared for the Jght to justice, a WoQSe Would have been ifamatory publication. if the offender, upon Arwedd a Sentence of had subsequently ionas a Lusefuland law the community, then la W is that no useful by resurrection of a ?wen though there is defamatory statement as thought it proper to pon public benefit as e defence of justificaance struck by the law it of the indiwidual and st of the community.
S is appropriate with onale underlying the an action for defamais a defence which for the Conscientious n is to protect society to acts Which Would in by right thinkingpedoingto uphold Stawhich are beneficial for unity, fa public entesly mismanaged with e to the economy, if an slikely to prove futile !cause its conception not financially viable, grant irregularities in award of a tender by I, it is right and proper awe the fullest access
toinforTTation in regard tothese improprietias, So that remedialactiol COLuld be taken to ensure that public life is cleansed and the economy effectively managed. The defence of fair comment comprises two major elements. The first is that the coTrent is based or a sequence of events which is narrated accurately and dispaSSionately. The facts must be presented in their true light without distortion and without any attempt to divulge selectively only a part of the stoty. If the description of the events, as they took place objectWely, is Tarred by half-truths orby obscurity, the defence of fair comment fails on the basis that facts or which the collent is predicated are not fairly placed before the public, The second element of this defence is that the Comment itself must be substantially balanced and that it SEO Luld be Tad WithOut TaliCB Or WirdiCtiveness'. The law will not allow a public situation to be made use of as an astensible pretext for Ventilating a private grudge. So long as these two requirements are fulfilled, a consceintious journalist who has no other objective than to expose a public scandal and to ensure the application of standards of public rectitude will find the defence of fair Comment a WelCOThe instrument which the law has placed in his hands to enable the effective discharge of his professional duty.
In the case of qualified privilege, the Crux of the defence conceded by the law is the legitimacy of the purpose for which the defamatotry statement is made5. The applicability of qualified privileged as a defence is conditional upon propriety of the notive which governs the defamatory publication". The law excuses the defaratory publication because the person responsible for it is under a legal duty to make the statement to another. For example, an executive in a corporation who has discovered that the accounts of a department within the corporation has been falsified by an employee may be under a duty recognised by the law to

Page 9
convey this information to the Chairman or General Manager of the Corporation. The making of the defamatory statement entalis no liability, since statementis made on a privileged occasion,
The maker of the statement is legally obliged to speak, and the person to whom the Stater Tert is Tåde has a TCCiporOCả interest in receiving the infort Tiation. It is this coalescence of interest as between speaker and hearer, which is directly linked to the attainment of a socially desirable purpose, that places the stater Tent beyond the pale of legal liability. The important consideration, however, is that any improper or extraneous motive on the part of the person making the defamatory statement defeats the protection which the law ordinarily confers upon hirin. The Crucial feature of this lititation is that defence may be availed of by defendant only so long as he does not resort to the defamatory statement for some reason of his own which the law does not identify as being relevant to the protection of a viable social interest. Any such motive as personal enmity, jealousy or hatred will furnish adequate ground for witholding the defence of qualified privilage, if the statement is in other respects made under cover of a privileged occasion. In this area the propriety or improtriety of motive actuating the defamatory publication is treated by the law as the decisive factor in holding the scales evenly between the individual interest and the social interest'.
BLlut the TE TE Other. SituatioS i Which the laW for para Tount reasons of policy, is prepared to Confer protection on the maker of a defamatory statement, notwithstanding that his motive in making the statement is wholly malicious. These are cases in which the setting or occasion for the making of the statement is such that not even the unreservedly spiteful quality of the Totive is regarded as a counterWalling element which makes the defence unavailable. Parliamentary privilage is the clearest example of such a situation'.
To be continued)
Notes
1. Umir G.Muli, w Sykas 1913 A.D. 15E at 151.
2. S. W. Rewill 1970 (3) S.A, 511 at 616,
Mohamed WKassi 19732) S.A.1.
3. Maraisy Richard 1981 (1) S.A. 1157.
Davies w Lombard 195B (1) S.A. 553 at 585,
4. EräTľkord yr Albu 1977 Warting W Merwis 19-E 5. E3:5ğı yr bir 6. Borgim w De Wiers 19 7, BoginWie Willers op. MESki Pierar:1: Young w Kemsley 194 DE KIgirk Uni Il Giri B. Mocklin writish S.
LEl TBT Y Lekzy i 970 9. Fagrum. W "Yutiär 1967 10. Eg.58.2{25, Powers,
Att 91 til 1953 - SOLIl
LETTERS
Buddhi St-Hind
| Ted the article" Wortlahood" whic "Lanka Guardian" ( 1994. I am impatien this note to congrad
| hawe mo patienc Subsequent instalm these magazines to What | hawe alread enough to make th Congradulation,
We Simhalese ani lived through the ri long Buddhist and expected to help th and indoctrinate OLIT nous Cultures. Our it is Linfortunate that FOlE,
We Le BL ddisti E confusing the role e our need to fight for
beings. I am surey
how this role Thorp wormen tosleep and Flåt WOTEs Ilded hawe begun Well. I wi a Similar article ab OL
Tharks arçd. CCTI! Jaya Wardare.
Mallur, Jaffri.
Necessit
Each New year is of God for renewal remie WêdhopĖ for bt context, to see the le re, the opening of travelling and lifting

D.O. 113. 9 (4) S.A. 542. Co.Ltd. 1967 (1) S.A. 420. B] (3) S.A. 556.
57 (d) S.A. 195.
AD25. , 1953 (4) SA AgS.
C.A.D.343.31.
4) SA 3.06 at 314. S.A.554. El 54. and Privileges of Parliatient. I AfriCl
LuWOanhood
The Sinhala Buddhist h appeared in the No. 12) of October 15, t and hasten to Write Lulate the Writer.
e to Wait to read the ets. It takes tire for COTE HETE. I feel that ly read is adequate e Writer deserve my
dTETill HidUSHWE awiwalist stage far to Hindu Women are still he revivalist process childern in the indigeWOT her are cheated. they take pride in their
Lind Hindu WOTEen are xpected from US and our rights as human ou are going to show hia has irldLUCed OLJr forget the real issues to Worry about. You sh someone Will Write ut Hindu WOTlar.
gradulations, Kumari
M. RaSaratar
ies of Life
anotherspecial grace of our lives; a time of trtimes, ādi Our Ing awalited cease-fia safe passage for of all blockades.
Although these do not constitute peace itself, and are mere conditions for human living, the Government finds it difficult to yield ever in these. This shows how far We have strayed into denial of even the necessities of life.
These are means adopted by the Government for the throttling of a people to subdue ther and to force them to Submit to their own terms of governing by the majority. While We sincerely strive for peace and han Tony with all, we carırlČol afford to Weaker our position, by begging forevelthese le CESSities of life aSCOnceSSiOS.
Fr.S. Ellalue Director, A. Santhia pillai Сäеп. Secгеlaгу, Centre for Better Society Jairla.
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Page 10
MEDIA AND conFLICT
The Tamil press and plur
A. SivaneSaSelvan
his survey deals with the evolution
of the Tamil press in Sri Lanka, its structure and organisation, its editorial policies, and with the ways in which the issues on ethnicity and reconciliation have been focused on. The Tamil press in Sri Lanka has a responsible history which spans a period of a century and a half. The first newspaper that was published in Sri Lanka in any language was the Moming Star, (Udaya Tharakai) - a bi-lingual fortnightly which was introduced in Jaffna. The first printing press had been founded by the American Missionaries in 1834 in Manipay in North Sri Lanka. The Morning Star although it centered on religious matters also conveyed information om social events and other developments within the peninsula. The American Missionary also had a strong interest in education and the newspaper contained interestingi information on the establishment of new educational institutions and their progress. The Morning Star continues still to be published in Sri Lanka - enjoying thereby an unbroken continuity in being the longest serving newspaper in Sri Lanka.
Iпthe same yeагіп 1841, Siпоп Casie Chetty, a renowned scholar and sociologist, started the Tamil newspaper in Colombo called Udaya Athithan. This newspaper had 13 issues and was subsequently discontinued. Later on, in 1864, the Ceylon Watchman and the Ceylon Patriot were published by the Catholic Church. In 1877, the first Hindu paper edited by HM Sinnathambycalled the Ilankai Nesan was published. It was followed by the Hindu Rising Star in 1880. In 1873, the first Muslim paper Puthinalangari was published by Wapicchi Marikkar and Nainda Marikkar. In 1882 Siddhi Lebbe published the Muslim Nation in Kandy and this paper played a significant role in Muslim life.
A. Swarasasawan M.A. (Cey), M.Sc. Mysore) editor in Chief, Express Newspapers (Cey) Ltd. Fопmeriy Senior Librariал of Iла Uліwегsїy of Jaffna arid Lecturar siri Tar777 of Jaffra Čollege, WLuddLikadadas,
There were severa the last quarter of the early 20th centu a detailed referenc
In Hé 2O CEn pment was the four ir 1930. ItS first edi Chettiyarand a par Eelakesari Was Sta in Jaffna by NPonr Thinakaran Was st: ghmore Constitutio British Colonial ower se group. One of the пalпеwspapers tha Tamil journalism is begun in 1960. On editors Was Mr N elegant Tamil prose erudite editing Sethi journalism in Sri La
The Wirakesaria: tille distindtion of Flal Outstanding editors Mr K.W. S. Waas, Mr. Thirläkara t00 hl having eminent ed P Nathan, Dr. Kai Siwagurunatham, Th its circulation from today hasa circulati of the Sunday editio edition. The copies distributed in mosto Australia, Jaffna importantregionalp shed which include: Udayan, Eelamura These papers contir the Constraints of s and of electricity.
It is therefore cle: in Sri Lanka Continu role in the history country. Its focush: ted on political and larly in regard to the nges faced by the a period of ethnict tion. At the Samo

alist democracy
other publications in the 19th century and y but they do not need : in this paper.
Lury, a major develoding of the Wirakesari or was Subramaniam illel newspaper called ted in the same year iah Pillai. Im 1931, the rted after the Donou1 was enacted by the ords by the Lake Houmost important regiotaltered the Course of Eelanadu newspaper e of its most eminent Sabaratnam Whose , incisive analysis and gh standards for Tamil Ika and South India.
sа пеwspaper епјoys ring gained from some Such as Mr K S Haran, { Sivapragasam. The d a good fortune of toTS SLCh, as Mr. W K asapathy and Mr R eWirakesari improved the Tid eighlies and on of 80,000 in respect of 40,000 in the daily of the Wirakesari are Europe, Canada and pday, there are папу apers which are publiEelaadu, Murasoli, Su and Eelanathan. ue to function despite hortage of newsprint,
r that the Tamil press stoplay animportant of journalism in this s been primarily rive-ocial issues, particuproblerins and challeamils and Muslims in moil and confrontame, it however, did
make a significant contribution in the evolution of Tamil prose, poetry, literary criticism and fiction. It encouraged many young Writers and dwelt on their recent publications. It has maintained invariable high standards of Tamil Writing and did not suffer from decline as did some of its counterparts in Southern India.
The Tamil press and the ethnic conflict
The Tamil press has an extremely sensitive and delicate task to perform in respect of ethnic conflicts especially when a concerted effortis being made to resolve such conflicts and restore peace. Here refer to conflict of the Sinhalese, Tar Tills and of the Muslims. Not only the people of Jaffna but the other Tamil speaking people of the North-East as well as in Colombo have to Understand and appreciate the nature of the problem and the seriousness of the efforts undertaken to achieve peace. Without sensationalism or emotion the Tamil press hastonarrata the developments maintaining a balance - at the same time you must not belittle the peace effort, You cannot give room to too much optimism without a sound basis for it. It has to be objective. Every move, every military operation has to be seen from this perspective and reporting has to be carried out with restraint and responsibility. There can be no censorship but yet a generally high level of self imposed censorship or restraint is needed so that news or news analysis do not lead to any provocation. To achieve this, the Tamil press always maintains its credibility by providing authentic information.
The conflict is now understood in the international Scene. Many countries hawe lauded a situation here a government has taken on the challenges, offered conflict to a solution in one form or another, Recent history has offered examples and methods of Conflict resolution. We hawe heard of third party mediation or of the use of an external facilitator to bring the parties to the conflicts together and thereby create Colditions that WOLuld be Conduciwe toward a dialogue. This is what We are

Page 11
interested in the Israel-PLO. Accord with the Norwegians playing the catalytic role now particularly the British and Irish authorities have resorted to a behind the scene secret parleys with the IRA so as to pave the way for a ceasefire and comment talks with the political wing of the IRA through Mr Jerome Adams.
These two methods seem to Command a higher chance of success than any international interwention or the lack of it. As we see in the tragic War of Bosnia the resolution of the UN, the power of the NATO or the persuasion of international [[190ąt05 froT| 19 US Of the UK HäWe Fläd no positive impact towards resolution Whatsoegwer. " ln Sri Lanka, the two sidas have already established official contacts with the ICRC playing only the post Tian's role. Till the talk reaches a political level, nothingtangible can be expected. But the main problem will relate to the ceasefire Wille it is declared. Whi) is to scritor the ceasefire? Who will apportion the blame to one or other for any widlation? This is something that has to be resolved before a ceasefire is entered upon and the opening of either the Elephant Pass or the Pooneryn path becomes reality,
One of the important functions is the accurate reporting of human rights abuSeS. The TarTil poreSS Such as the Wirakesari is fortunate that it has a goodnetWork of correspondents in Batticaloa, TrincoTalee, WawLUrmia, Marrhar, ArTiparali, ir 1 all parts of Jaffna and in the upcountry areas. We also hawe correspondents in the South. We get immediate access to infortation on arbitrary detention and arrest, extra-judicial killings, disappearances, and torture. This information is reported and is also available thereby to domestic human rights groups such as INFORM, CRM, the Home for Human Rights. These human rights groups are thereby able to further verify the information to take necessary follow up action. The Wirakesari has been able to function with far greater degree of independence objectivity and impartiality than most other newspapers. We are informed that wital and significant policymakers in the previous government used to receive daily translations of important news stories and editorials that Were produced in the Wirakesari. The regional papers in Jaffna also publish speeches and important events in Jaffna which were not other Wise available to the Colombo press. There could be no informed assessment of developments in Jaffna without
access to this infort Wirakesari Was first Se Weral OCCasion5 a front the battlefronts which other publicat red in many instance
The editorials of
ThinakaranhaWBDBE ghting on importantis 9dLJCational Tlatter: pments and in relat reform. A large perce rials hawe analySed i question wiewed in i It has brought out hi aspirations of the issues of discriming absterCid Cof Christituti lures of agreement, the Official Language we or ineffective imp questions that hawe
tion. The editorial pa utilised to highlight issues, domesticanc rights reports and in: Such as the structu Human Rights Task ncies in the system
The editorial page liberal and openmar spectrum of opinion, cal issues, While sho in the provision and particularly encoura also focus upon q pments and discrimi localised nature an dback to policy mak editorials hawe e CO tion of the national q of a federal form of
III.
E. Μμε
Олly Aldi
A.I d i

ation. Moreover, the With the news on nd it Carried StOries and the North-East ions had bean igno
S.
the Wirakesari and an importantin SpotliSues of social policy, s, political develoii) rm to Cornstitutionali 2ntage of Such editoin depth the national is historical Context. story on the political Tamils and Muslim, atory treatment, the Onal Safeguards, faihe need for equality, Policy and its effectilamentatior and the ariser about devoluges ha We also been | on human rights intermaticoral hurriär stitutional changes in re. Of Creation of a Force and the deficie
fan Ombudsman.
had been used in a 1пегto projectawlde particularly on politirt essays by perSons
districts hawe beer ged. These essays |uesions of develonatory treatment of a d thus provide fee-es in Colorbo. The uraged a just resoluLestion on the basis deWolution coupled
with regional autonomy. It has upheld the ideals of multi-culturalism, bi-lingualism and ethnic pluralism. It has called for the utmost respect for individual and collectiwe rights and positively supported the cause of human rights in Sri Lanka and abroad.
Conclusion
It is thus clear from this analysis that the Tamil press has played an important part in responding to Sri Lanka's ethic Crisis. Ilthas Sought to informits readership of political developments which affect their lives and also helped shape their co15Ciousne55 about the institutional arrangerTents indispensably Suited for a plural Society. It has always believed that the political future of Sri Lanka is dependent on an informed vigilant public opinion. It has therefore been responsive to the informational need and analytical needs of a highly literate and politically alert readership. It has also been sensitive to the diversity of its readership consisting of Tamils who live in the north and east Muslims, Upcountry Tamils, expatriate Tamils and other who see the newspaper as an important mirror of public opinion. It has endeavoured to provide space for a diversity of viewpoints on the most SerSiti WEİSSLJES,|thä5 Eda WOUTEditOEDE responsible despite the constraints of priwate newspaper ownership and their busineSS affiliations. It has a very critical readership which responds immediately to the newspaper if the paper loses its objectivity or its responsiveness. In that sense, a newspaper remains continuously accountable to its readership and that which affords the best Teasure of its Success in this sphere is its wide and Waried circulation.
Waiting
LLywaiting
Κτιαιμ μOLIιμίΙΙ Παl COπιε, Jes do I lotstray to the harbour clockay fore
Nighthas come,
the lights of the ships drid the Stars, the Later fill of broken lamps
U. Karulatillake

Page 12
PRESS AND DEMOCRACY (2)
A Press Commission an
K. M. de Silva
he SLFP and LSSP and other
groups in the Marxist left were soon CO-bellingerents in the enterprise of Eiringing the press under government control. Together they must take the credit, if such it can be called, for systematically undermining the free press in Sri Lanka. The appointment of a Press Commission on 23 September 1963 Was a resultas Tuchofagitation by the LSSP and CP, as it was a response to pressure from a powerful section of the Buddhist moWement then engaged in a very vocal campaign of opposition to the influence of the Roman Catholic church and the Roman Catholic minority in the island's public life.
The Commission immediately ran into difficulties with regard to two of its members. While all its members including its chairman KD de Silva, a retired Supreme Court judge, Were intent on supporting the government's objective of bringing the press under govemmental control, one of them, Mrs Thejavathig Gunawardene, had been such an outspoken critic of Lake House and Times Group and so vehement in advocating the strongest possible measures to Curb their influence that there Was an outcry against her appointment. The other member to Whom objection was taken was S.W. Walpita, a left-wing lawyer, The criticisms raised against the former were too solidly based on facts for the chairman to ignore them. She was replaced by a less controversial figure. K.D. de Silva succeeded in retaining the services of S.W. Walpita.
As the sittings of the commissions continued and as witness after witness sought to convert it into a campaign to bring the press under state Control, neither the chairman of the Commission nor its members gawe any impression of being above the fray. They Were intent on bringing the press understate Control and for two reasons. The first Was an ideological argument against a "monopoly" press that reflected the views of the Capitalist "classes" and supported the UNP. The second, Was the religious content, the attack on Lake House and the Times group for their alleged support of the Roman Catholic minority against the Sinhalese Buddhist majority, at a time. When the SLFP and its Marxist allies had successfully concluded a long drawn out campaign to bring the school Systern Under state control against the Sustained opposition of the Roman Catholic chiLuch.
The Press Commission published its inte
O
Coltri LedfTOT t
rim reportin August the , eSt Elis Thart of
Wide powers over the powers; the establish Corporation to take c establish Tert of a C financially ailing Time enactment of legislatic COICentratio of OW and ownership by nor other rewspaperS irn t
Despite its many ri the need for a press cc report of the Collis Justified as a means 0. rtagestemming fromp thea part of the pres providing cheaper lar indiwiduals, iristitution: irresponsible or delib ports published in India had a Press Co had been proposals Sirilar Cocil. But which provided ther from the parties of the from all except the To of the ruling coalitior related to the establis ower to LakeHoLISE an newspaper groups, W mmission may hawe E on those recomment emphasis on the need position these institut Wspaper World, the e TITiendations a TOuml Tonopoly With a rior control by the state of pers in the country. N the freedom of the pr the country had enjoye but there would be SI Talignant form of par the LEākE HOUSgard TI had been accused of evidence before the C
The interim report ( ssion spelt the doorino Lanka. The parliament the UNP and the Fiet leading party of the Sri E di USB DIT Which the

d After
e Dec, 15th issue
1964, recommending a Press Council With ress, including judicial ment of a government wer Lake House the }-operatiwe to run the is of Ceylor, and the toeliriäte"unde ership and of control -Ceylonese" ower the he island."
reprehensible features Juncil envisaged in the Si0n : COLuld hawe beel f checking unfair repoolitical partisanship on S . Or aS a mear1S Of ld quicker redress to or associations, front arately misleading relewspapers, Nehru's uncil, and quite there in Britain itself for a he recorTrendations Thost intense hostility opposition and indeed st partisan supporters , Were those Which 11ent of state Control d the Times of Ceylon hatever gloss the Co2ndeavoured to place iations through their to break the monopoly ions enjoyed the neSSerica of their recoled to replacing one e dangerous one - the principalпеwsраlot only would it end ess in Sri Lanka that Id from colonial times, ubstitution of a more tisanship for the one mes of Ceylon groups by those who gawe OrTITission.
if the Press COTrifpress freedom in Sri tary opposition led by Jeral Party (FP), the
Lanka Tamils, sound y could unite against
the government. The UNP, in particular, with J.R. Jayewardene in the lead, decided on a nationwide extra-parliamentary agitation against these recommendations. The governmental Coalition was taken aback by the depth of opposition to these recommendations but they proceeded Ewertheless to giwe the highest possible priority to the drafting of legislation for their implementation.
The final report of the Press Commission was published in October 1964." The commission had set itself up as prosecutor, judge and jury and its verdict was predictable. The report itself was no more than a set of not Very coherent arguments to meet a political need. Reading it now after thirty years of its publication one is struck by the capricious tone of its arguments, and its blatant partisanship. It was a hysterical diatribe against the national press. Nowhere do we see any glimmer of an understanding of the dangers of bringing the press under state control. In this thay did not rise above the political prejudices of the day and were no better and no worse than the political leadership of the coalition and other parties of the left. By the time the interim report of the Press Commission was published, a coalition government between the SLFP and the Trotskyist LSSP had been established. This Teant that the pressure for a totally rigid policy on the control of the press was greater than aver before. Not only was a section of the LSSP in the government now, but the rest of the LSSP group, as well as the CP were purposefully if somewhat less formally linked to the government.
Wirtually from the moment the interim report of the Press Commission was submitted to the Governor General on 27 July 1964 the coalition government decided to press ahead with the preparation of a Press Council bill based on its recommendations. By the time the final report of the Commission Was handed ower om 28 September the bil|| Was being debated in the Senate - the upper house of Sri Lanka's parliament. It gained the approval of the Senate on 6 October by Which time however the govemment's program on the enactment of this legislation Was enmeshed in a procedural trap laid by JR JayeWardere.
The details of this procedural Wrangle need not detain ushere. They are dealt with elsewhere, and the interested reader can turn to those sources for information on that, "The objective, at this stage was thovery

Page 13
limited one of embarrassing the government and causing a delay, Any delay, it was thought, would favour those opposed to the bill because ageneral election was expected after July 1965, which was about eight months ahead, time enough to prepare a last ditch battle to force a postponement of the bill in the hope that the UNP would be back in power after the next general Blection, in which event this bill would be abandoned. Even JR Jayewardene had no idea at all that he would be setting in motion a train of events that would see the government defeated on a vote of confidence Within three Tonths of this. Nor could he have anticipated that the government Would make a succession of procedural blunders all of which played into his hands and resulted in its disco Infiture.
Using a little known provision of the parliaTentary standing orders the opposition "adopted" the government's bill and moved it as its own and Towed also that the debate On it be fixed for a later date than the One set by the government. To the Consternation of the government the Speaker ruled that this was in order, and that the government's bill did not confort to the requirements of the standing orders. Having lost the ensuing battle of wits, the government introduced arother bill to bring the rational press and in particular Lake House understate control. Once Thore there was a breach of parliamentary procedure in the sense that there were now two bills on the agenda, with similar objectives-the bill that the government had introduced, and this new bill. When the Speaker once again upheld an objection raised by the opposition to this deviation from normal Parliamentary procedure, the gowernment decided to get over the difficulty by proroguing Parliament, and recalling it for another session after a short break. The advantage to the government of this new line of action was that upon prorogation, the bills already introduced Would lapse, it would be possible for the government, through this tactical move, to introduce an altogether new bill, Orne that Would esure that State control over the press would be established without any further delay. Nevertheless the opposition had succeeded to a far greater extent than they had anticipated in the objective of confusing and embarrassing the government and delaying the introduction of legislation on the control ornationalization of the press.
The speech from the throne which heralded the commerce Tent of the new session of Parliament was fixed for 2 November and the debate on it was Scheduled to go on till 3 December. By the time Parliament met the agitation against the government press legislation had reached a Crescendo. The Campaign was organized by JR Jayewardene With the assistance of Esmond Wickremasinghe, Wjewardene's Son-in-law, who wirtually ran Lake House in the absence of DR
Wijewardene's heir, an undergraduate at The idea of using an E in the protest was er But loads of Rikh Colombo. Whan abd: rched in single file fr Town Hall, many ol Touths. With a black or ze a gagging of the an uttery efective pr in terms of the respor public and the embart government.
Although this can attracting public opin rnment's press bills, th it would defect. Lhe determination to brim Under state Controld
-of parliament. There W
we that the governm Wulnerable. Within Pa Prime Minister Mrs. had begur negotiati Party in December 19 to give life to the Tan Regulations) Act of 19. negotiations continue ho LSSP Was effecte
The throne speech Was the briefest Onre one theme, the press nstrating afresh the go pursuit of a wholly illit time the throne spee Jayewardene and Du UNPIBader realizadt mentary debates on th legislation had disturb within the government Critical on purely ideo decision to bring the Timent, now had reas Worst fears of the inher infiltration were about of them were appall intimidate the Speake presentatives. Nome || Silwa, Mrs Bandarana der of the HOUSE of saw a further diminut the government with Ministes S.
Very soon JR Jays Senanayake were п through intermediarie merely the most senic mert, bluthe Was als0: as the leader of a Ca SLFP parliamentarian yalties of at least 5 M the government and c sition it would Weaken coalition considerably Wember CP de Siwah

is son, who was then ambridge University, my of bhikkhus to join tirely Jayewardene's. Is were brought into ut 7000 of therTn maIm Gälle Face to thE
them covering their white cloth to symboliress, it prowed to be paganda move both SE st BWOKëd frDT1 the assment it caused the
paign succeeded in on against the goveare was little hope that government from its g the national press Iring the next session as no reason to belieent Was in any Way rliament. Indeed the Bandaranaike herself ins With the Federal 3. Asetofregulations hil Language (Special 58 were drawn up. The Once the alliance with t]-
of 2 November 1964 cord. It deal with just take-over, thus demoWarmėnit's obseSSiWE Jeral policy, From the h was published JR dley Senanayake the at these recent parliaegovernment's press 2da sectionofopinion itself. Those who were ogical grounds of the LSSP into the goveon to believe that their ent dangers of Marxist
to be fulfilled. Many ld by the attempt to r of the House of Re10fe so tha CP de ke's dēputy and LeaRepresentatives who or of his influence in he entry of the LSSP
Wardene and Dudley eeting CP de Silva | CP de Siwa WaSlot r SLIFP MP in Parlaeen, and SaWhimself, ste group among the S COMmmarding the loPs, Should he leave oss-over to the oppothe newly established By the middle of Noadmade the decision
to cross-over to the opposition during the debate on the Throne speech, and to bring with him his group of supporters. The decision was kept secret from all except Jayewardene and Dudley Senanayake. So anxious were they to win CP de Silva over that they even offered him the Prime Ministership in any coalitiongowemment that Would be established after the next general election, an offer he declined,
Jayewardene and Dudley Senanayake were now beginning to feel confident that the government could be defeated on the throne speech. There were several disgruntled SLFP MPs who were willing to cross-over, and at least one for ther Minister. With this knowledge available to them JR Jayewardene and Dudley Senanayake set out about winning others over. The Ceylon Workers Congress (CWC) leader, S Thondaman, then an appointed MP and upset over Mrs Bandaranalike's proposalto place Indians who gained Sri Lanka citizenship under an agreement reached between the govemments of India and Sri Lanka, on aspecial register, rather than the general electorate was a Willing recruit. In crossing over to the opposition in December 1964, Thondaman began an association with the UNP which WAS to Cortiu til No Werber 1994. Wher IE crossed over once again, this time from the UNP to the present coalition government.
The aim now was to bring together at least 76 MPs to vote against the throne speech, The target was becoming more attainable With each passing day. By the third Week of November, Jayewardene and Dudley Senanayake were Working very closely with CP de Silva's group to increase the pressure on potential defectors from the SLFP, Some were willing to cross-over on a matter of principle or on personal grounds but needed an assurance about the continuity of their political careers. These assurances were easily given to a few who were promised northination as UNP candidates. Others preferred to maintain their distinct identity and sought to fight the election as members of a separate political party. They wanted an assurance that the UNP Would not put up candidates against them, and would back them against the nominees of the SLFP or the coalition.'
As the number of MPs approached by the UNP leadership increased so did the prospects of information leaking out. And leak out it did. Yet the government was so confident of its position that they disregarded all the storics that Were in circulation. The Crucial vote was scheduled for 3 December 1964. The opposition calculated that they would win the day with a 3 vote margin. In the event the Targin of Victory was narrower than that: the opposition won by 1 vote. The press had won a reprieve,
(Final parf next issue)
11

Page 14
THE POWERTY THREAT
Towards a 3rd pa
Tisaranee Gunasekera & Dayan Jayatilleka
tempts to create a Third Path
are not something new - but they have acquired a greater urgency in the unipolar post Cold War World. The failure of 'really existing Socialism' (and the state Capitalist "closed economy modelina host of Third World countries) has strengthened the global hegemony of economic neo-liberalism, The Collapse of the "Socialist Bloc' means that the countries of the TriCortiertal World hawe little rodor to Talou Wre and are le SS and le SS able to resist the pressure from the international financial institutions to embark upon the path of monetarist, free marketcapitalism.
The adoption of Such a strategy has, however two Tail and intrinsic WeakneSSES- OFTE SOCİ0-ĠCČOfic: ård the other political, Firstly, though it may result in economic growth, such a strategy also exacerbates income inequality and powerty (with all the attendent social ills). This Tears a lowering of living standards of a large segment of the populace (perhaps even the majority). The other drawback Consists of the political consequences of Such a strategy. The resultant mass discontent can lead to political instability - in the form of civilian or military revolts, thereby destabilizing fragile democracies and attempts at rederTocratization. The phenomenon of "IMF riots' has become quite common in the Third World. It's not for nothing that Der Spigel commented: The IMF has overthrown more governments than the military. With a majority of Third World countries opting for multi-party democratic Systems (with periodic elections), these Weaknesses have becoTB eʼWident.
It Would be no exaggeration to say that at least in certain parts of the world, successful electoral revolts against this neo-liberal strategy are taking place. The Victors of this electoral contests are those parties promising (however vaguely) to followa Tidway course between neo-liberalis IT and state capitalism/socialism. This means that the task of exploring a Third Way" or at least assessing its viability has once again been placed firmly and urgently on the agenda of history.
Ti5äräTIEG GLJIlaSkora is thig godilor of the 'Ecardfirlike FëvěW. Dayan Jaya tilleka is Associata Editor of the 'Lanka Guardian and was Director. Conflict Studies at the Institute of Policy Studies (Colombo).
12
It is in thiS COTE at the Premadasist práxis. Sri Lanka's riant of a Social lar side by side with orientation, a drivet and, Tost pertiner stment Programme nded SAF) impleme IMF Fridt. WOT| Liber of harsh development progr implementation, St at the lewel of Col official discourse : Premadasa proje Therefore Sri Lanki pting and irTiple IE Frits of a Social dependent, periphe Should be fir teres World. Isa social In: lable in such a set
SEtL fTOIT t S
In this regard We Sri Lanka's experi: Iter to the needlylessness is a prob COUlties. Thi the affluent West; : all Prenadasa's p undoubtedly the mc the fact that he wa oversee its impleTE almost a decade).
THE OB Milio programmes Were other housing prog previously, mot Only and Scope but als radically new app SetET: "Stg5 necessity. Shelter Suffocate. Shelter Create hopes in di people to dwell in Tobilize the Social dynamics in Societ Programme was als Which included not shelter, but also employment geпе! pment and commu target groups Were poor and depresse Workers arld the rmi

th
Jxt that WB TLISt look economic thinking and experiment with a waket strategy took place
an extensive exportoattract foreign capital itly, a Structural Adjui (followed by an Exteart at the BBHBstof the | Bank. This placed a Constraints on these alles at the IWg| Of ill the progress made cepts/policy Taking, and praxis under the :t åre Considerable. a's experiment in adointing certain compomarket strategy in a eral Capitalist Context, to the rest of the Third arket economy sustaiting?
tOT1
Would like to highlight ince in providing shepartly because homelem Common to most ird World and even in and partly because of rogrammes this Was Ost Successful (due to Sable to guide it and 2ntation personally for
nd 1.5Million Housing different froT all the rammes implemented because of thier Scale so because of their "oach to the issue of not charity - it is a Tlust liberatē — lot programmes must Wellings - not allow hope, shelter must dynamic against the .." (26) The Housing So armulti faceted Ole only the provision of rural development, ation, skills develolity participation. The al SO Wärid - frO di Caste people to the iddle ClāSS.
PrerTadasa also tried to expand the Housing Programme to involve the local private Sector and the international community. Premadasa wanted the private Sector to play a complementary role (to the State) in Housing development, by achieving a balance between the profit Totive and Social Conscience. As a result he was particularly critical of "real estate agents" who are continuing.
"with their speculative land deals, which have spiralled land prices sky high. This has removed housing further from the affordability of the people, particulariy salariedemployees and the urban poor. If this is allowed to continue, it will negate all positive efforts of the government, invite the private sector to seriously consider the various options that are available to them to take part in the provision of housing to the employees. The provision of housing, or for that matter enabling the erTiployees to build their own homes will improve their performance at the Workplace. Employees housing schemes hawe newer got off the groundim Our country. The security of housing can also bring about a sense of beloging in the Tinds of employees. It also promotes good employer-employee relationships.
This can be achieved in Tiany ways.
-through low-cost housing schemes for Workers on easy payment basisthrough payment of bonus in the form of shares in houses.
- through creating housing trust for employees' families and through investing a percentage of the provident fund in housing for employees." (27)
In the international arena, Pretadasa's greatest success was getting the U.N. to declare 1987 as the International Year of Shelter for the Homeless. He also made a number of proposals which can serve as the foundation of an international approach effort at Solving the problem of Homelessness - which is becoming іпcгеasiпgly пecessary,
"First, I Would like to suggest the initiation of Regional Research Groups on Settlements, Technology and Educa

Page 15
tion. What We envisage is a network of both privately and publicly funded groups Working on settlements technology, materials and ideas appropriate to the culture and geography of their region. A relatively small investment in these centres would provide LuS Wilh innowatiwe and inexpensive Tlaterials and equipment, with educational resources and information on ancillary requirements of settle Tents. If we look upon settlements as an ongoing task, extending over a period of time, it is essential that we develop centres of study to support our efforts."
Second, reiterate my proposal for the creation of a global housing and she|ter bank. At a time in international affairs when existing capital institutions are under pressure of lending or re-Scheduling demand, it is essential Lihat We hawe al Special purpose institution for Settlements. This Would harness international capital resources, channel them into local programmes and organize funding and repayments oni a responsiblog finan Cial foundation. | hawe, on past occasions, suggested that Weappeal to the global armament stockpilers to divert a minimal amount of their expenditures from War to peace through contribution to such a fund or bank. But before We can begin an appeal We must have an institution.
Mythrid proposal concerns the acceleration of settlement building. During the International Year, we could create an accelerated pledging programme through which nations could enhance their commitments to building shelter. This pledge to the international coTirmunity Could extend over a decade and we could then measure performance against promise, Today, the global shelter effort is somewhat ill-defined and confined largely to separate national efforts. By creating an international pledging System We camachiewe sewesal objectives - establish targets and measure performance globally, allocate global resources in a most effective Way, Create a system of international accountability, and develop longrange forecasts and strategies for the future. We need all of those, if We are to build for the generations yet Unborn." (28)
"My fifth and final proposal called for the establishment of a Specialized international agency. Perhaps this could be within the United Nations system. It's objective is the promotion of sheIter. It's approach should be non-political and non-partisan. It should inwolwe substantial participation from non-go
Wernmental organ COTTercia intere: could truly be a gl housing, as well as implementing ager
The South Asian Sp; Poverty Alleviation
President Premada: ctive self reliance on ; rhaps even on a tricor believed that regional ntinental) co-operation the underdevelopmen Our countries are caug to put these beliefs in tenure aS the Chairmä senting one billion peC
The ClOT100 SLUIT 1992 chaired by Pre concentrated on the in the region. As he st; at the opening sessio ntral questions which, powerly." He recomm intment of an indeper Cor TITission Corn Power| address at the inaugur: ssio in 1992 in colorT his Wision:
"... South Asia's p huge and potentia wer, thair Basic nÉE They had to be it economic growth. Čer TpDO Wereld är de to be linked to the lopment. Should we ry education to ach ages of 6 o 14 b Shouldn't adequate erħwirOrlTertal Tar ted as integral aspe wiation? The nature LJS IS Clear. Thig le Subject has to be bri of the stage. It shoul WE."
President Prädi that regional co-opera lesS dependent on the and the interratiomal fir dominated by those ci rded regional co-opera main axis of our dewel because of this that the towards an EEC style E the Colobo Summit. F madasa, regional co-or rect bearing on histWor two most important prio poverty and Safeguard and national SOWreignity the Colobo SAARC S

zations and eWen ls. This institution bal parliament for a coordinating and
су" (29)
ce: Exporting
a beliewedin Colle| regional (and petinental) basis. He and perhaps trico
can be a Way of | cum powerty trap ht in. And he tried oaction during his of SAARC, repreple,
mit in December Sident i PremadaSa uestion of poverty Ed in his address ls "among the C8affect our region is ended the appoiIdent South Asian y Alleviation. In his ition of this Contibo, he spelled out
Oor constituted a | resource. Howelds had to be Tet. Iobilized to create They had to be ergized. They had ainstream of dewenotenSUre primaildren between the y the year 2000? ! shelter and good agement be treacts of powerty alle
of the task before Withinking on this ought to the centre d be Thade definiti
Sa also believed tion Wil|| Take us ! developed West ancial institutions puntries, He regation as one of the opment effort. It's proposed Working iconomic Union at For President Preeration ha da dinail Concerns, his rities-alleviating пy independence W. As he stated at SumirTit; "Collabo
ration with candour best enables US to resistany unwelcome attempts to impose needless linkages on Our relations. With other regions of the world. We appreciate assistance from anywhere. But how can legitimate governments deriving their sovereignity from their people accept fetters On OUT freed0 T1 frofI Outside? Wę muSt bealert to the danger of a new colonialism wrapped in spurious moral considerations emanating from alien cultures."
The New Refornism
Premadasa's development strategy obviously does not constitute a panacea for all ills - either for Sri Lanka or for the rest of the Third World. His development programmes contain both successes and failures. But the Premadasasist strategy is the most creative, viable and progressiwe of all the available alternatives in Sri Lanka and the hugely populous South Asia. In a contextin which fighting for building socialism is not on the immediate agenda of History and the path of closed economy - state capitalism has proved to be an economic cul-de-sac, the only realistic option is to seek some sort of a reformist alternative to the economic neo-liberalism imposed on us by the Bank and the Fund. This alternative cannot be anti-capitalist; and it has to be situated within the overal context of a strategy of open market economy.
In the contemporary global context and historical period, a people-centric development cannot be autocentric. The development concepts, policies and programmes of Premadasaism constitute such an experiment at creating viable and more advanced alternatives. As such the Premadasasist Project will be of relevance to the Countries of the Third World which are increasingly forced by political, socio-economic, financial and electoral considerations to achieve some degree of balance between the dictates of the International Financial Institutions and the interests and demands of their own peoples. It may not constitute a Third Road, but it does artount to a Second- and a Half Road, for the Third World. It is the most imaginatiwe yet practicable contemporary attempt at implementing the line of "Walking On Two Legs' - into the 21st century,
Notes
25, Irlernational Shalter SEminar – MIT-28.7.BE
27. R. Premadasa - Addressitade on the occasion
of the World Habitat Day - G.10.86.
2B. RPETadasa - Address at the Ninth SE25500 LLLLLL aLLLLLLL aLeLLLLOLLL LLLL MMM CLLLS nents - Istanbul - 5.5.bi.
29. PA. Pramadasa -- Addressat the International HOU
sing awards Ceremony, London - 3,10.B8.
13

Page 16
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Call 50 1502 50 1503 Dr
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Page 17
THE POWERTY THREAT
Understanding Jan
Susil Siriwardana
3. The hamlet frame of implementation: Implementation takes place at the most micro scale, the hamlet, where everyone knows and is kin of everyOrheelSe.
4. Social nobilization: The crux of the whole process is the quality of the social mobilization and the process of setting up their own organizations. Small groups are formed early in the process. It is this aspect that enables the poor to realize their inherent capacities, understand the causes of their poverty and stir them into action. Basically two strata of Social Mobilization trainers are there - at COTITLnity level and at the Divisional level. They are paid by the Programme.
5. Support Teams: A mechanism called the Support Team facilitates the basically self-Tanaging pro
ESS.
6. Savings: Savings is internalised and practiced from the inception of the process at several levels — indiwidual, group, and community,
7. Mobilizing the Support System: This is sought to be done both formally and informally, more through the latter. This involves a major process of reorientation and sensitisation.
8, Scale:The numberineach Division could vary from 2,500 families in a small division to 7,500 farmilies in a larger division. All families have to be mobilised during the initial 24 months period. The scale issue is therefore paramount.
9. Organizations of the Poor: The goal is to set-up organizations of the poor. This is primarily at the hamlet level, where sovereignty rests with the full hamlet Janasawiya community. More serwice related organizational forms will be present at the upper sub-divisional and divisional levels.
10. Three major Problems: The toughest problems have been threefold. First, how to get the Social Mobilization process right, meaning the training of skilled and committed trainers who will identify themselves with the poor and conscientise them indepth, Second, the more difficult problem of reorienting the members of the Support system, especially the bureaucracy and retaining their sensitivity over time. Third, is the patient and trying challenge of institutional building - the organizations of the poor- with the requisite accountability and clarity.
2.2 Urban Poverty Alleviation
Urban poverty alleviation is the function of two potentially interfusing processes. One uses several entry points like Sawings and credit or environment or Women or health or sanitation or agriculture. The other uses the explicit

asaviya
entry point of urban housing by the poor, to transit to a more sustained process of over coming poverty after the houses have been built. While the first process has only very recently begun to function in highly Urban locations, the position regarding urban low income housing is quite different. Urban housing by the poor has been an important part of housing policy since 1988 upto now. So it is to the process of urban low income housing that We must TOW turl.
The urban low income housing process spans three phases. First, the period 1978-84, when the pioneering theoretical-conceptual and experimental-practical work on the ground was done under the Slum and Shanty Division of the Urban Development Authority. Thisperiod was rich in conceptual development, data collection, and laying a foundation for Subsequent Work. The second phase is from 1985-89, when the Urban Housing Sub Programme of the Million Houses Programme was implemented by the National Housing Development Authority, This was the vital phase where the paradigm shift from provider based low income housing to support based low income housing was successfully done and a Whole innovative methodology of community based urban housing was developed to span the total urban scene across 51 urban local authorities. It was this methodology that has come to be better known as Community Action Planning and Management or CAP. The third and last phase is from 1990 upto 1994, when the Urban Housing Sub Programme of the 1.5 Million Houses Programme was implemented. This was an attempt at centrally linking poverty alleviation and housing development by creatively adapting to the pro poor environment of the post 1988 phase. In fact, it is important to recall the fact that President Premadasa's New Vision New Deal policy articulation regarding the new 1.5Million Houses Programme for the period 1989 to 1994, expressly and explicitly says "The One Point Five Million Houses Programme will simultaneously attack the twin problems of Shelter and Poverty. First it will provide basic and appropriate shelter to all the needy in the villages, towns and plantations. Second it will simultaneously take steps to get them out of powerty."
It is necessary to make one further point before moving on to the next section, where we assess performance on the ground in urban housing at the micro level. That is to revertonce again to the major disjuncture between pre 1988 and post 1988. This issue was key for housing as much as it was for the whole development landscape. One Way to understand the new imperative is to see, that relative to the evolution of the pre 1988 urban housing process, the post 1988 process demanded a massive enhancement and deepening of the practice of support based housing. To put the same pointina slightly different Way is to state that the post insurgency civil society demanded from the support systema new order of praxis, based on propoor Values, openness, depoliticization and debureaucratization. So quite clearly, more of the same
15

Page 18
of the Million Houses strategy, was simply inadequate. Something denser and deeper was called for. The new condition compelled both housing and poverty alleviation to be tightly interlinked. Janasawiya was that new strategy. The Million Houses Programme could justifiably claim primary parentage for the Janasawiya strategy. The latter was a qualitatively deeper and completely readapled set of principles tested out in support based housing from 1984. If the Million Houses strategy was the first serious foray into genuine participatory development, the 1.5 Million Houses and Janasawiya together demanded a substantially more holistic and indepth internalisation of participatory development within civil society and the support system of the state.
Micro performance-aspects of the Colombo case and urban housing
The Colombo Case
The Colombo Urban Housing case has an unbroken evolution from 1978. During this fifteen year period, 601 communities comprising approximately 240,000 people have enjoyed the fruits of improvement. For the eleven year period from 1984 to April 1994 the CMC alone has spent Rs.25 minor US$520,833 on the programme. From 1979 to 1994 all agencies participating in urban housing are estimated to have spent something to the tune of Rs.232 minor US$4,833,333. A basic working database has also been built up.
A functional institutional and coordinationmachinery has been built up starting with Community Development Councils at the base, Habitat Cells in each of the six District Officers, six District Housing and Cornmunity Development Councils, and finally, the main Housing and Community Development Council presided over by the Mayor.
This is underpinned by several strata of staff deployed within the Health Department of the Council, under the supervision of the Chief Medical Officer of Health. The Chief Medical Officer of Health has given these impresswe statistics regarding Infant Mortality and the nutritional status of children.
Urban housing subpri
Pro 1989 Six years 1985-1989
FamilleG Uits Expenditure Reached Completed Rs.
38,125 33,664 313,480,584
(NB- though the Prog. ended in 89, work carried overtill 1
Before commenting on this, let us look at the larger picture :
Six subprogrammes of
Sub բrogrammes Farles Reached
U HSP - Ur 26,213 FRHSP - Rur3 131,508 RDHSP- Reconstruction Development 54,135 PCHSP-Provincial Council 6,624 Employee Housing 545
5,000 Houses Programme 1,010

Type of indicator Baseline Current
Infant mortality rate 17.5 2.15 (Deaths 0-1 yrs.1000 births)
Eo. Child mortality rate 1.7 15
(Deaths 0-5 yrs.1000 births)
C. Maternal mortality rate 台心 3.09
(Death of Mother 10,000 births)
d. Number of deaths/year from:
- Measles Ni N - Accidents 4224 292 - Dia Thola 254[] EB
Neo-matal TatanLUS 1 N
Nurnbercises of Polic O9 Nil
. Children below 2 yrs fully immunized 8Woሩ 9፰%
Nutritional status of children of Colomb's poor Type of Indicator Baseline Curret
Low birth weight a 2.5 kg ጛየ% ፵.8%ሩ
b. Malnourished children 305: 23.7%
(2nd or 3rd degree arTong 0-5 years)
C. Babies exclusively breasted OO B5,0:
for three months
d. Children in growth monitoring 10፲፬% B[].Ս5:
programme (0-5 years)
32 Urban housing and related aspects
Jgramme of 1.5 MHP
Post 1989 Four years. Plus 1990-1994
Families Units Expenditure Reached Completed
26,213 18,252 294,534,000
393)
lso,
he 1.5 MHP 1990-1994
Health status of Colombo's poor
Now lets look at the performance of Urban Housing. In order to understand the larger picture and the relative status of Urban Housing in it, we need also look at some related aspects. For the purpose of Our analytical design, we will see it in terms of the Watershed year, 1988,
Units Expenditure
Completed
18.252 2.94534,000 97.407 1,007,479,000 28.885 705,070,000 3,771 43,179,000 18O 16,518,000
1.010 708,568,000

Page 19
3.3
These figures indicate significant recent trends. First, the current UHSP has not matched up to the earlier UHSP both interns of Families Reached and Units Completed. Second, the level of investment has also dropped. Here We must bear in mind that loan ceilings were changed between the two UHSPs - from Rs. 15,000/- USS 313 during 1985-89 to Rs. 25,000/- or USS 521 during 1990-94. Second, the largest investment in urban housing has been clearly for the new 5,000 Houses Programme. It is a programme of mainly low income direct construction flats in inner city areas, it appears fair to infer that there was negative competition between the UHSP and the 5000 HP to the detriment of the former. This is the aspect of overall programme outputs.
Anotheraspect relates tourban land for the poor. Overa|| the record has been positive. Out of total number of 20, 685 shiantys units, upoto March 94, 18,291 families hawe been reached. Of this number reached, 10,846 hawe had their plots regularized. This is mainly on the land they ha WÉ Squatted, With a Small amount of relocatio orllew land. Of those whose lands have been regularized, 6,471 families have received housing loans. The balance plotholders and families are in the process of having their regularization and loan processing being done.
Regularization means de facto tenure. The process is as follows, All Squatters are first registered and issued With cards. Cardholders have taken the first step to becoming plotholders. Thereafter, the card is replaced by a letter from the National Housing Development Authority, which formalises the process a step further, The thrid and last step is the giving of a deed with 30 year tenure. This has been tied to the completion of housing loan repayments. Hence hardly any deeds have yet been given. However, the bulk of plotholders have graduated to the second step in the process.
Significant innovations
While most of what has been described above has been normative, there are some significant innovations which merit special mention. Three of them are Habitat Units, CAP or Community Action Planning and Community Contracts.
Habitat Units to a specific implementation Techanism Where groups of staff of the NHDA Working in the Head Office in Color inbo, Were relocated in the six District Offices of the Colombo Muncicpal Council from 1991. This Was a conscious management decision to strengthen the capacity and role of the Council to assume major implementation responsibilities for urban housing in the city. The NHDA teams consist of anything up to five or six officers from Managers to field level technical officers. Once they are in the District Office, they come under the day to day administration of the Medical Officer of Health in each District Office.
The results have been prompt and extremely fruitful. Now each community sees the their Habitat Unit as the operations centre for all housing activities in their area. They freely move in and out of the Units. Thereisaspecial Register kept where each visitor's complaint need is

recorded and follow up actionistaken. Where fieldVisits are called for, they are done there and then. A new co-ordinating mechanism in the form of the District Housing and Community Development Council handles the more serious problems. It meets monthly on the last Wednesday of the month. Only the really difficult problems are thus taken up to the central HCDC presided by the Mayor.
CAP is perhaps the most significant single development in the whole urban scene. It originates in the heyday of community based activity during the Million Houses period. Then it was a quick and dirty instrument of rapid action. The vehicle took the form of a one day or half-day issue oriented community Workshop, where decisions for action were taken and followed up by the community and the support system. The more recent phase of CAP from 1992, has seen both an expansion into 13 other urban areas outside Colombo and a deepening and streamlining of the methodology. The range of Workshops are from an initial two day micro planning Workshop for identifying issues and strategies for action, to Workshops for strenthening the work of Community Development Councils, a land regularization workshop for community laying out of plots, a building guidelines Workshop for community specific building codes, a housing information workshop and a women's enterprise support Workshop for group savings and credit for income generation.
The community Contracts system is designed to offer all small scale infrastructure construction Work in the first instance to Community Development Councils. A detailed procedure has been Worked but for a participatory process of community involvement in the design and construction of these facilities. The methodology again originates in the Million houses period, but subsequent work has refined and streamlined the procedures. This has found great acceptance among communities and successfully resolved the problems of poor quality Work and dissatisfied communities.
The Elusive strategy option
The foregoing recapitulation of some of the more illustratiwe elements of the implementation strategy of the UHSP raises a fundamental and strategic question, Given the specific context of the post 1988 condition, how much of it is still a continuation of the old delivery oriented strategy and how much of it is a conscious departure from it to the new mobilizational strategy? This is fundamental because this was precisely what the new post 1988 discourse was about. If housing was to be linked with poverty alleviation, then there was only one way by which this could be cost effectively and sustainably done. That was by a total commitment to learning from the process of participatory support based housing, where civil society would achieve the primacy they were seeking. Equally this meant that the State Would hawe to do a great deal of unlearning and relearning of the terms of the new mobilisational discourse. The logical goal of this quest is to make the Tobilizational strategy the mainstream strategy for all propoor development activity.
17

Page 20
18
What actually happened?
What hapened was that inspite of the presence of massive opportunities like a convinced Head of State giving personal leadership, a clear articulation of policy, a readiness on the part of civil society to absorb new participatory Walues, the availability of space in the State system immediately after the insurgency and a great deal of Sound learning cum theoretical work done in the country (for example, the Work of the Janasaviya Programme, helping to buildup, the Janasawiya Trust Fund and the Work of the Independent South Asia Commission on Poverty Alleviation), the intended breakthrough has been unacceptably uneven. On the part of the poor it would be correct to say that there is considerable disillusiorent at the manner in which the old Order has reasserted itself to narrow the space. This is what we have termed the Elusive Strategy Option.
This is the point at which we must assess the contribution of the new order of community based organisations and NGOs which have emerged from this very process of mobilisation. The three groups articipating from CBO/NGO sector at the Workshop-the Praja Sahaya Sevaya, Sevanatha and the National Forum for People’s Organisation - are all emanation of this phenomenon. Let us analyze these three formations from the point of view of the practice of mobilisation strategy.
The best way to assess the value of these new initiatives, is to ask the question to whalian extent have they sought to overcorne the Tanifest limitations of the Conventional process. First, is a superficial understanding of the form and content of participatory development, They show no experiential Understanding of hardsocialmobilization. The mobilization is limited to satisfying the housing need and thereafter, the coherence is exhausted. Second, there is no awareness of the primacy of savings and credit in poverty alleviation and the need for it to be led by Women. Third, they are not thinking in terms of the community building up its own financial base, so that it has the necessary autonomy to negotiate with the system, Without being over depêndent. Fourth, the process cannot be sustained. It is essentially short term and powerty cannot be tackled within such confines. Fifth, the support system is unclear about its new deprofessionalised role as a facilitator and sensitive catalyst,
it would be correct to say that these new formations are quite conscious of these limitations and seriously searching for ways and means to overcorne them. They are all Working in an experimental mode in that sense. What is critical to their maturation is their capacity to learn. In this respect they have begun a new NGO-CBO discourse about the practice of mobilizational strategy. There is a considerable amount of interaction and exchange of experience going om.
Perhaps the best Way to characterise them is in terms of mobilisation processes. It is possible to view the pre and post 1988 periods as basically encompassing two mobilizations. The first mobilization was what CAP sought to do from 1985 right up to 1990-92. The second mobilization is the Work of this new potential vanguard,

which has arisen from the process itself. Many of thern hawe Come from outside the State.
We may surn up this section by two more observations: First, that though the support system failed to respond positively to the opportunity within the crisis and quickly fill the new space that was opened up, there was an important compensating gain. That is that the base communities - civil society - have learnt a great deal from the opportunity afforded by the pro poor policy package and have enhanced their capacities. In other Words, through the ingenuity of these poor groups, they have taken many initiatives which hawe proved to be extremely valuable. Thus, a positive process of self-empowerment has taken place at the base of Society.
Dismembered perspectives
Let us now try to briefly sum up some of the lessons and present them as issues for a current agenda. It is to the extent that we analyze this experience in depth and draw the correctlessons, that We Will be able to move forward.
1. Delivery vs Mobilization Strategy: the issue is still very much a priority one. There is a great deal of obfuscation and ambiguity about this. The poor are still seen as a problem. The support system is not prepared to reorient themselves.
2. The lead role of the State as enabler: the role of State is not clear. It is still synonymous with doing and implementation from the top. The fact that there are many more efficient actors and partners, led by the poor themselves, is insufficiently realised. The moral responsibility of the State to support and provide space is also lacking.
3. The capacity for self-empowerment by the poor: In a society like ours, where literacy is over 90%, the people have a great capacity to learn. However, a minimum of catalytic action is necessary to trigger these impulses and deepen and strengthen them.
4. The fragmentation of discourse: This is a major problem. One way to understand this period is in terms of multiple fragmented discourses. There is hardly any critical debate which will compel these discourses to really relate to the needs of people,
5. The concept of Pro Poor Planning: This offers a
great deal of promise for work in the future.
The current context is one of disarray. From the vantage point of the initial post 1988 phase, where the project was clearly a search from coherence and system change, the current process is disappropriating. However, there are positive gains especially on the part of civil society. That is why We have talked of Dismembered PerspectiWES,
To be Continued)

Page 21
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Page 22
Sinhala Journalism: The FC
K. N. O. Dharmadasa
FS Sinhala newspapers and periodicals appeared in the 1830's as part of the religious propaganda launched by Christian missionaries. It is generally believed that Masika Taagga (1832) was the first Sinhala periodical. It was a monthly publication brought out by the Kotte Missionary Press and it contaimed stories from the Bible." The second periodical, as the records indicate, Was Lanka Nidhanaya inaugurated in 1840 and interestingly enough, it was printed in Kandy for "The Sinhalese Tract Society." While W do mot Häwi infor Tlatiom the editor of Masika Taagga, We know that the editor of Lanka Nidhanaya was the Rev. Robert Spence Hardy. Ils contents Were Thore Waried. For example, the number published in February 1850 carried articles on Taverns, Food habits, the Railway, the Rich and the Poor, and noteworthy news items of the day.
The article J the TWETTS COItalingid the correspопdепce between government authorities and John Murdoch, who had resigned from his post as principal of the government Central school in Kandy to establish The Sinhalese Tract Society, co-ordinating the work of the missionary printing programmes." Murdoch Wąs Car Tipaigning against the opening ofta Werms by the government.
Several other journals edited and printed by Christian missionaries followed, Such as Luragala (1842), Wisrakararra (the CorTimentator, 1844), Sastra Nfadhaлауа (1846), Lanka Pradeер ауа (1846) etc. until Yaaata (1854) was to appear as the first Sinhala journal edited by a Buddhist. Yalalaba was printed at the Roman Catholic press in Colombo, it was devoted largely to the publication of anticles pertaining to a literary debate named the Saw Sat Darf controversy which was about the use of prosodical devices in Sinhala poetry.
Yalalaba was an exception in the early history of Sinhala journalism, for, the main impetus for publishing the first Sinhala newspapers and periodicals was religious. The Christian missionaries took the lead in using the printed Word, for which they had the monopoly until 1861, as the principal Weapon in the proselytizing endeavour. As the Rev. DJ Gogerly, the
2O
managar of the Wes saw it in 1831.
"It is by means of th attack:S IT Lust be Tadsystem... We must di down this stronghold
Although the Bud slow in emerging, it beginning of the 18E of debates and subs of printed rebuttals, tions, novels, poetry, during the last few century there was a revival in the island.
BetWear 1860 art. led by biskkhus such rtha, MigettuWatte GL duwe Sumangala bɛ While the Christians C in addition to others and still in publicatic revival gathered m ddhists outdistanced rnalistic activity. Thu 1888-900 the But nimeteen new journ: ppress the insults. In false-beliewers" as a the Cristians.'
As the rewiwal pro religious motivation i abated, especially ar and Tore arld T1Org interests, again of cate to be establish same регіоd, from Were twelve new jour publication of Thateria larly interest and fiv matters related to Sinhalese people". period there also erT devoted to Ayurved: ne) and Astrology; thr ge, the language of These Pali journals c Buddhist as Well as
|t rletti5 Tertion || journalistic activity a WaSa direct reSLult ol seats of Buddhistle set up by the leadin

ormative Period (1830-1930)
leyan Mission press
le Pressour principal
e upon this Wretched
rect our efforts to pull
of Satan."
dhist response Was car the front about the 50's, first in the form equently in the for T
Woluritary associa
theater etc., so that ecades of the 19th full-scale Buddhist
| | BFC HEBLStS ELS Walane Siddhahananda and Hikkagan ten periodicals :ame up with thirteen
inaugurated earlier in. As the Buddhist ormenturn, the BLthe Christiansin jous, during the period ldhists brought out als, Seeking to "suade to Buddhism by gainst Only nine by
gressed, the purely in journalistic efforts mong the Buddhists, journals with other a revivalist nature, ed. Thus, during the 1888 to 1900 there hals intended for the | of literary and Schoe others devoted to "the Welfare of the During the same erged three journals (traditional mediciee in the PalilanguaBuddhist scriptures. Ontained Taterial On on Pali philology."
ere that this burst of Trong the Buddhisls the newly emerged Lrning, the priverlas, g scholar monks of
the time. The first moder Seat of Buddhist learning was set up at Ratmalana, then a little Willage close to the new capital Colombo, by the Wen. Walane Siddhartha in 1842. This was an indication that the Buddhist monkshood, was adjusting itself to the new situation. Walane's students, HikkaduWe SufTangala and Ratmalane Dhanlaloka were to establish subsequently the two best known pirivenas of modern tirTies Widiyodaya in Maliga karmda (1873) and the Widyalankara in Peliyagoda (1875) respectively. Situated as they Were im Suburbs of Color Tibo they became not only centres of learning and revivalist activity, but also training centres for generations of scholar Tonks who took the modernization message to peripheral regirl S irħi tie island, Other piri wera S FLUS followed suit. Widyabhasa in Maligakanda (1884), Gumaratara Mudalinda in Matara (1890), Sadamanda in Dora negoda (1896), Saddhar Takara i in Pinwatta (1900), Sri Saddharmodaya in Godawila (1901) and soon. By 1917 there were sixty two Well established piriverias in different parts of the island.'
To be continued
Notes
S S SLLLeMMkLLLMCHLC CLLCLLCL LCCS aEaOCLLALSKLLS
af Sargara fifilisaya, Well, 1, 1965, p. 3.
2, Op. Cf. Also see the photograph of the title page of
Tils Journal giver beslyveen pages Band 7.
3. др.ciІ. д. Б.
4. Kitsiri Malalgada, "The Buddhist. Christian Confrtmitation im Ceylon Il-BCM)-1880", Social Cowrigass, XX, 1932, pp. 7-2 -
5. pragmasekera, op.cї, рд. 11-45
S CC MLMML LL LLLLLLLHHLLLLHLDS C aLaOOLOO
Nowe Colombo, Gurasera, 1950, p. 44,
7. Quoted in Yasmin Gooneratna, English Lilgrilurg İrı Ceyları, 1815-1578, Dehlwala, Tsara, 1968, pp. SO-1.
B. For datails sea KN. C. Dharrriadasa, Language,
MMTMMOOM MMM LMHlS LsLELHHLLLuS YLLL KLHHLHH LLL Sirhalese Nationalist in Sri Lanka, Art Arbor, The University of Michigan PrB5:5, 1 HGF, çı, 4.
0S S LLLLL LL LMLLLLLLLL LL LMLLLLLLLLGLS LLLLLLS
ԱԼյl. 1,
LS S C TTLLLLLLL LL LLLLL LaM LLLLuM LL LLC LLLLGLLLLLLLLO BH-polished under the guidance of the Fey, MiggatiL"Walte sunaminkid. The stalistiCS EarE COHTIPOLled frCT1, Simhala Purwapat Sargedra shıshısaya, Wol. 2, by the Wem, Kaluktoridayawe Pragmasakera, ColorTho, GшпаEBпа, 1955.
S CLLL HLHHH LLLLLLLltL LLLLH LLLLGLLLLLLLS 0KLS
sol. 22.
0KS S LLLLL LGHMMM LMLOHLH k LEL LTLekekLLLL LLL LLLeLLMMeOkS
1917, p.

Page 23
Why there's so in this rusticta
There is laughter and light bailer amongst these LLLLLL LLLLLLLg gHLHHL GGL LaHHH aLLLLLLLaa LLLL LllLSLLL leaf is a barri, It is 1: if the huildreds of such barns sprgari vul in th: mid and up-country LLLLGLLLLLLL HLLLLH aHLLL Llll aLLtl gLL LLtC0 Hally, di Tirt i hic s 3:45, Ir.
Here, with careful LII Liring, toba CCC grows as a aLLLK GLLlL LLG HLL lu uaal llaaLaaO L LLL gold... to the value of over Rs. 25. Tillion or r" anally, for pharhraps lill-3, MM rural folk,
 

■ ENRCHINGRURAL LIFESTYLE
und oflaughter obacco barn.
Takacco is the industry that brings simployment to the second highest ruinber of people. Arid this: propk: nra the tobJcco był m. wrers, the tobacco qTowers and those who work for them, on the land
Tid in the bli T1,
For them, the tobacco leaf means meaningful work, a comfortable life and a secure future. A lood enough I ascri for laught T.
CeylonTobacco Co. Ltd.
Shariпg апd cагіпg for our and and her people.

Page 24
PEOPL)
Celebrating
Dynami
In 1961 People's Bank ventured out in th
of only 46... and a few hundred Custome
Today, just 33 years later
People Resource exceeds 10,0 Customer Listings at a Stagge
Branch NetWork in excess of
in Sri Lanka
In just three decades People's Bank has in the Sri Lankan Banking Scene. Their Spe
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Banker to the Millions

'S BANK
Three DeCadeS
Of
C Growth
e challenging World of Banking With a staff
S.
00
ring 5.5 Million
328, THE LARGEST
grOWn to become a highly respected leader ctacular growth is a reflection of the massive to the service of the common man - a
"Banker to the Millions'