Page 1
ANKA
GUAR
EELAM: A Q
SUU KY: PRO
WOMEN LEADER
THE R
GANG RAPE
RAO: AN INDLA
RAVANA and HE
FUNDAMENTALISM:
CAN P. A. FIGHT

DIAN
Registered at GPO, Sri Lanka QD/33/NEWS/94
O.OO
QUASI - STATE ?
- N. Stanislaus
FILE OF COURAGE
- Neelan Tiruchelvam
S: A MUSLM VIEW
— eJezima Ismail
REGION
, IN KARACH
— M. B. Naqvi
N GORBAC}{[EV ?
- K. Katyal
LA NATIONALISM
– Sasanka Perera
FISH OR FOUCAULT
- Bruce Laurence
QN TWO FRONTS?
- Mervyn de Silva

Page 2
WITH THE BEST
ELEPHANT HOUS
OUALITY AT AFFC
NO 1 JUSTICE
CCLC)

COMPLIENTS
E SUPERMARKET
ORDABLE PRCES
A. Il-KEBAR MWAWWA THA
NMEBO 2.

Page 3
BRIEFL Y ,
TULF on the package and the War
Mr Sivasitha paraT, leader of the moderate TaTi United Liberation Front (TULF) has told the government that the Tamil people Tay fim dit difficult to respond to a peace package. When it is offered While a War is still being conducted in the North, Mr Sivasithamparam said in an interview with the state run SLday Observer that he had Written to President Kumaratunga for the third time calling for a ceasefire and the correncement of negotiations.
The TULF leader said: "Our position is that you cannot find a solution to the Tamil problem through military action. It is only by political settlement that you can bring an end to this problBT and establish peace." He said that they ask both sides to COIThe tO a Ciga SEfire ard ré-Start negotiations,
SLMC Wants a unit
Sri La ka Muslim Corre SS (SLMC) has proposed to the Parliamentary Select Committee on ConStitutoria:Refort TS al "Predo Toliñ3 font
Muslit Unit" and a "Predominant Tamil Unit" in the North-East region.
For the predominant Muslim unit the SLMC has suggested the areas of Kalmurai, Samanthurai and Pottuvil in the Ampara district and idenfigMuslitārāSirītē Balticālā,
LHHLLLLHLLLDLLuL S HH LLLLLLL LLLLLLLLSS
FF E TE || Liit le SLMC HIS suggested the districts of Jaffna, KillinochChiand Mulaitwu and identified Tami areas in Mannar, TrinCCITEIBE ad Batti Calloa.
"Will not g
"CL CCBS, Wil
the LTTE E foi 78 sq kilometres red in the Operat auchit M:
rice Minister ATL told parliament. F Opposition Leade singhe.
Former
quest
A former minis gime has been Pat COIT and Corruption a id Which haS | private London b
Asked
ForIE MIPS 5 Wernment flatsh: quit, to a CCOT100 and deputy mini FOLJSS i COIT
MPs told to
Gower TientM by Chief Whip (Minister of Educ in parliament dur
LandCruiser
Inter
The state has
LandCr Luisers för ment in place o |mlerCCCler's Whit clamoured for.
''Red CO
An erudito an Buddhist monk ring in Colombo TWITT TIL WAS
E ad frO' Wenerable Dr W.

give back'
| not give back to Tari inich of the of land re-captuion Leap Forward orth." Deputy DefeJuddha RätWätt He was anSWering Fr Rari Il WickrierTa
inister tioned
ter Of the UNPrgguestioned by the mission on Bribery bout some foreign Er tra Cēd 10 a
3 fink a CCOunt,
to αuit
lill squatting in goWe been asked to
late new ministers
SterS WHO hawe 10
E.
be in Seats
|P5 l-WE BET C
Richard Pathiralië ation) to be present ing debates.
S irStead Of coolers
Ordered 3000 cc
Melbers of Parliaf the super luxury hSOThe had earlier
SS a fraud'
d much respected ald a public gathethat the Red Cross a fruad and should the Country. The alpola Rahula, Cha
ricellor of the Kelaniya University, was speaking at the launching of his biography. ICRC Coperatives in the island hawe been a CICLISēd Cof taking sides in the ongoing ethnic War.
CID investigates defence purchases
In the course of investigating fruad and malpractices in the use of government funds (during the previous regime) the CID Was investigating an alleged discrepency of Rs 24 million in the purchase of high frequency direction finding equipment costing Rs 72 million inforeign exchange. Among Statements recorded Was that of for Ter ArrTuy Chief Lt. General Cecil Waidyaratna.
It is alleged that this equipment failed to function,
GUARDAN
Wol. 18 No. 6 August 1, 1995
PTICE HE 1 U. U
Published fortnightly by Lanka Guardian Publishing Co. Ltd. No. 246, Union Place .2 = iםbוחםםG
Editor: Mervyn de Silva Telephone: 447.584
Printed by Ananda Press 825, Sir Ratnajothi Sarawa miam Luttu Mawatha Colombo 13. Telephone: 4359.75
CONTENTS
News Background ALrg. San SLJLu Kyi 3 A Modest Proposal 5. The Regim 7 Carl Mu5i WCTer|
Be Leaders of a Natif 11
Rig-discoWaring Rawama 15 Islamic Fundamentalism (2)

Page 4
NEWS BACKGROUND
TURNING PC
The Fortunes of war suddenly tur over 300 LTTE fighters were killed in a
Army posts in the north-east WELIOYA
ra, Kokilai and Kokkuuttoiduvai. (Sol casualty figure could be as high as 40C for a politically embattled Peoples All
luch-Ileeded 1 OTalebOOSt.
In the north, the AIIlly had pulled ( taken in the much-publicised OPEF
commanded by Deputy Defence Minis
In the wake of this "Wellioya Wate. President Ku Inaratunga and Constitu to have decided that this wide-open "
moment to present the Constitutional
Since the P.A. reforns require a t cooperate with the Kumaratunga adm Regions" that the P.A. has proposed.
Wellioya, the LTTE is still a resources
fight the U.N.P. in Parliament and the
time. Torn by internal dissension, the
SOCOTI

) INT P
ned in the government's favour when massive assault Ollfour Well-defended
region — Janakapura, JayasinghepuThe official spokesmen said that the )). For the Armed Forces, and indirectly
iance, the news from the front was a
put of the 74 square kilometres it had ATION LEAP FORWARD, personally teT, ColoIlel Anu Tuddha RatWalte.
loo" as the SUNDAY TIMES called it,
tional Affairs Minister, G.L. Pieris Seel
Window of opportunity" was the ideal
Refor Inspackage.
IVo-thirds majority, the U.N. P. must
hilistatiolt) iltIOdllCe "the UniCll of
Despite the major military debacle at ul enemy in the field. The P.A. cannot LTTE on the battleground at the same P.A. has to re-think its overall strategy
Mervyn de Silva

Page 5
HUMAN RIGHTS
Violation of Human Rights i
Noble Peace Prize Winner Aung San Suu Kyi wa
Dr. Neelam Tiruchelvam, M.P.
Mr. Speaker, I move the following Motion:
"That, whereas the General Asserbly of the United Nations on the 20th December, 1993 resolved Without a Wote that it is greatly concerned at the continuing violations of human rights, summary and arbitrary excutions, torture, forced labour, abuse of Women, restrictions on fundamental freedorns, the imposition of oppressive measures particularly on ethnic and religious minorities in Myanmar
And whereas the Government of Myanmar has not implemented its Commitments to take all necessary steps towards democracy in the light of the results of the elections of 1990;
Arld Whereas the Uniwersal Declaration of Human Rights states that the Will of the people shall be the basis of the authority of Government
And whereas the people of Myanmar and Sri Lanka hawe hadstrong historical, religious and cultural linkages;
And whereas human rights activists in Sri Lanka made an appeal on Wesak Day in 1992 to all concerned groups in Myanmar to respect the Verdict of the people as expressed in the elections of July, 1990 and to work towards an iTIlediate transition to democracy,
This House resolves that the Noble Peace Prize Winner, Laureate Aung
San Suu Kyi who de tērtior WithCLUtt mditionally and ir With other political prisoners, and ir taken to transfer democratically ele and allow a citizer in the political proc be given to humar freedoms, more p. and the integrity c and full effect begi 48/150 Of 20լի | the General ASSE Nations."
Mr. Speaker, th la T1E3 Cof ile Me including Dr. Sara Lakshman Kiriella, ra, Mr. Y.P. de S: Nanayakkara, Mr. Mr. K. P. Silva, Mr. trle.
Sir, this Motiomh lly Constructed, Sir, ge of a Resolutior urları İrmously by [[]] 20th DECEITEC 19 effect be given tc calling for the releas Prize Winner, Lau Kyi who is in her 6t Will be 7th year, Sir called that she be mally and immedi other political leade mers and that imme to transfer political Sir, this House has of expressing solic

n Myanmar
S released last Torf)
S in her sixth year of ial be released UniCOmediately together leaders and political mediate steps be olitical power to the cted representatives stoparticipate freely ess, and full respect rights, fundamental rticularly right to live if the human person Wen to the Resolution December, 1993 of Imbly of the United
is Motiori iS irii the mers of Parliament th. Arnunugama, Mr.
Mr. Earl Gurla sekaSilva, Mr. Wasudeva Batty Weerakoon, Lakshman Serie Wira
as been very carefulit follows the languawhich was passed Inited Nation on the 93 and Calls that full the Resolution by Se of the Noble Peace 'eate Aung San Suu hyear of detention-it in July this year. We released unconditioately together With irs and political prisoadiate steps be taken process in Myanmar. hadaproud tradition larity with the strug
gles for human values, wherever such struggles may take place. Many years ago Motions Were tabled in this House, Mr. Speaker, calling for the release of a political prisoner in Robin Island, Mr. Nelson Mandela WO is now the President of South Africa, We hawe always believed, Mr. Speaker, that "injustice anywhere is a call to the just everywhere" and in this bi-partisan Spirit that Members On both sides of the House hawe approached this political development im Myanmar. The reason that We, in this House hawe a Special need to express concern with regard to Myanmar is due to the strong historical and religious link - that we have had between our respective Countries. Mr. Speaker, you are aware that the Polonnaruwa Kings, both Parakramabahu and Vijayabahu I, in the 11th and 12th centuries expressed, Cordiality and forged close political links with Burma, then known as Ramarina. These links were further consolidated by the religious affinity, the affinity between the Therava da buddhist tradition Sboth in Burma and in Ceylon at that time, These links hawe endlured ower the CentLJ rie:S and particularly during the struggle for Burma's independence led by Aung San. So this motion symbolises the continuing respect and affection of the people of Sri Lanka for the indomitable spirit and courage of the people of Burma who have overcome many setbacks over the years. It was in this spirit that on Wesak day in 1992, a large number Human Rights and Non-Governmental Organizations made appeal in Colombo, to all concerned groups in Myanmar, to respect the Verdict of the people as expressed in the elections of

Page 6
July 1990, and to Worktowards an immediate transition to democracy. The mere tabling of this motion has triggered a chain of events in the sub-continent. In April at a Conference jointly sponsord by UNESCO and the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan reference Was made in the final resolution of that Conferece to this initiative in this House. Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto Who inaugurated this meeting courageously added her own personal appeal for the immediate release of Aung San Suu Kyi. A few days later in India the prestigious Nehru Memorial Award for International Understanding, Was awaded to Aung San Suu Kyi. The Hon. Foreign Minister isä Warēthat a WTCS of this ratLTE FEfBC:t a growing Consensus and concern Within the Indian Establishment. With regard to the political developments in Myanmar, I mention this because in the struggle for human values even the SrinaIlest initiative can create ripples which the become Waves Which reach beyond the shores of even our Island. The recent troubled history of Myanmar commenced with the assumption of power by the Burmese Army. On September 18, 1988, General Saw Maung, the chief of staff of the Burmese Armed Forces, announced that the military had assumed power and abolished all civilian governmentinstitution. The Ministry established, Mr. Speaker, a 19 member military ruling Council called the State LaWard Order Restoration Council. So, om the Orders of this Council the pro-democracy demonstrations were forcibly Crushed. Hundreds of thousands of people were shot and killed on the streets of Rangoon. Political demonstrations Were HarrlEd ärld FrlaS5 arfESts of SlL|- dents, political activists, Opposition Party Members and Buddhist monks took place. A second crackdown in July 1989 resulted in the detention of the Opposition Leaders including the leader of the National League for Democracy Aung San Suu Kyi. Mr. Speaker, despite the continuing political repression the National elections held on May 27th
1990 Was a stus political opposition t The NLD took 392 C seats, more than 8 seats. The group WF the military Wasable seats. The results of to be honoured an Speaker, there had political power to civ
NOW e SituatiO been comprehensiv several organizatio sty International Whi ral important report mentary Union Mr. resultion particular Certat 29M2Tb ressainin detation is again another rea has to expreSS COr these development: both the UN HLUTla and the GeneralAs.
NiO5 in 1993 as
thout Wote a R2S0lL in Myanmar calling political prisoners, cracy the full effect dual rights in Myan also expressing Co the problems of ref
perSonS.
There ha Weber Some attempt by th to respond to this ir Some political pris. a Commitment Wa: the International C Cross with regardt uranitarial issue pporteur of the Uni been appointed to Myanmar has exp no meaninful progr With regard to the civilians who were cted in Myanmar Were led in 1990.

ing victory for the to SLOC's rule. ut of 485 Cortested O of the contested 1ich Was backed by нto secure onlyпіпе this election are yet i as you know, Mr. been no transfer of
Lē.
n in Myапппаг has 'ely documented by Sincluding Ammech published SerWes. The inter ParliaSpeaker, passed a y expressing Conrs of Parliatent held in Myanmar and this son why this House Cern With regard to sand as pointed out Rights Commission sembly of the United ld 1994 passed Wition on the Situation for the release of restoration of demobeing given to indiwimar particularly and ncern with regard to ugees and displaced
1 particularly in 1993 e Burmese authority terlational COCer, ners Were released, S Tlade to Work With Omittee of the Red OHuman Rights and 3s. But a special rate NatiOS, WHO FIES investigate events in ressed Concern that ess has been Trade, transfer of power to der Tlocratically elleat the elections that
So Mr. Speaker, there are many Who
would like to participate in this debate,
| Wish to commend to this House in the
bipartisanspirit in which this Motion has
been tabled, as an expression of Our solidarity. With the people of Myanmar and urge that this House accept this
MotiO.
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Page 7
PEACE
A modest prop
N. Stanislaus
he war-and-peace situation in Sri
Lanka is truly trapped infantasies and fairy tales. One sign of this is the series of articles in the press, both the popular press as Well as the journals of opinion, ajut "traditional HOTElfärds Of the Talmils". To begin with there is K.M. de Silva giving us the same old arguments in One newspaper, to be expanded and re-arglued by that famous historian and deep thinking scholar, Amarasekere. This elicits a critical responsa from Darimi Rajasnghari in Prawada. In therneantirTe Rajam Hoole has been developing a complex thesis about the political motivations of K.M. de Silva's early Work On the Same subject in Co Interpoint. He also has provided however a more defensive position om the concept of "traditional homelands"; it is a political notion and not a historical or geographical One,
These are all utterly futile exercises because one of the assumptions behind them is that these issues of rights to occupy a land, people it and govern it can be settled by the "correct" information being used or by the force of the logic of an argument. Far from this being the case, these issues have always been settled by the force of arms. The interpretation of Sri Lankan history provided by a variety of Scholars over the years was supported by the state and its various Institutions - the University and the Department of Archeology, but above all by its standing army. In recent years a different interpretation of Sri Lankan history has been put forward by others, including some scholars and is being ultimately defended by another standing army, albeit a more irregular One.
Any moves for peace, i.e. a settlerTent of this dispute, Tust lake this into account. The situation on the ground then is that a given number of people hawe organized the Tselves into an alternative army and Tia de Certain claims. They are able and Willing to assert these claims and defend ther with ruthless efficiency and unrelenting brutality. On the other hand, there is a state whose army is unable, since its hands are tied by having to avoid civilian
Casualties as far a decisively against LF militants. Further, E. northern people of a total economic possible for a gover Sowereignty ower thĘ rmmentandits äger) a War. With some in type of operation is
Yet events had p the years, that not developed an alter Էյսl havg im fact t։ State. This had be Jayadewa Uyarndo: LTTE is no longera It is a quasi state : it is a quasi State."
Uyangoda howe same vein a point th no president, prime army general of the about this."
They may notПе: but the entire pea ducted recently hE UrldertäkErl With OL ito ECCOLL. FET peaCOCESSh: assumption that the a settleTent With a be brought into the Carlais Constillids arrangements. Thi: Could Co Luth||W. gence of a state of
One of the impli thata oqLuasi statehE that it 5 W tE to Taintain itself. quasi-state situatic a state apparat US, Edifir til the hawe political arcdit people." He may they hawe a standir bassies in the capi
TПЕ ЈЕПТaПЈЕ П

OSa
is practicable, to win Le counterarmy of the asides depriving the Certair Selectedite TS ambargo) is als 0 mot et that Sti|| Cai T15 se people. The govets have indeed to fight hitations. A CHEchini ya s Lurely not possible.
rogressed so far Ower inly have the Tilitants native Standing army, reated an alterrilatiwe an Well expressed by la in the Island: "The guerrilla organization. and beyond Wavuniya
wEr CCIllinlLIES in the at is debatable: "I think 3 minister. Tinister, Or arTy need to be told
adto betoldãbOut thiS, ce negotiations Condi TIEWEarth ElESS EJEET) taking this home-truth from doing this, the as proceeded on the ay Were negotiating for political party that can mainstream by making Faà di Stati W2 5 WaS a futile TOWE and a to the re-ee
War.
cations of recognizing demergedist0 aClCept power and resources Jyangoda says "In the Jr., LTTE has evolved They hawe their QWn ir own judiciary and i.eological control of the also hawe added that nga ITThy and quasi-enital Cities oft World.
at the LTTE put forward
at the peace negotiations should in fact be wig Witted in this context. The dermand that the army be withdrawn from Pooneryn is really a demand that the army of an occupying power be withdrawn from the sovereign territory of a state. It would almost certainly hawe been followed by demands that the army be withdrawn from Palaly and the offshore islands.
Ha LLaaLLLL LLLLLL S LLLLL LL LLLLLLLL0L of the LTTE should be allowed to carry arms In the Eastern province is a continuation of the same claim. The east Tay rict be militarily in the hands of the northern quasi state; nevertheless it is part of the territory for which the quasi-state has been fighting all these years. From the point of view of this same State, it has all been conceded by the Indo-Sri Lanka agreement ofJ.R.Jayawardene and Rajiv Gandhi. The LTTE may have fought against this agreement but on One point there can be no doubt: they accepted the legitimacy of the boundaries set by the аgreёment.
The upshot of all these considerations is that a claim made by the Tamils, or at least some of them, that historically there has always been LWO states in the island of Sri Larika artid that LihleSetWO State:S muStbe TECOrı Stituted ha5 been SLICCESSfully asserted militarily. The historical accuracy of this claim is irrelevant. Further, the clait can be Taintained and militarily defended by a variety of Tears by a quasi state — military assaults, assassinations, taking the War into the enemy state, overseas campaigns of propaganda and so Orland SC forth, To this, lhe Sri Larkan State hlaso defens2 TCW, Cir in the long rum.
Yet, even if it can Tobilize a powerful and Well-equipped army and engage in the successful War and take. Jaffna, there will still be a need for apolitical settlement. MO modern State Carl Taintain Contro Over a people on a purely military basis. It is aLLHHLLLLLLL LLLLLLLLS LLLL LLLLaa LLLL LaHHLaLaaL will be maintained by a Colombo government exclusively under the Control of the

Page 8
Tilitary. The military Will have to relinquish Control Sooner or later and a political SettlerIIEnt reached.
But One does mot hilawē to Wait to do that. It is possible to do this now. Or at least, it was possible in the immediate aftermath of the P.A. election victory and may be possible once a new cease-fire is negotiated. It Will take the fellowship shape.
Step I: A cease fire and agreement by the Sri Lanka government to withdraw all its forces from the North Within a matter of Weeks.
Comment: There is really no reason for the government to reject this, Insofar as the government and its masses of Supporters accept that peace is possible and regional autonomy is desirable, there Will be no nged to maintain a centralized army in the north. To say otherwise and insist on maintaining an army is to implicitly assert (a) that peace is not possible in the foreseeable future, (b) that even after peace, We must keep control and a Watch over these buggers. Obviously these are untenable and self-destructive moves to a peaceful Solution. Needless to say the free flow of all commerce betWBET the South and Orth Should EÖÖ resumed without any restrictions. Once again, the ban on goods that will be useful in a military sense is also made on the ASSLmpliOrl hat War Will reSLIme SocJr. Further, these bans have not had any Conspicuous military Consequences. Indeed it is a measure of the fact that the history is repeating itself as a farce in Sri Lanka is the government banning batteries against a quasi-state that has assembled a heat-seeking missile and a powerful anti-aircraft gun
Step II: The government should deTmarCate the territories of the eastern proWince that is to be included in the Tamil unit. This can include the Muslims by their Consent, or a separate Muslim territory can be demarcated as well. This unit - the new Tamil Lumit Will fort an extension of the quasi-Tarni| state that exists in the North. The residual population of Sinhalese in the northeast is exactly parallel to the residual Tamils in the south and at his time one can only hope that the two respective governments will treat them with respect dignity and equal rights.
Comment: It is true that unlike the north, the eastern province is not militarily
Luder le Control of however irrelevat. struggle that the LTT |S tČ EJätter the Sri | deliberately and With pOSÊ. This can be su Take the Wär to ti enemy. The Islamic
lar strategy, but sofa The Tamil militants able to accomplish TET Of TTS CITE COletO COOT10 a to do with despatch LTTE de Slot Häwe rial War or even ag They merely have to territory andengage but punctuated, att They may even be economic foundation and society by thes E
Step III: Опсе Withdrawn from all p a plan of demarcati east, negotiations c matur Of thig relati northern quasi-state of Sri Lanka. The for should not be put or negotiations, it sh course of the negoti
CQT1 ment: Orci ment has nothing ti this procedure. It is hawe ar upper hanc Wise, but they do fa limitations of their hOWeyerheroically may hawe borne the of these titles and 10 of their leaders have eCOnomically Self SL to maintain a relation
Secondly, howeve dership of the Tarn ab-OLL the fata Of the living in the south, emotionally, political O di SOW them CCIT settlement they ha accept the fact that TarTills W|| Catiue to Walt to Weite
Thirdly, the newly ries, in the east in p be very porous OneS. resources in manpo

the militants. This is
THE I E! Tro Of Elisable to undertake Lankan state slowly, 1a singleness of purImmed in one phrase: he heartland of the militants have a simiWith inited SUCCESS. OWever are uniquely his bėCause any nutasily and legitimately 1d do What they hawe and efficiency. The s to fight a conventioJerrilla War anymore. defect grote Ir a Series reler tless, acks in the capital. : able to Wreck the S of Sri Lark är State
and other means.
the army has been its in the north and yn been made for the an be begun on the Onship between the
and the government Ti of this relationship the table before the ould emerge in the Allors.
e again, the governO loose by following rug that the militants militarily and otherIce Certain important Wrl, To begin with, the people of Jaffna eCoronic difficulties WEWEr Waliantlysome I tried to Take Jaffna Ificient, it stil needs ship with the So Luth.
år indifferent the leails Tay Claim to be Tamils Who are now they cannot afford, ly and economically pletely. Any political W te dW: LISt a large number of to live, and Continue South.
derTlärCätBd bQLIridaarticular, cannot but
It Will take enormous Wer money, Will and
temperament to defend it continuously from enCroachment as must be done in the event of a separate sovereign state. Whatever happens politically, the Tamils and the Sinhalese arefatodarid door med to share the same land. Emotionally attached many of the Tamils may be to Tami Nadu and Southern India and to Drawidianism, but they certainly cannot detach their land and take it to the Coromandel Coast and merge With it
CONCILISIO
These steps are not only Wise and practical but also in my wjew inewitablé. The Sri Lankan govern Tent cannot win this War and even if it wins it, it Will still hawe to Concede Tost of the dermands of the militants, sooner of later. After that is, many lives have been lost and resources hawe beer spent.
The mistake the PA government (the habit of referring to the government as the "Chandrika government" or the "Kumaratunge gavernment" should be abardoned. Those titles carry their own inefficiency and pathos!) made was in mot WithildraWing all its miliary forces in the north immediately after it won the election. After all, what did this army's presence achiewe? What did its presence mean? Surely, nothing. The second mistake Was in postponing the announcemert of the boundaries of the northeastern unit, And the third mistake was in trying to write a new Constitution by having discussions in Colombo with lawyers and constitutional experts. Despite claims to the contrary, Constitution are notlegal Tattersbutpolitical ones. Lawyers get into it only after the politicians are done With it and fatten themselves arguing its nuances.
TE rléEd of thE 1OL – that Is In NOWETıber 1994 — wästö hawe beembold and decisive. It is however too late to try again. In fact, it is never too late. All Wars, after all lead to peace, even the hundred years War.
Yet, one must admit these moves may fail; the quasi state of the north may evolve into a State of Eelam. It is a danger that the government has to face. It has no other choice, not because they are loosing a War in 1995 or hawe brought it to a stalemate; they lost the united country in 1956. At this stage We can only hope that a genuine federation of independent units can hold the country, a changed country to be sure, together.

Page 9
THE REGION
The day after
M. B. Naqvi
Nadeer AirTed, 67, resulted historning Walk on Tuesday, after a gap of three days. It was the first day after the three-day mourning announced by MQM's leader, Altaf Hussain, for the gangrape of the sister of a young MQM activist, during which the Pakistan's industrial capital Cālē ti ātā Stārīd St. A. ŠtāliLLLLLL LLLLaLLaL LLLLLaL L LLLLL LHH LLLL0LS port plied. But for Ahmed, life had to go O.
An eerie Calm had settled over Karachi's deserted Streets before six a.m. While his wife waited anxiously at the gate for his return, here is What Ahmed encountered: A little way down his normal route, he found the road half-blocked by the charrëdres Thains of What ITUSt. Flave Deen Sorne push carts, a motorcycle rickshaw and SOThe household odds and ends, including the ashes of tyres from which there was an acrid Snell. Quickening his place, Ahmed pressed on. Near the petrol puri) in north Nazimabad's KSector, he accosted the burnt shell of a minibus, popularly called the "yellow dewi". Ahmed Was struck by the large amount of the usual rubbish strewn of the roads - the locality had not seen a sweeper for three or four days. And just when he thought the calm Would lasta little longer, he heard the familiar rumble of gunfire - a series of typical, rapid half-explosions of the AK 47 assault riflg.
Almas teaches Botany at the Federal Government College For Women near
Urdu Bazar. Not b yee, she is not or paid only for the de
Cm that Tuesday stop by 8.30 in the days of unofficial cle to report to Work. lose out on yet arc i COTE — RS 250 component of her gal.
Besides wanting before the princi aga inst F1 Er räThe i ster, Almlas also W: that she could leg early, That mornin lad the SaTE idea, go past because t she boarded the t enough to stand . of the way.
The one place || its usual activity a Club. Only the nois was unusually high герогіегS Were si other's figures of preceding three c almost all of them Apparently, some { | WO O E. Chief) ends of the Spraw township, made fa SOCial Worker Akh Korangi.
Politics of dialogue
The crisis in Karachi is arrerable to a satifactory so of the Pakistan High Corrmission tells Sakina Yusuf
LSS S L LLLL L LLLLaC LLCLLLLLLL LL LLLLLL as it/sрогїrayedIпthe Iпdїалалd/лterла
of Press?
A: The situation in Karachi is a matter of LLLLaaL a K LLLLLLL LLLL L LLLLKSKLOLaLK a LLSLLLLLLLS LLaaLLC LLLLLLaLLLL LLLL HH LLLLLLaLS nal Press have painted too grim a scenario. Expectedly, Some Indian newspapers hawe been Sensationalisirgthe Wiolence in Karachi. However, we are hopeful that this current
Infortunate aberration will settle down.
G: Do youviewthepresanforisismainly as a laward order probler or does tarise out of political and Ideological issues?
A Tie is ide blem is political a iTTSiS, ELL WWE the political will, the an early and Satisfa
СЭ: ls there aпур, Lysth the MGM?
A: Yes, wery much offered a dialogue : SSäill to 5h1 Wicolar SubTit himself to til government's wiew
Eli Will by coersion and Wic

eing a regular emplothe payroll and gets Lys she attedS.
Almas Was at the bus a morning. After three Sure she was anxious She couldn't afford to ther day's pay, as her O - Wäs är ČSSEftiäl family's monthly bud
to reach the carpus bal Tarked a Cr055 In the attendance regianted to get in early so |itimately return home g, it seems everyone After letting two buses ley Were too Crowded, hird and found space Inly on one foot most
hat Was Hustling Wilh OO was the Press e from the dining room Where seven or eight quabbling ower each casualties during the |lays. Then, om a tip, suddenly rushed out. action was in progress attlegrounds at the two vling city: The Orangi TOLUS by Octogenariam tar Hamid Kham, amid
Access to both the townships is nearby impossible - while the major entrances are blocked by phalanxes of vehicles belonging to the security forces, the residents of the localities have dug up all the other approaches.
The one industry that has flourished during the last few stormy months is the holding of seminars and symposia. Any number of them are being organised almost daily in private houses With the residences of political leaders having beCome permanent venues for heated discussions among all who wisit. It see Tis everyone, With the sole exception of Pakistan People's Party leaders and ministers, Wants a political dialogue to start between the government and the MQM.
Prime minister Benazir Bhutto, howeVer, is sticking to her guns. She is demanding the surrender of arms and an end to the violence on the streets before any dialogue can begin, She has also Tade it clear that her government will only talk to those members of the MQM against Whom there is no FIR. Of course, Bernazir's second demand has created a statemate since there is no notable MOM member against whom dozens of FIRs do
Čolt èxist, Tot even al WoTileri Serätor.
While the battle rages in the corridors of power, it is unfortunate that the citizens of Karachi are paying for the one on the St Tt.
IшIIол provided fhere Is
Khan
a political Will, the spokesperson
cological issue, The pro"ld Has law Farld Order are confident that given problem is amerable to ctory Solutiom.
DSS/bÏty of a dialogue
so. The government has Irld has asked Altaf Huretut Pakistad le process of la W. The is that no one is above not like to be pressurised |önce On the StreetS.
Q: What, fany, political and other Initiatives are the authorities iп Pakistaп proposing to retrieve the situation?
A: The government is doing its best to initiate political dialogue. The offer of the dialogue has been conveyed publicly through various intermediaries. The gove. rnment has also constituted a negotiating CCL LaaLLLL LL LLLLL LL LCLLLL L L HaHHL Altaf Hussainto nominate his tear 11, The government is only insisting that violence must cease. This will make the atmosphere Conducive for a political solution.

Page 10
*MQM is not a separatist par
LLYLLLLLYLLLLLLSSS LLCLLL LLL YCC LGLHCLLLMCCS LLLLS L SLLS LCCLLLCL HY S
A SLJELI ritar 7 POLJSe sir LCr7Cdon las SuddвлӀу сарIшгеd Ihe iлierest of Ihe media. tharıks la Pakisfarı prirleminisler Bernazir. LLaLaS KaaLaaCL YSKS L LLLL LLLLLL L LLH allowіїs occшралГfо сашseалIпsшгgeпсу in Karachi. The occupant-Altaf Hussair, The self-exiled leader of the Mohajir Quami Moverrier - has in turn charged the Pakistan gover Tian WiFi organising a ggлосlde iпSїпdh.
At the MQM headquarters, members are monitoring the developments in Karachi. The walls are plastered with photographs of party workers being fortured and frog-narched by the Pakistan army and LaLL aLCCLLLCLSSS LLYLtSS aL SL LCTCCCYS pyama, appears with a newspaper culIїпg сагтуїпgа геропїofгарвsапdаfrociaL L YLLLHHS LaeCLL LLL LLLL KLlLLtaaL With origins in U.P. are talking of their fаліїlyптелmbersїпPakistaлwhoагеeїїлег Imјаїї or being harassed, and reveа! how even after four decades, Culturally they wошlds!їІГев/гтоге аІ home ІлA2алпдагh or Faizabad than Lahore or Karachi. They
LGLLLLLLL S KYLLLL LLLaLLLLS aaLLLSS SKLKMa Was a rissake.
Hussar, vairg for iet arīgi TV Crew fo TLIFT 7 Lupo, refLISES foi Corr7 mar E or this, and talks at length, instead, on the депосїde Iп Karachi, Some excepts:
Q: Aran 'fyo L Worria d'fhiaffhe British foreign office might heed Benazir's геqшest evеп thoughat preseпf it has said you are free to Iwe here?
A No, I a Tot Worried. This a de ToCratic country and I am not doing anything unlawful. I am drawing the World's attention to the genocide of my people an entire community in Pakistan. I am not in touch with governments but with many human rights organisations.
Q: How do you assess the chances of political negotiations with the goveFITTEITF
A: The Pakistan governmentis mot interested. Benazir Bhutto is racist. She has called Mohajirs "rats" who need to be terminated. She has said that a different blood flows in our Weins. What biggerinsult Carl There be? We, Who Tade the I10st Sacrifices for the Creation of Pakistan are being persecuted and discriminated against in every Walk of life. The army was let loose COIT LI S. There is riħ politiciar irPakistan who can speakagainst the army. all the only politician who did not accept this domination of the army and the feudal
forces who neglect th POWEes.
Q: What is your in
A: The governmen Mohajirs as legitimat zens Withgaranteed tutional rights and e CC in proportign to the p|
O. You have beer Іллposed exІІe for years. поим. МошIdy fight back to Pakist
A: Nonotrow. My TIE: thät f | return, I. W
HOW W. Few EP
A: It is for the gover group created by the stroy Lus, but this gro any public support has been increasing Benazir Bhutto's Pak Was causing ethnic W the MCM,
O: Do you now thi fог уршг party to h JGS GJBCDUITS 7
A: We did not boyc Were forced to keep
MTLF
FTg5, ULLS He Fitor COL. Tk
TE Pe. COLF Let's Poor E. All Ore: They Toje

ty?
ridor
he Door and miSuSe
#FFI de Tia To
LIITILIST CO Sider the
Ciri-CSS titiLu Teitl CCTSnotic opportunities opulation ratio.
Iving in this self
Corg FF free ou like to take your
people hawe Warned "|||Eki||
JOJBJCB III Kdľa CITÍ
lment and the Haqiqi 3 government to deup has failed to Win While Our popularity The authorities and istan People's Party iolence and blaming
'r' k sf Was a TsSfa Ke a We boycoffed the
ott telectiOS: We out. The army was
mot allowing even our campaigners to do their work freely.
Q: What reasures would you like to be takеп fо епsшге Ілаf the Mohajїг coTrnunfty is nof Wictinised and freafed EqLlifa bly in Pakisfarn?
A: The patien Ce Cf Ty pĒOpole has reached its liit ärid they Wil 500 Wanta separate province. But the MQM is not a Separatist party. Tarapatriotic Pakistani, Benazir Bhutto keeps maligning TE as a foreign agent to cover up her own misde stads.
O: So how do yош пIепа. to counter this cBIpigr?
A: The MQM is a peaceful organisation. It does not believe in guns and tanks which the authorities are using to intimidate our people in Karachi. The latest reports say that they are using paratroopers and helicopters. But We will continue our struggle peacefully,
Q: Last time, when the former prine 77 ir 7 sfer, Nawaz Sarff, Car 7 7E foi reef yош here, were yош able to forge any шлderstaлdiлg?
A: He Lrderstardsthe Stali alla but does not want to join this legitimate StrLuggle. He does ñol dare to Spaak up against those who threw him out of power.
Clowns Cantos - 13
Peace Talks
I. (E ZOOTTI (JT Elis EJTOOTT.
5 lit. Elle Fleaffler
soL LIL /Loc/L. Ness laria Tessage, he Said, Il 7 OFTE" TEJT5'er If Life Real Mars ! Llurgs OL'er". LUrith the Kirg? Filterer sends his corplinterts fuckingham and Bler seir L :e on boll OLI souses, aster all JLI Ilkleros tre Culsoj, Berlleiris, quS LLLLLLaLLLLLLT LLLT LLCCHHHLLLaL LLLLLLLLYLLLLS
FHess, had to Corsess, file dicir "Li reacht king. III or Windsor, or even Douring Street he King's Men utere or Lieir gLLIrd
TCPk er frá TILLÉ" TỪ J dic! Tlot frilyfte Fascist Hess Jir i LFL e der TLCCrafic process.
U.Kallatilake

Page 11
FEGION
Four years of Rao - a saga
K. Katyal
Survivor, a Wrecker, a modern-day
Chanakya. Waried, indeed, are the epithets that are applied to the Prime Minister, Mr. P.M., Narasimha Rao, who began the fifth year of his tenure on June 21. Survivor, indeed, indisputably! How ппапy people gave more than a few HHLHaLL aL HHHH LLaaLLLL LL0LL LL0LLLLLLL LLLLLL in June 1991 as the head of a minority Gvērmērīt?
Apart from the fact that the ruling party was outnumbered by the combined oppostitor, he suffered from other handicaps. For the first time (not taking into account the Shastri interregnum), the Congress, as the ruling party, had conferred the honour of Prime Ministership on a person outside the Gandhi-Nehru family. He lacked the charisma of his predecessors frOITn the Congress. His rise Was mot uncoIntested and, although he was the unanimous choice for the post of party president (after the mowe to instal|| Mrs. Sonia Gandhi Was dropped because of her relucance), there were two other powerful aspirants when it came to electing the leader of the Parliamentary Party and, thus, naming the Prime Minister. The Opposition was in a highly confrontationist Tood - With each of the mainstream partiB5 feeling Cheated Out of power, despille the Congress()'s fallure to get the majority,
Mr. Rao's performance was a mixed fare. Punjab represented the positive in the political field and financial stability in the econorrlic. The Stalarnate in Kashmir, the fragmentation of the polity and continued hardships of the poor are among the negative factors. He could, at best be given two cheers on completing four turbulent years. The third Would hawe to be reserved. He would earn it if he, even at this stage succeeded in ensuring equity for the disadvantaged sections - and in rubbing off the gloom in the ruling party Camp now in the face of the approaching Lok Sabha electior.
Predictions for a mid-term poll began proliferating Within Weeks after the new Government was formed. The Opposition Was conscious of its capacity to rock the ruling party boat and if it held its hand, it Was because of two internal compulsions. One, it realised that the electorate, tired of the frequency of elections, would not take kindly to the parties, seen forcing another one on the country. Two, the ideological chasm, between the left and
right in the Oppos a meeting ground f front. That was the Ra'S SuWival. In the inter-party Conti sition and tild intra. til the CW || rrilment, Sustaired ||
For nearly a ye Coordination With Pr|T18 Minister Out Ludi 5gf in T1 the Leftfallied behi at the time of the El and Vice-President the a dwa mtage of in sions. Later, Whe hands, posing a ri Government (throu mCe motiörı İrı Augı Singh group split section extending t port to Mr. Rao. defection, the G WOLuld haw Efa||E31 - been a tie betweer GWETTEItalijit Sabha, TheCessitatif Speaker. Though stionable, the ruling position in Partiar Assembly election: b) 00:St. HOWEglwgr, th, long.
Fror the Orly; reaSOn 10 Worry at Lok Sabha, but OL ruliпgрагіy— and — polUm rreted. Tha the humiliating def MWeeSL rdi Bihr there being rho firrT trary. What it rear the Congress(I) in Could not be a hapo It was not a tempo instance, Was the demolition. It is too Ction, leaving the le correctives, assumi red Will.
Mr. Rao's oppon those who recently him, likened it to stion being clearof the erstwhile SO sible for the disint lation, Mr. Ra WE cking the Congres from the high point

of survival
titon was too Wide for or an anti-Congress(I) Initial guarantee for Mr. }në form or the other, adictions in the Oppoparty divisions, rather Tfts of the GWEMr. Rao in power.
ar the Uriarri OUTCed the BJP helped the
of the tight spots he ore than once. Later, Ichir, as Was Wident action of Preside
So as to deny the BJP nfluencing major decin all of ther Ti, joined lajor challenge to the igh a joint no-confideust 1993), the tiny Ajit With a breakaway he much-needed supBut för thält Ca59 f Overnment, perhaps, - Or, thre WOLuld hawe the supporters of the s opponents in the Lok nga Casting vote by the the means Were queparty consolidated its lent. The subsequent S gawe him a positiwe at phase did not last
ard, Mr. Rao had no Jout challenges in the tside the stock of the
of the Prie Mister terosion, confirmed by eats in the South and
remains LJпChecked evidence to the coris for the prospects of he next Lok Sabha poll ly thought for Mr. Rao. Orary setback, as, for ase after the Ayadhya | near the general elleadership little time for ing that it has the requi
ents in the ruling party, "parted company with Зorbachev, thesшggethat just as the leader Wiet Union Was respoegration of that mighty Is irmStr LITE Illtl iir Wres(II), bringing it down it once occupied.
Then there was the other viewpointthat the Congress's decline had begun long tirine ago, that the process was first arrested in a big Way, by theasassination of Indira Gandhi and, in a smaller Way. by the death of Rajiv Gandhi, The CongrĖSS, so goes this argument, would hawe met the fate, it was heading to now, even if she or he had been in power. The rebel Congress leaders - Mr. Arjun Singh, Mr. N.D., Tiwari and others - ascribed the fall of the Congress(I) to Mr. Rao's penchant for Compromise Onitscherished policies and programmes. The rebels, however. did not look like emerging as a coherent force - a matter of solace for Mr. Rao Within the narrow Confines of the Congress politics, but certainly not in the Wider COLEX. t.
Economic reforms constituted a major irtitialliwe by the Rao Govern Terit but wegther the desired results would materialise, Without undue delay, Was not clear yet. The policies of deregulation and of incentWes to foreign investors had, no doubt, generated a molentum. The non-Congress(I) parties, when impoWer, identified themselves With it, even though their rhetoric Was Critical and shrill when they were out of office. Mr. Rao could clair this as ar Gwida rice of matio riħall ConSerSUS iri practice.
The common man, however, had yet to feel the beneficial effect of the new policies, as visualised by their framers. Mr. Rao tended to blame it on the campaign of disinformation by his critics. But would the people be misled, had the benefits of the reforms percolated to them? The assessment of Mr. Rao's performance had, mostly, been piecemeal and, as such, patchy and lacking in consistency.
A success Would lead to euphoric references to his "statesmanship," his "sagacity" and he: WOLuld be hailed as a Chamakya of the 20th century. A failure, on the other hand, Would evoke sharp costments, seeking to dismisshim as a disaStET.
Mr. Rao had been at the helm at a particularly ungovernable stage in the post-Independence India. He became the Prime Minister by an accident, When his party was still in trauma in the Wake Of Rajiv Gandhi's assassination. Those wiëwing his performance in this context take a charitable view. Others are ruthless in their CgrSUre.
9

Page 12
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Page 13
Can Women Lead Nat A Muslim Perspective
Jezirna ISmail
he scenario in Sri Lanka and the Region today,
presents a significant visibility of Women, especially at the top. This is a source of satisfaction, although some important issues concerning Women still need attention. However, the focus of my article is on Women as leaders of the nation. Sri Lanka is being described to ad nauseam level, with little or no action to promote it, as a multi-ethnic, multi-religious and multi-religious and multi-lingual country. As such, it would be interesting to consider the perspective of the different Communities to this question, vexatious as it may be to some members Of SOThe communities.
Naturally, being a Muslim, it's the Muslim point of view lan projecting. When Her Excellency Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga was the choice of the People's Alliance as the president there were murmurs, kept for obvious reasons at a low level, whether a Woman could be a head of a state and Whether Muslims could vote for her. Destiny engineered by human forces assassinated Mr GaminiDissanayake and then the choice was Sri Ina Dissanayake. Now one Woman beca The two women and there was consternation in the 'yard". Though Muslims form only an 8% of the population, yet they are a significant minority.
What do the scholars say, using the primary and Secondary Sources of Islam, about a woman being head of state? A brief examination of Rafiq Zakaria's book - "The Trial of Benazir Bhutto - An insight into the status of Women in Islam would be interesting, quoting from the preface "The emergence of Benazir Bhutto, a 35 year old modern, Western educated, unveiled, Sophisticated, beautiful Muslim Woman as Prime Minister of the most powerful Muslim state in the World, created quite a stir in November 1988. It was generally believed that a Woman could never be allowed by the faithful to assume political power, certainly not in a Muslim state and most certainly not in Pakistan, the bastion of Muslim orthodoxy. But it happened".
So it was thought by the Writer that the Muslim view point as discussed by eminent scholars would be not only interesting, but may also serve a useful purpose in promoting some kind of understanding of What Muslims conceive of Women and leadership, especially in today's context. Furthermore, there hawe been Tany articles particularly in the print Tedia that give many constructions to the rituals, folk CustoTS and community's rites and if Sri Lankans are to live in One country as one people, it would be necessary to understand how the Communities live and think.
It is not my task here to discuss the status of Women, but as indicated by the heading (Cana Woman be a Ruler of the State?) only the question of "Leadership' will be addressed in this paper. The final judgement as portrayed in the book by Zakariya, pointed out that what must be taken into account is the totality of the Prophet's (S.A.L.) approach, and not by

tions ?
isolated Hadith. The equality of the sexes is definitely the thesis of the Quran although there is only a near-equality in family affairs, but this no Way signifies that a man is superior to a Woman. There is no specific injunction in the Quran that prevents a Woman from participation in public life, Consider the activities of the WOII enir Islam:
Hadrat Aisha (wife of the Holy Prophet-S.A.L.) participated in discussions pertaining to affairs of the state, and in the battle of the Camel she lead the troops against the Caliph, Hadral Ali. She also actively participated in major political develdpments,
Hadrat Fatimah, the daughter of the Holy Prophet (S.A.L) was actively involved in the campaign to make her husband the Caliph.
Asma, the daughter of Hadrath Abu Bakr (The first Calipoh of Islam) stood unflinching by her husband in the War against the Umayyad Viceroy. Hadrat Umar (one of the Caliphs of Islam) appointed a Woman to one of the key posts in his administration – Shifa bint Abdallah Controlled the Tarkets i Mediä.
LLLLLL LLLLL LL LLL LLLL SLLLLLLLL LLL LLLLHHHHCLL LLLCLLL C Muslim State?" - (Simorgh Publication 1991) lists 16 Women Heads of State in Muslim.
in Arabic texts alone, 16. Women acknowledged as having been heads of state with Khotba (the official sermon in the mosque on Friday) their names as well as money coined with their titles are found Wit:-
1 Rai Sultar 53.123 DigiFi 2 Chajarat addur 6481250 Cairo 3 Kutlugh Turkan 6551257-681 1282 Mogul dynasty 4 Päis KäLI 6911292-694,1295 Mogul dynasty 5 AE51 KatLIII 662/1263-686/1287 Mogul dynasty 6 Dawlat Khat0 71.61316 (25 years) Mogul dynasty " Si Bk 739 1339 Mogul dynasty B SLIJE TIL 71-314 Baghdad 9 Sultanä Fäter Tä
Begum 1579-1681 Cetra ASi 10 Sultana Khadija 1347-1379 MidiWES 11 Sultama Myrian1 1379-1383 MiWES
0 LLLLaLLLLSL LLLKLL S KLLLa0LLL0S LLaaL0L0LLS LLLLLL 13 Tadji Al Alam
Saffiyat ed Din
SE 1641-1675 Indonesia (SLImatra) 14 NLA All
Nakiyaat
di Dil Shah 675-1578 IndrīEsā Sumatra 15 Inayat Shah
Zakkil yat
e DiSall SB-1688 | mdomasia (SLIITatra) 16 KarTEalat Shlah1 1 688- 1 699 Indonesia (Sumatra)

Page 14
In the prayer or Khutba in the name of Sultan Khadija, who Was the Sultan of Maldives, the Khatib used to say (on Fridays and on other days) "Allah make her triumph, your slave you have knowingly chosen among the Worlds and made her a blessing for all the Moslems. (Sultan Khadija, daughter of Sultan Jalal-Addin Ibn as Sultar1-Salah-Addin — from "Rihla", Ibn Batuta, Dar Beyrath - Beirut 1985 Edition p.580).
Iri Sri Lanka, Maularia Maududi of Pakistar, the founder of Jamaat-e-Islami, is held in great respect and it would be useful to Know his attitude. His contention Was that a Woman could not head a nation, because if she were to become a ruler she Would neglect her familial responsibilities. In Islam, he maintained that there was a functional distribution of Work according to Sex and in accordance with this distribution, politics and administration come within the man's sphere of activities. However, in the election of the president of Pakistan in 1962 he supported Fatima Jinnah the sister of Quaidi-Azam against Ayub Khan. The author of this book concludes that this support Was based on political expediency and not adherence to any
Lule of the Shariah,"
According to Afghani there was no strict segregation of men andWOTEn and according to the Quranicinjuriction (24:30-31) all Muslims both male and female were expected to behave decently and the Quranic injunction is clear on this point. He Concludes that he sees no justification either in the Curam or the traditions of the Holy Prophet (S.A.L.) to keep Wotten out. He categorically upholds equality of opportunity for Tien and Women inevery activity including politics. An awakened woman he adds, will be the best safeguard against a corruptman.
Afgani quotes:
"Javid Nama (the allegorical poem of Allama liqbal)
Man alive in heart, do you know What thing life is? On seeing love that is contemplating duality: Man and Woman are bound one to the other,
they are the fashioners of the creatures of desire. Woman is the guardian of the fire of life, her nature is the tablet of life's mysteries; She strikes our fire against her own soul and it is her substance that makes of the dust a Tan.
In her heart lurks life's potentialities, from the glow and flame, life derives stability, She is a fire from which the spark breaks forth body and Soul, lacking her glow, cannot take shape. What Worth We possess derives from her values for We are all images of her fashioning If God has bestowed on you a glance aflame cleanse yourself and behold har sanctity."
12

A further reference to Women and leadership could be derived from Allama Abdullah Yusuf Ali, the noted commentator of the Quran. In Surah Nama (27) in verses 75-44 there is a reference to a Woman named Bilgis, the legendary Queen of Sheba (1100 to 800 BC). At the same time ruled in Palestine, King Soloman who was a mighty King renowned for his goodness and Wisdom. His belief was in One God and he was in fact a Prophet and the son of Prophet David. After a series of encounters, Soloman Wasable to spread to Bilqis the divine message of truthlandse embraced the faith. She was referred LL a00L 0S LLLLL LHHLCaS aLLL LLaLLLLL LL LLaL LLLLLLCL aLL LLLLLL subjects and ruled by consulting her Council.
Abdullah al Badawi (1801-1873) another commentator om the Quran regarded by some Muslims as the best, holds that in his understanding of the Quran-Allah has preferred man OVer Woman and leadership - even the privilege of electing Chiefs is derlied to her, bul Abu Muharslrflad Abdal Malik IBr Khaldurin (1332-1406) refers to the Holy Prophet (S.A.L.) as the greatest moverandshaker of the world. He said, The Quram Warns us that "God never changes the condition of a people Unless they change it therselves'. Ours is a brotherhood which does not believe in any from of inequalities - tribal, racial. or sexual. In fact Islam came to level things and change should mot be resisted in the light of the spirit of the Quram,
What does Asghar Ali Engineer, Director of the Institute of Islamic Studies, Bombay, an internationally reputed scholar and theologian of Islam who has Written books, research papers and articles on Islamic theology, jurisprudence, history, philosophy hawe to say?
He says that there is no Quranic provision or prophetic Sunnah against a Woman becoming head of a statel The Quranic revelations more often than not are responses to situations that arose but in the Holy Prophet's time no such Situation arose, nordidanyoneraise such a question. Refererice has already been made to queen Sheba earlier in this article-Asghar Ali Engineer adds that Had Allah disapproved of a Woman as the head of state tot had a Woman's rule Eee disastrous the Quran Would have painted the Queer of Sheba in ar adwerSelight and Would hawe ShoWri hler inferior to her male Counselors. But it did not and Sheba was spoken of as a legitimate ruler and shown to be Wise and sometimes she Would overrule her male counsellors and take political decisions Which are indeed Wise Ones.
About the Prophet's hadith which is often used by theologians to argue against a woman becoming a head of state - Asghar All Engineer says "When news reached the Prophe (P.B.U.H.) that the Iranians had made the daughter of Cusroe their ruler, he observed "that a nation can never prosper which has assigned its reign to a Woman" (Sahih Bukhari Vol.2 pg. 1053).
It should be noted that the above hadith is from (Ahad) that

Page 15
is an isolated one and not mutawatir i.e., one repeated more than one companion of the Prophet (O.W.B.P.), it is a well known principle that the former (Ahad - an isolated one) is not binding and it is not necessary to act upon it. Again this author points out that Maula na Uman Ahlammad UsTani shows LaL LL SaLLa LLGLLL LLLLL LaL LLLLL LL LLLLLL HLH LLL Hazrath Aisha, the Wife of the Prophet participated and assumed command of the army against Hazrath Ali the fourth Caliph and its strange that it was remembered only after the battle started. In fact the army had many illustrious companions of the Prophet (S.A.L.), and even Abu Bakra the narrator of the above hadith. All this men should have deserted Aisha had they been convinced that the Prophet (S.A.L.) had prohibited women from being leader or head. However, many disciples abstained from participating in the battle because it was in the nature of a civil War and it could divide the Muslim Ummah (community), They stood by this principle that it was against the teaching of the Prophet (P.B.U.H.) to take partin a quarrel that would cause internecine strife. It was only Abu Bakra the arrator of the hadith, who made the Sex of one of the opponents the reason for his refusal to take part in the battle, after the defeat of Hazrat Aisha - (Fathi Ta Merrissi).
Asghar Ali Engineer asks - "How could it be said that a woman cannot become leader of a government when her leadership was accepted by such eminent cost panions of the Prophet? Apart from the Quranic reference to the Queen of Sheba - the Quran says "And the believer both men and women - they are friends of one another, they enjoin good and forbid evil and keep up prayer and pay the purifying due and obey Allah and His Messenger. As for these Allah Will have mercy on them. Surely Allah is mighty and Wise (27. 32-35). "Now the determination of what is Wrong and what is right, is one of the basic duties of the State and here men as well as women who are protectors of each other, have been enjoined to perform this task. How can Women then be excluded from being leaders of the state?" asks Asghar Ali Engineer. L LLLL LLLLL LaLaaLLLLLLL LLaLLL LLaH LLLLLLH LLLLLL CLLLaL a aDLLaaaaa exegesist and historian Tabari hold that Women Could become quad, quazi (judge), Many Women held prominent positions in the administration of an Islamic State. As Philip Hitti says (History of the Arabs 1958) "Not only do we read of Women in the high circles of that early period achieving distinction and exercising influence in state affairs ... but of Arab maidens going to War and commanding troops, Composing poetry and competing With men in literary pursuits..."
There is also the instance of a worlar becoming head of state during the early 5th and early 6th Century hijrah. Harfah Mällikah ArWa birlit Ahli Tlal headed the administration of the Province of Yermen on behalf of the Fatimid Caliphs of Egypt. She was held in high esteerin and even given the highest religious offices under the Fatimid hierarchy. Many such instances can be given from history-Raziyah Sultan, Chand Bibi, Nurjahan Whose ability to govern, and administrate hawe been recognised by all historians.

There is hardly any sector or profession in the Arabia of those days in which Women of the Prophet's time did not participate. In so far as Muslim history is concerned, there is LLaa LLLLLLaL LL SLLLLLCLL LLLLLL L00LLL LLLLCLmLL aL LLmLLLLLLL L LLLCLLL nations and khutbasin their names have been read in mosques and coins have been struck, bearing their ir Tages and titles".
Conclusion
In this paper the case for Women's leadership is argued from the Writings of some of the foremost scholars and those With wisdom. In Sri Lanka a goal sought by citizens is a Sri Lankar identity and how Canthis amiidst riigid umbending Communal obsessions and preoccupations. How does a commural identity over reach, bend, expand to embrace a Sri Lankanidentity? tis notimpossible-one concretestep would be to understand the difference and explore what links there are to faster the IT in a close, but loose unior. Rights, rituals, customs are looked at from different perspective and those perspective should be clarified and exposed for a clear understanding.
The objective of this paperisto present one such perspective of leadership from the view point of Some leading Islamic scholars, Islam has given Women equal rights although there are passionate debates going on about the varied rights of Women in all sectors-political, economic, social and cultural. To day there is a tendency among powerful people, to label Women who claim democratic rights as Confusedly aping Western ideas with the view to alienate the community from its traditional purity. This attitude exaggerated by the Western LLLLLLLLO LLLHHLLLLHH HHHLLLLLLL0L LLLLH LLLLL LL LLL LLL LLLL LLLLLLLLLLmmLLO LLLLLL LLCCLLLLLLLLL LLLLLL aLmtLLLLLLLLmmLLLLLLLS LL LLLLL LL LLLLL LL0
elsewherë.
For Islam, however, from its inception 'decadence is despotism accepted in silence" and articulation of opposition and dissension to denial of rights is healthy, because islam is for 'adala' this is equality and justice for its Women as well as men (Imam and Kathib of Al'Utba al Khadramosque, Cairo -1943),
As regards "riassa" or state leadership, Sheikh Ghazali, Head of the Religious Council of the Amir Abd Al Cadir University, (Algiers - 1971), author (As Sunna an Nabawiya) of the Traditions of the Prophet - (1990) Wonders Why"all these well intentioned Muslim men are busy quoting a hadith stating Women's inferiority, instead of referring to all the verses of the Quran where the equality of the sexes is made crystal clear.
The new Islamic era Teant a new status for Women. The Verse about Queen Sheba (Quran W.23, S.27) raised high the aspiration of Women by providing them with the role model of Woman as head of state, Fathima Merrissin, Carl We Woman Head a Muslim State? says many Women in Muslim history did aim that high and were successful in their endeaWOLIfS.
13

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Page 17
Re-discovering Ra
Sasaka Perera
Introduction:
In August 1993 on my Way to AnuradhapLura | came across an Orange Colored concreta sign on the Outskirts of Wariyapola. As stated in the sign itself it was erected by the Wariya pola Pradeshiya Sabha. It Welcomed visitors to the town and stated the following (among other things);
"You are entering the Wariyapola city, which during the reign of King Ravana served as a landing area for the vehicle that travelled at the speed of air-"
Basically, the sign referred to a pre-historic international airport, or in the very least, är militāryair base! It should be noted that the word Wariya pola, the name of the town, is quite significant in the context of this speculation. "Wa" means airin Sinhala, and "riya" Tileans wehicle, while "pola" refers to a space. Thus the amalgamation of these meanings, in theory could refer to a "place where a Vehicle which travelled by air or at the speed of air had landed." Needless to say, I knew What this story Was all about, but Was evertheless amazed at the attempted public legitimiza
tion or historicization of the Ravaria myth.
For Te, Such a public attempt with clear political sponsorship (e.g., the sign was erected by a UNP-controlled Pradeshiya Sabha) to legitimize the Ravana myth was a completely new phenomenor in Sinhala Society.
As anthropological literature from art u rħid the world has Showrn, Certairli enduring myths are sometimes resurreCted, re-interpreted, historicized and politicized at certain Socio-political junctures. What I would like to atterTipt in this brief essay is to try to understandsome of the dynamics involved in such processes by focusing om how the Rawa na myth has been used in this manner by Sinhalas and Taish||5.
Rawana is one of the chief protagonists in Walrniki's Epic Farrayana. Warious Wersions of the Story hawe also seeped into the folklore of many peoples, the Sinhalas, the Thais, the Tamils, and the BalineSe a mong them. Currently it appears that both Sinhalasi and Tamils claim Ravana as their own personal ethnic and culture
LGL LLGHLH LCCuLLLLLL LLLLLLLLeHHLLLLLLLS LLL LL LCGHLLLLLLL LLLS Colorribo. Tiozis assay appearedo iri LA WANG WITH TORTLRERS, an ICES publication.
hero. More precisel thin these two ethni so, Why?
Constructions of myths, legends, his stood as history) is arıldı. Tıcaral reSOLUTICE expedient tool in the nationalists and Sc course these diffe Saine), Whouse ther projects involwing ni ethnic hegemonic E Cessés. In the Sri LE is a highly conten prized commodity contradictory purp often Tutually anta phenomenon is m among the Sinhal: they attempt to ju! present on the basis ltյ Էյք լիք: HլIլիEritlt:
The past is als interpretations of th notbequestioned) duals Willi or exte individuals Would all interTISofrationali: ric. This has already and I belia we WOL Under Sirmila T COm dit Castigation is One of many Sri Lankan SC been TTute regare: ISSUBS, änd ihls Silt det in the Social SI
The legend off enduring one. Mor the centre of quasi the academic fring east since the la Century. The ques them lS, WHEtET IT t sociopolitical realiti Si Shifted frOTT fringe into the real nationalist rhetoric Tills. Im ESSEerCEthi provide sorT1 e interi StijТ,
The Metamorpho: Sinhala Society
first came acro ingrade three or so "Dandumonaraya" ge reader. The title

War 2
, certain sections Wic groups seem to do
the past (through tory or what is underessentially a political ! that has beCOITE an a hands of politicians, holars (sometimes of rent agents are the in for their own political ationalist, religious Cor Lind legitimization proLinkan Context the past tious contested and Lihat is ofte USgd fÓT ises by different, and gonistic, groups. This ore clearly manifest HS and TaľTli|S WF18ľ) stify or legitimize the of what they consider past.
o Sacred. Nationalist he past ideally should r reassessed by indivi: rior to the group. Such be branded as traitors stdiscourse and rheto"CCLIredi Srī Lākā, |ıldı. Continue to OCCUr. ions. The possibility of the main reasons why cholarshawe generally ling key ("sensitive") Ince is shockingyeviCIETICES.
Ra Warmiä häS EJEEr är eover, it has beer at -historical research of e for some time - at tter part of the 19th tion. We should pose he context of evolving =es the legend of Rawathe obscure academic n of ethnic politics and
of Sinhala S and TalSeSSay Will attempt to T1 answers to this que
SiSof Ravalai
SS RaWara a S a Child through a lesson titled in my Sinhalalanguaof the lesson (in Sinha
la) referred to the legendary aircraft Rawana Was reputed to have had. This Was my first real introduction to the mythicalking, as I Would assure was the Case With many of those in my generation studying il Sillala. TeleSSO atletea Cler's elaborations noted that Rawala abducted Sita, the beautiful Wife of Rama and imporiLLLLLL LLSLLLLLSLLLLLLHHLHaLLL LaLLLL with the help of Hanuman, the monkey general and rescued. Sita. Clearly, Rawana eventhough he was supposed to hawe lived in a place called Lanka (which We Were assured was role other than Sri Lanka), was not an absolute. Sinhala her on the model of Dutugemunu or other Such kings.
At that time (late 1960s and early 1970s) his characterization was problematic-at LKL HL LaH LLLLLL LLLLL LaLaaLaLLHHLLLLLLL SS LLLLa One levelle Wasperceived as a tug Who Stole someone else's Wife, That was COsidered to be the kind of thing that decent people did not do. At another level he was a hero because of his heroic military exploits. After all he flew in an aircraft on a secret mission long (really long) before those two Americans called the Wright aLaLLLLLLLS HHLLLLL LLL DLLLLLLLS S LLL aHH a JTEJET Of CCC5505 WE WETE told this. The Tore clear heroes however, were RamaапdHanшпап. They, afterall, were the folks Whorescued Sita and defeated LLLLGLLS LLLL L LL LLL LLLL HHHL LLLLLLL to wisually bombard LuS With the sleek and airborne exploits of SuperTian and Batman, Ravana's "Dandumonaraya"Surely captured our imagination. I think it was precisely for this reason that he did not completely lapse from our collective memory. What is clear, however, is that except for those in the academic fringe Rä Wärillä WF5 tot an EthiChief for the Sinhalas in general.
The firstinTipetus for resurrecting Rawamain Sri Lanka emerged in the latter part of the 19th century. The emergence of Such interist5 Coir Cide With the 1870 re-discovery and excavation of ruins which were claimed to be that of Troy, the fabled city of Homer's epic Irad, the Tian reSpi0n Sible for this re-discovery Was Heifırich Schliertlarını, arı artı ate Lir. German archaeologist. The basic Similarilies beWeen Horner's Mad and Walmiki's Farayara prompted these early speculations. A much more sustained effort Was Tlade aL LLLLLLL LLLLLL H LLL Ha aLa LLaCL of tha HEla MJWEITEt in the 1940 and
15

Page 18
1950s. Here, What Hela activists such as Kumaratunga wanted was not so much to resurrect the Rawa na myth per se, but to Construct a mLICH THOTË är ciënt arid non-Indic genesis for the "true language" of the Sinhalas, which was identified as Hela. Current Sinhala was perceivably contaminated with foreign influences such as pali, Sanskrit, Tamili and so on. The Taim airm of the Hela actiwlists Was to "purify" Sinhala by purging these foreign influences, and recreate its Helaidentity Which Was beliewed to hawe been lost, AS part of this endeavour, the Hela activists suggested that the real language of the Sinhalas (Hela) had a clear Sri Lankan genesis, and that it was not of Indian Origin.
These perceptions must be placed in the context of the love-hate relationship that the Sinhalas hawe had With India for a considerable period of time, For instarice while many Sinhalas accept certain clear indian influences such as Buddhism, they are at pains to overlook other influemiCeS SLICh as the influeri CE of Tamili OITI the Sinhala language. However, as part of the Hela project it was necessary to construct a respectable history for the Sinhalas prior to the perceived arrival of Wijaya, the mythical ancestor of the Sinhalas, Current nationalisthistoriography and popular Conventions Suggest that Wijaya arrived in Sri Lanka. With Sewer hundred followers on the day the Buddha attained Nirvana, Thus as far as Sinhala society is concerned, the resurrection of Rawana came about as an integral part of this overall project. That is, as part of the claim that there was a purely Sri Lankan historical tradition and civilization prior to the arriwal of Wijaya and later Indian influenԸES,
Promoters of the Rawana myth hawe variously identified him as a Yaksha or Rakshaking. In Sinhala myth the Yakshas and Rakshas are recognized as the beings inhabiting the land when the first Sinhala settlers landed. They are specifically characterized as non-human and demon-like. In fact, in current usage the WOTdYakshaald Raksharcferto dem OS or rather malevolent forms of spirit life who de Wour Or har hur Tan S. GiWen the natura of this rather strong popular tradition, an attempt has been made by Hela activists to humanize the demonic persona of Rawana in particular and the Yakshas in general (Seneviratne 1991: 49).
The demonic persona of the Yakshas is a strong component of the popular tradition dealing with pre-Vijayan times. On the otherhard, while the Hela tradition suggests that Ravana was a Yaksha King, the popular tradition does not always
16
Take this Connectio Tonic characterizati and the perceivably of Rawana (exemplif of Sita) are two main and Yakshashawen Of the Sirhala HBrO been the case irresp certain place names Sita Eliya) allegedly na story, and some be found in Warious TuS When askedth pola to show me whi had landed, they tol no such place, and to above Was the WC politicians. So TIL) airports, not to me TESLJIrrection of Rawa
Ravana häS bee Tost farTiOuS of thes Ksha) kings. It has a that Ravana's mythic Was located Within S Thain endeavours of historicizing Ravana pted location of this names have beers most favored is Sigi AD rock fortre SS bel of Kashyapa the first Kashyapa built his UIS of Ra Wama's rate 1991: 130-13 ewer, a Colleague fr Colombo Who LundE field research in the find any reference: lUTarous Oral hist: that he collected.
Thus in practical ti was launched by a cated middle class Was rather restrict Wehemently anti-S Indian bias as well a ment Criticism of THUS the resurrectic of the language na activists Was relatiwi Wever, the timing o riant. It er nerged a Culture and tradition dGWaluE[] [m tha COI Colonial culture by and their local ager"
Would suggest in the heroicode: Cted at times When group is experienc Thus When the in teered in the Sri by sending troops Eastern ProVinces

1. However, the deof the Yakshas, Letical behaviour ed by his abduction easons why Hayaпа it been astrong part tradition. This has active of the fact that e.g., Wariyapola, and Referring to the Rawalocalized myths can parts of the island. evillagers in Wariyaare Rawala's aircraft me that there Was hat the sign referred rk of a group of local ch for pre-historic 1tion the attempted na in Wariya pola.
presented as the e early Hela (or Yalso been Suggested ial capital Lankapura iri Laka. OrE of the
activists involved in has been the attercapital. While many luggested, by far the riya, the 5th century iewed to be the Work E. It is suggested that fortress among the Lапkapшга (Senevi$). Interestingly howom the Uniwersity of took six months of Sigiriya area did not s to Rawana in the pries ard folk, Storie:S
erms the Hela project roup of Sinhala eduelites, and its appeal d as a result of its är skritic ad artiis a result of its Weeestablished tradition. on of Rawana as part tionalis of the Hala alyunSuccessful. Hof the project is impoa title that Sinhala is Were subverted and text of the dominant both the imperialists S.
hat, in general, myths are likely to be resurrea society or a specific ing Sustained Stress, Ilari aITTed forces inLankan ethnic conflict to the Northern and of Sri Lanka at least
a few attempts were made to resurrect the Ravana myth. Under these circumstances the "hate" component of the love-hate relationship with India which 1 referred to above was triggered off, and many Sinha las became owertly anti-Indiam. It Was in this context that Ariyada sa Senawiratne published his book on the Rawana kingdom in 1991. In it he states that the book was published to honour President Ranasinghe Premadasa, Hemade a direct association betweer Rawaria's parceived anti-Indian sentiment and that of Preliadasa. He states that Ravana's eroism and sacrifice three thousand years ago was essentially similar to Premadasa's heroism:
"- With a war of words his Excellency Ranasinghe Premadasa chased away the foreign forcës (Indian) sent to this country by the modern Indian avatar of Rama under the false pretext of Usheringin peace –" (Seneviratme 1991).
The reason for this attempted resurrection of the Rawa na Tyth had another significant dimension, which isin fact referred to iri Seriewira tre's State IT Earlit above. One reaSOr for the Sinhalas' love - Fate relationship with India is the strong Collective memory of numerous and destructiWe Indian invasions of Sri Lanka in the island's historical and mythical past. HgCESèrëWiratre's referen Cato Ra Ta's awatar. Sinhalas hawe always beer Wary of a possible Indiam interwention or history repeating itself, and on this occasion their fearS SEEred to hawe COTTIE LITLIË.
Cn the other härld, the Comwenlørlal belief among Sinhalas has been that they are descendents of Wijaya, the North Indian princē. At least to Some indiwiduals this Indian connection in the origin myth of the Sinhalas became problematic when Indian troops (many of them from North India) were occupying parts of the country. However, this and other alter Tipts at resurrecting the Rawana myth Or modifying the Wijaya myth was not strong EMIOugh im dislodging the Wijaya mythin thelong run. Even at this juncture, when there was some political space for its possible SUCcess, the attempt to resurrect the Hawa na myth has not been successful. Thereason clearly is that the Wijaya myth is tOQ strongly etched in the popular consciousEss of the Sinhalas, and that the Rawa rila myth has never Occupied such a preemiment position in the Sinhala Consciousness or imagination. Thus among the Sinhalas the politics of Rawana is stil predominantly an activity of the academic fringe and arminute section of the middle class.
(Next: Melamorphosis of Ravяпа Iп ТаглII
Society)

Page 19
PART 2
Tracking Fundame
Bruce B. La Wren Ce
here are also two further thematic
issues that undercut the rhetorically freighted but logically suspect conclusion to this otherwise magisterial article: One is gender, the other is science,
Let us imagine that religious identity is so wariable that Al-Azit turns out to be correct in his prediction: eventhough Prote Stat/Catholic fundamentalists fail, their Islamic Counterparts succeed. What would be the components of the success of Islamic fundamentalism? At the very |least it Would hawe to confirm gerder hierarchy, a subject hinted at in the Al-Azrn article but never developed. It is, however, developed in a companion piece by Wal Moghadam in South Asia Bulletin." Hers is a restricted, country-by-country comparison of Iran, Pakistan and Afghanistan. She provides a wide range of data to demonstrate how patriarchy persists under the guise of development in all three Countries, with the result that all three Continue into the 1990s as postcolonial, neo-patriarchal states opposed alike to the educational advancement and OCCLpational opportunity of Women citizens. Yet Moghadam, like Al-Azm, strikes a radical note of hope in her conclusion. She posits that socio-economic change Will continue apace in all three Countries, indeed, "mass female education, the entry of Women into the Work force, and the expanded activities of Women's organizations will be the strongest challenge to patriarchy and the neopatriarchal state" (p. 132), She labels her Utopian Conclusion "determinist,"perhaps because it will turn out, as Sharabi, whom Moghadam cites, has argued, that gender will prove to be the last redoubt of patriarchy, that instead of Tarking the Success of patriachal norms Weiling and seclusion signal their mear term dissolution, that the Wery accent om Women's roles is a prelude to their likely reversal and the Consequent overthrow of patriarchy, Many Would like to believe this argument but its inevitability is, at the least, open to question. More importantly, it is not the argument that either Moghadam or Al-AZT advances with reference to the empirical evidence of their articles, whether derived from extant literature (Al-Azmi) or field data (Moghadam). It may be that in his conclusion, Al-Azm intends to suggest by the metaphor "bursting through" that the gender asymmetry Which now prevails Will||
Brak do WF1, but SL outcome it suggest
Equally problem. BaffirTTlatit]T]{}f H ILIlL Tic TLI Ida Tier1tali SrT that gCigirl CE WIDLlt Stent With Al-AZT1's productive scholari firm accent në hiT i.e., Todern-day S. force. The present project For instan Mawdudi's fear of Mustafa's Cob Sessi about it, Al-Azmad
For a better app WOUldliktor T1 here, that scienti conclusions, app zations still carry sent day Muslirt traces of that it liberative and Once characteriz fic eriterprise irn
Galileo, DESCarti dists; along with
Excitar Terit, fa SC sity, discovery, empowerment (
In other words. a challeringe to reali is the IWETSE of til made in Critique namely, that "religi of our life and affe psychological mak Science and Scient and soul, literally a
But for whom? lists Or Islamists, CE Mutahhari, whom, only in one quote t lah's disparageTË But a closer readi Shi'i fundamentali a different CCCLII Defenders Of God Summi coLunter) derīgs ārld āfi tllէ E|Էյ|Աal ritilitjm librlı, Mutahharli aff lutionary" process derives as the tea logic" of the Koral

ntalists
Ich a reading like the S, remains el Lusiwe.
atic for his sWeeping Ire "SUCCES5"fOr"|Slais the ambivalent role
hawe to play. Consiproject throughout his y career has been the self puts on Science, tience, as a liberating article Cotil LJES THät se, in Commenting on
sciencë, and Shukri on, or pure phobia,
S.
reciation of this fear, ind tilgWesterTrgader fic inquiry, knowledge, lications, and general', in the context of presocieties, significant electually and socially iberating charge that ed the T10 der Scientithe days of Rabelais, es and the Encyclopethe attendant sense of iration, Wonder, Curiolovelty and, above all, F. 1, p. 119).
science will always be gious certainty, which he same point that he of Religious Though, On as it enters the core cts OLIr Intelectual and e Lup) is in opposition to ific: knowledge-hear! und figuratively.“
Not för all funda Tantaartainly not for Ayatollah Al-Azmitreats at length latsuggests the AyatolHTML Of T10ders 1 Scier"Ce. ing of Mutahhari, and of sm in general, leads to sion. As I indicated in Mutahhari, unlike his arts, simultaneously Is ewolution. Rejecting of a single act of creais a Continuous "W.C.-
of Creation, which hê aching, the "marvelous 1. He even goes so far
as to acknowledge different scientific models of evolution, distinguishing the gradualist Todel of Lamarck and DarWin from its successor, the punctuation model formulated by Ernst Mayr. In short, Mutahhariis mot dogmatically againste Wolutiom or evolutionism, as Al-AzTimplies.
Unraveling from this difference are a spate of other differences that have to be introduced into Al-Azim's article III Order to Balance its clear difer de la Wilf SOme competing data. There is not a single Islamist or integralist or fundar Teritalist world wiew or World picture, as he calls it. There are rather multiple WieWs, and they often compete with each other, not merely on the authority of personal leaders and their idiosyncratic readings of Koran and Prophetic reports (Sunnah), but on the very nature of religious Categorigs and Collective norms. Hence, unlike their Sunni counterparts, Mutahhari and other Si'i funda Tentalists, er Tiborace ideology as a useful category, Going beyond the dichotomy of religion/science, they perceive two kinds of ideology. The one, all too well known, mobilizes limited group interests for material gain. But the other, which they clearly favor, aims at nothing less than "the Salvation of the whole human species". Islam, in their wiew, conforms to this second kind of ideology, advocating as its ultimate aims "the victory of humanity over animality, science over ignorance, justice over injustice, equality over discrimination, virtue overiniquity, piety overdissipation, tawhid ower shirik."
The issue at stake, of Course, Concerns not only the distinction between Sunni and LLLLLaL LLLLHLLLLLLLLLLL aL LLLLL LaL aLLLHLLLLLLO increasing or limiting their success. In the Current debate about globalfundamentalism, it is true, as Al-Azmi has aptly and repeatedly noted, that Arlerica has prowded the paradigmatic case, but it is equally true that Iran has provided the driving force for the present upsurge of interest L KLLLLL LaLLLLLLLLHHLLLLLLLS LLLLaHLL LK LaLK of Iran has been downplayed in this article (it is only hinted at in the names of a few Iranian Islamists), Shi'i sources need to be revisited with the same intensity as the Sunni Egyptian documents that Al-Azm quotes so fully and a droitly, indeed, te) better effect than any other Scholar to date.*

Page 20
| propose the following addendum to Al-Azm's project, Global funda Tentalism is a novelty of the last two decades. Without Islamic fundamentalism We must retreat to what was supposed in the 1970's, namely, that Protestant American fundamentalismstandsbyttself sul generis. From the wantage point of the mid-1990s, the role of Islamic fundamentalism can and must be reassessed. It is at Once pivotal and catalytic: it provides the linchpin, the sire qua norm, for the comparative study of fundamentalism. Afld arT10ng all the Case Instances adduced for Islamism, integralism, or Islamic fundamentalist, Iran and the Iranian revolution occupy center stage, Indeed, the debate about Islamic fundamentalism takes shape as an earthquake. It reverberates outward from Iran. It presupposes or highlights Iran, and then the Middle East, the Arab World, the Muslim World in expanding concentric circles. But they all Come back to the epicenter. And the epicenter is Iran. Iran outpaces all other contestants for the laurel"flagship of Islamic fundamentalism"; others are considered by virtue of their ideological, which is also often their geographic, proximity to Iran. Put negatively, if one excludes Iran, Islarrlic fundaTEntalisrrl dissolves.
Let me restate my ar 77 fcus CL.Iriae addeIndum to Al-Azm's article Without images or metaphors. While supporting almostall of Al-Azin's original and provocative critique of fundamentalism, 1 Would expand his thesis to include Iranian evidence as folloWS. Global funda Tentalism Was "imweginted" after the Iranian revolution. It is a very recent phenomenon. Eliminate the Iranian revolution and you cannottalk about IslaTic fundamentalism, (Of course, you can try to talk about it, but only as a series of circumstantial, unrelated isolates.) Eliminate Islamic fundamentalism in comparing fundamentalisms, and you remove Comparative or global fundamentalism as a viable topic of analytical inquiry or acaderic labor.
Equally important to stress, along with the link to Iran, is the many colored quality of Islamic fundamentalism. There are seVeral, often competing notions of loyalty to an authentic Islamic praxis. Nor are all Muslims Who stress praxis intrinsically, neScapably fundamentalists. While Al-Az II defines well the most radical core group of Sunni fundamentalists, ha is less Clear either about their Iranian Counterparts or about the fringe elements that do not fit Well into either a fundamentalist or integralist or Islamist profile. For instanCe, in aCCerting Science as autonomous from faith, he places Seyyed Hossein Nasr in the Islamist camp. But Nasr is Tuch more a Muslim modernist in traditio
18
malist garb. Despite science from "its se matrix," he firmly be science and scient judgment of Ulamaa in the la The Of Alla as Out of bounds : repeatedly tries to a there Should be n0 rice and Islam, and Separate off modern dern Ormedieval SCi about the clash of One candispute Nas bald Science, but diri the Saing Cadre of Wdudi, Brohli or CarC
leo's "adviser."
Finally, I want t Al-Azm's rimble ar TTEfts WCILIld DE Hol deeper probe into thi TOdernism to fund, PartTWO (p. 79) does dermisri, and them hi radical antis Cientism Indeed, in a stroke Credits Mustafa "With consistency and auth stern deConstruction II, p. 79).
While it is fashion new Critics, and Whil attempt their full throl DageSi, they do hawe tomake to the debati flällSTT1 thäm Al-AzTT following observatior in the St Tesh arti Postmodernis tile mia?"Like Fredric J Althusserian expone Appiah takes serious text. He questions "" rationalization is the Za til ad WEASLETT stresses the pivotal the universal signiff which is clear, and Which is less clear. P Wici:Wi, underSCOrie:Sth Weberian vision has
There has tot b Enlightenment Rei hawe entäilead Exa STIE and the Ui SECLulär. ThETE ! penetration of all: reason into all sph the penetration of
things describes at and in the United S — World of the hig feW islands of its
hawe Seen in recer

his effort to retrie WÉ ular and humanistic lieves in the right of its to be ab OWE thë di fuqaha Who Would, deride all science Jr the faithful. Nasr gue thatin principle Vision between SCiethat it is the effort to scienca from premonce that has brought eligion and science. 's notion of good and cannot place him in nti-Scientists as Maimal Bellar|Tino, Galli
demonstrate OW di multi-tiered arguitered by a stronger, relationship of postarmentalism. Only in the allude to postmoa brackets it with the | of Shukri Mustafa. of ironic reversal, he a lot more credibility, enticity than his Weist counterparts" (Pt.
able to lampoon the Would not Want to tled defense in these Tmore of a Contribution eonglobal fundameallows. Consider the by Anthony Appiah cle, "Is the Post-in Post- in Postcoloarries), the leading ntofpostmodernism, ily context as well as Weber's noti On that OTECT Wester CiwiliWorld Control. Appiah difference between Cance of the West, its Universal value, ostrodernism, in his a degree to which the
not been fulfilled.
een the triumph of SOM — Which WOLuld tly the end of chariversalization of the S tot EWE been the arrower instrumental eres of life. (Rather) a Scientific Wission of the most the tinyStates quite marginal her academy and a influence. What We it times in the United
States 5 ПО SECUlarization – the End of religions-but their commodification; and with that commodification religions have reached further and grown-their markets have expanded- rather than died" (p.344).
In other Words, all the exponents of an inevitable marchito globale conomic development and With It Uniwersal Secularization have proven to be short-sighted. That is a major premise of postmodernist,
What then becomes the revised trajectory of global history? And what are its religious dimensions likely to be? At the every least, it will interconnect religious actors and movements in Ways that seemed previously unimaginable, and at the safetime it Will foster more rather than less expression of radically public religion, i.e., funda TentaliST.
It is on this narrower point, the future of religious fundamentalism, that I think that the new critics and postmodernism hawe a COintribution to Imake that Would be especially helpful for Al-Azmi's project. Consider the diachronic flow chart of Frediric Jameson. By his reackorning, postmodernism SUCCeeds modernisrn for Specific SOCIO-ECOnoric factors that är linked tÕ the development of late global capitalist. In a much quoted article, Jameson argues that postmodernism is precisely the Cultural logic of late capitalism, dependent, as it is, or routinized labor, innovative forms of technology and also expanding markets (most recently Eastern Europe and USSR). Where consumer appetite for captalist commodities grows unabated.' And even when capitalism itself seems not to change on a dramatic or critical scale, the cultural practices linked to itin any given period do change, often with starting speed, though Without what Jameson calls "utopian compensation".
It is the separation of the postmodernist project from its modernist antecedents that parallels the critical perception of religious fundamentalism or integralism. Integralism, like postmodernism, must be related to historical antecedents but outside a diachronic patter. As Al-Azm has convincingly shown, the most strident fundamentalists disavowall history except for select moments from the ideal past that informand legitimate their own view-point. In their radical reading of the divine plan, they relate to the challenges of the present rather than the glories of the past. Yet they cannot escape the dilemma of presentmindedness: While they may lay claim to transcendent timeless Truths, they in fact re-evaluate and recast these same Truths in light of the present or High Tech Era. The God of History becomes the God of

Page 21
Now, stripped of the authority of tradition and also its defenderS.
Precisely because religious fundamentalis rT is, ir All-AZT1's Words, a Counterreformation, it is very much a product of global history in the twentieth century, as much as are the literary/artistic/cultural mowerTents called modernis in and postmodernism. Far from being an ahistorical mindset or a cyclically recurrent phenomenon, religious fundamentalism reacts to the greatest challenge of the present era, namely, the logic of scientizing Culture: from Charles Darwin and Thomas Huxley to Carl Sagan and E.O. Wilson, the advocates of a godless cosmology, by replacing Genesis, Creation and the Creator With the Big Bang, Chaos, and now infinite Expansion, have provokad the fundamentalist Counterattack. Integralism has been shaped by the forces of modernization but especially the emergence of that form of modernism which excludes religious autonomy. In that seInse, fundamentalism. Is at one With pldstmodernism: functionally they are historical products of our recent history, even Іhough їп both gridапdgгошp they reflect that history at near opposite poles.
The functional affinity between postTodernism and fundamentalism has not been lost On Fredric Jameson, Jameson, more than any other theorist, has reWorked the puzzle of capitalist culture and global redirection. His stylistic opacity is more than balanced by his ecumenical grasp. For that reason alone he bears fruitful juxtaposition with Al-Azm in revieWing the two-part South Asia Bulle sin article.
But there is also another sense in Which Jameson contributes to the same project of situating fundamentalism in a postmodern orbit. Like Al-Azm, he is not merely interested in the evidence of religious data; he also probes the limit of what actors theTiSelves Cante|| LS about their Own Totives, interests and outcomes.
In Jameson's case, the issue of Categories-their naming and invocation-was piqued by his reading of Robert Bellah's Hābi f e dā, One of the 1st celebrated books on American religion in the 1980s. Modern religion of the kind that Bellah and his colleagues investigated, belongs, in Jameson's view, to the category of Weak religion. It is weak religion because it is religion unrelated to underlying socio-economic structures. It is religion expressive of individualism, yet indiwidualism itself remains Laxa Timed. Bellah engages in conceptual slippage from One theoretical Todel to another, SO that Biblical and Republican moments of
indiwidualism, bēCOT the blighted concep Bellah's subjects is
Sent ārē Wat Jā left alternatives," wi and his collaborat Confines of that fall exceptionalism." B either late capitalist of contemporary rel is at once syster Tic mirrors what right-w to hear about relig private belief systen ring therapy, that it ոing,
Jameson then go that bourgeois Ame little Tore thathē 5 religion transformer ge lacking both sul city. In its stead, J. see the emergence religion of the sort Iranian revolution, theology, or even synchronicity of the Ernst BloChadumbr to be discovered." language zone." bors muted hope f actors in the late religionists must try of theutopian proje. and so replaces, building blocks de ded in Hatts of the
JaTTeRSON'S SEET Iranian revolutionIslamic fundament: a recent, still unpub nity after Postmode he examines religio a case instance o micropolities which a Chara Ctenistic SOC dernism in his 198. mism, or the Cultura lism." Citing John the ITIOst strident Cri der miSTI, JameSOṁ talist. Why? Becau With other funda mē literary Critical dewi to explain scripture immediate, its direct acquiring relevancE dings. Against Such YOder adw0CateSa nation, intention an Biblical audience. S tainS that One Ca teachings of Jesus Palestinal COntem Ces JarTheSOn:

e elided. Conversely, of community among BWBraddréSSEd. Also reson calls "genuine the result that Bellah Stuble “isto the iar oldidea, American allah newer critiques society or the powers gion. His shortcoming and generational: he ing intellectuals Want on, namely, that it is that it is self-Tinistepublicly non-threate
es on to decry the fact rican religion today is imulacrum of religion, |into its shadowy limastance and auther tireson Would like to of religion on the left, at Contributed to the hat informs libération the dynamics of the non-synchronous that ated but which has yet the Anglo-American Short, Jameson haror religion: to be vital capitalist Taelstrom, to reinwenta neW for TT it, one which exceeds, the thin, therapeutic tailed, and COITThen3 Heart.
|ing imprimatur of the - and by implication, lism - is qualified in lished essay "Moder}rnism." In this essay USfundamentalismas f that proliferation of he had alluded to as ial feature of postmoessay, "PostmoderLogic of Late CapitaHoward Yoder, or of tics of theological modubShima funda Temse Yoder, in COTimon ntalists, rejects all the :es that hawe sought as remote rather than ives from the past only through modern reainterpretive relativism synchronicity of imagi| Wi|With the originary pecifically, Yodermal1 literally engage the as did his first-century poraries. Hence dedu
What funda Ting Italism assert5 - i5 that there exists no Great Divide (as Bruno Latour puts it) between the modern and the ancient, between the West and the rest, between the bourgeois era and the Society and culture of the scriptures. Belief in that Great Divide, that radical break, that radical Difference, Was Wha! authorized figurative and allegorical interpretations of the Bible. But if that belief or Conwictions Weakens of Wanishes, ther a literal relationship to Jesusos teachings is no more impossible for us, the citizens of the superstate and of multinational capitalism, than for the Middle Eastern subjects of the Roman Empire, something like this new relationship to the past Would also searf to Characterize the Other "funda Tata= lisms" of the present day, most notable
Slart.
If fundamentalism then becomes part of postmodernist determinations, it only reinforces the wise-like grip of capitalism. For capitalism lies at the heart of what is meant by the West, modern titles, reason and science. And capitalism remains a brutal hegemonic force, as "the blood of innumerable colonized peoples attests. The fact is that postmodernism does not markabreak with the dynamics of capitaIisrin that conce expressed itself in modernism (and in modernity and in modernization) but rather a restructuration and new stronger form of that on a now global Scale." Religious funda Tinentaliss T1, instead of marking new possibilities for a revitalized utopian project, reinforces the fragmentary micropolitical outcomes of late multinational capitalism.
St|another postmodern critic Whocontributes to the debate on religious fundamentalism in Stanley Fish. Especially waluable is Fish's notion of interpretive Communities. Without confirming rank subjectivism and cognitive relativism, Fish maintains that it is interpretive communities Who determine what texts mean. And they deters nine meanings not by reading texts objectively but by responding to "the bundle of interests, of particular purposes and goals" that inform every text. Yet such readings are not subjective, according to Fish, because the meanings, as also the texts, which interpretive communities produce, reflect "public and (often quite) conwentionalpoints ofview."
it is this distinctive twist by Fish on the old debate about interpreting literary texts that makes his approach of Walue in looking at religious fundamentalists. Precisely because he refuses to look at the truth or falsehood of competing claims advanced by different interpretive communities, Fish observes and analyzes the interests
19

Page 22
at stake in each proffered reading. It is ironic, therefore, that an arch secularhumanist - Fish Worships only at the altar of ACC Basketball - can provide fundamentalist readers a point of access to the area of Critical a CadeniC di SCOUTSE.
But Fish goes even further he notes that determinate reading is one of the principal ways in which one can read a text, especially a Scriptural text: Determinate reading implies the suspension of the Very exercise of critical judgment since that very exercise, it is alleged, will lead inexorably to bias and impiety. In his own Way Fish affirms the inerrantist reading of Scripture, collapsing, as he does, the chronological space between Biblical and contemporary history. His is a move similar to the one by Howard Yoder that Jameson analyzed as postmodernist funda Tentalism. To Fish Such a Towe is above either evaluation or Condemnation; it merely exemplifies the peculiar nature of determinate reading. As he once remarked:
To someone who believes in determinate meaning, disagreement can only be a theological error. The truth lies plainly in view, available to anyone who has the eyes to see; but some readers choose not to see it and perversely substitute their own meanings for the meanings that texts obviously bear."
In other Words, religious funda Teritalists by their intrinsic nature can accord no validity to other readings. Nor can they show awareness, much less appreciation, of the new stages in Critical theory that hawe brought parts of the academy to the point of admitting, without confirming, the fundamentalist wiew of scripture. The Tesult, ironically, is that "it would be literally impossible for a fundamentalist to credit the theories of a Fish or a Foucault, for in so doing, the fundamentalist Would cease to be a fundamentalist." In other Words, the critical enterprise becomes a one-way corridor:Fish or Foucault, JameSon Or Al-Azrin Carl be used to Walidate fundamentalist readings but no fundamentalist would recognize their value as critiCal obserwers or astute analysts.
The Contribution of Fish to the debate then becomes a negative one: it shows the extent to which, as Appiah reminds us, there is but a minority of persons who still believe in a Post-Enlightenment, post-Modernist project, and for that very reason the project will never achieve a global consensus. The utopian vision announced by Al-Azm, even were it to succeed, would never be acknowledged by his Islamist subjects, yet his article still
a
Serves a valuable p finally make a differe led to Le dilemmaS a postmodern World talists Wi|| ||listan to al When the Voices the
O CECH OLET.
Ordo they listen wit that they listen? For C ble changes of late ( the role of mass mE more intrusive and before in human hist dia," Gianni Wattimo assumed in the life O infinitely more import other era of the past." adwOCate digter Tirat share equal space wit terminate or pluralists message is that re account of other read WalLa ble than thJSE may be the gréatest le face between Critical stage of global capita
It also helps to und Te that Al-Azm, achi article, for what he fundamentalist logic several traditions. To one in the future Wan mentalist TindSel Sh: this article and, follo' tours into the reading texts or obscure pont stant Sectarian trogatis TOre a Ware of OW Worldwiew of the sing of the Unknown God
FLuftLrre SfL dies of F
On the future of Sc ball fundamentalist, fear of Contradictic passes for scholars mentalism in particu fundamentalism in g wed. Most appro accounts: they eith analysis too closely of funda Tentalistad neglect the larger
OdETT WOrldadth state, The major op study lie in opposite to geпder-specifica| of Women and sexu: Cadres. It is 10 aCCIC journalist, Faraj alby modern-day Cair 1992, had exposed Ces Of his Slassist studies of Islamism, talism, Wil|| rewealth suggestiveness of

Irpose, for it does ICC that those attand ambiguities of f global fundamen
Voices, especially SelWBS W||1Otlisten
hout acknowledging ne of the indisputaapitalism has been dia, at once much flclusive thar EWEs. ry, "The mass TheretimdS - US, "hawe each individual an ant role than in any Hence, those who a readings hawe to advocat E5 Oifirde2adings. The implicit adings which take ngs are finally more Which do Flot. That 550 froT LH e interheory and the latest |ST.
grstand the TilestoWes in the presert ā dre is to tāk to its outer limits in the extent that anyts to depicta funda3 W||||||| FWE LO CO SUut Wing its several deof Lunknow Isla TiC if| tt | Protees, She Will COIThe OL
richly varied is the e-minded patriarchs
Lrdamerfassrn
:holarship about gloOne Cansay, Without in that What roW hip on Islamic fundalar and comparative eneral is doubly flaC185 fai| Grl LWC) ET TEC their OW
With the state Tents wocates, or else they COltext Of EDOth the epostcolonial nationportunities for future lirections. Спеpoints pproaches to the role ality in fundamentalist lent that the Egyptian Fauda, assassinated gne Kharijites in June the sexual pe CCadillCountrymen. Further or Islamic fundar tenle IIITits but alSO the patriarchal norms for
religiously devout Women, The other direCtitori for future research is åt CrCE CITOSSCreedal and Cross-Cultural. It signals the need for more numerous and also more nuanced, comparisons. It requires close readings of the different motivations and expressions of fundamentalist protest. It suggests that the optimal strategy would be to bombard the popular media as Well äs academic bookstores with indeterminate readings of the High Tech era, that is to say, with more books that reflect the scope and depth, the rigor and challenge Öf Al-AZITı'5 article Ön İslamic funda Tlemtalis T1 ad its Cristian ClOfTheS.
Nils
晶上
1효.
3.
1.
1.
TES.
Walenting M. Moghadam, "Patriarchy and the Pol|- tics of Gender in Modernizing Societies. Iriri, Pakistanarid Afghanistan." 5a-LIFFi Agia Bullefinit CanTiP3LLLLLL LLLLkMMllL L CLCCHHH MuLLS LGHuHuS a CLLL LLLLHkMLM Eās, Wol. XIII Nicos. 1&2 (1993), pp. 122-133.
Sarik Al-AzrII. "A Critic,5rii aic . Religious: Thought," in Donohue and Espositu (eds), Islam r Trigi, p. 114.
LLLLLL SS LLLLLLLLSLETHHMLL O LTMMLS MCCMMMMuLTS Terialist Real against the Modern Age (San Francisco. Harper and Ruw, Publishers, 1989).
Moria:Fra Mutahhiari, Friarri Erras ar geir rific: Thögri. Gad, Mari Erkdorf, Jiriyars-E (IranIs Bled by R, Campbell (Berkeley, Mizarl Fress, 1985), pp., 53-54, quoted in Bruce Lawranca, Defenders of Gopi, 22-222.
Perhaps the Toggxtorsiwa, and certainly the ITigs! kTLTMLaLGGGLLS KLLLLLLL LSL La LLaCC LLLLLaLLLL L HL LLLLtLMLMLLLLMMMLMLLCLLS THLLS gy of Discarrerii (New York: New York University PraEE, 1993), Dabashi E.E. Tim Els rico citly the WrH tings of the eight principal thinkers, secular as well as clerical, who paved the Way to revolution, but also the personal, professionalarid historical context Lihat shaped both therinäridh GiraudiETICE. His thEsis is bold; without the ideological loridation forged in ha decades preciading the revolution ( 1978-79, Ha TT LLLLLL LLLLLLLLuuuLuuLLLLLLL K LLL S LMMM LCLCMML would hawe failed to comeEl, Howevër, it is early in retroSpect that cong cari ExarTime both the prCCESS LL LLL LLLLLLLOHH LLLLLL CLLLHHLLCLLLLLCCLL L LLL MLLLLLL LL IIITiEF
See Critical Inquiry 172 (Winter 1991), pp. 336-357
LHu LLLLaaLaaSLLLLHLHHLLLLLLLS L LLL LLLL HLL Logic of Late Capitalism," Mew Left Feview No. 146
19B-4), pp. 53-93,
AS LLLuuuuuLLLLLLS LLLLLSLLLMaHL L GMaC LCLLLTLS GEGLGGGTMLOLS
HGLLeLHHMGLGHMMLLLLMYYLLLLMLCCS LGCLCS rsity of California Press, 1 HH5), TE'VİEWEId in Fredrig LLLllLlLSSaS LMLMLL LLH HHM LLOOHTS 0TY MMHG Duartery, B5: 4, (Fall, 1987), pp. 545-565.
Järntigszin, "On Habits Of The Heart, "p. 553
Stanley Fish, Is There a Text írt le: Class? The LKaLaCHC L GGLHGLGL eLTeMMGMHMLL aLCLLHHLHLLLaS MA Harird University Press, 1980), P. 14.
Fish, is There a Text?, p. 33B
LLLuLLLLLL LLLLHaS LSCL LeLMq LLGLu CHH CLCS CCL LYrLLLTLO LLLLS LLLHHLLLuMLL L eYLLHaHMMLL LLaMGS SUNI'Y Friggs, 1939), pl, 75.
LSLLaL KLLLH S ML YYYLu uKSLLOlLLMMMMCC CMMMMLLLLS John Hopkirts University Press, 1988), p. 55

Page 23
Whytheres s in this rustic
There is laughter and light banter amongst these rural dansels who are busy sorting out tobacco. leaf in a barn. It is one of the hundreds of such barns spread out in the mid and upcountry intermediate zone where the arable land remains fallow during the offseason,
Here, with careful nurturing, tobacco grows as a lucrative cash crop and the green leaves turn to gold... to the value of over Rs. 250 million or more annually, for perhaps 143,000 rural folk,
 

ENRICHINGRURAL LIFESTYLE
Dund of laughter tobacco barn.
- Tobacco is the industry that brings employment to
the second highest urber of people. And these
people are the tobacco barn owners, the tobacco ETowers and those who work for them, or the lard ai ir the dag.
For them, the tobacco leaf means Ineaningful work, a comfortable life and a secure future. A good enough reason for laughter,
CeylonTobacco Co. Ltd.
Sharing arid caring for our land and her people.

Page 24
PEOPLE
Celebrating T
C
Dynamic
In 1961 People's Bank ventured out in the of only 46... and a few hundred Customers
Today, just 30 years later
People Resource exceeds 1 Customer Listings at a sta Branch NetWork in exCeSS
in Sri Lanka
In just three decades People's Bank has g in the Sri Lankan Banking scene. Their spec resources at their Command dedicated
dedication that has earned them the title
PEOPLE'S BANK
Banker to the Millions

'S BANK
Three DeCades
f
: Growth
challenging World of Banking With a staff
0,000 ggering 5.5Million of 328, THE LARGEST
rown to become a highly respected leader ;tacular growth is a reflection of the massive to the Service of the Common man - a
"Banker to the Millions'