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LANKA
GUAR
Vol. 17 No. 20 February 15, 1995 Price RS.
IMF - VORLD B
- Our new masters
- Mervyn de Silva
Vijaya: J. Ros comrade
— Piyalı Gamage
 

○のフ
DAN
O.OO Registered at GPO, Sri Lanka QD/33/NEWS/94
ANK
NON - ALIGNMENT
in
the
90's
Nana Sutresna
Rolando Lapez del Amo
ANCLTAKE-OVER BANNING THE SUN
-AK // de SÍ/Va
Investigative Journalism
- G. AZ APieris

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Black
itsyOu
 

".

Page 3
NEMWS BACKGROUND
CHANDRIKA BITES TH
Mervyn de Silva
though another round of peace
talks has been announced, the War goes om. But on the home front, four-star General Hamilton Wanasinghe, Defence Secretary and former Army Commander is the top target of the privately owned media, the Firing Line.
The Editor of the island's newest newspaper, the SUNDA Y LEADER and his wife Raine Wickrematunga are beaten up by a gang of thugs. An accusing finger is firmly pointed at a newly appointed "Media Consultant" who promptly pro
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tests his innocence. ordered to investig: affair, on which th Slumday papers turri media policy of the in a mess, with credibility seriously
Om Monday, Pr Bandaranalikte arguE privatisation of enterprisés like: Corporation, the P. etc. On Wednesda minister of the P. A. this list of public ente
Ceylon Petroleum C. Sri Lanka TeleCOT. Ceylon Electricity B Air Lanka Ltd.
Sri Lanka InsuraTICE Ceylon Governmen Galle Harbour DeWE Colombo Katunaya Colombo Matara Hi ManagerTent of Sta
TE final itBT. O catch-all "Any oth referrad to the Corn list includes the pi mentioned by Pri BandaraПаika, the Claridrika KLITETE of Finance.
A renowned expe alt fors[litir ColoTibh Pieris is her depL! budget, he is now UNP opposition, bl and student group).
r"
Mean While, t COTThander and D Gen. Hamilton W summoned by the

E BULLET
The Police hawe been
te the Whole SOrdid Le Widely circulating led the spotlight. The Peoples Alliance was
the government's damaged.
irT1g . Mirhist3r SirirTha as strongly against the profit-making State
the Insurance etroleum Corporaliðri y, the deputy finance government presents rprises to Parliament:
orporation
oard
з Согрогation t Railways
lopment ke Highway
ghway te Sector Plashbat|OfS
this "Hit List" is a Sr public Enterprises mission", Prof. G. L.'s rofit-making Wentures ITig Minister Sirina
mother of President unga, who is Minister
rt Ön internatidsla||aW University W.C. Prof. ity. After his maiden known, not just to the Jt to the trade Uniors S as the I.M.F.'s "Hit
he former Army efence Secretary, Lt. Walasingha Will be
Special Presidential
Cort Tission recently appointed by the P.A. (Will the I.G.P. also lose his post? The question was raised by a Sunday
paper).
The undeclared War is the heart of the Sri Lankan crisis since defence spending makes it an all-pervasive socialpolitical-economic problem. For this reason, the Warasingha affair is more than Sunday sensation. It introduces the role of the arity as a major actor in the unfolding drama, and makes the vote of the Defence Ministry (second only to the Finance Ministry) a key factor in the big equation,
GUARDIAN
Wol. 17 No. 20 February 15, 1995
Prlce RS, 10.00
Published fortnightly by Lanka Guardian Publishing Co. Ltd. No. 246, Union Place Colombo - 2.
Editor Mervyn de Silva Telephone: 447584
Printed by Ananda Press 825, Sir Ratnajothi Saravanamuttu Mawatha, Colombo 13. Telephone: 435975
CONTENTS
News Background
Collic Resolutio 3
Eight-Fold Path to Peace - (2) Investigative Journalism 9
ThE. Lik:E. H. Ligt;
TakeOver O
Nопaligпmвп! 13 Correspondence 2O

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Next to the army would come the trade unions. Not ONE major trade union has cheered Deputy Finance Minister G. L. Pieris, and this is an "Alliance" that includes ALL the parties of the broad Left, the traditional ally, if not the patron, of the urban working class. All the leading unions in the key sectors of the national economy have reacted strongly, stressing most of all the material hardships that Would necessarily follow.
The question then is CAN THE PECPLES дЦдNCE IMPOSEATWO-YEAR WAGE FREEZE
A rightwing UNP government, certainly a regime led by an authoritarian patriarch like J. R. Jayawardena, could. A strong-willed President like the populist Premadasa WOLuld hawe been Smart enÖLugh to get the IMF-WB to accept, (perhaps with a Warning from these all-powerful agencies) some Welfarist schemes that CUshioned the poorest of the poor. The P. A. alternative has not impressed any of the important trade unions.
Of this issue at least Dr. Neelan Tiruchewan, (TULF) is an intelligent neutral. His focus is the ethnic Conflict. But he has understood that no Sinhalese regime that has alienated the Sinhala Working class can possibly mobilise the political strength to negotiate a peace settlement and end the undeclared War in the north. "It is clearly one of the most cor Tiprahėmsiwe programs of divestiture envisaged so far by the government of Sri Lanka. It covers airline, telecommunication, petroleum, shipping, transport and railways".
One would anticipate an equally positiwe response from the private sector and certainly the employers' federations, the trade charters, Mr. Patrick A Terasinghe SayS:
"Basically this budget does not provide any particular benefit to the small and mediurTm scale entrepreneurs and the priwate sector as well... this budget will badly affect the Tanufactors". He entions bicycle manufacturers. The government expects the private sector to provide more employment opportunities. But under the present situation the private sector will not be able to do SO... As a lation the fundamental things that we have to aim at is to create more jobs and increase productiwity, The budget will not help either.
The Chai Than of the of Industries, Mr. Niha "industries set up to геfrigerators, deep, have all expanded... t hawe Serious problem irports at reducedtar
Of Course this is glo little Sri Lanka h3SbOEE
The attack In Mir matunge, Editor of and his wife Raine, on the SamencwspE have caused the co Sad should be stro those who believe i. press and the fre Let us say straight: "ver" has been Coult the editorial style der, particularly it political gossip. Bil criticise a newspi good taste Orı almal it is something all get, thugs to beat Ll
The Island' w
"The Ministero reä tions which the go' privatise, they in Petroleul III Corport"
At this stage Ramil Wick remes across to Lahollr Rajapakse, which
"Are you all IIla
Nobody knows singhe meant by it it Wä8 LI I Wiseg to li it could unleash lä
The UNP foilst privatisation fro Mangala Samara" borrowed all the g other than thugg those remain with
Mr. Samarawag Opposition from the SriLanka Tela to privatise Telec pris C.S.

:National Chamber | Abeysekara says TalLufacture tyres, freezers, bicycles heS8 industries Will is competing with iffrates..."
bal ecolorTiCS and n caught by its neck
and forced to line-up and Tarch in step with other under-developed countries, The recruiting officers are the Fund and the Bank, the faceless duo in a trius twirate now known as the WASHINGTON CONSENSUS, a sole superpower U.S. that really lacks the will and the strength to run the World arid must le Cessarily Work through and together with the all-powerful IMF ald World Bank.
"... Lasantha Wickrethe 'Surday Leader' herself a journalist per, by thugs which uple to be hospitaligly condemned by in the freedon of the dom of expressior1. away thatthe "Obsespokenly critical of of the Sunday Leais appetite for cheap ut it is omething to per on grounds of ter of principle. But ogether different to pits Editor,
hich reported the
assault yesterday ended its story with H parting shot. "Attacks om journalists were a common occurrence during the last UNP regime', it said. Too true. One had thought that such villainias would have no place under a new dispensation and this is why it is necessary that the Government should expressits concern over the incident and allow the Police a free ha Indir conducting the investigatil into the matter.
Those who read newspapers know that the Sunday Leader' has been the principal critic of the Government among the English language newspapers in Sri Lanka.
Sunday Observer
dout a list of instituiWernment intends to cluded Air Lanka,
tiam Milico etc.
Opposition Leader inghe sent a mote
Minister Mahinda read:
:*
what Mr. WickremePerhaps he thought ame the institutions, լէյցլյr unrest,
he PA has borrowed
it. Et Milise weera - retorted, "Wo Food things from yollı ery and fraud - let I yL".
rais however facing he Trade Unions of con Overthe decision In and other enter
The TUs feel SLT is doing well and there is no need to privatise it. The Minister says he wants SLT to da better and has asked the TUs tomake alternative proposals, but they have not respomdedi.
The Minister says the demand will rise to 500,000 telephone connections within the next two years and already there are 183,000 on the waiting list, In a strong reaction he telephoned Post Master General Ms. Kotakadeniya and told her to ignore the picketing campaign by the Telecom workers.
Let them have some fun, he said, insisting the government would go ahead with the privatisation of SLT, as stipulated in the PA's maiden Budget.
Although the Budget failed to provide any relief to people, the Sri Lankan delegation which toured the US to ask for increased garment quotas was quite successful.

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CONFLICT RESOLUTION
Ending of the war in
R. A. Ariyaratne
the period inTI Tediately before and after the Pariamentary General Elections (August 24, 1994) leading up to the Presidential Polis (October 9, 1994) Sri Lanka's traditional pre-hustings slaganeering underwent a clearly discernible qualitative change. The primacy of econdIlic issues, such as the steep rise of the price of food and other essential items, gradually began to give Way to a primarily political imperative; viz., the need to realign political forces to rid the frazzled society and the bewildered polity of the |Win evils of stale tyranny Wilh al ils altendent aberrations and the seemingly newer eding War in the North and the East of the country.
There is sortiething approaching univeSal Consensus among the political parties and pressure groups of all hues and complexions on the desirability of dismantling the Executive Presidential form of government, and the accomplishment of it is already within the realm of possibility, barring the supervention of Sorne unforseen procedural impediments.
Not so the festering sore of the civil War fought between the government security forces and the Tamil separatist guerrillas. Indeed, the Peoples Alliance's leadership Was WOIIt t0 dub) the North-East War "a beggar's Sore", accuing immense financial benefits to a grotesque combine of businessmen and certain security service регsоппе).
Il fact, a Lu Tiber of fra Udulet tranSactions of purchasing military hardware came to light prior to and during the Presidential elections campaign. The craving for the "filthy lucre" was perceived to hawe moved in a spiral course: the ill-gotten fortune whetting the appitite of the officer Corps to amass more Wealth by perpetuating the war while they themselves remained in the safety of the Cantonment, which,
Prof Ariyaraine Pird. (Cambridge) is Daan of tha Faculty of Arts, Lniversity of Colombo, He isled Jif (rly in , ലേrific pity,
İrı turn, resultinginin and operational bl front thus paving the defeats at the har traLTlatic TETIOrie: SetbackS lika ta
Which OWEarfiwe hur lives, Still fresh in
psyche recoiled into resignation of their E conflict triggering-0 tions With no end ir popular slogan "figh to lose itselaard appeal even among cles and, before lo mø more tham a løf1B
The rising tide of r |fed a CrOSS Sectio society, Submerging petulant outburstso lectual Hawks, Weste ring as well as the of the ordinary citize a possible dismemb of the country. Like rvations expresse. formal debut into the a Well-planned foll TOT Oft throt at sabotaging the el
Spurred on by this P.A. pledged them: feasibility of coming Tert With the E Str, strife-torn North an mera|| || Election held P.A. failed togetac of the UTiber of Sea heless, Lunda Lund majority it had in buoyed by its Superi (48.94%), the P.A. is decided to initiate t a decision which the Wardena governme even with a four-fift rilia Tert. The first T was the partial lifting had been irTiposed regime on the trar

North and East
Iept troop deployment Inders at the battle3 Way for ignominious is of the LTTE. With s of such harrowing Pooner yn fiasco, in red soldiers lost their mind, the Souther a state of phlegmatic awitability of the armed ff further Confrontasight. The one-time it it to a finish" began the traditionalrousing the high military cirmg, Was Telegated to cry in the Wilderness.
nilitant pacifismengun of the Sri Lankan g indiscriminately the f the ivory-tower inteldinterest WarmongeDaSSiOTlate EntreateS is of the land to a Wert erment of a large part Wise, bara fide reseagainst making a på Ce rena Without DW-up strategy Wêre is tissed as atterTipts tire peace process.
schorus of peace, the selves to explore the to an amicable settleanged Tamils in the d the East. At the Gein August 1994: The lear mandate interms ItsstrecEswed. NEWErt
by tha threadbare the Parliament and Orshowing at the polls Swiftly and Unilaterally he peace process — post-1977 JR Jayarht did not dare tak is majority in the PaCowa il this direction of the embargo that by the previous UNP sportation of twenty
eight items to the War affected areas, While the general public watched the new development with cautious optimis T1, "too much, too early" was the reaction of Tiany Security forces personnel Who are at the receiving end of the LTTE attacks. ConScious of their apprehensions, Col. Anuruddha Ratwatte sought to allay their fears by undertaking a tour of the operational area whЕТЕШpОП ПЕ reassured the soldiers that:-
"The ban On SëVeraliter TIS Was lifted after Consultations with the Heads of the Armed Forces. Weapons cannot be made from those goods. Permission was not granted for the transport of ÎlefTIS that. CäT1 bå TTlade LJSE: {Jft[]. TTlakE weapons" (The Inland. 5.9.1994)
Not surprisingly, the insouciance with which PA launched the peace mission Was hardly matched by the reception it awaited at Jaffna. For Liberation Tigers the Government's peace overture was proof of its sincerety of purpose but, that apart, Was not a good enough reason to compromise their stance on separte existence. Already their victories in the battle field and the achievement in setting up an altėr tiwe CİWilli dTiristrati i tE Peninsula, if not in the outlying localities, had been so impressive for them to contemplate any shifting from their stalking posture along the Southern defence perimeters in a bid to reciprocate the goveriment's peace initiative. After all, the ultimate insult that can be Uried at a militant liberation movement is that it is Selling the struggle for a plate of porridge.
Nevertheless, for two reasons they COLuld turm a COmplete blind-eye on the "knocking at the door". Firstly, they knew only too well that a freer flow of goods into the areas they controlled Would slowly but Surely make the civilian inhabitants - their power base-look askance at the SeWere eComOmic hardships irriposed on then by the exigencies of War. Also it was clear that the peace effort could go in some way to strengthen the hand of the Tamil moderates and nonconfinist intel

Page 6
lectuals who are advocating a negotiated settlement with the government in the South. The strategy chosen by the LTTE to sail past these uncertain undercurrents is one designed to "kill two birds with one stone". i.e., while welcoming the decision to lift the ban imposed on twenty eight Commodities they now called for the coImplete lifting of the embargo of transporting goods, closing of the military camp at Pooneryn and declare a ceasefire in order to "create a climate for peace" (The Island 14.9.1994, Reuter Report). This Was to serve as a doubleedged weapon prunning possible dissent that mightemerge in Jaffna had the peace move been brazenly cold-shouldered by them, at the same tirne making their reciprocity conditional on further substantial concessions Which are undoubtedly unpalatable to the majority of the Sinhalese people, unacceptable to the government military establishment and capable of sending shock WaV8S 3CrOSS the Palk Straits,
Such a nonchalant attitude Could hawe served the LTTE's short termstrategy but in the long run it would hawe left them open to charges of being sulky - rejecting a piece of bread because it is not the whole loaf. Alternatively, an innocuous reciprocal gesture entailing neither substantial erosion of their Writ in the North and the East nor loss of face in political reckoning was bound to placate the would-be-critics. Torn between these two options, the Tiger high command resorted to a popular play in card games, i.e. when in doubt play the longest suit, which in this context Teant opening the doors for negotiations. Their formal announcement to this effect immediately put the government at ease and the Colombo peace lobby, on its toes. The war-weary ordinary people on both sides of the divide heaved a huge sigh of relief.
The stage thus seemed all set for the peace "game". Almost imperceptibly, though, the conflict management dynamics had entered into an inevitable and perhaps immutable phase where rhetoric needed to be replaced by a concrete action programme. Ironically, this meant two different things to the two parties to the conflict. Dictates of democratic politics held that Whatever action that the government side proposes to implement should be accountable to the constituents who elected it to power. Axiomatically, therefore, just as Tuch as successful handling of the situation could enhance
4
its popularity, a tact instantly earn the WOLIld then send ri influential political c sly epher Teral parl be manipulated to arranged PA apple is not that the maj the South are pror backs in political Wh have been orice ferociously bitten by Premadasa regime
At this crucial
appears to hawe hi of a practical formu hostilities leave als step plan for tacklin issue of the Tails' hati Ori. FTITS it was imperative to basicincongruices tions of the two Sid get the negotiations the governmet, the Was to gradually red rice in the areas W SWay, a CCCompanie of the War of attrition At some stage of th Serious "stock takin SSary to gauge wh Ssions WOLIldenCOu SSiÖfl.
| marked contra wider choice rangin
1. To Confine their defence survei COPThing Lunderth from attacking t rity forces whe the T1.
2. To facilitate the idTinistrati ir il particular, the dential polls sc mber, 1994.
3. To carry out de
fray's into Sele Igels With a wie a de Toralized g. tion of superiors tiating table.
The South's hope: kthrough in the dead pinned, in varying de lity of the LTTE deci

a blunder will almost rath of the public. It werberations through scles whose notoriouloyalties can easily pset the precariously cart in Parliartet. It Jrity of the people in to Owerreact to Set2eler-dealing but they aken for a ride and the Tigers during the
stage, neither side ld a clear perception a for the Cessation of Ine positive step-bythe contentious core claim for self-determiract speculative level, Come to grips With the if the aims and aspiraas in the fray evento off the ground. As for only option open to it uce the military presehere the Tigers held by further relaxation On quid pro quo basis. is process, of course, g" will become neceether greater Concerage orforestal sece
1st, the LTTE had a gfrom:-
military operations to lance of the areas Ieir COr trol and desist 1ë gQWerTThent seCU-n not provoked by
restoration of civil the North and East, Conduct of the Presiheduled for Septe
avastatingly effective ctive government talW to dictate terms to werment from a posistrength at the nego
s of securing a breaocked relations Were grees, on the possibiding in favour of the
first and/or second of these options, But, to the surprise of many yet in keeping with the record of ruthlessly pursuing their primary objective with religious zeal, the Tigers had no compunctions in opting for the last choice, thereby completely ruling out the first and leaving no more than a fleeting chance for the second option,
In the early hours of September 20, 1994, when the country, by and large, had been mesmerized into believing that a political settlement to the ethnic problem is in the offing at long last, the Tigers struck and destroyed the Sri Lankan Navy's inshore patrol craft "Sagarawardena" manned by a forty two memebercrew who were either killed or taken captive. A few days later, the government security forces launched presumably a retaliatory attack, code named "Jayahanda", on LTTE forward defence lines encircling the Palaly base carp. Only a few weeks later the "Sea Tigers" struck again off the Wettilaikerani beachhead east of Elephant Pass On "MW Ocean Trader", a Wessel chartered by the Commissioner-General of Essential Services, relieving the ship of its entire consignment of general cargo. Later on, the Deputy Minister Ratwatte disclosed in Parliament that there had been eleven separate confrontations between the LTTE and the security forces between September 7 and October 2, 1994 (CDN, October 24, 1994).
These stumbling blocs in the way of smooth passage to a political settlement naturally dampened the spirit of the Southern peace constituency. Meanwhile the political opponents of the PA, and the proponents of military Solution combined their forces to unleasha joint propaganda attack on what appeared to be the government's inept handling of the situation. Amidst such gloo Typrognostications, the government leadership took a bold decision to take the "bull by the horns" and sent a hurriedly arranged team of emissaries to the lair of the Tigers, Jaffna. They Were received With "official honours" and greeted by enthusiastic crowds wherever they were taken on conducted tours. Whether or not this cheerful civilian response was spontaneous or stage-managed Will remain a Thoot point. Not that it would hawe Tattered much in view of the fact that the purpose of this friendly encounter was largely cosmetic - to break the ice of Ossified animosities which had heitherto precluded a meaningful appraisal of each other's position on possible cessation of

Page 7
hostilities. The substance of these preliminary discussions was not lowered to public gaze. In any case it would not have been realistic to expect the government delegation which did not include a single high-ranking minister, or, for that matter, a Member of Parliament to diWell On COre contentious issues at the negotiations, The LTTE supremo, Prabakaran, himself was conspicuously absent at the talks.
Nevertheless, the peace talks were hailed in the South as a successful prelude to further negotiations on substantial issues in the months to come. The second round of talks was scheduled for October 25, 1994. But in the early Torning of the day before (24th) the UNP Presidential candidate, Gamini Dissanayake, was assassinated along with over fifty others at an election rally, allegedly by a LTTE suicide-bomber squad. Though opinion differed as to the motive of this dastardly act, both anti-government groups as well as the much embarrassed government itself agreed on the need to put off the proposed round of peacetalks indefinitely, at least until after the Presidential elections. It looked as though the peace "game" was back to Square one.
However, there appeared on the not too distant horizonaray of hope for the peace process in the form of Presidential polls Scheduled to be held on November 9, 1994. Paradoxically, the overriding theme of the pre-polls campaign was to elect a Presidentito abolish the Executive Presidency, but for the PA, in general, the election presented a much-needed chance to seek a freshmandate front the people. In particular, a convincing victory for its candidate was bound to strengthen the hand of the government in so far as the incumbent Executive President could steer the day-to-day affairs of governnance clear of any obstacles that may emanante from the legislature where PA, on its own, did not even possess a simple majority. Besides, owing to the covergence of multiple policy permutations on a single electoral contest, ample leeway was left to interprete a favourable outcome of the election to windicate any policies adopted in their brief tenure of office or to justify those proposed to be implemeinted in future. Where the PA Was in dire need of such a value-loaded interpretative approbation was on its lackluster performance in dealing with the Eelam issue.
The Presidential election results reco
rded a landslide Wici date who received 6 obtained by her riva presented a potent plular Executive Pre: by a government g majority in Parliame an ideal wantagepoi at the thorny ethnic Scapable question o Cor Carned with the "Ou0 Vädis"?
The options open this respect can be :
1). Further relaxati the transport O. and the Eastby froT1 the embar
2). Opening the m the Jafna penir
З). Agгеe to a com
Sefire.
|ti5iridgedOnethi ne expectations tha tried out one by one order eventuating in Off05tilities. Udo Lub Would be iTnThe Sel perpetuation of the E But it is another to believing that such a the final solution to conflict. Only a cur low-intensity conflict: allower the Post-Col. that Ceasefire at bH Tent of the conflict metrics given, but d and automatically sc that had given rise to tion in the first instan rment on its part mapped out strateg post-ceasefire SCen: itself in a treacheroL
A protracted cease nly find its own legitir containment strateg al-absorbing obSOS: and the soldier alike, conflict managemen plomacy, the fine 2 insoluble, is rendere rrnish anywhere in could rekindlė hostil nce, In any event, a

ory for the PA candi2.28 as against 35.91 | UNP orig. This Combination of a posidency being backed roup with a working nt and, along with it, it to take a fresh look Conflict. But the ingin the lips of everyone peace proceSS Was
to the government in SuTT ed up as:-
on of restrictions or f goods to the North removing more items
gd list.
ain roads leading to
sula civilian traffic.
ditional bilateral Cea
ng to holdoutsanguiit these options are in this, or in different, complete cessation tedly such a situation ly preferable to the itrocious ethnic War. delude oneself into Ln exercise per se is this much-maligned Sory glance at the s that have sprouted | War World Wi||Show 2St en Sures Contaiunder certain paraOes not necessarily lve the core issues the conflictual situace. Unless the govehas recourse to a y to deal With the rio it will soon find
terraim.
fire Will almost certailacy. Inevitably then y will become the ion of the politician hereby backstaging
Strategy, When dirt of managing the otiose a Tinor skihe ceasefire border ties with a vengeapronounced military
role could relegate politics to the position of a dependent variable in this context which in turn may discourage any attempt at Wenturing beyond the ceasefire line. If, by any chance, matured containment strategy separates itself from the on going political intercourse, as Clausewitzaditionished, "all the threads of the different relations are in a sense broken, and We hawe before Luis a senseless thing without ап object".
Also in another sense an indecisively enforced suspension of hostilities could pose a positive threat to the overall authority of government. Curiously enough, the Very term "ceasefire"gives positive expression to a negative line of action. When deglamourised, all it is capable of doing is to prevent fresh outbreak of fighting, but does not ensure the retention of the status quo With regard to the then existing military balance or the political authority that each Contending side exerted Within its own sphere of influence as well as wis-a-Wis each other. In both respects not only that when not winning the government loses, as General Wallace Nuttinghasapllyput it, a guerilla militia against whom it is pitted Wins when not losing
Nonetheless, there can be no gainsaying of the intrinsic merits of a mutually agreed ceasefire, although the degree of the benefits likely to be accrued will be predicated on a wide array of variables. The immediate impact of it will be to reduce the general atmosphere of tension all over the country. Even a temporary suspension of aerial strafing over the Jaffna Peninsular will bring immense relief to the civilian population there. The goveinment security forces personnel deployed along the defence front line as Well as the helpless village-folk inhabiting the North-Easterm borderland Will hawe a respilte from the shadow of death constantly lurking behind them.
Such salutary effects notwithstanding, aceasefire situation isfraught With the fisk of lending itself to sharpen the contest for territorial Supremacy unless a mutually agreed political settlement package is implemented simultaneously. Predictably, each sides of the ceasefire line Will take advantage of the breathing space to augment its military might vis-a-vis the other, and the ongoing post-Cold Warfree flow of lethal Weponry could stack their respective arsenals at brisk pace.
(To ba Continued)

Page 8
PART 2
Eight-Fold Path to
roposals for devolution and reserva
tiom of powersina Unitary Constitution hawe been put forward in the Peace Proposals of the World Solidarity Forum for Justice and Peace in Sri Lanka, Sri Länka Group (WSFSL). Proposals for devolution and reservation of powers in a Federal Constitution hawe been put forward in a Draft for a Federal Constitution by the Movement for inter-Racial Justice and Equality (MIRJE). Then, there are the Proposals of the Parliamentary Select Comittee. These or similar proposals have to be the subject of negotiation.
Above all, there has to be mutual understanding and trustand the politiCalwill to turn possibilities into realities. Without this no fair constitutional arrangements could be made or, even if made, they would not be implemeinted.
it must be remembered here, as poiinted out earlier, that the securing of secular rights alone would not be sufficient. In fact, secular issues are intimately connected with the religious context and wice versa. So the constitution should be firmly grounded in the indigenous religious and cultural tradtions of the country. Just as Buddhism should hawe special place, so the religions of the minorities, Hinduism, Islam and Christianity, should hawe their due place, and Sinhala and Tamil should be the official languages,
Here it may also be mentioned that the idea that the State should be absolutely neutral on Tatters of religion may appear to be possible when considered in the abstract. But what could happen and What in fact has happened in practice is that irreligion or the "religion" of consumerism and the dehumanising and alienating walues of the inter-national economic and political system and the dominant class to a substantial externt determine State policy. So it is important that the social and political realities of a multi-religious and multi-ethnic society be taken seriously in any constitutional arrangements. Thus the work of the Ministry of Culture Would be of crucial importance and should set certain guidelines for other key ministries as Well.
In the past, there has been an unhealthy and unbalanced pre-occupation and agitation on religious issues. But that is no reason for ignoring just and wital religious issues. Now there may well be a danger of reaction from religious bigotry to an
6
unhealthy and un with Secular issues ction, a Warning by
Whose understanding Cannot be questione
"You cannot simply and ethnic identity Construct. In earlie which ethnicity (ar ned made it manip that members of E somehow Suspend the cor mimom good In the 90s and part Cultural and ethnic TuS flt BBWOlLJflt must be taken as
Constitutional arrar
Sri Lankan p{ unless they enj strike Switzerlan and instead ren where any Worka foud."
(Chris McDowel rich, Tamil Times
So any workables seriously the Com claims and expectati cultural groups and and governmental would enable their
lent.
English
While Sinhala and official languages, t also has to be give the Constitution. Its i question. However, known among ther as the "Sword" ("K. cause it is one of the ments used in alier the poor from the pl as from Tiany of the civil Society. So, Wł must be Sinhala and also hawe its due ai Trier:SWhic Takeit 3 SiO1 TUStbbroker be a strong and Cons the teaching of Engli and make its benefit
Democratic Rights PTOC955
"Wläte war E I (the present or
Presidency, the C stminster Systel

Peace
Jalanced Concern alOne. Ilin this CO-Imh9a Swiss academic, of Secular concepts J, is Worth heeding:
wish away ethnicity as only a convenient theories the Way in Id culture) was defiulable and the hope 3thnic groups could d their identities for was almost credible. icularly in Sri Lanka, identity cannot and arily suppressed but central to any future hgÉärTherhtS...........
litical scientists, oy skiing, should d off their itinerary lain at home from ble Solution Can be
I, University of ZuDecember 1993)
Collutions hawe to take plaints, grigVanCes, OrS of all 3: tric arid evolve Constitutional
arrangements that articulation and fulfi
| Tamil should be the he English language n due recognition in mportance is beyond it HaS COTE O JE Tilasses in Sri Lanka aduwa"). This is bemost powerful instrulating and excluding urtis of office as well ordinary benefits of hile the top priorities iTamil, English must nd proper place. BaIl instrument Of excludoW and there Tust sistent effort to extend sh among the maSSBS S Wilabolė to thes.
; and the Peace
node of government a revised Executive ld or a revised "Wem"), whatever the
Todel of de Wolutior, Certain fundar TICntal rights must be made non negotiabole, and must be enforceable thir OLghout the country. There must also be provision to challenge legislative or administrative acts of a devolved unit if they trangress funda Tental rights. Devolution must mean more, not less, democracy; it must mean enhanced, not weakened, protection of fundamental rights.
In order to make this acceptable to the deWolved units, it is essential that the central government itself makes its own actions in the area of human rights reviewable. All legislation must be reviewable by the courts to see if it is inconsistent Will the Constitution, TlCl merely as now at the Bill stage. The Government Tust sign the Optional Protocol to the Iriternational Cowenant on Civil and Political Rights, and other like instruments which enable an indiwidual who claims his fundamental rights are infringed to appeal to an internatioa tribunal as a last resort, And, of course, the fundamental rights provisions in the Constitution must be artnded to bring them into line With our obligation under the International Covemänt om Civil and Political Rights.
FreedoT of expression and association, in particular, recognition of the right to dissent, must be assured in fullest teasure both in law and in practice."
Democratic Rights and the Peace Process, Civil Rights Movement Statement. 25 September 1994.
"Recognize the right of all people to live in peace without terror. Ensure the human rights of all peoples. Repeal repressive legislation. Enact suitable Constitutional restraints on the excessiwe powers of the Executive Presidency or consider reversion to a parliar Tentary system. Restore normal democratic processes to all the peoples, including multi-party system and elections. Release immediately all political prisoners both in the North and the South, against whom there is no real evidence to institute criminal proceedings."
Frar Peace Proposals. World Sølldarify Forur, Sri Lanka Group, March 1994
Positive Steps
The Voting at the Provincial Council. Election in the Souther Province in March this year and the voting at the General

Page 9
Election, which followed in August, gawe a Clear rrardate to the GOWĠrrlrTiċrit t negotiate for peace, Thus the Government had a clear duty and responsibility to take positive steps towards peace. This it proceeded to do without any delay first, by lifting the embargo on most essential items to Jaffna and then by sending a four-Tian Peace Delegation to Jaffna. These steps must be Welcomed by all sections of the people and the follow-up process looked forward to.
Oреп-пеšs and Transparency
However, it is essential that there should be a basic open-ress and transparency in the Whole process of peace-making.
Then, while negotiation between the (GWETTIgrit med thė LTTE IS Čf ČrLČil importance and due emphasis must be placed on it, it is essential that all concerned parties and sections of the people should be dra Wn into the pieaCe process and participate in it as fully as possible. It is essential that peace proposals and Constitutional arrangements should hawe the Consent of the people as a whole, for lgaders drld Fåøplẽ Flā'ựẽ tD C0CP}[:fälẽ With understanding if these are to be implemented successfully.
Further, it has already been mentioned that there may be a danger of reaction from religious bigotry to an unbalanced Concert with secular issues alone. For a true Tiddle path between two extreme positions there has to be an open and free dialogue between different points ofwiew.
TTTT
For all this the Te hlas to be freedol of expression апd free пеdia. Repressive legislation has to be repealed and political prisoners against whom there are no Criminal charges have to be freed by both the Government and the LTTE. Normal democratic processes have to be restored both in the North and in the South. A reign of terror gathered momentum in Sri Lanka overa period of time and reached its peak ir 1988-1990. Stat tror ad terror of militants struggled for Supremacy. Ultimately democratic forces got the upperhand. But the terror has left its mark on the nation. Through the Provincial Council Electio in the Southel ProwinCE, and the General Election, which followed, a marked change for the better has been brought about. Though the actual election day in the General Election was comparatively incident-free, there was considerable violence during the election campaign arida Certain anTOUnt Of Violence Continued after the Election. The at Thosphere of violence and repression in the country as a whole has by no means completely disappeared and, ofcourse, there is still a war going on. It will not disappear auto
matically. It is orily conscious and Sustai пеfreedom апdреа
Consent of People
A basic principles all that plans and arr: and COrnstitutional re the consent of the pe durin or an election be possible at the oL await tha return of T the restoration ofd the Tulti-party syste country. Till then cer Tetsmay haWt consultation, which practice first and late
The Media
The people will concept of devolul in the North-Eastal Country–itseal if it is explained to th the Various mediaetc., — by represe authority whom the in and respect. The ample evidence of t drld E. EädirléSS on the path to peace bole ConclusiOS, asTIC people in the countr ssions, SeminarStar cted at the grass-roo years, In many parls are many other Corg afe ishVolved In Sissilo found similar evider peace and commitm
In the past, WSF/S mely difficult, With af publicity in the Tedi: Sihala T3 dia - f0 and peace proposals there was strong an Serlatiori irħi i these a gions and races in t executive of a newsp approached, Said anything on the "TE another company pr. did not do so. Sewer, the line promised b TÉTläir 15 ) E SEET different under the Many articles and being published now Contail Contributions to be embarrassing engaged in the pea excluded. However, all representative p sations that put f responsibly shoul to the edia. Thati tic freedo.

through continued ned effort that genuiCe Carl beachiëWë{d.
hould be accepted by angements for peace for should receive oplethough'a refere. This is not likely to ul-set. It may have to IOItal conditions for emocracy, including m, in all parts of the tain interim arrangebe set up through could be tested in ir put to the wote.
accept the Whole tion of power both nd in the rest of the ing and purpose — nem simplythrough - press, T.W., radio, Intative persons in ay have confidence 3 WSFYSL h:S fOLur he desire for peace ) listen and dialogue and a CCept reas Cornaing the masses of the y in countless disculd Teetings conduts during the last four of the country. There ärhisation S, 100, Wh0 ractivities and have Ce of the desire for Ent to pЕaСе,
SL has found it extreew exceptions to get a - especially in the its activitics, wig WS , despite the fact that dresponsible repreCtiwitis froT all relihe Country. One top aper COmpany, When le COUld T10t tOUCh arger". Another from omised to publish but al others |OWEr doWrl Lit did (lot publish, lt Whether it Wil|| be
new dispensation. WeWS or peace are But it is possible that that may be deemed to the authorities ice process may be it is essential that ersons and organior Ward their WW's d hawe free a CCESS Sa test of democra
Executive Presidency or Parliamentary System?
A subject of crucial importance is the Executive Presidency. It is corntonly thought that the issue is one of abolishing the Executive Presidency and reverting to the Westminster Parliamentary System. This is what the People's Alliance promised. There is no doubt that the Executive Presidency, as it has operated in Sri Lanka With its excessive powers, has Contributed in a big Way to the erosion of democracy in Sri Lanka. But, at the same time, there hawe been Certain adwantageous features in it also. This has been found to be so in other Countries, too. Where a Presidential Systern prevails. So, though there should be a reversion to an essentially Parliamentary System, it Would be wise to consider Wether Certain features of the Executive Presidency should be retained. There should not be any rigid dogstatis There, it should be Subject to serious study and dialogue. The proposed Constituent Assembly Will hawe to go into this carefully.
Proportional Representation
The syster of proportional representation also needs to be gone into carefully. Basically, the decision to adopt this System has been correct. But certain undesirable features have emerged in the Way it has operated in Sri Lanka. The pOster-mania is Orne example.The way the preferential Wote operates is another. The cost of electioneering has increased by leaps and bounds, and the poor person is now even more marginalised from the election process. The role of big business has a determining effect and this brings in its Wake thuggery and corruption. Then, there is now not only competition between parties bLut also Competition between T1Bmbers of the same party and the link between the Ternber of parliament and his constituency has become weaker. Thus certain modifications in the system arė mÉCESSary.
To suTimarize, the background ofvioleice and terror that prevailed in recent tirties has affected the Tedia and the electoral processes and there has to be Continuous and Sustained effort to work towards free media and fair electoral proCedures. Only so could the real issues of peace Corne to be surfaced, understood and acted on by the people at all levels.
Participation
On the basis of Tlandates from the people through elections and, may be, through various representations and deTonstrations, the leaders have the responsibility of making certain initiatives, taking decisions and passing laws and regulatiÕITIS, irČluding Cristitutional ar Te= ndments, for bringing about peace. But for

Page 10
these to be effectively implemented, as they have to be continuously over a long period of time, there has to be a growing awareness of the people of the whole peace process and active participation in it of the people, at every stage and at many levels, in different ways.
Struggle for Justice
Then, peace has to be built on the basis of justice for all sections of the country, especially the Weaker sections. This inwolves a movement, may be a struggle, against the forces of injustice. There are strong forces of injustice, both local and international, that bolster the War and stand in the Way of peace. To put a stop to the War and set in Totion the Whole process of devolution of power and implement it effectively is no easy task. The forces that stand against it are likely to abdicate their power easily. The powers-that-behave come to accept the advanced democratic concept or method of devolution of power mot out of a feeling of benevolence but from sheer necessity. It has been the struggle of the deprived masses over a long period, sometimes through legitimate peaceful means of elections, demonstrations and satyagraha and sometimes through other means of Violence and terrorism that have brought the powers-that-be to negotiation and the conference table. Sometimes Concessions hawe been made and pacts entered into without real will to implement or not strong enough will to implement. So it is essential that the initiatives and actions of leaders who make progressive T10Wes ble Supported at warious lewels by people with understanding-intellectuals, professionals, business community, religious establishments, NGOs, workers, peasants, Worthers, students and other peoples' organisations,
The issues of peace - ethnic, social, economic, political-hawe to be discussed, the voice of the people for peace articulated, Support given for progressive actions for peace of the leaders, and reactionary and divisive actions of chauvinist racist forces exposed and opposed. WSFSL has been involved in such actions for Several years and booklets and documents that have been produced and used in these activities are available, Warious other organisations have also been engaging in similar activity. Such activity has to be intensified in the days ahead,
Сопmpaigпіпg
People of all religions, races, parties and groups should join in campaigning to build a Tlass movement for peace on the basis of justice for all. Public meetings, fasts, marches, satyagrahas, poojas, services, Seminars and discussions should be held in temples, kovils, churches, mo
SqLues, meeting-hal It is unfortunate that Ofte stard in the W increasingly, some See the need of Su herT1 fo take thé in and others will follo
Plural Character
Here, the plural Lankan State see Sinhala, Tamils (in milis), Moors, Malay Smaller COTuiti major religions - Christianity and Isla philosophieshawe C shared in the build plural character of — the multi-ethnic, ni gious reality of Sri recognized and acc
EncoLumter ar d Sh
Опе геason why mprehension of th peace is the lack of erCOLUritČer betweg groups. So there exchange visits and within particular are rent areas where pi and get to know ol others' day to day p nicate the results of people in their own the south need to gE the problems of thc and the people in t get to know at firstthose in the deep si areas that hawe lost WhēTE TOETS Eld tO BE air Luibearable. each others' stories The whole country of rehabilitating the bled and the refuge ring from their loss This is är irT1Tl2Se resources for this or abroad is a very : Deep human reSQL r2-b) Luildbroker - hu broker hurrian rela SOUCES E E ter | traditions. They ha' and mobilised by im
Strategies
Finally, a Word at a People's MovemE Carefully Worked out of the realities of the present Governmen to certain radical poli in the Context of a Oriënted towards op has to be pressed to

ls and in the open-air. clergy and lay leaders ay of Such actions. But, clergy and laypeople Ich actions. It is up to itiative and go ahead W.
character of the Sri dS to be retiolled. Cluding plantation TaS, Burghers, and other 2s, too, and all the 4 Buddhism, Hinduism, T - ES WE|| aSSeCLUlar Ontributed to and thus ing of Sri Lanka. This hĖ Sri Lankar State multi-lingual, multi-reliLanka - needs to be :epted by all.
aring
tħiere is SO Tuch ir1 COe issueS of war and sufficient meeting and the Warious racial is a great need for |programmes not only |ąS but betWgen diffe2ople wisit other areas he another and each roblets, and commuthis dialogue to other areas. The people in it to know at first-hand Se in the northeast, he Orth-east need to hand the problems of Outh, Far Tilies in both fathers and Sons and | daughters hawe had burdebs need to hear and share their grief. Tust share in the task be reaWed, the disaes, Who are Still Suffeand resultant trauma. task, Getting financial rOT the Government small part of this task. Jrces are needed to Thail lives and heal tionships. These redeep in our peoples' we to be understood aginative leadership.
out the strategies of lt. Th3 SC hawe to EdE With clear recognition Oresent situatio. The tlas Cortlitted itself icies but it has to Work World system heavily en-market policies. It live up to the expecta
tions of the Tasses but it has also to be protected from illegitimate attempts of rea ctionary forces to overthrow it.
Development Alternatives
A people's mowerTent must not be content With doctrinaire slogans against the oper-market andr Lulti-nationalS. The harmful effects of such policies and the resultant pauperisationard widlent conflict are clearly evident. But certain benefits they bring and certain expectations they arouse, even if they are largely illusory, Tlake for a fairly Wide Teasure of acceptace, which has sometires been seen in Lunexpected results at elections. So there are no shortcuts to change, There must be a real search, with the participation of the people, for realistic developmentalternatives and the working out of developrTent strategies. There has to be reSearch and experiment for a new development model, with roots in our indigenous Culture, yet open to modern scientific advancement and technology. There hawe to be demonstrations in practice through pioneering projects.
There must be a dialogue between different view-points, free of dogmatism Whether of the so-called free-Tarket wariety or the so-called socialist variety.
For instance, a recent comparative study of Certain Asian economic succeSSes and Latin American failures in the 1980's, where the open-market has been operative, has shown that the cause of the Comparative success of the Asian economies has been state interwention and control: "An examination of the longer term development strategies of the east Asian econor thies reveals that the state in these Countries did not follow the World Bank's revised formulation of a "market friendly' approach to development. Rather the govertents in Taiwan, South Korea and Japan played a vigorous economic role and pursued a highly active industrial policy. The state did not supplant the market altogether as the 'command' pla nning of production of the (former) Soviet type did. But nor did it simply follow the market. Instead a Wholeplethora of government measures were used to guide the Tarket towards planned structural change. Similarly, the East Asiam countries did not seek or practice a close integration With the World economy during their pe. riods of rapid growth: they integrated only in the directions and the extent to which it was useful for them to do so" (Ajit Singh. Cambridge University. Article in Inter rnational Review of Applied Economics. Wol. 7 No. 3, 1993)
Sothere has to be creative thinking and action to evolve a development model that will suit Sri Lanka's needs and enable her peoples to live together in peace with justice.

Page 11
PRESS
Investigative Jour
G. L. Pieris
ome of the most difficult problems
Connected with investigative journalisnin ITIOdern times involve Controversial value Judgments in respect of conficting priorities. For instance, insensational murder trial5 : Such as those of Pauli 3 dB Croos,"* Jayalal Anandagoda"* and MateW Peiris the Wide publicity that was given in mass media, particularly theneWspapers, to the details of the Crimes during the stage of the police investigation elicited public responses which shed light on the Circunstalces of the Crirles and the identity of the probable criminals. In the Shayama Dedigar a murder case the relative obscurity of some of the matters connected with the slaying disappeared as a Sequel to fuller evidence which was obtained largely in consequence of the initiative taken by the newspapers. HoweWer, in all these cases, the widespread publicity, While assisting the course of justice, is also fraught with an unfortunate danger. This is the risk that the person Who is eventually indicted for the crime may not hawe the benefit of a fair and impartial trial because of the intensity of the prejudice which is generated against hirT1. This risk was thought to be so great ir the Mattew Peiris CaSC that tieg Chief Justice thought it proper to order that the accused should be tried not by a jury but by three judges of the High Court at Bar. The anticipated danger was that members of the public who would ultimately serve on the jury would not bring open minds to bear on the case because of preconceived notions which they Would have formed in consequence of what they had read in the Press. This highlights the delicate balance which needs to be struck in these cirCLUmstances. Om the Come händ, mass Tedia have an essential task to perform in regard to the discovery of facts which make the administration of justice effective. On the other hand, it is equally important to ensure that speculation and Comment in the Press before or during a Criminal trial dOes lot result in thE eSSEntial legal issues being obscured by emotional overtones. The desirable balance between these objectives is essentially a matter of journalistic ethics and responsi
bility, but the enforcer Star dardSiSaSSiSte
Techanists of the la
Some of the gover their setting in the no Court. It is a Well-know bJehawibLurt : (Or : COITirTle| impair in any Way the judicial proceedings W. for contempt of court. rlying this form of liabil should hawe ewery op their Wer:Sion of the fa of hinderance, direct the court or jury shoul the evidence adduced wely, and to Cortle to basis of that evider C idea of a for T of p attempt to interfere, ey the proper Course oft justice underscores til lists to resist the tempt rse tosensationalism, ресшпіагу іпсепtives such an approach. T niining Contempt of CoLJr ne the gravity of the dewolwe:S On those Wł mselves to ascertain rmatters which are lik, litigation, and to eassy Tatters.
The Work of journ such as these may st COfflict betWeer Trä mic interests. The pe the use of particular they hawe been puton hawe frequently been of vigorous investigat example, the risk tha myde by pregnant W. injury to the foetus, an be born without limb England largely as the ring attempts by journ: attributes of the drug consequences of its given to the possible the drug will obvious

nalism
Tert of the relewart by principles and
W.
ing rules of law find tion of contempt of Yn principle that any it which is likely to integrity of pending ould involve liability The objective undelity is that witnesses portunity to present :ts without any type or oblique, and that be free to evaluate clearly and objectia conclusion on the 2 alone." The very anal liability for an Wen un Wittingly, with lead Tinistration of 1e meed for jourlaation to have recounotwithstanding the which may reward he principles govetimi LhiSäre udgri"esponsibility which o take it Upon thethe facts relating to ely to culminate in "COrThrThért On th958
|alists in situations Orme tirrileS irwolweg a Vā5ārdcorrils attendant upon drugs, especially if the market recently, exposed as a result iwe journalism. For t the use of tallidoormen Tay result in that the child could s, came to light in product of persawelists to evaluate the and the potential use. Wide publicity
hazards of use of y entail Substantial
economic loss to the manufacturers of the drug in View of the disincentive offered to the public in regard to purchase and coinsurption. There is, accordingly, the likelihood that a publication Which seeks to demigrate a Commercial product by pointing out the dangers of its use will involve those responsible for the publica iton in litigation instituted by the makers of that product. However, scientificewidencemeticulously garnered to establishina Conwincing manner the reality of the hazards Warned against Will serve to exonerate those initiating the publication from liability, on the ground that the disclosure of these dangers was necessary for the protection of the public interest.
The initiative of journalists is of great Walue in circutstances such as those Surrounding the Union Cartide disaster in India. For a long period there had been adverse comment in the Indian Press regarding the inadequacy of the precautions which had been adopted by the local Tanagement of Union Carbide Ltd., to guard against the danger of escape of noxious fumes from their chemical plants, It was naturally in the interest of the OWilers and managers of the plants to belittle the Seinitiatives, sinceit Wasto their advantage to endeavour to persuade the administrative authorities as well as the public that the existing precautionary measures Were sufficient and so to avoid the necessity for enhanced investmenton more satisfactory protective measures. An aggressive journalistic campaign which highlights the possible danger to human life, to ecology and to environmental conditions couldwell arouse the hostility of powerful Wested economic interests, S0 that expensive litigation is always a possibility. But there are situations in which the evolving law has necessarily to reconcile economic interests with more fundamental intersts involving life and the natural habitate of posterity. Instructuring a coherant response to this challenge, modern Courts have understandably accorded precedence to the latter group of Walues which are basic to the preservation of life, health and security.

Page 12
Techniques of modern journalism have played an important part, particularly in the West, in alerting the public to certain categories of industrial risks and the mechanical unreliability of commercial products. An example may be taken from civil aviation. Companies like Boeing and Rolls Royce which are active in turning out new models of engines and aircraft parts may sometimes tend, for reasons Connected with commercial profit, to be experimental in their approach to production. It had often fallen to the lot of journalists, on the basis of their own investigations, to alert the public that the history of use of a particular type of machine suggests, even tentatively, some inherent defect which aggravates the degree of risk. For instance, it has been largely as a result of the
Work of journalists t da Wled On the int that the Learjet may mode of air transpo quered history. Jou out persuasively tha in the United State. years in South Asia doubt the cort Terci machine, While an Would be ill-advised nces to rush into p ComWictions at a timi in support of these c the law certainly s exposure which he is buttressed by evi ble strength, the jou tion to the public en ction of the law.
PRESS
The Lake HOUSe Tal
K. M. de Silva
he legislation prepared by the
former government to establish a Press Council, and to establish a government control ower the national press, was jettisoned. But the then opposition had not reconciled itself to abandoning the measures it had prepared and its policy of establishing government control over the national press when its turn to govern the country would come, at some future date, the next general election scheduled for 1970, to be precise.
In 1968 opposition groups established a new and broader center-left Coalition. The SLFP Was to Te Tai its Core, but om this occasional clections of the LSSP and the CP accepted prominent roles in what Carne to be called the United Front coaltion. Its program for the future included measures to control the press. Nevertheless there was reluctance to makespecific provision for this as prominently as it had done in the past. And then the unexpected happened.
In September 1969 Prime Minister Dudley Senanayake and the government confronted a huge scandal, one that had less to do with politicianslinked to the UNP than with the Lake HOUSEe directo Tate. A disgruntled employee based in London
10
leaked to the opposi the LSSP leader, in pi about a tangled Web transactions Conduc of the laws and re. foreign currency ho ments that Carme into ssion provided overw breaches of the law. which actively oppos press and called for exploited this unexp ntage, to the greaterT Lake House and th powerful speech in Pi mber 1969. Dudley Was married to Ranji hād SUCCÉ Eeded to hii; head of Lake House. With the income tax
at avoidance of tax then moved to the authorities. The Lak had presented their ап array of Weapons
against them on a f above all, had acu. beleaguered Prime
when his governme difficulties, especially foreign exchange for import requirements.

it the realization has national CorTrTunity hot be a dependable bgcause of itschehalists have pointed a series of accidents and also in recent envelope in serious acceptability of the nterprising journalist in these circumstaint with his incipient when the evidence Invictions is slender, es to it that if the is resolved to make lece of dermonstraTlalist's Comunicaoys the fullest prote
A vexed problem in modern times concerns the confidentiality of sources of information which are made use of by journalists, it often happens that the facts relating to publicscandals can be discovered and exposed only if journalists have access to information emanating from sources wishing to remain anonymous. There may be credible information available to a journalist that illicit felling of timber is taking place on a large scale at the instigation or with the connivance of some pOWerful perSOrlage,
Notes
(12) (1968) 71 N.L.R. 669
(13) ( 1960) 62 N.L.R, 241 (C.C.A.)
(1962) 64. N.L.R. 73 (P.C.)
Reginald Perera w R (1951) 52 N.L.R. 293 Wegrsarily w Stewart (1941) 42 N.L.R. 481
(14)
ke O Ver
tion - Dr NM Perera, articular-information of foreign exchange ted in transgression gulations governing ldings. The docuDr Perera's possehelming evidence of As the leader of party led the Lake House snationalization, he acted political advabarrassment of both a government, in a riament on 1 SepteSenama yake's nièce h Wijewardene who father's position as Westigations began jepartment, looking is on illegal profits, exchange control House directorate olitical eneties with which could be used ture occasion, and, aly embarrassed a Minister at a time t was facing other problems relating to he country's normal
The fate of Lake House and the national press was now sealed in the event of the defeat of the UNP at the general election scheduled for 1970. Of the three important newspaper groups, the Independent Ne: Wspapers of Ceylon group-the Sun group - had turned against the UNP and was supporting the United Front coalition even before the election. Once the election began Lake House and the Tirnes of Ceylon supported the UNP in knowledge that should the UNP lose, they would be at the mercy of an opposition intent on resuming from where they had left off in 1964. In the event the UNP lost the general election of May 1970,
Even before the post-election restrictions on meetings and demonstrations were officially over, huge crowds gathered in the city of Colombo and marched to Lake House, the symbol of reaction as their leaders saw it, bent on Wrecking it and where possible beating up some of the Tore prominent journalists Who Were associated with the UNP. The Tobs were led and egged on by prominent left-wing Thembers of the Victorious coalition. Even as the Would-be victims cowered in fear and were taken out by some colleagues, the mobs stormed in intent on burning the place down. They did not succeed in this,

Page 13
or in damaging the printing machines, but they did set fire to the library. The police did nothing to prevent this attack and, in any event, they were too few in numbers to be really useful in preventing the continuation of the attack, even if they were inclined to do so. By the time increased security was sent to Lake House and the fire engines appeared, the library was still burning. Surprisingly the whole library was not engulfed in the flames. Nevertheless some parts of it were consumed by the fire, including unfortunately some of its more valuable holdings of press cuttings, going back to the earliest days of that institution's establishment.
The attack on Lake House was meant to imtimidate both the UNFP and the directorate of that newspaper group. From the moment the election results began to come in indicating a resounding Victory for the then opposition, the Lake House directorate realized that their control over their newspapers would soon be over. The revelations about the infringements of foreign exchange regulations by them had rendered their position hopelessly vulnerable to the pressures of the goverimant, which had lewer Concealed its aim of establishing control over those newspapers and the assets of the coTipany. Esmond Wickremasinghehad supported the SLFP om this occasion, but even he realized that at best be could only postpone the inevitable take over of the establishment. ATOstas soon as the new government had assumed office, the Lake House directorate had an offer from the government, an offer that it could not refuse. They were told to appoint a new editor for the Daily News, who could also take on the job of editor-in-chief of all the Lake House newspapers. The Lake HouSe directors had no Choi Ca, but ewer this Sop only ensured a stay of execution, not a reprieve,
IW Nationalization of the press, 1970-74
From the time the UF government came to power in May 1970 the owners of Lake House and the Times group were aware that it was a mere matter of time before the state took over their newspapers. The main target, of course, Was Lake House. A Commission of Inquiry was appointed to investigate charges laid against the Lake House directorate on illegal foreign exchange transactions and the Taintenance of illegal bank accounts in the UK."
The Cormission W investigate whethe had been used to br to the opposition du nfidence of Decemb of the latter Was four EwidETICE DT1 thE mẽ illegal foreign exch The government hat #Stablishment Cf 3. F. Strong opposition to and Tore Widespre: the legislature. Legi the press had been mbo la Wyer associ inment had been is mpetent authority" affairs of Lake Hous ke the leader of thi opposition to the Pr to the government's House and the Tim control, and JR Jaye of the Opposition - agitation,
At the time Dudle suddenly in April 19 in all but name a ge tion. Some vestiges ( maintained but the Voices within the g. Soon within the Pric ly circle, who were even the residue of Lake Нош58 still ret Editor-im-Chief. Thg II of Dudley Senanaya ral put an end to tha !
There Was ro sho| nationalization of th government, but they with Mrs Bandaran Were SOČOr to hawe ir completion of the pri tion of the press. It extensive coverage ceremonies was lar attracting the enorm gathered. If evident ssary of the power t On behalf of "rea rnment causes, it h; good measure now.
Control over Lake Wher the National St wed the Associated ylon (Special Provis 1973 Which Convert powerful influence t hadower that iristituti(

LS also instructed to
Lake House funds the MPs to Crossover ng the wote of no-coir 1964. Noe Widence , but there was some in charge relating to inge transactions."° gone ahead with the ess Council, despite it. Within Parliament dopposition outside slation to nationalize repared, anda Coloited with the govelentified as the "cotake Control of the 2. Dudley Senanayae UNP, had led the ess Council bill, and plans to bring Lake as group under state Wardene now leader adjoined him in this
y Senanayake died 74, Lake House Was overnment organizaufautonoппy werestill are were influential wernment, and very Minister's Own farniarxiOuStO elimiräte independence that ained underits reW newspaper COWerage ke's death and full
tage of advocates of Le press Within the "lacked the influence aike that her family putting the case for cess of nationalizawas argued that the given to the funeral gely responsible for Jus CrOW ds that had e Was at all necehe press still wielded tionary" anti-goved been provided in
House Was obtained lte Assembly apрго\leWSpaperS of Ceons Law) No 28 of *d the informal but at the government minto for Tlal Control.
Through the law the government became the main shareholder of the reconstituted Lake House, With as much as 75% of the shares. The state was represented on the board of the new directorate by the Public Trustee who, at that point, was a brother of Mrs Bandaranaike. The government proclaimed that its objective was to break up the monopolyestablished by the family group which controlled Lake House; this objective was to beachieved by a re-distribution of shareholdings. Nothing of the sort was done. In fact, in less than of a year of introducing this legislation, goveremt Control ower the new directorate of Lake House was strengthened.' Once Mrs Bandaranalike's government natiomalized the Lake House and Times groups of newspapers, only the Sun group, the Independent Newspapers of Sri Lanka, remained outside the control of the government, the only means, thereafter, for the expression of opposition views.
JR. Jayewardene revived the campaign for the boycott of Lake House newspapers which Dudley Senanayake had started but in his hands it became a more spirited exercise anda means of bringing the party leadership and cadres out into the streets, walking from shop to shop to persuade newsagents and others to stop selling Lake House newspapers, Next they expanded their campaign into a house to house operation that covered the city of Colombo and its suburbs. From there they took it into the provincial towns, beginning with Galle and Kandy, and then into the smaller towns in other parts of the country. The campaign did have an impact on the sales of Lake House newspapers, which dropped substantially. For Jayewardene, there were other advantages in this campaign, especially in keeping the party leadership in close touch with the rank and file. It was also a means of testing the efficacy of the reforms of the party machinery that he had begun to introduce after he took over the leadership,
The final phase in the process of the government control of the media came in April 1974 when the Sun group of newspapers was banned and its printing press sealed. This step was taken against the background of massive island-wide propaganda onslaught prepared by the opposition led by the UNP against some unpopular measures in regard to transport of rice announced by the government. Earlier there had been several austerity measures announced by the government, and the opposition was intent on exploiting

Page 14
the unpopularity that this generated for the government. The Prime Minister declared an island-wide curfew to be enforced or the day the meetings had been scheduled. She also used emergency regulations to ban all public meetings of the UNP. The decision to muzzle the newspapers of the Sungroup followed, since those newspapers were seen to be backing the opposition in this political campaign. Previously the government had taken the unusual step of using emergency regulations to threaten legal action against "rumourmongers" if the rumours they spread could cause public disgust and public disorder. The government's control over the media was now complete. The Lake House journals which had long been criticized for their partisanship on behalf of the UNP a new phase in their career as partisans of a government opposed to the UNP.
W Postscript
Anyone who believed that the return to power of the UNP in 1977 with an overwhelming majority Would resultina restitutiom of the status quo ante 1970 in the form of the former owners getting back control of the Lake House and TimeS groups were in for a disappointment. Indeed among the first acts of the new government was the use of the Business Acquisitions Act of 1971 to get control of the Times newspapers from a pro-SLFP group Who had secured it under the former regime. The original shareholders and directors of these newspaper groups and of the Independent Newspapers of Sri Lanka were offered compensation for losses suffered in the period July 1974 to July 1977, both from loss of business and damage to machinery. The former owners of Lake House declined to resulte their Control of that institution and its reWSpapers, and preferred to take compensation for losses suffered. Lake House thUS COntinued as a government owned and goWernment controlled newspaper business. Efforts to keep the virtually bankrupt Times group afloatfalled ewentually: the goodwill and rights to some of the newspapers were acquired by Ranjith Wijewardene, who gawe some of the Sinhalese journals of the group a new life, and began publishing a Sunday edition of the once dynamic Times of Ceylon. The newspapers of the Sun group began publication again.
One of the more positive developments of the post-1977 era, was the establishTent of a new newspaper group, the
2
Island newspapers, b' ssman with political ar wardene, a nephe'W O Thèse som establish energetic coTipetitors newspapers. Part of could be explained b created by the colla group, but more impo of the Sun group whos out of production, bec among the family gro and from mismanage TCES.
Telew economic the newspaper enter great increase in a With the liberalization the availability of new there Was retur to ti 1960 Wheeft ther 8 la of a wide range of CO importers of product indnames had engage mpaigns and ne'W porC ced in a blaze of pl advantage of the new dly the "freeing" o 1977-78 helped the Lt Otto the Sale Lake House irl st5 féll lity, and to profitability
The long campaig ower the print media: mationalization of Lak terious effect on jou ssion. The effects English language pre cular press. Some journalists at Lake F few to Work in reWs. of the World, especia and others moved to tiO15 - abroad, SirTnila. mot available to thČOSÉ Tamil newspapers. dards in journalism partly a reflection of followed nationalizati Cof the failure t0 attra newspapers becauSE The financial reWard not good enough in a sector employmento and other perquisite in addition, the inest greater job security. perhaps decades, b press recovers frost COtO.
Conc

y a wealthy busineпbitions, Upali WijefDR Wjewardeme, led themselves as
to the Lake House their early success y the opportunities ipse of the Times rtantly by the crash enewspapers Went cause of squabbles Jp who controlled it, Tet of its resou
environment helped rises because of a dvertising revenue. of the economy, and W products for Sale, he situation prior to d been free imports nsumer goods, and S Wel| KT10W 1 braad in adwertsing Caducts Were introduJblicity to the great spapers. Undoubtef the есопоппу іп Island newspapers, extent that it helped Jr to financial viabi
gn for state control and the eventual e House ha da delleThalism as a proferwere WOrSe J1 the ssthan OrthE VErTlaof the best known House emigrated, a apers in other parts illy South East Asia, administrative posir opportunities Were in the Sinhalese and ProfESSiOB Stainevitably declined, the politicization that om, partly a reflection it young talent to the 2 of this politicization. s in journalism Were market where public ffered botter SälläTIES s of office and had imable advantage of It Wilbert any years, efore the Sri Lanka
the tra Luma of State
Juded)
Ed1 OG
1.
10. 11.
3.
14.
5.
十岳,
1了
H. A. J. Hulugalla, The Lisa and irrels of D F Wawardan, (Associated Newspapers of Ceylon Ltd.) Colombo, 1960,
Ffijïad. p.1
bdp3
s
He maried Fuby Meadeniya, Iris daughler öt Meederiyä Adigarg Kariyanarisocras andan EETLM LLLHLL LL SLLLTOkOOLS LMMOCLM kk
LL LeeeLeOat LLOLuuaCS SLL OLLL LLLLLL SAkLMMMC LLL LMMMLLLLLL LLLLLLL kOMLTLSS LMO LOL for frary years Spggkgr of shg Slass Courtei) as the National legislature was called Lider fle Donoughridre Constitution of 1931-1947. He was the first Speaker of the post-independerg legislature, and a very in Muar fall politician by Wirfug af taling WTF offshe Tosť frusted political a55a0cafes of D) SS-Arlar Eyak. Hufugal), The Life and Times of DR Wijewaпdgл8, ор, сії, p.2. See K.M. de Silva and Howard Wriggins, JR Jayewardane of Sri Lanka: A Political Biography, Wall, I (Cuartiet, LCridarı, 1988) pp.
SO-EO. Sessional Paper shereafler SP) IX of 1964, Inferirr Report of frig Press Conrfission,
Ibid. pp. 20-32,
ibidp:32 ibid, SPXI of 1964, Firas Report of the Press
CÖrfirrifssyni,
Sag, KM da SMai and Howard Wrigirls, JR Jayawarderle of Sri Lanka. A Political Biography, Wol.II (Leo Cooper, London, forthcoTing December 1994, pp. 133-141, for these dalails. For a brigfaccourt of the politicalini-fi- ghting on this occasion from a knowledgeable source sab Hugh Femando, The Inside Story. Sorre Aspects of Ty Parliarriersary Experience (Colombo, 1965) Femando had been elected Deputy Speaker in July 1950 arid was umänimously elected Speaker in 1963. He held this post at a critically important period. Tha OWES of the Independert NYWspaperS of Ceylon Ltd. was the family firm of MD Gunasena & Co, publishers är id bookSeleërs. Hansard House of Representatives), 1969. Columns 803 to B20, Dr N M Perera's speech. Subsequent to this debate Dr N M Perera's speech was published in the form of a pamphlet of 64 pages. The Pamphlet, entitled Why Lake LLLLLL LCLLLLLLL a LLLLLLLTS T CeeMEeS LLLLLLO contains the text of the speech made on this sama occasion by another şEnior LSSP politician Leslie Guria Warderia. The pamphlgt dogs nötbgāradalgofpublicalionhutfromâréacding of tha introduction it appears to ha WEB bi published in early 1970.
On 10 January 1970 the then opposition had Iowed a resolution in Parliament urging the appointment of such a commission but the UNP government had refused to do this, arguing thal official inquiries were being conducted by Saveral goveTiment departirTYEInts.
SE” ኣ! ርyf 1፪ W3.
On July 2 1974, arrara fortnight before the first annual general meeting of the CCITıplarly än a mendmento the Associated Newspapers Of Cayları (Special Provisions Law)28of July 1973 was moved by the Prime Minister as an urgent bili "in thЕ паiапа| interest". There were strong objections from the opposition they had less han 2 hours im which to study the bill. ThiË anandTern perTitled the goWommont to Sall 240,000 shares to government corporations. The government was thus able to appoint two new directors to the board with the support of the government controlled corporations.

Page 15
NONALIGNMENT
NAM in the Nineti
Nana S. Sutresna
feel greatly honoured and privileged
to be able to share with this distingulshed international gathering a few of my observations and thoughts on the significance of the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) in the closing decade of this century. I gathered, examined and refined these observations and thoughts during a period of deep personal involver Tent with the Movement, starting from the time | beganto directly take partin Indonesia's intensive preparations to host the Tenth Summit Meeting of the NAM in Jakarta in 1992, through the past two years until today while serving as Head Executive Assistant to the NAM Chairman, H.E. President Soeharto, As such enjoy an excellent wantage point for observing the Workings of the Movement but it is also possible that sometimes I get too close to the action and thus lose some perspective. In those instances where my view may be too close, it is my hope that it will acquire a better perspective from the observations and insights that you will also bring into the discussion.
Also for the sake of perspective, feel that We should start With a brief glance backward. Non-Alignment as a philosophy is more than four decades old for it grew out of the struggle of peoples of the developing World to rid themselves of the chains of Colonialism and to achieve independence. Indonesia is one example. Right after it achieved independence, when the Cold War was just about to start, Indonesia adopted whatour first Vice-PreSident, Mohammad Hatta, described as "an active and independent foreign policy"- which is in the essence of Non-Alignment. Although it was in 1961 that the Non-Aligned Movement was formally founded with the holding of its first Summit Conference in Belgrade, as early as 1955, the principles and ideals of Non-Alignment were already articulated in the Dasa Sila or Ten Principles that emanated from the Asia-Africa Conference in Bandung in 1955. The spade Workfor the Asia-Africa Conference was completedina Preparatory Meeting convened in Bogor in December 1954. One of the five Asian prime ministers who attended that meeting was
The writer, Ambassador-at-large of Indonesia, Head Executive Assistant so President Soeharlo, NAM ChairTT7an. Ha presentad this paperat (hig BC/SSpor)soprad Consorerce in Color7ibo.
Sir John Kotalawal: of Ceylon as Sri Lar title. The others We of Burma, India, Pa The press sortetim the Five Color Tibo F reason that they ha mboand in Kandyt the political turmoil going through at the early meetings that Africa Conference brought up. Sri Lank one of the pioneer MOVerment.
Through the yea the Non-Aligned M formally founded, it avowed principles Consistently struggli independence, peас prosperity.
in the Course of th; Tart Was instruT19. a good number of W. largely to the impetL to the Worldwide de Colonialism, at least has been virtually e spearheaded the dr nalized racism as abhorrent system of We can safely say th The Movement plus Overdue process of which is finally unc World a few steps b abyss. With the end the collapse of the World politics in the Aligned Movement bloC politics yielded democratization an both Within and am Why the NAM has c as the greatest a peace movement in
Not too long ago, arose: With the Col. US, and the bipola politics relegated to Aligned Movement : time that we in the for the Tith NAMS had already articu answer to that quest

2S
then Prime Minister Ka Was knoW at that 'e the prime ministers kistan ard Indonesia. is referred to them as owers for the simple met before in Coloexchange views on that the World Was ttime. It Was in these the idea of an Asia
was first formally atherefore, has been of the Non-Aligned
's since the time that ovement (NAM) was e Tained faithful to its and ideals and thus ad for a World of true ce, justice and shared
at struggle, the Moveital in the triumph of orthy causes. Thanks Is that the NAM gawe colonization process, in its classical form, radicated. The NAM iwe against institutioexemplified by the apartheid and today at apartheid is dead. ned hard for the long Tuclear disamament lerway, bringing the ack from the nuclear of the Cold War and bipolar structure of late 1980s, the Nonstood Windicated as to multipolarism, to political pluralism )ng nations. That is Ome to be regarded ld most successful history,
oWewer, the question
War already behind structure of World he past, is the Nontill relevant? By the AM were preparing Immit in Kakarta, We ated the definitive O.
And the answer was that it was up to the Members themselves. Whether the Mowe ment Would recede into irrelevan Ce or rise to the challenges and the opportunities of the changing times and thus Would not only remain relevant but would also become an even more active and Crucial player on the international Scene.
For With the advent of the decade 1990s We have reached a lost critical time in the history of the human race, a time of rapid transition and fundamental change. The map of Europe has been radically altered. The security situation in Asia has metamorphosed. The old international order had begun to crumble and the conturs of a new order are just to emerge but its final shape is yet to crystallize. This is therefore a time of great promise and grave challenge, a time of profound contrasts and pervasive uncertainty. If there is anything certain, it is that, for better or for worse, the World, after passing through the crucible of this decade, will bear little resemblance to what it was during the era of the Cold War and bipolar confrontation.
Faced with such a complex global reality, the Non-Aligned Movement had the choice of whether to allow the ongoing changes to proceed on their own momentum, without coherence and direction but with all attendant risks of instability and upheaval– Orto Seek, in all sincerity and goodwill, to engage the international community in jointly directing these changes, rationally and equitably, towards a new order that is more in harmony with the ideals and principles Non-Alignment, one that is based on mutual respect, social justice and a love of freedom and peace.
At the Tenth NAM Summit in Jakarta, the Leaders of the Movement Trade their choice. They gawe the realities of the world situation the clear-sighted and rational assessment that is the necessary prelude to resolute and effective action. They then declared that, as apolitical coalition representing more sovereign states than any other grouping in history, the Movement should not be a mere spectator and should not resign itself to being sidelined in the currents of historic change. The Movement, they stressed, must dynamically adapt to these currents by setting new priorities and reordering oldones, by dewising new approaches and new strategies.
13

Page 16
Acknowledging that stereotyped respoSBS WQu|d fäl| 5ort of the dBrfläfcs Qf the time and that the mere cataloguing of grievances, anxieties and hopes would be an exercise in futility, the Movement proceeded to craft the concepts and modalities that Would be the basis and the framework of the concrete programmes to which the The Tibers Would Corfit themselves. At the same time it girded itself for a vigorous advocacy that Would place the views and concrete proposals of the MoWeTlet into the mainstreal of intentatiomalthought and action. Knowing that the Movement cannot increase the effectiveIle55. Of its exterTla action if il CHIIIOt improve the efficiency of its internal sunctioning, the NAM Leaders also felt that they must attend to important housekeeping tasks such as the establishment of effective organizational mechanists, guidelines and procedures, And they stipulaēd tt It 5Juldot drē ir ti basis and within the framework of NAM's fundamental principles and purposes which hawe lost nothing of their Walidity and relevance, ewer in today's Wastly changed World.
Without meglecting to address the political concerns that have gripped the World and continues to grip the World today, the NAMLeaderstook one of the most significant decisions that they hawe taken in a long time: they decided to restore the issue of economic cooperation to the top of the Movement's agenda.
Much was accomplished during that Summit, but perhaps its greatest single accomplishment is not reflected in the decisions taken mor in the resolutions passed, but in the fact that when its Leaders emerged from their deliberations, whatever doubts might hawe lingered before the Summit about the relevance of the Movement had completely wanished. Thg MOWement Came Out of the SurTIITit reinvigorated, strengthened in its resolve and clearin its purposes. Many internationa observers who were habitually skeptical of the Movement might have been pleasantly surprised: for the first time they observed a Non-Aligned Summit that was not acrimoniously dwelling on grievances but Was instead seeking a constructive dialogue and offering to engage the developed world in cooperation in all fields. This became known as the NAM's new orientation, its new approach to solving the interlinked global problems of our time. The old approach Which was dog natic and adwersarial had mot Worked and So the NAM Leaders decided that it be abadoned. At the same time, they committed themselves to giving this new and flexible approach ample chance to Work.
The application of that new approach is newer more evident than in the MoW e
14
Tert's CLTEt adwo global North-South p Earn imtarsifiad SoLutf for development. So Teeting of the Star
Titte for ECOTOTT in May 1993 to thresh of mowing the Nor th-South processes Soeharto, as NAMC opportunity to extel "I'r Wisation fo Dialog. the Group of Seven Summit Meetings in respose of the ILE; MOweent's offer of instructive dialogue, W at the conclusion of th then again after the Napolithe following carried further by the the Group of 77 ar countries, including the NAM initiated a
tled "Ferle Wall Off nghering Interatic Development thгошg the resolution Was ac clearly indicates that mmunity supports the NAM for achiewing: itETatiOla BCOO
An important asp was a request to th to present the fortyUited NatiOS (Gf TEICOTITerdåtiOS OI North-South dialogu in a way which woul Work om am Agenda this regard, The SE issued his report on Voo 77e 7f which WE | prospects for balan growth. Our NAMC Working with the Gr an active role in the Agenda, The NAM in Wolved in high lew General Assembly to the North-SCLuth dia Inducted. In this pro has once again shol a flexibility that ha' chord among its in rtners. For example rade it knoW that to dialogue on matte With the developed in any forum which is This is a far cry fro assumed Some yea only engage in dialo forurlS.
The Samle kirld Of bility Could governt MgTitler Countrie:S

cacy and pursuit of a artnership as Well as -South cooperation on after Convening a ding Ministerial CocCooperation in Bali out Ways and means th-SOLUt ad SOLUforward, President hairTan, seized the Td te MowerTest'5 Je" to the Leaders of On the ewe of their Tokyo. The positive BIE - G-7 C DLIr cooperation and COwhich they articulated le Tokyo Summitand Group's Summit in year, has siпce beеп : NAM. Working With ld other like-Tinded developed countries, draft resolutiOrl eartlIg Dialogue On Streлal Cooperation for rh, Parriership." That opted by consensus the international Coa basic strategy of the a new and more just nic Order.
ect Of the feSol Luti01 e Secretary-General -ninth session of the heral Assembly with how the envisioned e could be promoted d reflect the ongoing
for Development. In Cretary-General has Ar) Agerda for Dewehope will bolster the ced global economic oordinating Bureau, oup of 77, is playing deliberations or that
is also wery much el discussions in the ) spell out further how logue should be cocess, the Movement wn apragmatism and we struck a positive tended dialogue pathe Movement has it is ready and Willing rS of COTTO It"Est COLtics of the Nort
TIL ut Lally aC Capotable. T the position i had ars ago that it Would gue in Certainspecific
pragmatism and flexihe approaches of the of the MowerTent to
intertational filacial institutions. In Contrast, many Member Countries used to apply a double standard in dealing with these institutions: they regarded these institutions as politically disagreeable, but bilaterally, none of these Countries Could do Without these institutions. We the Countries in the Non-Aligned Movement are probably Taking greater use of these institutions today with this difference: because of our non-confrontational, Cooperative approach, there has been no occasion for us to antagonize thern politically. |believe this WiII WOrk WelfOrthe interratio al financial institutions and for the MOvement, Knowing that Non-Aligned Counitries hawe no political agenda that is adverse to them, the international financial institutions might indeed become Tore receptive to the views of NAMmeTibers.
A start has thus been made in redefining the relationship between the developing Countries in the MoWe met with the iritrnational financial institutions. I think that this should be followed through With a Concerted effort on the part of NAM couIntriesto take active partin the forthČOrThing review of the Bretton Woods institutionS. It is important that developing Countries, such as the NAM membership should be able to arrive at a common approach on how to improve the efficacy and efficiency of theSB istitutio15 Which, after all, ha WE a special role to play in the South-South process. The NAM is mindful of the fact that many projects of great merit within the framework of South-South Cooperation could hawe Withered on the wine if it Were not for a third party, often an international financial institution, which Carte to the
ESCLE
Cognizant of the reality of the intertwined fate and fortunes of the North and the South and realizing fully that We are entering a new era after the end of the Cold War, we are all confronted by the imperatiwe to make mutual adjustments. For its part, the Non-Aligned Movement has gone the "extra mile" in order to make the appropriate adjustments by adopting an entirely new orientation and a new approach to its relationships with the rest of the international community and with international institutions. This believe, is no mean contribution to the relaunching of a more earnest and effective global dialogue. The responses to this radical change in style has not been at all discouraging.
There is a growing recognition on the part of some of the major developed COUtries that the NAM has indeed adopted a moderate approach and is now greatly it bued with the spirit of conciliation and cooperation. Some governments in the West hawe ewem shoWrn a greater apprĒ

Page 17
ciation of the goals that the Movement is trying to achieve. What sees to be lacking, however, is that there is no corresponding reappraisal of the NAM by the international media, particularly those that are based in Western Countries. This is a CCTICET) that I feel til E NAM sloLuld address Seriously in the days ahead. So that the new orientation and approaches taken by the NAM would finally be reflected in the media of those Countries. So that there would be more vigorous public opinion support for these governments in cooperating With and supporting the goals Ofte NAM.
Meanwhile, South-South Cooperation within the Movement has indeed broadered HT inteSified SiČE the Herth Lmmit. The NAM addressed the problem of hunger through an Ad Hoc Advisory Group of Experts which has submitted a proposed Action Programme that was adopted by the Conference of the Ministers of Food and Agriculture of the NomAligned Movement and other Developing Countries in Bali last October.
Also being implemented Within the framework of South-South cooperation is the NAM initiative or the issue of population. A group of experts has likewise been put to Work Taking in-depth studies on this iSSLUČ and their reCOTT Teldations hawe been submitted. One of the results of this effort is a report titled "NAM Support for SoL-SOL, Colaboration in the Field of Population and Family Planning" which is based on Indonesia's experience.
Another major burden that the developing COUntries hawe to bear is the external debt crisis which constitutes a major drain on the resources of developing countries and has often frustrated their endeavours at develop Tent in spite of various strategies tried out by international Community to alle Wiate Crisis. The NAM therefore decided during the Tenth Sulimit to continue ils COTSultative process on the extesmal debt om a high intergovernmental level and to for Tulate policy guidelines that Would bring about a comprehensive and durable solution to the proble. In Compliance with this decision, the Chairman hosted three meetings of expertson Exterrial debol. The TSG Lullt of the Sg BBtings was the formulation of a "Memorandum on Urgent Actions on Eilatera, MLfilatéral and Cortirrhercial Debt offYTe Developing Countries" which was subsequently presented by the NAMChairTan to the Leaders of the Group of 7 through their Chairman on the eve of their Tokyo SUITTit.
Another action-oriented strategy that has been adopted by the Movement is that of self-propelling growth. It has been found effective and appropriate for pu
rSuing South-South achieving sustainabl nded On Self-relianCE tes community-base as well as the right of te i ar fit f further propagate approach, Indonesi: Open-Ended Joint M Decision-Makers of on Development Si March.
Perhaps the Sou til NAM LES HI is the Asia-Africa FC last month in, mos Indung. In this forum Tokyo International can Development ( ping countries of the impressed the Worl growth shared expel and insights with the of Africa. The forum establish Test of a pro Totion of dewel between Asian ami NOW GfEf réfarrés Forum, it could serve South-South coope the discUSSiOns Wel insightful, and there lär Cid With AfriCl
ThuSh aS ASia learriI
Since there Will be in South-South Coop the question of Coor up. There is need in the endeavour5 O South to hold dialog With the Countries of this need for Coor through its Coordina rking with the Group Operationalizatio Col ting Committee (JCC a reSLUlt, thė tėms Čof Coordinating Comm practice soon after Meeting in Cairo, als the two major bodie tries are low ablet ctive strength to effe pursue Warious deWE thin the framleWork Col ration as Well as dia terparts in the deWE
Among the count NAM as a positive f international econor Which the NAM will Consultation are the Countries which use European Group C today as the "countri hawe had a profounc

cooperation and for le development. Fou!, this strategy promo2d economic growth the poorto participaJm development. To this grass roots a is going to host the eeting of Experts and Developing Countries chemes this coming
th-South initiative of d the greatest impact rum Which Was held it appropriately, Ban, a follow-up to the Conférence On AfriTICAD), the develoFar East Which hawe d with their dynamic iences, observations developing Countries haS TE Sulted il tE solid foundation for Opment COOperation d'African Courtries. to as the Bandung aS a modelforfuture "ation efforts: indeed "e doWrl-to-Earth bLt presentation Wasba2arning from Asia as lig from Africa.
Tore Such initiatiwes eration in the future, dination has to come or coordination, too, f the countries of the Jue and negotiations the North. Wig W of dination, the NAM, iting Bureau and Woof 77, expedited the the Joint CoordinaC) early last year, As reference of the Joint hittee were put into the NAM Ministerial O last last year. Thus s of developing couOharreSS their Collectively and efficiently slopment projects WiSouth-South coopelogue With their cou:loped Morth.
ries that regard the orce for dialogue on ric issues and with eed to be il COStart
newly independent Ito belong to the East ountries. Described es in transition," they impact or the deve
loping World for they do compete with other developing countries for scarce interational resources for development. To the Non-Aligned Countries, this is a matter of concern. But the political importance of these Countries and the contributions that they could make cannot be overemphasized. We realize also that if there is a deterioration in the situation of these countries, the Whole international community will be affected. From a historical perspective, even while they were within the exclusive sphere of influence of the former Soviet Union, these countries in general have often been Sympathetic to the deveoping World. After the breakdown with the Soviet Union, it Would seem that these COLUtriĒS, DÉCallu SÊ Of their disi||uSiOTTërit With Communism and their urgent need for developmentresources, hawe become TOre Orientated toWards the West interms of political Walues. They do need help and the international community should provide that help, without, however, sacrificing the aspirations of the rest of the developing World.
Realizing that social and economic development Can Only be Secure in a regime of peace, the Non-Aligned Movement continues to be seized with political iSSLJeS as Well as the tensions and conflicts which attend these issues, My personal observation is that during the past two years, the NAM has been growing in importance and effectiveness as an instrumentality for the solution of international political disputes or conflicts. The NAM has played that role primarily through the sending of Special Emissaries of the NAM Chairmal to the Countries in Conflict, most of the time working behind the scenes. The Movement's advocacy for the peaceful solution of conflicts is also being carried out in the forums provided by the Workings of the United Nations.
The Movement remains firmly committed to its long-established position that a new international order can only beachieved through the Central instrumentality of the United Nations. Moreover, we in the Movement feel that any new international order can only be generally acceptable if it is consistent with the principles and ideals enshrimed in the UN Charter. Consequently, a judicious restructuring and revitalization of the United Nations remains in the highest priority of the Movement. In the endeavours to improve the Working Tethods of the General Asser Tıbly, the NAM has been an active participant. Further work, however, needs to be done to define a clear concept of the role of the General Assembly so that it can exercise the powers given to it by provisions of the Charter.
To be Continued
15

Page 18
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Page 19
NONALIGNMENT
The NAM in the 90's
Rolando Lopez del Amo
fter the collapse of the Soviet
Union and the disappearance of the Warsaw Pact Treaty some analysts think that the NAM has no role to play because the Cold War is OVer and the World is lot divided any more into two antagonistic blocks. In our WieW, Such assertion is totally Wrong because it takes into consideration only one of the various aspects of the Non-Aligned approach to internatiorial relations and ignores the history behind the inception of the movement and its activity till today.
The Walidity of the NAM, its importance for the so called Third World Countries has been highlighted by the decision to hold a mext SLUTT Tiit COnference in 1996 ir Colombia, a country of a region that had only one member attending the first summit in Belgrade in 1961.
It is difficult to deny the fact that the Non Aligned Movement is the result of a process that started in Asia under the sponsorship of some newly independent coutries and could be traced to the Colombo powerS Conference held in 1954 that gathered later in Bogorand BandLung, Indonesia, in 1955 adding the Africam participation. Later in 1961 the Belgrade confereCe gawe birth and name to the Towement as it is today and a World-wide dimension to the previous meetings with the participation of one European Country, the hostYugoslavia, anda Latin American country Cuba.
Reading the final declaration of the Sixth Summit Conference held in Hawara in September, 1979 | found this asseSSrtent that is as Walid as the for the NWM (Quoth) "The fundamental principles of Non-Alignment, thelr uniwersal value and the persistent struggle of non aligned Countries for equitable relations among Countries and peoples provide, due to theirperrnanent nature, inspiration to peoples and countries in their struggle for a World of independence, equality and justiCE.
A paper preserted by the Cuban Ambassador at
hg BCIS sponsored conforgrice. In ColorTibo,
The same docut wing concerning the vement: "Taking in principles on which been based and the principles throughth Conferences held in saka, Algiers and COrf fece gaffilE nce of the policy o a CCOrdance With its C essential character, againstimperialism, nialism, apartheid, r mism and all for Tills o 0CCLupation, dormima intervention, direct pressures, whether military or Cultural, i tİOS".
The TowerTental respect of basic prin nal independence, s. torial integrity, sovere Social development ceful coexistence, in ПОП Пtervertion in th rnal affairs of other C all states to determir nomic and social sy force or threat of use nal relations, right ( indivisibility of peace a new internationale uponequity and direc Corrent and era dici Verty.
Reading this princ how close they are to the UN Charter bL Emphasis in the prol the newly indepent hOSA stil Lunder for Wont be Wrong to say and still is - the expre liberation movement tions. Its members aly NAM as "an indepe as "an important step for freely established table relations among

Bt Stated the folloprinciples of the moo consideration the non alignment has elaboration of those successive summit Belgrade, Cairo, LuColobo, the Sixth ld that the quinlessef Non-Alignment, in riginal principles and nvolved the struggle colonialism, neocoloacism including ZioFforeign aggression, tion, interference or ir indirect, and of all political, economic, In iritérnational rela
ways insisted in the ciples such as natioovereignity and terrisign equality and free of all countries, peaOn interference and le internal and exteountries, freedom of he their political ecostems. Non use of of force in internatioof selfdetermination,
and security for all, Colomic Ordêr based tedtopromote deveate hunger and po
tiples is easy to find those envisaged in it with a particular blems and needs of ent Countries and 'eign domination. It that the NAM WasSSion of the national in international relaNays considered the ndent global factor" in Thankind's search peaceful and equignations, irrespecti
we of their size, geographic location, power or social system".
If the 7 biggest industrial powers of the World from North Atherica, Asia and Europe have their regular meetings to coordinate their global policy, why the developing World is not going to have its own tested forum where to reach a consensus in coordinating their policies and looking after their interests with a global perspectwe?.
It is true that today there is not the confrontation between two military blocks. But it is also true that, while one of the blocks, namely the WARSAW Pact, ceased to exist, the other, NATO is still there. The NAM always asked for a World free of block policies, normatter there were two blocks or one. That's why even this aspect of NAM objectives has not yet been accomplished, not to mention the majority of the rest.
The World We are living today is still a world far from the hopes of the founders of NAM. The gap between developed countries of the north of the planet and the poorest countries of the south is growing With a few exceptions.
The northern developed countries are leading or ruling the World both politically and economically. Even in the united nations, the body where decisions are compulsory for all the member countries and deals with the most sensitive issue of War and peace, I mean the Security Council, is being controlled by a group of powers who are permanent members and imposing the decisions taken by the strongest powers representing the views of the only military block: NATO.
From the economic point of view those powers have a decisive influence in fixing World market prices and export quotas for the products of the South, where two thirds of humankind lives.
Developed countries also have the biggest agricultural and Industrial outputs and the Thain control of Scientific and
7ך

Page 20
technical research and iTplementation of the results achieved in those areas.
They rule the world interns of finances, trade and commerce and to reduce the ill-effects of their own economies, they discharge their burden on the shoulders of the South Countries. Because of all these reasons, the developing Countries need its own "independent global factor".
It is true that nowadays there is a strong tendency to favour regional groupings in terms of economic and political relations. It sees that the most successful has been the European union. Other Attempts are mainly of economic nature, With the exception of Asean that has a broader scope. But in spite of this regional integration, the World cannot be separated in parcels alien one to each other. If one takes the "Four Asian Tigers" as an example of successful economic developoment can see how this economies hawe beeclSe COrlected WitAmeriCareCOnomy, besides Japanese and European. Japanese economy itself can't be divorced froT American economy, a fact that seems won't change much even with the creation of NAFTA and the enlarging of its membership with other Latin American Countries.
Without denying Tierits and importance of regional grouping, ours is an every passing day more interrelated World and a global perspective is essential to guarantee the survival of our planet and its inhabitants.
Worldwide flow of news, ideas, goods, noney and people is the contemporary trend.
In such circumstances is advisable for the countries of the South to keep their own forum where to discuss issues and problems, reach a Consensus and hawe a coordinate position wis a wis the also Coordinate positions of NATO and 6-7 Countries.
Since its inception the NAM provided an adequate framework to discuss politiCalard ECOrlornicissues of CornsTion interest and to COThe Out With a common approach reached through consenSUS.
The NAM always prefered to work Ön such basis instead of taking decisions through balloting (voting) Because the
B
conSenSUS-that does - prowides a better op Consideration minoriti
The NAM is compo Countries with a differ pment, a big Wariety C religious beliefs and is political structures. Th important element be discussions Of EWery a COITTTOn balaf1Ce{ Lupo reality.
Unfortunately, from have been eyewitne COnfrontation, ëWenrm between Nom Alignec NAM TIL Jst lot be blår nings that rum against pies. In fact, on ever nflicts between Non hawe ariserl, the TOW lot of efforts to Cooldo reach fair and hor OU
It would be said thi to flay a dual positiv, relationship art longit: tWear them and the
WETS.
No one can deny til of the NAM tOS: peace, promoting di an Erld to colorial arls tion, fostering indep tecting the right to SI ghting against apart and defending the le. Palestinian people. playing a key role destocratisation of in including the Work ol system as a whole an in particular.
The NAM is the or Cal factor that Car C0C of the majority of the l for that purpose. ATIC İncil memberships: the nem memberSibelo When that Caucus & its Voice cannot bel But its influence is T where enjoys a clear
The Non Aligned ( Wise enough to resi over-organise the T

mot meam Lumanimity ortunity to tåke imto es Wie:W'S,
sed of a diversity of et |EWell of de Well0if Cultural traditions, iocio ECO 10TiC ärld is diversity is a very Cause triches the subject leading to approach based
time to title We ss of conflicts and ilitary confrontation, Countries. But the ned by such happethe very NAM princiy occasion that coAligned countries ement has deploy a Wr the situationard able solutions.
at the NAM hawe yet role both, in the smembers, and beformer colonial po
he historic Contribusafe-guarding World sari nament, putting id imperialist dominaHendence and proelf-deter Tiratiori, filleid in SOLuth Africa gitimate rights of the Today the NAM is in relation with the tertational relations the United Nations dits Security Council
ly international politirdinate the positions JNThe bestostrive ing the Security Coure are 7 non permanging to the NAM. ave a COITTO stand gnored in that body. ore larger in the GA
majority.
Countries hawe beer st the temptation to ovement, to give to
it a rigid structure with a permanent Secretariat in a single country or to make a charter or too many rules. The flexibility of the NAM organisation, with a style of work based upon free democratic discussions and through them reaching a cosensus hawe safeguard the Unity of the TowerTent in spite of the differences, sometimes very sharp among the member Countries.
The Conferences of heads of state or government every 3 years provide the medium term guidelines for the NAM. The ministerial meetings in the half of that period, allowed to check the Work done and update the consideration of important issues. But the essential day to day work, the one that test the capacity and effectiweness of the MOW, is the functioning of the coordinating bureau in NEW York. That is the more practical tool of the movement to implement its decisions and policies. That is the key factor that can spread the influence of the NAM in the UN system including the Security Council.
Summarising the NAM hawe resisted the test of time. More than 34 years of existence and the continuous increase in its membership are clear evidence of the TiSJ d' etrė Of the TOWETEt, Th1 ETE İS not other option better than the NAM for the developing World to reach a common approach on global issues in front of big powers led blocks policies,
Til the World BBCDTBS free of black policies and all nations could really be united, till the World remains divided into two categories of nations, the NAM Will hawe a role to play as the expression of te reedS ad Wig WS of Orė Čof thOSE TWO Categories.
That's why in the Nineties the NAMstill hawe a wery important role to play and the wery fact that the next summit will be held in Latin ArTerica shows that the ideas that started to take shape in Colombo in 1954 and evolved through the Bandung COnference in 1955 to the first Non Alligrēd Summit in belgrade in 1961 are still alive. The Tarch front Colombo to ColorTbia in 1995 shows that the cause of the big majority of humankind Will be voiced with more strength and maturity and the principles and objectives of the NAM will be again a factor of unity, a noble banner to follow in the path to a better World for all.

Page 21
COMP
VIS
TES'
VASA OF
2O7, 2nd C.
COIOT

UTER
ION
TING
DTICIANS
"oss Street,
to 11.

Page 22
J. R's latest
Now we've heard everything: J. R. and Wijaya were good friends
Who says so? Why, J. R. himself, in an interweW With Rosha Peiris of the SuInday Times. We recollect that Stalin and Trotsky too were close friends. It is true that Stalingot one his hatchetmentobury an ice-pick in Trotsky's brain. Apart from that however, they were friends.
In that interview, J. R. explained that Wijaya Was imporisomed by his government because "the process of the law had to be the same for all". He added: "I rarely, if ever, talk about the fact that Madam Bandaranaike took my son into custody and jailed him". Of course when J.R. says "Må där Bår där åsikė": tÓÖkhiS SOm intČ) custody he can hardly mean she herself personally did it, just as J. R. did not him5ęlf personally takę, Vijaya into CLstody, J.R's son's case was just another instance of "the process of the law being the same for all". By Tentioning Mrs. B. bу паппе, instead of here govеппппепt, Ш. R. appears to imply that the two cases are not all fours. But they are.
Though he "rarely, if ever", talks about it, on one farious occasion, he did talk about the arrest of his son. This was long after Mrs. Bhad been deprived of her civic rights.The late Kosgoda Dhammawansa, head of the Amarapura Nikaya, led a delegation of Buddhist monks before J. R. to ask him to relent and restore Mrs. B's civic rights, J. R's reply to the startled group of monks was that it was Mrs. B's government that had taken his only Son into custody during the 1971 insurgency and given him his meals in a tinplate. The Chief Mørlk ašk#{H. Whether it WäS, thÉirl, an act of revenge to take away her rights. J. R. did not reply. But the delegation did not get what they came to ask for,
J. R. also told Roshan Peiris that he got the idea for the Jayawardena Centre frot America where F.D.R. established a Centre to house the gifts and documents he had accumulated. But there is a slight difference. Roosevelt did not use public money to buy back his childhood home for his Centre. J. R. did this, and made a further attempt to acquire his ancestral property in Grandpass with taxpayers'
20
money but this Wa det PreTadasa W ceedings and hanc to the Owners. F. things.
But tE TOSt iir irterwieW is Whern hi over the leadership 1973, I hawe W01 eV elections and mot || 1973 to 1988, be Ctors to Paris. WOrdS Ole WOuld rO by a man ruled this lding a single pa election for close general election Wa Mrs. B., which J.R.' number of Wey attr Ses, not One Of Whic had the slightest nting. While mot im
All Holds bCl. But the p Distis
THE BLI
BLIt is AIl That of th Or des F DLUe of
FLO Through
TOS
Urie
Liէ Լւp the
We Odo IF Through Ardrol Dēl 5:

Sfrustrated by Presi'ho reversed the proled back the property ).R. did tot d0 SUCh
teresting part of the claims: "Since took ) of the UNP in April tery formofislandwide ost a single one from it refererldLIrTI Ör Élerit". To read thesë tthink they are spoken i country without horliamentary general In 12 years. The 1977 s a clear one, held by Won by Taking a large active election promih he implemented, or intention of implemelementing a single of
the promises for which he received a mandate, J. R. did manythings for which he had no Tandate, including making himself "deemed-to-hawe-bee-elected" executive president and making himself free frOfT all SLUIt.
As for the referendum it Was Won with intimidation and thuggery as pointed out by no less a person than the Commissioner of Elections himself. During this referedum We Saw, for the first time in Our history, senior government party men intimidating polling staff inside the polling stations with guns. Had the Commissioner of Elections the power to do so, he would O dÕLubit ha We (dėClared the refertidul null and Void. That J. R. Car mention the referendum as one of his triumphs without blushing is impressive, Somebody should tell him it is time he stopped making public statements about his achieve Tets,
Piyalı Gamage
Waiting-3 Gall Wilhare
Lithfolded art is ck his grief
air uracks tears from store,
Fra's Truthus as Sor ToLu).
anda's great Sadress Le porfing of this great Borld
Le Lilfolded (IIT IIs
their Jour Tey together SLIl Childhood to Flis OLUrl Search the sir Tupole joys ardhuardshuips of his Pilgrim Lage
լOOd LIrլattained,
тпегпогy thalппеlled this. Stone : Sutras, leading him to Bliss?
Le CITiLiedhere as Pilgrirris Trtaru tirnes childhood artid ser Udards irls LUeeter Bords.
Lufth the Worlds attachments not yet shed ulptLIres Griessor orie or this Pilgrillage.
U. Karunatilake

Page 23
Why there's so in this rustict
There is laughter and light banter arringst this: Tural daTT1:Els whĽ 3Ti: li-11:y sirling out tobacco leaf in a ball. It is one of the hundreds of such
barns spread Cut in the Tid and LupCOLITntry
inter mediatic zone where the arable lard retains flrnu during HE Jff SEäsQn.
Here, with careful nurturing, tobacco grows as a lucrative cash trip and the greatin leaves turn to rrLLSSLLL LLLL LLLLLLLla LLL LLLL LLLLS 00 LLLeHL HL LHHLGGL annually, for perhaps 1-3, Fural folk.
 

ENRCHINGRURAL LIFESTYLE
und oflaughter obacco barn.
Tobacco is the industry that brings employment to the second highest Turnbar of people. And this people are the tobacco barı JŲ, TETs, ha tbxCCI) grry Jers and those Who Wark for thETT), on the land
rikl ir tlh: barris,
For then, the tobacco leaf rears meaningful work, a confortable life and a secure future. A good (rough Tason for laughter,
CeylonTobacco Co. Ltd.
Sharing and caring for our land and her people.

Page 24
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