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ouARTERLY Journal
 

Vol. 8. No. 4, 1987
Sovie REFLECTIONS ON THE LAND DEVELOPMANT OR DEN ANCE OR 93.5
COASTAL LAGOONS AND TER MANAGEMENT
|Eქც: C. Fl Bird.
LL S G LLLLLLLLSS LLSS ESPECIALLY IN THE INDIAN SUBCONTINENT AND THE NA PPROPRIATIENESS OF THE MEY CRIERON
SSLLLL LLLLLtS ttt S S S S S S SY LLLLLLLLS
PERCEPTIONS OF SOCO-ECON OMC AND CULTURALMPACT OR TOURSM IN SRI LANKA - A RESEARCH STUDY.
Saddlin Al Ahmed
ELD APPROACH TO COMMU NTY DEVELOPMENT
E. Des ingս S
Published by MARGA INSTITUTE

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This
NOW A VAILABLE
ETHICAL DILEMMAS OF DEVELOPMENT IN ASIA
Edited by
Godfrey Gunatilleke Neelan Tiruchevam Radhi, a Coomaraswamy
book contains a chapter on VIOLENCE AND
DEVELOPMENT IN SRI LANKA and contributions by several Asian scholars. The subjects include:
Islan, The State and Dev lopment in Indonesia The Ethics of Order and Change. An Analytical Framework
The Quest for Equality: Protective Discrimination or Compensatory Justice? An Indian Dilemma
Intercommunal Relations and Problems of Social - Economic Devclopment: The Malaysian Dilemma Technocratic Authoritarianism and the Dilemmas of Dependent Development: The Case of the Philippines Dilemmas in Developing Social Security Programs for Korea
Ethical Dilemmas arising from Urban Development and Environmental C: ange-Singapore
Hard Cover 64"x 9' 284 Pages Rs. 460/-
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Published by
MARGA INSTITUTE (Sri Lanka Centre for Development Studies)

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ditorial Office:
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) Marga Institute — 1987
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MARGA
Vol. 8. No. 4 1987
MAHINDA SILVA 1.
ERIC C. F. BIRD 9
R. SATHENDRAKUMAR & C. A. TISDELL 18
SADRUDIN A. AHMED 34
E. DESINGU SETTY 64
Some reflections on the Land Development Ordinance 1935
Coastal Lagoons and their management.
Artisanal Fisheries in LDCs, especially in the Indian Subcontinent, and the inappropriateness of the MEY criterion.
Perceptions of Socio-Economic and Cultural Impact of Tourism in Sri Lanka - a research study. W
Field approach to Community Development.

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Marga Vol. 8. No. 4. 1987
LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS
MAHINDA SILVA A former Secretary,
Ministry of Agriculture and Lands. Consultant, Marga Institute.
ERIC C. F. BIRD Department of Geography,
University of Melbourne, Australia, and United Nations" University, Tokyo, Japan.
R. SATHIENDRAKUMAR Research Scholar,
University of Newcastle, Australia.
C. A. TISDELL Professor of Economics,
University of Newcastle, N.S.W., Australia.
SADRUDIN A. AHMED Professor, Faculty of Adminis
tration,
University of Ottawa,
Canada.
E. DESINGU SETTY Associate Professor,
Asian Institute of Technology Bangkok, Thailand.

SOME REFLECTIONS ON THE LAND DEVELOPMENT ORDINANCE OF 1935*
Mahinda Silva
The Land Development Ordinance (L.D.O.) of 1935 has been one of the most enduring pieces of agrarian legislation in Sri Lanka and perhaps in the South Asian region. The fact that we are assembled here today in connection with the Golden Jubilee of the LDO is sufficient testimony to this fact. The LDO has, as you know, been amended from time to time, but these amendments in their totality have not changed the fundamental concepts, the structural features or even the institutional framework of implementation. There is perhaps no other law enacted by the State Council during the period 1931-1947 (with the possible exception of the Free Education Ordinance of 1943) which has had such a farreaching impact on the economy and society of Sri Lanka.
Some of the major State institutions for the development of the domestic agricultural sector had already been established before the passage of the LDO in 1935 and before independence in 1948. For instance, the Department of Agriculture was established in 1912, the Irrigation Department in 1900, the Survey Department in 1800, the Forest Department in 1899 and the Land Commissioner's Department in 1932. In fact, most of these departments were functioning under the Executive Committee of Agriculture and Lands under the Chairmanship of Mr. D. S. Senanayake, after the introduction of the Donoughmore Constitution in 1931.
It goes without saying that legislation with such far-reaching effects on the society of a country cannot be viewed in narrow legal terms. Important legislation of this nature in fact reveals the socio-economic, political and cultural pressures, the underlying play of power groups and the nature of the compromises that have been made to overcome the problems of that particular period of time. In this sense, important agrarian legislation (the Paddy Lands Act of 1958, the Land Reform Legislation of 1972)
1. Paper presented at the seminar held at the BMICH, Colombo, on 20 September, 1985 to commemorate the Golden Jubilee of the Land
Development Ordinance of 1935.

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and 1975, the Agricultural Productivity Law of 1972) is only the visible tip of a submerged iceberg where the real play of social forces takes place. The LDO is no exception to this general rule.
This seminaris undoubtedly ar appropriate forum for commencing the processes of intensive reflection and analysis of the LDO, the related institutional network and the machinery and procedures of implementation in relation to the past, the present and the future. I have no doubt that with the wealth of eminence and experience in land policies and land administration that have been brought together today, the developments of the past, the conditions prevailing at the present time and the future outlook for land policies in the country will be examined from wide-ranging perspectives.
For my part. I wish to indicate very briefly some of the highlights of the past in relation to the LDO, some of the problems that face agricultural and agrarian development in the country at the present time and the necessity to reconsider some of the basic concepts and approaches of the LDO in relation to some of the objectives of agricultural and agrarian development that we have to
look for in the immediate future.
Reports of Land Commission of 1927
The provisions of the LDO of 1935 took form and shape through a long ancestry in which the Land Commission of 1927 was the most immediate and formidable parent. When I think of the LDO and its past, I should like to place special emphasis on the reports of the Land Commission of 1927, which I submit, require detailed study in the political and social context of that time. This may seem rather an academic exercise. But I think it very necessary that some competent persons should undertake this work because it is an important historical period in the evolution of land policies in this country. Unfortunately, the reports of the 1927 Land Commission which were published in nearly 12 Government Sessional Papers are not readily available. In fact, the report of the Land Commission of 1958 is also not readily available. I would therefore earnestly request the organisers of this seminar to re-publish the reports of the 1927 Land Commission and the 1958 Land Commission, preferably as composite publications,
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which would enable those interested to work towards a documented analysis of their historical relevance.
On this occasion I do not wish to discuss the recommendations of the 1927 Land Commission. I attempted very briefly to draw attention to the significance of this Commission and its relationships to the LDO in a rather superficial way on another occasion (The Evolution of Land Policies in Sri Lanka - An Overview, Marga Journal Volume 7, No. 1. 1983). But in essence the LDO based on the recommendations of the Land Commission of 1927, created a “protected tenure' for Crown land alienated to the “peasant' class. A peasant was defined as "a person who cultivates his land by the labour of himself and his family, whether with or without the aid of paid labour. The more popular term today is perhaps the "smallholder.' The difference in terminology is not merely verbal. It is a difference of ethos separated from each other by nearly half a century. The principal conceptual thrust of the 1927 Land Commission, subsequently embodied in the LDO, was embodied in the views expressed by Sir Hugh Clifford in his farewell message. The relevant text is as follows:
(i) To make easily available to bona fide would-be peasant proprietors land of good quality in sufficient quantity to suffice for the permanent maintenance of the cultivator himself and of those immediately dependent upon him.
(ii) To render the taking up of such small-holdings not only feasible, but easy, for bona fide tillers of the soil, who desite to become landowners, and who are prepared to contribute towards the development of these smallholdings the labour of themselves and of their immediate dependents.
(iii) To enable these small-holdings to be taken up and brought under cultivation by bona fide cultivators, who are not possessed of any capital, without any undue burden of debt being by them incurred.
(iv) To render it impossible for small-holdings alienated to bona fide cultivators under this Scheme, to be sold or transferred by them to third parties.
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(y) To prevent these small-holdings from passing on the death of the original owners, to a number of heirs in undivided shares.
Institutional developments
Quite apart from the Land Commission of 1927, it is necessary to examine the institutional developments that arose in the course of implementing the provisions of the Land Development Ordinance of 1935. This would also be an essential part of an examination of the past. The Land Commissioner's Department established in 1932 must naturally take pride of place in the institutional framework for the implementation of the LDO. Starting with C. W. Brayne and followed by C. L. Wickremasinghe, there has been a long line of distinguished Land Commissioners who directed the implementation of land policies based on the LDO. The post of Land Commissioner and the Land Commissioner's Department were prestigious institutions for a very long time. The Land Development Department established in 1948 played a great supporting role in providing the infrastructure in most of the Governmentsponsored settlement schemes. This is of course without mentioning the very important government departments such as the Irrigation Department, the Survey Department and the Land Settlement Department which had already been established. The Government policy for the development of the rural agricultural sector was to be implemented solely through these government agencies.
These line departments based in Colombo were supported admirably by the District Administration under the direction of the Government Agent. As we all know “land work' was the principal activity in a provincial kachcheri and the land branch was perhaps the most important branch of a kachcheri other than the "vault' where cash and old unserviceable firearms were kept.
Massive alienation
If we ask the question as to the most important contribution made by the LDO of 1935 during the past 50 years, the answer I would suggest is that under the umbrella of this Ordinance a massive extent of "Crown land', or as we would now call “State land',
4.

has been alienated primarily to persons of the peasant class, or in modern terms the smallholder. I have had occasion recently to be associated in a study on Rural Landlessness in Sri Lanka for a United Nations agency. In the course of this study, I realised that the extent of land alienated to smallholders (excluding land given out for village expansion) is perhaps without precedent in the South Asian region and for a country of the size of Sri Lanka. This alienation programme, reckoned from 1947/48 up to the present time, taking into account land given out to smallholders by the Land Commissioner's Department, the Mahaweli Authority, the regularisation of encroachments programme as well as land alienated after the land reform programmes of 1972 and 1975, is truly staggering. In fact, if you compare the physical extent of these land alienations in each administrative district in the Island with the extent of land classified by the Department of Census and Statistics as the extent under smallholdings in each district, you will get a true magnitude of the picture. It has always been my view that if land reform means alienation of land to smallholders, a land reform programme has been going on in this country for over half a century.
These are some of the highlights of the past relating to the LDO and its institutional links that I would suggest be more fully analysed and documented for posterity. I do not think there are many countries in the world where there is such a large body of axpertise available for undertaking the Suggested documentation of the past in historical, administrative, economic, sociological, political and agro-technical terms. I would therefore suggest that initiation of such studies based on an inter-disciplinary approach.
I now wish to turn my attention briefly to the situation as it presents itself and as it would in the immediate future.
Even while the LDO has been an enduring piece of agrarian legislation, as stated earlier, the structures of our society have undergone far-reaching changes during the past 50 years. This is not the appropriate occasion to discuss the nature of those changes. I mention this obvious fact only to highlight some of the issues I wish to raise in the concluding sections of this brief paper.
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Some issues confronting policy-makers
For reasons of brevity, I wish to highlight some of the issues that confront policy-makers and land administrators at the present time.
(a) The LDO, the Land Commissioner's Department and the Provincial Administration under the Government Agent have been the principal institutions through which the major irrigation systems have been established. This would include the settlements under the Mahaweli development scheme as well, even though it is a separate agency responsible for the implementation of development programmes under that scheme. The relevant question to be asked now is whether these settlement schemes are contributing to the all-sided development of the rural sector. The fact that national paddy production has increased to near levels of self-sufficiency is not an adequate answer to this question. As several distinguished scholars on the subject (e.g. Professor Scudder) have pointed out, the major irrigation systems in this country, including the Mahaweli programme, should not be viewed as agricultural production centres in narrow terms. They should be viewed as regional growth centres capable of developing diversified farm systems with integrated crop and livestock husbandry and generating on-farm, non-farm and off-farm employment. To what extent is the LDO in its present form or in a modified form relevant to this issue 2
(b) Would it be acceptable to say today that water and not land is the scarce resource in this country. We do not enjoy the benefits of perennial water supplies that other countries such as Japan enjoy. In the final analysis, water and not land is the scarce resource. All our major irrigation systems including Mahaweli are dependent on monsoonal rainfall in the catchment areas. Therefore, the question of managing the available water, maximum utilisation of rainfall, are crucial issues in maximising agricultural productivity in the country as a whole, especially in the major irrigation system where massive capital investments have been made. To what extent is the LDO relevant to this issue 2
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(c) We should now be interested in developing policies which will move the peasant|smallholder from a subsistence farmer to a commercial farmer. In this connection, Raanaan Weitz's book on the peasant moving towards a farmer seems to me a basic text for those interested in the agricultural development of this country. To what extent is the LDO relevant in this context?
(d) The concept of regional specialisation is basic to agricultural planning. Surprisingly enough, for a very small country like Sri Lanka, the number of agro-ecological regions both macro and micro are very considerable. We have to be thankful to our agricultural scientists for bringing up this information in recent years. The development of productivity in agriculture is therefore dependent not only on macro policies but also on policies with regard to micro regions including the major irrigation systems. To what extent is the LDO relevant in this context?
(e) The LDO was concerned with the administration of Crown/State land. Undoubtedly, this concern must be maintained. I would suggest that the more important concern now is the productivity of the lands that have already been alienated. In other words, the administration of land must soon give way to the productivity of land. This is an aspect on which the LDO has been very deficient. Therefore how relevant is this Ordinance for this purpose ?
(f) The LDO, with the formidable ancestry of the 1927 Land Commission, sought to establish a "protected tenure' for persons of the peasant class. It is now obvious that the tenurial conditions provided under the LDO gave an “overprotected ' tenure, We are aware that government policies are now attempting to minimise the sense of overprotection and provide a smallholder tenure which is as far as possible close to a free-hold. To what extent is the LDO relevant to this issue 2
(g) The heavily protected tenure provided by the LDO sought to prevent fragmentation of the holding and leasing and mortgaging. Certain micro studies carried
7

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out so far indicate that the extent of fragmentation, mortgaging and leasing of the already alienated allotments is considerable. As far as I am aware no comprehensive study has been carried out on this subject. To what extent is the LDO relevant to this issue?
(h) We are now concerned deeply with the second and third generation problems of the settlers in the major irrigation systems who were brought there under the umbrella of the LDO. The question is being asked whether the allotment originally given to the parent settler could be sub-divided or new land found for his children. Up to a point, this is a reasonable approach. But this conceals one basic fact, viz. that the original settler has, for some reason or other, been unable to generate a surplus from the land given to him. If he had been able to generate a surplus, it is that surplus that is divided for the benefit of his children. To what extent is the LDO relevant for this issue 2
I think that I have taken the liberty, perhaps unfairly, of . raising a large number of issues for which I myself cannot provide the answers. As a person who is deeply concerned intellectually and morally with the development of the agricultural sector of this country, I raise these issues in all sincerity in the hope that collective thinking may possibly find at least very partial answers to these very complex questions.
In conclusion, I wish to say that I am very happy that a Land Commission with wide terms of reference has been appointed. I think this distinguished Commission should be given as much time as possible to deliberate on the large range of complex questions with regard to land and its utilisation that are relevant to the country. I do hope that this respected commission will provide us with at least the outlines of a framework for land policies in this country which would endure towards the early part of the 21st century. After all, the beginning of the 21st century is only 15 years away.

COASTAL LAGOONS AND THEIR MANAGEMENT
Eric C. F. Bird
Introduction
Coastal lagoons may be defined as areas of shallow water that have been partly or wholly sealed off from the sea by the formation of depositional barriers of sand or shingle, built up above high tide level by the action of waves (Bird 1967). They usually have one or more entrances from the sea, which may be permanent or intermittent. Most lagoons have estuarine salinity regimes, salt water inflow from the sea being diluted by rainfall and fresh water runoff from the land, but in arid regions high evaporation may lead to the development of hypersaline conditions (i.e. salinity in excess of that of sea water), or dessication to salt flats. By contrast, in rainy areas, lagoons may become relatively fresh, and if they are completely sealed off from the sea they develop as freshwater lakes (Phleger 1969, Colombo 1977).
Physiographically, lagoons show variations in depth and, configuration, in the dimensions and dynamics of marine entrances, in water and sediment budgets, tidal ventilation and salinity regimes. biotic associations, and the nature and extent of human influence. In addition they show temporal variations over periods ranging from a few hours (related to tidal fluctuations or weather conditions) to several years or decades, some variations being cyclic, while others are sequential or successional (Barnes 1980). -
Coastal lagoons thus defined are found in a variety of environments, ranging from arctic (as in Northern Alaska) to equatorial (as on the Ivory Coast), and on a variety of scales from over 10,000 square kilometres (Lagoa dos Patos, Brazil) down to less than a hectare (Guilcher 1981). Globally, more than 400 coastal lagoon systems have been documented as of major scientific or economic significance (Bird 1984), and of these about 20 are found on the coasts of Sri Lanka (Fig. 1), their water area totalling about 142,000 hectares (Lasserre 1979).

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Geomorphologically, coastal lagoors have formed where valley mouths or coastal lowlands became submerged by the sea during the later stages of the Holocene marine transgression, which on tectonically stable coasts brought the sea up to its present level about 6000 years ago. Shallow coastal inlets and embayments thus formed have been partly or wholly enclosed by the growth of longshore spits, or by the building of barriers along the coastline by wave action. Enclosed in this way, lagoons have been modified by erosion and sedimentation to reach their present configuration (Bird 1982). Infilling by accumulation of inwashed sediment, organic materials such as peat or shells, and precipitates, has resulted in the shrinkage of coastal lagoons during the past 6000 years, some having disappeared completely within aggraded coastal plains. They are thus transitory features, subject to relatively rapid geomorphological evolution, and they present dynamic ecological environments.
Ecologically, lagoons are transitional environments, ecotones between terrigenous and marine systems. They are also among the richest and most productive of natural ecosystems. Lasserre (1979) quoted measurements of gross primary productivity ranging from 10,000 to 35,000 Koal/sq.m/year, an order of magnitude greater than that of nearshore sea areas. This is partly based on the effectiveness of photosynthesis in shallow water areas, generating abundant plant material, and partly on the terrigenous inputs of nutrient-rich runoff and sediment, and mineral salts, organic matter and trace elements from inflowing sea water. Lagoons are environments where these various components meet and mix, and where circulation by wave and current action is generally good. Only occasionally, in sheltered backwaters or when lagoon entrances are sealed off from the sea, do stagnant conditions develop, with a risk of deoxygenation, killing fish and other organisms, and building up organic residues on the lagoon floor. Associated with lagoons are salt marshes and mangrove swamps, both highly productive ecosystems.
Coastal lagoons thus provide a range of resources and opportunities for utilisation by man, with the result that many have been modified by human interference. In recent years, growing recognition of the complexity of lagoon ecosystems and increasing
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awareness of the adverse effects of human interference, have led to demands for appropriate management of these features to maintain their environmental quality as well as their biological and economic productivity. Such management must be based on an understanding of the geomorphology and ecology of coastal lagoon systems, aspects of which can be illustrated with reference to selected case studies.
Utilisation and Modification of Coastal Lagoons
During the past 6,000 years coastal lagoons have been used as areas for fishing, collecting shellfish, and hunting waterfowl, and these activities remain predominant in developing countries. Historically, lagoons were also sources of salt for food preservation and dietary needs, initially collected from drying margins, and later produced in artificial enclosures, known as salt pans. Some lagoons are still used for this purpose on an industrial scale (e.g. Logoa de Arauama, Brazil). The use of fish traps evolved into the development of enclosures to retain, and eventually to farm, fish, as in the Venice Lagoon, where such enclosures, known as valli, orginated in the 15th century. Modern large-scale fish and shrimp farming has modified many lagoon environments. Lasserre (1979) has noted that production of fish from well-managed brackish water fishponds may exceed 1 tonne/hectarelyear, which is higher than the production achieved from grazed pastureland. Similar high yields have been obtained from shrimp farming, while more specialised forms of aquaculture in lagoons, such as oyster farming, generate returns of high economic value.
The realisation that lagoons are also breeding grounds for fish caught elsewhere has led to demands for their preservation as fish nurseries. Attempts to improve lagoon fisheries have included the cutting and widening of entrances from the sea to facilitate fish migration and to guarantee an estuarine regime suitable for breeding: in Texas the Laguna Madre, subject to widespread fish mortality during episodes of very high salinity, was improved by i creasing sea water inflow through artificial entrances and along .)1967 he Intracoastal Waterway dredged in 1949 (Hedgpethܐ
11.

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Artificial stabilisation of previously migratory or intermittent entrances from the sea has occurred in a number of lagoons, and has resulted in extensive changes in hydrology, and tidal and salinity regime, as well as plant and animal ecology. A wellknown example is the Gippsland Lakes, in south-eastern Australia, to which an artificial entrance was opened in 1889. As a sequel, the general level of these lakes fell, tidal ventilation was established, and flood dispersal hastened, while an increase in salinity resulted in die-back of freshwater swamp vegetation, the onset of shore erosion, the spread of salt marshes, and invasion by seagrasses and an estuarine biota (Bird 1978). Other examples of hydrographic and biotic adjustments to entrance-cutting have been documented on the Gulf Coast of the United States (Reid 1957) and on the coast of Portugal (Schroeder-Lanz et al 1976).
Some lagoons have been modified by the exclusion of sea water. The South Australian Lakes, lagoons at the mouth of the Murray River, were brackish estuarine systems subject to occasional hypersalinity during droughts when irrigation projects developed in the Lower Murray valley early in the present century. Damage to irrigated farmland by brackish water inundation led to demands for the building of barrages to close the several natural entrances to the South Australian Lakes, and these were completed in 1940. Thereafter the lagoons quickly became fresh water (fresh enough to be used for irrigation of bordering farmland), associated salt marshes gave place to reedswamp communities, and seagrasses to freshwater weed growth (Bird 1962). In the south of France, the Etang de Vaccares, formerly a brackish lagoon in the region of the Camargue, alongside the Rhone delta, was freshened after the diversion into it of drainage water from an irrigation scheme to the north. As in the South Australian Lakes, the result has been a modification to a freshwater ecosystem.
Most common form of modification
The most common form of modification of lagoons results from changes in the catchments of rivers that drain into them: changes that have either increased or diminished the rates of water and sediment yield at the mouths of inflowing rivers. On the one
12

hand, clearance of natural vegetation, especially in forested catchments, and the introduction of grazing or cultivation, have modified runoff, usually resulting in a greater total discharge, increased frequency and severity of flooding, and an augmented sediment yield. This has accelerated the infilling of coastal lagoons, leading to enhanced growth of deltas at river mouths and promoting swamp encroachment. On the other hand, the building of reservoirs to impound water has led to interception of part of the sediment and wetlands, and decelerating infilling. At the same time, this reduced waterflow, particularly in dry seasons, results in an increase in salinity of lagoon systems open to the sea.
An example of siltation accelerated as a consequence of soil erosion is seen in the Segara Anakan lagoon, on the south coast of Java. Here the inflow of fluvial sediment was greatly accelerated after deforestation and agricultural development in the hinterland, especially in the catchment of the Citanduy River. Rapid infilling has been accompanied by the encroachment of bordering mangrove swamps at rates of up to a hundred metres per year, necessitating adaptation and migration by fisheimen living in villages in the mangrove area (Mantra 1982).
The properties of brackish water have been utilised in various ways in lagoon environments. In the Negombo lagoon, north of Čolombo, Sri Lanka, coconut husks are immersed for retting, the loosening of fibres prior to extraction and processing. In 1983 Lake Bonney, a brackish lagoon in South Australia, was used to preserve partly-burnt pine timber in the aftermath of the Ash Wednesday bushfires : the timber was dumped in the lagoon to await sawmilling, the brackish water preventing attack by insect and fungi, which would otherwise have quickly rendered it useless.
Some lagoons have been declared Nature Reserves, wholly or in part, to conserve particular plant and animal species or commu
nities. Such a designation implies little if any human activity, other than that required to sustain educational and scientific use. As an example, Lake St. Lucia, in South Africa, was declared a Game Reserve in 1897 in order to maintain its associated fauna, including hippopotami, crocodiles, and a variety of water-birds
13

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that occupied the lagoon and its reedswamp fringes. The entrance from the sea is repeatedly dredged here to perpetuate an estuarine environment (Orme 1972).
Modifications have occurred in lagoons where channels have been dredged to permit navigation, the development of Porto Marghera, behind the Venice Lagoon, has necessitated the dredging of deep channels (Rosa Salva 1983) In such situations it is necessary to ensure that spoil banks or levees adjacent to the dredged channel do not create unnecessary barriers to the circulation of lagoon Waters.
Lagoons have been modified by the development of ports and industry in several countries. Sete, on the south coast of France, is an example of a port sited at the entrance to a lagoon, while Ringkobing in Denmark is a port on a lagoon shore, made accessible by way of an artificial entrance cut at Hvidesande in 1930.
Urbanisation around lagoons
: Urbanisation has proceeded around many coastal lagoons. The spread of urban development around Boca Ciega Bay, California, was illustrated by Cronin (1967), and similar development has occurred on the shores of the Venice Lagoon. In Mexico, the town of Mexcaltitan is, like Venice, built on an island in a lagoon, in this case the Nayarit Lagoon, near Tuxpan.
Lagoons may be polluted in various ways. Where the hinterland is rural there is a risk of eutrophication by runoff carrying fertilisers from farmland (Troake and Walling 1975), or contamination by pesticides, which can be toxic to fish and other organisms. Pollution by sewage and sullage from urban and recreational areas is a widespread problem, and many lagoons have oil pollution originating from boats. These problems were studied by Hodgkin et al (1980) in Peel Inlet, Western Australia. Industrial development also brings pollution from hydrocarbons, heavy metals, and other chemical contaminants, as in the Venice Lagoon and the Lagoon of Tunis.
Extraction of sand, gravel or shell deposits from lagoons by dredging raises problems similar to those resulting from the cutting of navigation channels. Dredging disrupts the sediments and
14

biota of the lagoon floor, and causes turbidity in lagoon waters, adversely affecting fisheries. If such extraction is to proceed in a lagoon it must be done with care, and with attention to the configuration that will be generated as a habitat for recolonising biota.
Reclamation of land around lagoons reduces their area, volume, and tidal ventilation. In the Venice Lagoon, land reclamation has reduced the area of bordering salt marshes (barene), and has possibly contributed to the problem of recurrent tidal flooding of the city of Venice (Pirazzolli 1983).
Many lagoons have shown gradual expansion of artificial shorelines, where aquaculture, land reclamation, shore protection, or recreational development have impinged on lagoon fringes. Some have been completely converted into fishponds, ricefields, farmland, or land for urban and industrial development: Port Kembla, in New South Wales, Australia, has completely replaced a pre-existing coastal lagoon.
Conclusions and implications
It is evident that some lagoons remain natural, or almost natural, with either protected “nature conservation status, or traditional usage with simple technology at a low level of impact, while others have been much modified or completely replaced. Examples have been given of various uses and impacts, and while there are possibilities for multiple use (e.g. fishing as well as recreational uses) there are many possibilities of conflict between incompatible uses, especially those which pollute or displace lagoon environments. The management of coastal lagoons must be based on a scientific understanding of the ecology and morphodynamics of a lagoon system and an awareness of the actual and potential impacts of proposed uses. Research to provide such understanding must be interdisciplinary and co-ordinated: specialised studies of particular aspects of lagoon geomorphology or ecology are inadequate for devising management strategies.
In Sri Lanka, coastal lagoons (Fig. 1) are former marine
embayments, enclosed by sandy spits and barriers built up by ocean swell, the sand having come mainly from the adjacent sea
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floor. They include the much-modified Negombo Lagoon, north of Colombo, and a trio of lagoons on the south coast which were studied in the course of an interdisciplinary field project organised by the Marga Institute, in association with the United Nations University, in 1984-85. The lagoons are Rekawa, a mangrovefringed estuarine lagoon behind a wide sandy spit; Kalametiya a broader lagoon which has lately been freshened by the diversion in of fresh water from a ricefield irrigation scheme to the north (rather in the manner of the Etang de Vaccares); and Lunama, a shallow, brackish annex of Kalametiya, to which it is linked by a meandering channel.
References
Barnes, R. S. K. 1980 Coastal Lagoons. Cambridge University Press.
Bird, E. C. F. 1962 The utilisation of some Australian coastal lakes, Australian
Geographer, 8: 199-206.
Bird, E. C. F. 1967 Coastal lagoons of south-eastern Australia, in J. N. Jennings and J. A. Mabbutt (eds.) :Landform Studies from Australia and New Guinea, Australian National University Press, Canberra : 365 - 385.
Bird, E. с. F. 1978 The Geomorphology of the Gippsland Lakes Region,
Ministry of Conservation, Victoria, Australia, Publication 186.
Bird, E. C. F. 1982 Changes on barriers and spits enclosing coastal lagoons, Oceanologica Acta, Proceedings Internat. Symp. on Coastal Lagoons : 45 = 53.
Bird, E. C. F. 1984 Coastal Lagoons : a global inventory. Report prepared for I.G.U. Commission on the Coastal Environment, University of Melbourne
Colombo, G. 1977 Lagoons, in R. S. K. Barnes (ed.) The Coastline, Wiley,
New York: 63-81.
Cronin, L. E. 1967 The role of Man in estuarine processes, in G. H. Lauff
(ed.) Estuaries' Amer. Assoc. Adv. Sci. Publication 83 : 667-689.
Guilcher, A. 1981 Les etangs littoraux : azonalite d'ensemble et modalites
zonales, Bull. Soc. Languedocienne Geogr.’’ 15 : 3 – 10.
Hedgpeth, J. W. 1967 Ecological aspects of the Laguna Madre, a hypersaline estuary, in G. H. Lauff (ed.) Estuaries, Amer. Assoc. Adv. Sci. Publication 83 : 408 - 49.
Lasserre, P. 1979 Coastal lagoons : sanctuary ecosystems, cradles of culture,
targets for economic growth, Nature and Resources, 15 : 2-21.
Mantra, I. B. 1982 Population and rural settlement in the Segara Anakan region, in E. C. F. Bird, A. Soegiarto and K. A. Soegiarto (eds.) Proceedings,
16

Workshop on Coastal Resources Management in the Cilacap Region, Indonesian Institute of Sciences and United Nations University : 86-92.
Orme, A. R. 1972 Barrier and lagoon systems along the Zululand coast, South Africa, in D. R. Coates (ed.) Coastal Geomorphology, Binghampton, New York: 181 - 215.
Phleger, F. B. 1969 Some general features of coastal lagoons, in A. Ayala. Castanares and F. B. Phleger (eds.) Lagunas Costeros: un Simposio, UnivNac. Auton. Mexico : 5 - 26.
Pirazzoli, P. 1983 Flooding (“acqua alta”) in Venice (Italy): a worsening phenomenon, in E. C. F. Bird and P. Fabbri (eds.) Coastal Problems in the Mediterranean Sea, Univ. Bologna : 23-31. Reid, G. K. 1957 Biologic and hydrographic adjustment in a disturbed Gulf
Coast estuary, Limmol. Oceanogr., 2 : 198-212. Rosa Salva, P. 1983 Environmental management of the Venice lagoon, in E. C. F. Bird and P. Fabbri (eds.) Coastal Problems in the Mediterranean Sea, Univ. Bolgna. : 33 - 38. ... " Schroeder-Lanz, H., Wieneke, F., and Schmidt, W. 1967 Die Mundung der Lagune von Melides (Portugal), Mitteilungen der Geographischen Gesellschaft in Munchen, 52 : 267 - 2679. Troake, R. P. and Walling, D. E. 1975 Some observations on stream nitrate
levels and fertiliser application at Slapton, South Devon, Rep. Trans. Devon: Ass. Advmt. Sci."107: 77–90.
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ARTISANAL FISHERIES IN LDCs, ESPECIALLY IN THE INDIAN SUBCONTINENT AND THE INAPPROPRIATENESS OF THE MEY CRITERION
R. Sathiendrakumar and C. A. Tisdel Introduction
The purpose of this paper is to show the economic importance of the artisanal fisheries in various LDCs, especially those in the Indian sub-continent and to discuss fishery resource management problems of particular concern in developing countries. The socio-economic significance of the artisanal fisheries in LDCs cannot be judged merely by their aggregate biological yield and aggregate economic yield. They are necessary for the survival of local economies and communities along the coasts of many LDCs. These communities have virtually no other employment possibilities and their cultural fabric has been developed around traditional fisheries. Fish is the prime food source for such communities.
The fishery resource exploited by small-scale fishermen in the tropics (unlike that in more temperate areas) consists of a very large number of species, and competition for the limited resource is intense. In an effort to compete for this resource, small-scale fishermen have adopted some forms of modernisation such as outboard motors requiring some capital investment. The investment entails use of techniques with low capital intensity and does not equip artisanal fishermen for deep-sea fishing. Therefore they fish close to the coast. While this means they are not absent from their families for long periods as would be the case for deep-sea fishing, it also implies that local fishing communities do not extend the range of fishery resource exploited but increase their efforts in coastal waters. This exacerbates the overfishing problem experienced by many fishing villages.
In the paper the artisanal and small-scale fisheries are treated as synonymous. They have the following characteristics :

(a) Generally located in rural and coastal areas near lagoons and estuaries with fishing confined mainly to coastal (in-shore) waters.
(b) Are labour intensive and use minimal mechanical power
(e.g., outboard motors).
(c) Retain primitive technology for handling and processing fishing catches that is often ideal for preparing fish for domestic consumption.
The paper first outlines evidence on the economic importance of the artisanal fisheries and then considers threats to the continuing existence of these fisheries. The relevance to LDCs of the maximum sustainable yield and maximum economic yield are then discussed, followed by a consideration of the policy implications of the low. mobility of artisanal fishermen.
Economic Importance of the Artisanal Fishery
Small-scale fisheries are virtually the sole source of animal . protein for several hundred million people in developing countries such as India, Sri Lanka, the Republic of Maldives and other countries in Southern Asia (World Bank, 1982 : 29). This is because in several countries the cost per gram of protein of several species of fish is much lower than that of meat, thereby making fish more affordable to lower income groups (World Bank, 1981:39) Thus artisanal fishing saves many inhabitants of these countries from acute malnutrition, which is a particular problem in LDCs. where arable land is scarce and the insufficiency of exports and their income are inadequate for the import of protein-rich foods.
In the South Asian countries, the arable land to population ratio is low compared with that in many DCs as can be seen from Table 1. Most of the arable land is used to cultivate staple food such as cereals, rather than protein-rich plant food like pulses (see Table 2). In such a situation, fisheries are an important source of protein supplement for the diet of people in LDCs and help prevent protein deficiency.
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Table 1. Arable Land, Population Data for (a) Some Selected DCs and (b)
for Some South Asian Countries (LDCs), 1981
Total land Arabile land Arabile land Соитtry ፴፫ ̇ed area Population per capita
(1000 Ha.) (1000 Ha.) (million) (Ha.)
(α) Selected DCS
U.S.A. . . ... 9.12680 188755 229805 0.821 U.K. . . 24160 6920 56.250 0.123 France ... . . 54.563 17240 53.959 0.319 W. Germany ... 24428 7263 - 61682 0.118 Australia . . ... 761793. 43129 14,658 2.942 Canada . . . 922097 42042 24.365 1,726 (b) South Asian Countries (LDCs)
India .. ... 29.7319 165500 697.974 0.237 Pakistan .. 77872 20040 89.416 0.224 Bangladesh ... 13391 8920 90.693 0.098 Sri Lanka ... 6474 1034 15.109 0.068 Maldives 30 3 0.159 0.020
Source : Based on F.A.O. Production Year Book, pp. 48-54 and 64-70.
Table 2. Area sown with Cereals and Pulses in Selected
South Asian Countries (1000 Ha.), 1982
Pulses/ Country Cereals Pulses Cereals%
India . ... 102857 23733 23.07 Pakistan ... 10870 114 1.05 Bangladesh . . ... 11066 316 2.86 Sri Lanka 869 4. Ꮔ0 .46
Maldives? .. 1. amb
Source : Based on F.A.O. Production Year Book, 1982, pp. 106 and 131
Note: 1. Extent cultivated could be more than arable extent.
2. Average for period 1974-1976.
The Indian experience shows that small-scale fishermen contribute nearly 65% of the total marine fish landings of India, amounting to about 874,882 tons (Bapat, S.V. and Kurian, A. 1978). The number of fishing craft owned and used by small-scale fishermen in India is estimated to be 106,514 (Bapat, S. V. and Kurian, V., 1978). In Sri Lanka in 1981, 55% of the boats used in fishing were non-mechanised and they supplied about 33% by volume of the fish produced (Sathiendrakumar, 1983). However,
20,

it could be argued that most of the boats with outboard motors belong to artisanal fishermen. In that case, two thirds of the Sri Lankan catch is taken by artisanal fishermen and they own 89% of the boats (see Table 3).
Table 3. Number of Fishing Craft in Operation in Sri Lanka in 1981
and their volume of catch in tons
Type of Boats Number % Volume in Tons % Private Trawler and 3.5 Ton
Inboard ... 3106 10.90 555.65 32.24 Outboard Mechanised 96.54 32.84 64,480 37.42 Non-Mechanised ... 15765 55.26 52273 30.34 Total .. 28525 99.00 172318 100.00
Source: Annual Report of the Ministry of Fisheries, Sri Lanka, Colombo, 1982
However, artisanal fishermen often are the poorest of the population in LDCs. For example, in Malaysia 63/. of fishing households were classified as living in poverty in 1975 (Yahaya, and Wells, 1982: 74). The Indian experience also confirms this, as the average income of small-scale fishermen was estimated at Rs.558 per annum (Bapat, S.V., and Kurian, V., 1978), in comparison with the per capita national income of Rs. 1163.1 in 19771978 (Dept. of Economics and Statistics, 1980: 18). Furthermore artisanal fishermen do not usually have other sources of income. A survey conducted by the Marga Institute in Sri Lanka (Munasinghe, Karunagoda, Gamage, and Fernando, 1980:94) showed that 94% of fishing households in Sri Lanka did not have other sources of income besides fishing. This is because alternative employment, such as may be offered by tourist development, is usually unavailable in the vicinity of fishing communities and cven when present, the educational levels and skills of artisanal
fishermen do not meet the requirements of such employment.
In many island economies, especially coral-based islands, opportunities for alternative employment within the economy are quite limited. (Tisdell and Fairbairn, 1983). In the Republic of Maldives, which is made up of many small islands, 45% of the economically active population are employed in fishing (see Table 4.) In the case of Sri Lanka only 2.1/6 of the national workforce of 4 million is engaged in fishery (Soysa, C. H. 198k : 27). Though in the overall national context this figure is quite small, in the regional context, especially in coastal areas, employment in fishing and fishery-related activities can be quite significant.
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Table 4. Distribution of Economically Active Population by Employment in the
Republic of Maldives, in 1977.
-Employment Total Male Female
No. % No. % No. 9%
Agriculture o o ... 6347 10.6 2970 8.0 3377 14.8 Fishing a . .27173 45.4 20509 55.3 6664 29.3 Manufacture ... 13851. 23.1 2927 7.9 10924. 47.9 Construction ... 1885 3.1 1834 4.9 51 0.2
Electricity, Water and Trade ... 209 0.4 206 0.6 3 - Communication ... 1890 3.2 1668 45 222 1.0 Transport ... 3301 5.5 3208 8.7 93 0.4 Tourism a ... 411 0.7 385 1.0 26 0.1 8.1, 3375 9.1. 1448 6.3
Services ... 4823
Total .59890 100-037082 100-0 22808 100-0
Source: Population Census 1977, Government of Maldives, National Planinng
Agency, Male.
Threats to the Continuing Existence of the Artisanal Fisheries
An important objective in the economic development strategy of many developing countries is to raise the income level and standard of living of artisanal fishermen. In many cases increasing mechanisation of the fishing fleet has been seen as a suitable method for achieving this. Furthermore, in their desire to increase the supply of sea food for domestic consumption and for export, many LDCs have encouraged widespread mechanisation of the fisheries.
Mechanisation is likely to be accepted most readily by those individual fishermen who have the means to (or access to capital) acquire mechanised boats (the rich) especially when the factor price of capital is distorted by government policies. Distortion, in factor prices is due to the subsidy given for mechanisation. For example in Sri Lanka a subsidy scheme was introduced in 1958 to encourage mechanisation of the fishing craft (Soysa, C. H. 1981:25). This scheme has been modified and enlarged from time to time and in 1980, the subsidy granted was (a) 50% of cost for all outboard and inboard engine replacement, (b) 35% of total cost of hull, engine and fishing gear for 17-23 feet fibreglass boats and 28 - 32 feet mechanised boats with fibreglass or wooden
22

hull, (c) 35% of total cost of hull and engine (excluding fishing gear and other equipment) for 32-40 feet mechanised ferro-cement glass or wooden boats, and (d) 25% of total cost of hull and engine (excluding fishing gear and other equipment) for mechanised boats over 40 feet. The total subsidy paid in 1979 amounted to Rs. 38.80 million, (Soysa, C. H., 1981: 26). From the point of view of the individual fisherman the choice of capital intensive technique is correct as they are only responding to the existing price signals in the market for factors of production, But from the point of view of society this is inappropriate because capital could be better utilised in some other sector, and would be in the absence of this distortion.
Mechanised boats compete with the artisanal fishermen for the same resource. This can be seen for Sri Lanka, by comparing Table 5 with Table 3. Table 5 shows that only 2% of the fish caught was from off-shore and deep-sea areas in 1978, and this declined to 1.2% in 1981. The amount of fish caught by mechanised boats (excluding outboard motors) in 1981 was 55, 565 tons (32%) and of this only 3.85% was from the off-shore and deep-sea area. Large-scale fisheries have also been found to compete in the same fishing grounds with small-scale fisheries in countries such as Brazil, Malaysia, the Philippines and Thailand (World Bank, 1982:32).
Table 5. Total Landings of Fresh Fish (including Fishery Products) in Sri Lanka
from Coastal and Deep-Sea Areas in tons and percentage,
from 1978-1981
Coastal zone Off-shore and Deep-Sea Total Marine 1 Year Volume (Tons) Volume (Tons) Fish Caught
% % Volume (Tons)
1978 134744 97.89 2903 ༦ 2.11 137647 1979 146507 98.61 2066 1.39 148573 1980 152661 98.63 2114 1.37 154775 1981 172318 98.77 2144 1.23 1744.62
Total 606230 98.5 9227 1, 5 615457 Average 151557 2307 153864 Source: Based on Annual Reports of the Ministry of Fisheries, Sri Lanka
1979 to 1982 Note: 1 Total here is slightly higher than that in Table 3 because this
includes Fishery Products as well.
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Competition between mechanised boats equipped to fish offshore and in deeper waters has intensified since 1973 as a result of increased oil prices. Increased fuel costs make it less economical for vessels to travel longer distances to fishing grounds. Consequently, the income of artisanal fishermen has been reduced by the increased competition.
One aim of government programmes for fisheries mechanisation in the southern division of Sri Lanka was to increase employment in the fishing villages. However, this has failed to occur, (Alexander, P., 1982 : 113). According to Alexander, this failure was due to the impact the mechanised boats had on the other traditional fishing technologies. The deep-sea oru (traditional deep-sea fishing craft) did not continue to operate alongside the mechanised craft. This was contrary to the assumption of the Ministry of Planning and Employment in Sri Lanka (Alexander, P., 1982 : 114). Also mechanised craft have had a marked impact on the beachseines as many of the harbours which were used previously for beachseining are now used for anchoring of mechanised boats (Alexander, P., 1982 : 114).
The Aggregate MISY and MEY Criteria
The concept of Maximum Economic Yield (MEY) was pioneered by H. S. Gordon (1954) and Anthony Scott (1955). Fisheries biologists had previously advocated the view that the fisheries should be managed to ensure Maximum Sustainable Yield (MSY) or catch. According to Gordon, “Focusing attention on the maximisation of catch neglects entirely the impacts of other factors of production which are used up in fishing and must be counted as costs', (Gordon, 1954: 128). He proposed the alternative management strategy of obtaining maximum economic yield (MEY), that is the sustainable catch," which maximises the net economic yield, the difference between total cost, on the one hand, and total receipts (or total value of production), on the other' (Gordon, 1954: 129). According to Gordon, “the plight of fishermen and their inefficiency of fisheries production stems from the common property nature of the sea,' (Gordon, 1954: 134) and he proposed private ownership. of these resources to protect them from overcrowding and inefficient exploitation. Scott (1955)
24

on the other hand, went further and recommended sole ownership. He says, "I wish to show that long-run consideration of efficiency suggests that sole ownership is a much superior regime to competition, but in the short-run in the ordinary case there is little difference between efficiency of common and private property,’” (Scott, 1955 : 117). Therefore, both Gordon and Scott were in agreement on the goal, which was efficiency in the sense of least cost for most resources, but differed about how to achieve it.
MEY as proposed by Gordon and Scott was based on market prices for capital and labour. In the case of LDCs the factor cost of capital for fisheries is distorted owing to subsidisation programmes. In such circumstances the concept of MEY based on market prices favours mechanisation. But if this efficiency is based on economic "shadow prices' or the opportunity costs of capital and labour, then mechanisation is likely to be less favoured.
Furthermore, the MEY criterion based on market prices after allowing for the subsidy favouring mechanisation may require restriction of effort,i.e. a reduction in the number of mechanised boats. This action fails to recognise the welfare implications of pursuing the economic objective of MEY. This failure is seen in most of the economic literature favouring MEY. Christy and Scott (1965) say "The goal of economic efficiency can be approached by preventing excessive entry into the industry so that those who fish would be producing the maximum net economic revenue (to be shared by them or appropriated by the public) so that those, who are prevented from participation will be able to produce other goods and services valued by the community", (Christy and Scott 1965 : 11). They then continue : “It may for example be necessary to reduce the number of vessels and fishermen by a third or half. In advocating policies that would require this, the economists assume (a) that the gain to the industry would be great enough to compensate all those who lost and that such compensation would actually be paid, or (b) that compensation would not be necessary because society would swiftly and painlessly transfer those who lost to eventually attractive jobs elsewhere. It is easy to see that those assumptions may not be fully realised in actual cases. In an economic sense society may still be better off because of improved
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efficiency, but politically or socially, the imposition of such hardships, even of a transitional nature may be difficult to bear', (Christy and Scott, 1966: 222) That society may be better-off as a result of such policies, is questionable for LDCs, and will be discussed in the next section. Bell (1972), in his study on the U.S. Northern Lobster Fishery says: "The optimum management strategy for any fishery is to permit effort to the point where marginal cost of resource (capital and labour) needed to produce a pound of fish is equal to the price consumers are willing to pay for that last pound of fish', (Bell, 1972:156). Later on he says: “As pointed out above, labour opportunity cost is very low in areas like Maine. Therefore we must balance “economic or allocative efficiency with a strategy to provide somewhat greater employment. The regional problem may dictate that a contraction of the fishery is, on net, not socially desirable', (Bell. 1972 : 157). But he does not give the criteria for locating such a balance. If it is difficult to find alternative employment for fishermen in Maine, then finding alternative employment for displaced fishermen, if the concept of static MEY is followed, would be quite difficult or impossible in LDCs. The question of how difficult it is to provide greater employment to displaced fishermen in LDCs will be discussed later.
The question that should be posed is efficiency for whom ? Bishop and Bromley (1977) say : “The existing distribution of income, power and exposure to the rights of others influences the position and elasticity of demand and supply curves, and hence defines one efficient solution, change any one of the ceteris paribus condition and the efficient solution shifts. One efficient configuration has no more claim on our attention, no more normative significance than does another, unless distributional criteria are also introduced', (Bromley, 1977 : 296). Therefore, they say: “This preoccupation with economic efficiency in the fisheries economic literature is consistent with the conventional economic approach dealing with allocative matters first, and then issue a caveat about distributional implications,' (Bromley, 1977 : 286).
In a labour surplus economy where alternative job opportunities for fishermen are likely to be few, the labour-reducing implication of efficiency based on market price MEY may be
26.

unattractive. In such a situation the opportunity cost maximum economic yield (OCMEY) based on the opportunity cost of capital and labour should play an important role in the management of fishery in LDCs.
Lack of Mobility of Artisanal Fishermen and Income Distributional Consequence
Mechanisation in the absence of controls such as zoning, which might be difficult to enforce, pushes the small-scale fishermen towards unemployment and poverty. But the main objective of development is to reduce poverty, reduce unemployment and reduce inequality. Seers (1969) says: "The questions to ask about a country's development are therefore: What has been happening to poverty ? What has been happening to unemployment? What has been happening to inequality ? If all three of these have declined from high levels, then beyond doubt this has been a period of development for the country concerned. If one or two of these central problems have been growing worse, especially if all three have, it would be strange to call the result development even if per capita income doubled.” (Seers, 1969: 3).
The reason for increased inequality and poverty amongst artisanal fishermen is due to mechanised boats fishing in the same area as artisanal fishermen. This problem could be overcome if the artisanal fishermen were mobile as far as their employment is concerned. To understand this let us consider the factors that are necessary for mobility of labour.
Todaro's model on urban-rural migration postulates that migration proceeds in response to urban-rural difference in expected rather than actual earnings (Todaro, M.P., 1981 : 239). Expected income is defined in terms of both wages and employment probabilities. The probability of finding an alternative job depends on the following facotrs.
(a) Education
(b) Financial status (c) Ties with local community
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(z) Outside contacts, and (e) Surplus of unskilled and semi-skilled labour among the
urban unemployed.
Each of these factors can be related to the case of the artisanal fishermen. Let us consider each in turn.
(a) Education : Mobility rates in general tend to rise with education (Lansing, J. B. and Mueller, Eva, 1967 : 43). Higher education increases the probability of finding an alternative job. But in the case of artisanal fishermen their education is quite low, compared with their other counterparts in the rural sector such as farmers, tradesmen etc. Support for this is found from the Marga Institute village study conducted in 1980 in Sri Lanka (see Table 6).
Table 6. Level of Education pertaining to Different Occupations in the
Rural Community in Sri Lanka.
Occupation Illit. Gr. 1-4 Gr. 5-8 Gr. 9-12 Technical
Fishermen using traditional craft. 41%. 19% 33% 07% 0% Fishermen using mechanised craft 03%. 22%. 58%. 16%, 0.1% Agricultural and General Labour
and Minor Employees ... 05%, 21% 54%. 20% 0% Manual workers such as drivers,
carpenters and masons ... 02% 05% 57% 36% 0%
Source : Marga Institute, Colombo Sri Lanka, Doc. SEM/100/83 of Oct. 1980
p. 38.
(b) Financial status : The financial status of an individual influences his ability and probability of finding an alternative job. The higher the financial status of an individual the greater is his ability to bear the cost of search. There is a time lag between searching and finding employment. Also a considerable amount of money is required for travelling in search of a job. It is conceivable therefore that mobile people have average or above average income before they move, and they improve their position further by moving. But artisanal fishermen living in poverty already do not have adequate finances to give up fishing for even a day and search for alternative jobs elsewhere.
28

(c) Ties with local communities : When individuals have strong ties with local communities, it reduces the likelihood that they would search for employment beyond their community. In many LDCs especially in South Asia, fishing is done from generation to generation by one caste. The Marga Institute fishing survey of 1980 showed that in Sri Lanka 47% of the fishermen were from the Sinhalese Karava caste (fishing caste among the Sinhalese ethnic group), 32% were from the Tamil Karayar caste (fishing caste among the Tamil ethnic group), 10% were Muslims and only 11% belonged to other castes (see Table 7). People belonging to fishing castes within an ethnic group tend to live in close-knit communities in coastal areas. Because of strong group ties individals are reluctant to leave their communities and seek employment elswhere.
Table 7. The Caste Structure of Fishermen in Sri Lanka
Ethnic group Caste % of Fishermen Sinhalese KaraVa 46.54 Other 1022 Tamil Karayar 31,74 Other . 01.60 Moors and Malays 09.90
Total 100-00
Source : Based on Table 9 of Marga Institute Doc. SEMI/100/80(3) of Oct, 1980
(d) Outside contacts : Chances of finding alternative employment are influenced by the extent of outside contacts and increase with outside contacts, (Biswajit Banerjee, 1983 : 195). In the case of artisanal fishermen in LDCs, outside contact (that is contact beyond the individual's community) is minimal because of the three factors mentioned above. This adversely affects the mobility of artisanalfishermen.
(e) Surplus unskilled and semi-skilled labour amongst the urban unemployed: If there is a shortage of unskilled and semi-skilled labour in the urban secto then the cost of search would be greatly reduced for artisanal fishermen. But unfortunately there is a surplus of semi-skilled and unskilled labour force already in the
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urban sector, who are unemployed. This greatly reduces the probability of finding alternative employment and increases the length of time needed, and so reduces alternative expected earnings.
Even though the difference in real income between the rural artisanal fishermen and the urban worker is widened because the income of artisanal fishermen is lowered by competition from mechanised boats, the mobility of artisanal fishermen remains low. The probability of an artisanal fisherman finding alternative employment in the short run as well as in the long run remains low. This is because of low levels of education, lack of contacts, and considerable unemployment in the urban sector amongst unskilled and semi-skilled labour in most LDCs. Therefore the expected gain for most artisanal fishermen hoping to migrate or intending to enage in job search outside their community is zero or negative. In the light of this, it is important to consider the plight of these fishermen if management of the fishery is based on market price MEY, rather than opportunity cost MEY. * -
Conclusion
Socio-economic conditions in the developed countries are quite different from those prevailing in the developing countries. For example, in the developed countries there may be alternative employment opportunities for fishermen who are displaced owing to the reduction of fishing gear, and their search incentive is greater because (a) they are not at poverty level and have adequate finances to cover their search cost, (b) there is social security payment available to them during their period of search, (c) their probability. of finding alternative employment is quite high because (i) their level of education and skills is much higher than those of artisanal fishermen in LDCs and (ii) they might have adequate contacts in the urban sectol, who could help them in finding some form of employment, or more likely, employment communication networks are better developed. But the reverse is the case in many LDCs.
Approaches to economic policy that are relevant in developed countries are sometimes inappropriate in LDCs. The criterion of MEY based on market prices and guaranteeing that the net contribution of the fishery is maximised is inadequate for planning
30

fishery development in LDCs but may be appropriate in developed countries. This is because in developed countries market prices are a better reflection of opportunity cost that in LDCs. Really an opportunity cost MEY approach should apply both in DCs and LDCs, but in LDCs one cannot use market prices to find the optimum, as they are distorted one should use instead the opportunity cost of labour and capital.
The justification for preserving small-scale fishery in LDCs is to ensure employment and income amongst artisanal fishermen who face the alternative of unemployment and starvation when the artisanal sector declines. Policies of developing and maintaining small-scale fisheries have social returns, such as providing social stability to the rural fishing communities, which cannot be easily measured in monetary terms. Hence policies for developing fisheries in LDCs should consider the fishing occupation within the broad national framework of labour demand and associated social welfare costs of displacing artisanal fishermen from their employment.
If mechanisation is aimed at extending areas of fishing, for example well offshore or into the far seas, areas which normally cannot be reached by artisanal fishermen, then proper management policies such as zoning and licensing schemes should be adopted. The licensing conditions should be such as to prevent the mechanised boats from harvesting some of the migratory species found in the deep sea but which enter coastal waters and are heavily fished by artisanal fishermen. Such management policies are required to ensue that mechanised boats do not displace the artisanal fishermen. Final decisions about mechanisation should take into consideration the cost of zoning, and licensing along with the other operation costs and these should be weighed against the revenue that would be generated as a result of an increased area of catch. Only if the latter outweighs the former should such a scheme be adopted. The experience of developed countries in dealing with the problem of zoning and licence limitation programmes could be of great help in formulating such a policy.
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REFERENCES
Alexander, P. (1982), Sri Lanka Fishermen; Rural Capitalism and Peasan Society, An Australian National University Monograph on South Asia, No. 7. Anderson, L. G. (1976), “The Relationship Between Firm and Fishery in
Common Property Fishery," Land Economics 52(2), 179-191. Anderson, L. G. (1977), The Economics of Fishery Management'Johns Hopkins
Press, Baltimore. Banerjee, B. (1983), “Social Network in the Migration Process : Empirical. Evidence on Chain Migration in India, The Journal of Development Areas 17(2), 185-196. Bapat, S. W. and Kurian, A. (1978), "Present status and role of small-scale fishermen of India,' paper presented at the Seminar on The Role of SmallScale Fisheries and Coastal Aquaculture in Integrated Rural Developmentt Madras, India, 6th Dec. 1978. Bell, F. W. (1972), "Technological Externalities and Common Property Resoul rces : An Empirical Study of the U.S. Northern Lobster Fishery," Journa, of Political Economy 80,281301. Bromley, D. W. and Bishop, R. G. (1977), “From Economic Theory to Fisheries Policy: Conceptual Problem and Management Prescription," in Anderson L. G. (Ed.), Economic Impacts of Extended Fishery Jurisdiction, Ann Arbor Sc. Publishing Inc. Mich., 281–301. - , Christy (Jr.), F.T. and Scott, A. (1965), The Common Wealth in Ocean Fishery
Johns Hopkins Press, Baltimore, Maryland. Clark, C. W. (1973), “Profit Maximisation and the Extinction of Animal
Species,’ Journal of Political Economy 62, 950 - 961. Department of Economics and Statistics, (1980), Statistical Outlook for India
Tata Services Ltd., Bombay House, Bombay. Emerson, D. K. (1980), "Rethinking Artisanal Fisheries Development : Western Concepts, AsianExperience,' World Bank Staff Working Paper, No. 423, Washington. vn F.A.O. (1982), Production Year Book Rome. Gordon, H. S. (1954), "The Economic Theory of Common Property Resource:
The Fishery,” Journal of Political Economy 62, 124-142.
Lansing, J. B. and Mueller, E. (1967), The Geographic Mobility of Labour Institute for Social Research, The University of Michigan, Ann Arbor Michigan.
Ministry of Fisheries, (1979), Annual Report Ministry of Fisheries, Sri Lanka. Ministry of Fisheries, (1980), Annual Report Ministry of Fisheries, Sri Lanka Ministry of Fisheries, (1981), Annual Report Ministry of Fisheries, Sri Lanka Ministry of Fisheries, (1982), Annual Report Ministry of Fisheries, Sri Lanka
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Munasinghe, H., Karunagoda, K. P. N. S., Gamage, W. and Fernando, S (1980), "Socio-Economic Conditions of Small-Scale Fishermen in Sri Lanka,” Marga Institute Doc., SEM /100/80(3), Oct. 1980. Munro, G. R. (1982), “Fisheries, Extended Jurisdiction and the Economics of Common Property Resources,' The Canadian Journal of Economics 15(3), 405-425. National Planning Agency, (1977), Population Survey of 1977. Male, The
Republic of Maldives. Sathiendrakumar, R. (1983), "Development of the Resources of the Sea for Regional Cooperation and National Development: Country Study of Sri Lanka,” Marga Institute Doc. M/722, Jan. 1983. Scott, A. (1955), “The Fishery: The Objectives of Sole Ownership,” Journal
of Political Economy 63, 116-124. Seers, Dudley. (1969), “The Meaning of Development, Eleventh World
Conference of the Society for International Development, New Delhi. Soysa, C. H. (1981), “Economics of Fisheries in Sri Lanka,” Marga Institute
Doc. M1722, Jan. 1981. Tisdell, C. and Fairbairn, T.I. (1983), "Development Problems and Planning in a Resource-poor Pacific country : the Case of Tuvalu,' Public Administration and Development 3,341-359. Todaro, M. P. (1981), Economic Development in the Third World Longman
New York. World Bank (1982), Fishery Sector Policy Paper, Washington, D.C. Yahaya, J. and Wells, R. J. G. (1982), "A Case Study of Costs and Earnings of Three Gears in the Trenggann Fishery, Malaysia,' The Developing Economies 3001), 72-99.
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PERCEPTIONS OF SOCIO-ECONOMIC AND CULTURAL IMPACT OF TOURISM IN SRI LANKA - A RESEARCH STUDY
سستخ؟
Sadrudin A. Ahmed
Introduction
Many people have begun to question whether marketing strategies that do not take into consideration the social impact of marketing actions present an adequate philosophy for business in the presentage. At issue is the question whether the firm that does an excellent job of sensing, serving and satisfying individual consumer needs is necessarily acting in the best long-term interests of the consumers and society. Such an objection is raised particularly with regard to marketing practices in the late developing countries (LDCs). For example, aggressive marketing by Nestle of its infant formula has been held responsible for a downward trend in breast-feeding contributing to an increase in infant morbidity and mortality in LDCs (Post and Prakash Sethi, 1979). Tobacco manufacturers are accused of aggressively marketing high nicotine content cigarettes in LDCs in order to offload their excess stocks resulting from reduced demand in the developed nations and thus contributing to the ill health of smokers in LDCs (Ottawa Citizen, 1983). Similar objections are also being levelled at the indiscriminate marketing of tourism in the LDCs (Smith, 1977; de Kadt, 1979; Norhona, 1977). Underlying these objections is the implicit assumption that LDC societies are fragile and that their exposure to Western culture and practices is limited. Therefore, the inhabitants of LDCs are particularly susceptible to the negative consequences of these marketing actions.
Because of the high financial cost of developing a tourism infrastructure and because of the various social and cultural impacts
The author wishes to thank Miss Audrey Wei for her help in analysing the data and Christine Futter for her editorial assistance. He also wishes to acknowledge the financial aid of the Canadian International Development Agency for this research as a part of the University of Ottawa, and Carleton University programme for aid to the University of Sri Jayawardhanapura, Sri Lanka.

that tourism may have on host societies, tourist-destination LDCs often concern themselves with strategic marketing planning. Such planning decisions will determine whether tourism is developed at all, what type of tourists are attracted, how fast the industry grows, and the size of the benefits it generates. To help the process of such planning decision-making, the present study attempts to provide some perceptions of both the consumers and the members of the society at large, on the impact of tourism on a particular LDC, namely Sri Lanka, with a view to ascertaining the impact of present tourism marketing strategies on Sri Lankan society. In order to understand how and why the perceptions are held and what public and private measures can be taken that are both in the interest of the consumers and the society at large, the study also attempts to identify the individual differences in the perceptions held.
Owing to the decline in demand for primary products in world markets, governments and businessmen in LDCs are focusing attention on tourism as an important new industry. Its economic importance arises mainly from its potential as a source of foreign exchange earnings. A tourist industry, moreover, has a particular advantage for LDCs in that it caters to a market in which world demand for the service is growing at a rate faster than either the growth in per capita income or in population, and tourism could be the largest industry in the world by the year 2,000 (Kahn, 1979).
Sri Lanka is an island just south of India. From north to south it has a maximum length of 270 miles giving it a land area of 25,300 square miles. In 1982, its population was estimated to be 14.7 million. Agriculture is the principal occupation of its inhabitants whose per capita income was U.S. $150 in 1979. Buddhism is the predominant religion practised by about 70% of the population, followed by Hinduism, Islam and Christianity. The society is structured along caste lines. Many inhabitants are strict vegetarians, and abstain from alcohol. Education has been free and the literacy rate is 96%.
Sri Lanka, though not necessarily identified as a tourist paradise,
possesses a number of attractions which can be gainfully exploited for an expanding tourist industry. The natural beauty of its
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beaches, lakes and mountain scenery is outstanding. In the north-central part of the Island are the majestic ruins of an ancient civilisation. The Island's long stretch of virtually unexploited coastline with abundant sunshine provides a welcome escape to the European tourist especially during the winter months. The cost of accommodation and other tourist services compares favourably with that of other parts of the world. Since 1966, both the Government and business in Sri Lanka have been focusing special attention on the tourism industry.
Tourist arrivals increased from 18,969 in 1966 to 370,742 in 1981. The largest contributor was Western Europe, accounting for two thirds of the total traffic (Annual Statistical Report, 1981). Since 1976 there has been a gradual decline in the proportion of tourist nights spent in the better class establishments. This proportion declined from 71% in 1976 to 57% in 1980. There was, as a consequence, an increase in the proportion of nights spent in other less expensive types of accommodation such as guest houses, private homes, schools etc. (Gamage, 1981).
Investment in tourist facilities is a necessary pre-condition for any successful tourist industry. Tourism, like any other economic activity, is likely to result in both direct and indirect costs and benefits, some of which are measurable while others are not. For example, the higher demand for goods and services resulting from the impact of the demonstration effect of tourist consumption patterns which creates new tastes and stimulates the demand by residents for sophisticated foreign consumer products is not readily quantifiable (Forster, 1964). ܗܝ
When tourists from highlyindustrialised societies are introduced into an economically underdeveloped country such as Sri Lanka, the contrast between the two societies is apt to be stark. The tourists' usual patterns of consumption are altered while on vacation. This temporarily lavish expenditure takes place within an economy where many people live a marginal existence.
Impact on traditional values
The most notable impact of tourism on traditional values is that social and human relations are brought into the economic
36

sphere. In Cyprus, for example, most people not directly engaged in the tourism industry are said to see the encounter not as a cashgenerating activity, but as an opportunity for genuihe human rapport. However, where there are hordes of tourists, the situation is different: human relations become commercialised (Andronicou, 1979; de Kadt, 1979).
Certain changes in sexual morality or patterns of behaviour are also attriubuted to tourism. It has been said that prostitution flourishes in tourism resorts (Joshi and Sharpston, 1973; Thurot, 1976). Bouhdiba (1976) and Group Huite (1979) report on the activities of young Tunisian males, who make themselves available to women tourists (at a price to the older ones) and, to a lesser extent, to the homosexual tourists. Bouhdiba concludes that the role of tourism in changing values is undeniable.
In the realm of values and attitudes tourism has not, it seems, led to a great deal of change that is highly valued. Two instances of positive change are : the easing of authoritarian inter-generational relations and the widening of acceptable activities for women. Local values have also benefited where tourists have placed a high value on elements in the local environment which were previously taken for granted by the local population. In the Seychelles for example, the need to conserve the natural environment as a major tourism asset, as well as the tourists' admiration for the Island's rare species, have obviously stirred local pride (Wilson, 1979). Similarly, in Malta, under the influence of tourists, there is a greater awareness and appreciation of things Maltese, not only historical monuments, but also arts, crafts and even locally produced wine (Boissevain and Serracino, 1979).
In addition to the changes in behaviour and values attibutable to the direct interaction between the local population and tourists, demonstration effects are created from merely observing tourists (Norhona, 1979; Harrison, 1979). Greenwood (1976) found that young Basques have come to adopt a style of life similar to that of the middle-class tourists they have seen. Wilson (1979) tells of the adoption of imported tastes in the Seychelles and Malta.
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Bouhdiba (1976) found that the desire to satisfy certain secondary needs, taken over from the toulists, has led to juvenile delinquency in Tunisia.
As Smith (1977) points out, inter-personal conflict between hosts and guests is minimal when their respective standards of living are similar. These concerns are vividly described by many authors (Britten, 1978 ; Cleverdon, 1979 ; Bryden, 1973 ; Jafari, 1973). More specifically, Twardzik (1978) mentions tourism's impact on the natural cultural resources of a country.
Lee (1977) evaluates the effectiveness of the tourist industry in Yucatan, Mexico as a vehicle for promoting economic development in an underdeveloped area of Latin America. He found that the existing class structure and the requirements of modern tourism combined to prevent the expansion of the local tourist industry from implementing economic development in Yucatan.
Thus we see that many authors have now turned their attention to the study of the impact of tourism on the local inhabitants of the LDCs. In fact, the studies have been concerned with both the industrialised and developing nations. At the level of the industrialized nation the issue is more commonly that of tourism's social, psychological and economic impact on the community (i.e. for Great Britain, Young (1973) and Murphy (1980) ; foi Ontario, Canada (Butler (1975) and Thompson, Crompton and Kamp (1979)). Pizam (1978) found that heavy tourism concentration in a destination area such as Cape Cod, Massachusetts led to negative resident attitudes towards toulists and tourism in general. He also points out that the more dependent an individual is on tourism, the more favourable the attitude. Thompson, Crompton and Kamp (1973) found that Corpus Christi residents were supportive of prolonged-stay tourist visitors. They found that there was consensus between the three critical decision-making sectors : voters, public sector personnel and entrepreneurs. Murphy (1981) had found that the aesthetics and community impact of tourism were identified as concerns in three Canadian resort towns. Pearce (1980) says that 11% of their respondents anticipated negative reactions to the travellers. Urban residents were more
38

friendly to foreign tourists than were non-urban residents. Jenkins
(1980) says that uncontrolled tourism can also cause long-term social problems.
To deal with these issues, at the level of developed nations, Jenkins (1980) argues that the host country governments must intervene to achieve the full benefits of tourism. Their policies should be based on sound comparative inter-disciplinary research. At the level of LDCs, careful planning of international tourism (Gearing, Stewart and Var, 1976) has been recommended. Von Hauenschild (1978) has shown how a model of international tourism marketing can be developed for a newly industrialised country (NIC) such as South Korea. The planning and management of tourism in Malaysia provides an appropriate case study of the contribution tourism can make to the economy of NICs and how tourism can be stimulated in such cases (Wells, 1982).
Paucity of empirical studies
In summary, the literature shows there is a great deal of concern about the impact of tourism on the socio-cultural and economic well-being of host countries, and especially on those countries whose per capita income and/or culture is very different from that of the foreign tourists. However, there is a paucity of empirical studies dealing with the socio-cultural impact of tourism. Given the fact that the unique impact of tourism on a host nation is rather difficult to isolate, such paucity of definitive empirical studies is understandable .However, a few studies which measure the perception of tourism by inhabitants of the host country have been reported (Groupe Huite, 1979 for Tunisia, Sethna, 1979 for Jamaica). But these few studies, concentrating mostly on the developed nations, have generally failed to take into account the perceptions of the consumers, namely the tourists themselves. Such perceptions are important not only from the point of view of deciding an optimum tourism product strategy but also for the education of the consumers so that their negative impact on the host nations can be minimised (Sethna, 1981, Wirtz, 1981). DeKadt (1979) says that in Germany, for example, the "Studienbreis für Tourismuso has producedbooklets that describe certain tourist
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destinations accurately, objectively and realistically. These booklets are handed out to tourists going to these countries by the tour operators. N
As remarked earlier, it is difficult to isolate the real impact of international tourism on the host countries' socio-cultural traditions. In fact, even the measurement of economic impact is suspect. When an LDC is going through the process of modernisation, many agents of socio-cultural change impinge on it. These include television, films, magazines and other mass media vehicles; overseas travel by local inhabitants, education, urbanisation, promotion of new products, etc. Therefore, often the perceptions of these groups who influence policy in a society, are taken as a proxy for the real impact of tourism and become an important input to strategic marketing planning. In as much as these perceptions are based on real factors, they can serve as a proxy for socioeconomic impact. For this study, perceptions of a varied sample of l, middle and upper middle-class respondents were sought in order to determine how this group views the impact of tourism in Sri Lanka.
In order to assess the value of the perceptual data gathered from the Sri Lankan respondents, three additional steps were taken. The first step was to make propositions based on the literature as to the impact tourism might have on a country such as Sri Lanka. The second step was to obtain the perceptions of the foreign tourists themselves about this impact. The final step was to try to understand the individual differences in the perceptions held by Sri Lankans and foreign tourists through multivariate analysis. It was felt that this additional information would be useful for the strategic marketing planners of the tourism industry.
Foreign tourists' perceptions, it was felt, would not only reflect their individual biases, but would also provide a comparative point of view. Many foreign tourists may have travelled in more than one LDC. They are then able to judge tourism's impact on Sri Lanka in comparison with those other countries. Individual tourism-based policy, while affecting the nationals also has an impact on the tourists. If they share the concerns of the nationals
40

they should be more willing to accept the new tourism policies designed to meet these concerns. Where tourists do not share the concerns of the nationals, it should be possible to delineate the educational efforts that need to be directed towards the tourists and the guest country tourism industry in order to make new tourism policies acceptable.
Proposition formation
Each country is unique in its geography, resources, stage of economic development, type of government, and so forth. Nevertheless, certain factors are relevant for making at least a preliminary assessment of the impact tourism may have. Of particular importance is the size of the country and its general level of development. Size refers not only to physical land area, but also to the population and its density. In small countries, especially islands, even modest tourist developments may exert considerable pressure withdramatic consequences for the welfare of the inhabitants. Contacts between tourists and hosts can be frequent and intense, especially if population density is high in the areas visited by the tourists or if a large fraction of the population is employed in the tourism industry. The level of development affects distribution of wealth, skills and
education among the local population, and the strength and resilience of the local cultural institutions.
In the following paragraphs an attempt is made to specify the factors associated with the impact of tourism on a nation and to use them to derive specific propositions with regard to tourism's impact on Sri Lanka. These propositions are drawn up to guide the research approach rather than to generatefalsifiable hypotheses. It is understood that the overall impact of tourism is a very complex phenomenon and cannot be attributed solely to the few simple factors discussed in this paper.
Proposition 1
Tourism will be perceived to create economic growth, with prosperity for a few, to increase prices, create more jobs, facilitate mixing with foreigners, increase the desire to possess more material goods and to change habits of eating and dress. Tourism will not be perceived to create injustices.
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A number of authors have shown how tourism has helped the economic development of the developing nations by increasing their gross national product and particularly their foreign exchange earnings. (i.e. Boltvinik (1979) for Mexico; Cheung (1979) for Hong Kong). Smaoui (1979) has noted tourism's beneficial impact on employment in Tunisia. With an already fairly well developed tourism industry, the economic impact of tourism is quite visible and well publicised in Sri Lanka (i.e. Tourism, 1979; Hettiarachi 1974; National Report No. 44: Sri Lanka, 1978; Brauer, 1982). Although its impact on the Sri Lankan labour force is small (in 1977, of a total labour force of over 4 million, only 32,000 found direct or indirect employment in tourism), it was nevertheless positive.
Some authors, however, have felt that the positive economic impact of tourism may be exaggerated (i.e. de Kadt, 1979, Norhona, 1979). They feel that certain goods and services have to be imported. These may be direct imports of products like liquor and food, or indirect imports of raw materials for food preparation and fuel. Payments to tour operators and travel agencies abroad, and expenses on publicity and promotion abroad have to be made in foreign exchange. Therefore, the economic benefit from tourtism to a developing nation may turn out to be much lower than expected. However, in the case of Sri Lanka, it is estimated that only 25% of the current tourism income is leaked to foreign countries (Elements of Tourism Policy in the Developing Countries, 1973) and the foreign exchange component of tourism was 31% between 1967 - 1976 (Gamage, 1981). Forster (1964) claims that the presence of tourism creates unnecessary demand for sophisticated products which often have to be imported. Norhona (1979) has documented this demonstration effect in many developing nations. More specifically, Greenwood (1976) notes this demonstration effect in Spain, and Wilson (1979) in the Seychelles and Malta. Therefore, it is expected that foreign tourism in Sri Lanka will be perceived as creating a desire to possess more material things.
Economic distribution of the benefits derived from tourism is affected by the social structure of a country and its political system. (de Kadt, 1979). For example, in Puerto Vallarta, Mexico, it was
42

mainly large non-regional Mexican and foreign corporations that were used for developing the tourism industry (Evans, 1979). Similarly in Cyprus, private enterprise made huge illegal profits from tourism development in Famagusta (Andronicov., 1979). Bryden (1973) provides examples of similar bad planning for countries in the Caribbean region. However, because of the more orderly development of tourism in Sri Lanka (Harris, Kerr, Forster and Company, 1967), no such inequities have occurred there. So tourism is not perceived here as creating injustice. However, given the fact that less than 1% of the labour force in Sri Lanka had employment in tourism-related industries, and a much smaller proportion had better paying tourism jobs, one would expect that tourism should be perceived as creating prosperity for only a few. Sri Lanka had experienced a high level of inflation during the past decade (Annual Report, 1982). During these same years there was a steady growth in the number of tourists visiting Sri Lanka. Thus, it should be expected that tourism should be viewed as one of the causes of increasing prices.
Proposition 2
Tourism will be perceived to have only a small effect on the culture, preservation of traditional values, and of religious beliefs in Sri Lanka.
Young people, and women especially, appear to benefit from tourism jobs, and their resulting independence is supposed to weaken the authority of the family head. The impact of tourism on people who come in direct contact with tourists and particularly on those who work in tourism facilities can be very powerful. This is especially so in small or island countries, which were relatively isolated until recently (de Kadt, 1979).
Frequently arts, crafts, and local culture have been revitalised as a direct result of tourism. In many countries, regional or local manifestations of culture have come to be newly appreciated by the local population. In some places this interest in arts and crafts has been created (i.e. Malta, Boissevain and Serracino, 1979), and in ; others it has reinforced a national sense of cultural identity and rediscovery (i.e. Bali, Norhona, 1979). This interest has found
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expression in new museums of history and anthropology, the renewal of old cities, the celebration of festivals through dance, drama, song, and ceremony, and the creation of craft centres. Tourist demand has given an economic boost to these developmentS.
Greenwood (1976) found that young Basques mimic the consumption patterns of the tourists, dropping all signs of their Basque culture. Wilson (1979) tells of the adoption of imported tastes in Seychelles. Boissevain and Serracino (1979) found that the Maltese have taken over the custom of eating out in restaurants on special occasions. Tourism is also credited with the boom in the popularity of sailing among the Maltese.
Thus, the advent of tourism can bring about positive as well as negative changes in the cultural traditions of a country, and the life style of its inhabitants. Sri Lanka is a country with very strong cultural traditions stretching back thousands of years. Therefore, it is felt that the negative impact of tourism on culture, tradition and life style will be resisted, and the positive impact will be facilitated, resulting in only a small overall impact. The ratio of tourists to local inhabitants is small in Sri Lanka. Most tourists to resort destinations such as Sri Lanka are interested primarily in beaches, climate and natural beauty. Therefore, the Sri Lankan tourist contact will be limited. Consequently, the tourists' direct impact on Sri Lanka's cultural traditions and religion should be limited (Nettekoven, 1979).
Proposition 3
Tourism will be perceived to cause an increase in vices, namely, prostitution, drug consumption, the corruption of young boys, and to result in a general decline in morality. It will be perceived to have no effect on gambling and the consumption of alcohol.
As noted earlier, certain changes in sexual morality or patterns of behaviour are attributed to tourism. Prostitution is said to flourish in tourist resorts. Juvenile delinquency, and heterosexual and homosexual prostitution is present among the young boys. All these vices were found to be present in Tunisia, which is a relatively large country, but which, like Sri Lanka has a
44

historical and cultural tradition. Tunisia also welcomes tourists who seek the sun and beaches. If these negative impacts are found there, one should expect similar negative impacts also to manifest themselves in Sri Lanka. Consumption of drugs such as marijuana, hashish and even cocaine has recently become quite prevalent in the Western nations. Therefore, one should expect that in Sri Lanka, some tourists will indulge in drug consumption. Sri Lankan newspaper reports of such drug consumption (i.e. Rajasingha, 1982) should help form the perception that tourism increases the consumption of drugs.
Alcohol and gambling are old vices, present in most societies. One of the studies reviewed in this paper seemed to indicate that tourism had significantly increased the actual consumption of alcohol and indulgence in gambling by the local population. In terms of perceptions though, Sethna (1979) had found that his Caribbean respondents believed that tourism contributes to drug use and crime, but not to increased alcohol consumption.
Proposition 4
Tourism will be perceived to have little impact on the level of corruption, the dignity of the people, justice, independence and goodwill towards foreigners.
As stated earlier, the overall impact of tourism depends on factors peculiar to a country. As the discussion of the first three propositions indicates, one should expect tourism to have a positive impact on the economy and a negative impact on demonstration effect and vices. Given the very low standard of living of Sri Lankans, concern for economic gain should be quite predominant in the attitude formation, so as to outweigh the concern about vices and the demonstration effects of the tourists' life style. Therefore, one would expect that, unless there are other historical, cultural and environmental factors present, tourism should be perceived to have little effect on the creation of resentment towards foreigners. The following paragraphs discuss these other factors.
The friendliness of the Balinese, and the fact that they willingly
accept the rather lowly jobs that go with serving tourists (and do so without loss of dignity) are cultural characteristics underpinned
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by the basic values and beliefs, partly secular, partly religious
(Norhona, 1979). Another place that appears to be rather like Bali in this respect (but without the Hindu religious element) is Bermuda. There, too, people serve the tourists without being subservient to them. Manning (1979) holds the view that this is at least in part because the traditional values of the islanders have easily accommodated tourism. He argues that the slave society was mediated by a paternalistic patronage system and a widely accepted folk concept of Bermuda as a large extended family.
In certain ex-colonial societies (most Caribbean countries for example), the memories of the colonisers' expressions of superiority and disdain in personal relationships (perhaps in racial or ethnic terms), is still alive among the population. In such societies, the personal service encounters with the tourists evoke resentment based on feelings arising from those memories (Calvo, 1974, Norhona, 1977). The Basques' long history of conflict with the Spaniards rubs off on tourism, in part because of the way in which Spaniards have moved in to dominate the industry locally (Greenwood, 1976).
DeKadt (1979) finds that when tourism development is grafted on to a society where poverty is still widespread and where many inhabitants do not share in the benefits brought by tourism, negative attitudes toward tourists and resentment of their wealth and wellbeing should cause no surprise. Wilson (1979) found that unemployed Seychellois male youths resented tourists in part because many of the jobs created by tourism have gone to girls rather than to them. Similarly, many of the poor in Sousse have developed a disturbing sense of frustration because they have few chances of satisfying the new desires aroused in them by the tourists and their richer compatriots (Bouhdiba, 1976).
Although Sri Lanka was a British colony before independence it did not have a large number of British settlers. The British operated tea, rubber and coffee plantations, but no slave labour was used. The country has been independent for 36 years. Therefore, it is not expected that the kind of historical resentment felt towards white races in the Caribbean islands would exist in Sri Lanka. Tourism jobs in Sri Lanka are mostly in the hands of
46

males. Buddhism, as a religion, does not condemn servile professions nor does it promote jealousy. So, the cultural factors also facilitate the adoption of tourism as a major industry. Therefore, one would expect that tourism would be perceived to have a minimal effect on the dignity of the people, on justice, independence, and goodwill towards foreigners.
Because of this lack of resentment towards foreigners, one would not expect that tourism would be blamed for any general increase in corruption. The negative impact of tourism will be compartmentalised to specific vices that appear to be directly connected with tourism.
To summarise, the present exploratory study is an attempt to validate the above four propositions. In order to gain further insight into why certain tourism-related perceptions are held, these perceptions will be related to the demographic, psychographic and personality characteristics and value structures of the respondents. The data will be collected both from the Sri Lankan middle class and from tourists, and comparisons will be made between the perceptions of these groups. * -
Design of the study
Sample
In summer of 1982, 300 international tourists and 150 middle and upper middle class Sri Lankans were contacted in the capital city of Colombo and the surrounding areas with a paper and pencil questionnaire by M.B.A. students at the University of Jayawardhanapura. This generated a usable sample of 201 (66% response rate) tourists and 121 (80% response rate). Sri Lankans. Although this was a convenient sample, every attempt was made to include a wide variety of respondents in each of the populations. An inadequate command of the English language was given as the principal reason for non-completion of the questionnaire by both tourists and Sri Lankans. The analysis of the demographic characteristic of the respondents indicated that tourists from 17 countries were represented in the sample. In terms of the age, sex, nationality and occupational profile, the sample characteristics resembled those of the tourist population at large. The Sri Lankan
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sample included respondents involved in the tourism business, other commercial activities, and non-commercial activities (civil servants, teachers, lawyers, nurses, etcetera).
Questionnaire
The tourism impact items for the questionnaire were generated from discussions with Sri Lankans, personal interviews with international travellers, and a review of the relevant tourism and travel impact literature quoted in this article.
The final questionnaire included 22 dependent variables and 86 independent variables. To determine the respondents' perceptions of the impact of tourism on Sri Lanka, the dependent variables consisted of nine-point modified semantic differential scales. The independent, variables consisted of Rokeach Value Scale (36 variables), (Rokeach, 1979), Six Dimensional Achievement Scale (6 variables), (Jackson, Ahmed and Heapy, 1976), psychographic statements (33 variables), and travel-oriented objective items and demographics (11 variables). The objective and demo graphic items were somewhat different for the Sri Lankans and the tourists.
Analysis
To evaluate and compare the mean perceptions of Sri Lankans and tourists, at test analysis was carried out.
In order to uncover the correlates of tourists' perceptions of the impact of tourism on Sri Lanka, a hierarchical procedure was adopted. The 22 perceptions were factor-analyzed using the principal component with a varimax rotation procedure. Six factors with an eigen value greater than one emerged. The factors explained 56% of the common variance in the combined sample of tourists and Sri Lankans. To check for the stability of these factors across both Sri Lankan and tourist samples, analysis was also conducted across these sub-samples. Again the same six factors reappeared. The factors and their high loading items are (a) Tradition (weaken culture, destroy traditional values, destroy religious beliefs); (b) Economy (economic decline, p, osperity for few, decrease dignity of people, resentment towards foreigners
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TABL
COMPARISON OF SRI LANKANS "
OF TOURISM'S IMPA
PERCEPTION OF TOURISM THE IMPACT OF TOURISM
프
Economic growth Prosperity for all Lots of corruption Increase dignity Change dress Change eating Resent foreigners Increase alcohol use Les Sen morality Strengthen culture Increase prices Want more things Mix with foreigners More prostitution Increase drug use Preserve tradition Preserve religion More jobs More justice Dependence Gamble Not corrupt boys
프
que gasosq a
as sama vup
oes me as vas
wow *er*) * pneum
nm mm m
-ms-remem
kwam wapeldw
anne seseisunnan
assinava
MY skvy v
9
Economic decline Prosperity for few No corruption Pecrease dignity Not change dress Not chaage eating ILike foreigners Decrease alcohol use Increas a morality Weaken culture Decrease prices Want less things Not mix with foreig: Less prostitution Decrease drug use iDestroy tradition Bestroy religion Less jobs Les s justice
Independence
Not gamble Corrupt boys
f

E 1.
م۔م۔۔۔۔۔۔۔مبہم۔
AND TOURISTS' PERCEPTION CT ON SRI LANKA
STATISTICAL SIGNIFICANCE LEVEL - ONE TAIL
TOURIST
MEAN RESPONSE
。770 。781 .06l. 65 ... 142 ... il 6 464 . 445 850 663 723 ... 147 。736 OO3 OO3 .223 708 Olf
232 472 .286 993
S
t

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fewer jobs, dependence); (c) Vices (less prostitution, not take hard drugs, not gamble); (d) Life Style (not change dressing habits, not change eating habits); (e) Materialism (decrease prices, want fewer things, not corrupt young boys); (f) Morality (become more moral).
Factor scores were computed on each one of the above six factors for each one of the tourists and the Sri Lankans and correlated with the independent variables. In order to reduce the size of the data set for further analysis, only those variables that were found to be statistically significant with one of the factors and relatively independent of other variables, were selected for further analysis. The independent variables thus selected were subjected to a stepwise multiple regression analysis. Individual variables were allowed to enter into the multiple regression equations as long as they showed a significance of p < .10. Table 2 presents the data dealing with correlations and regression analysis of 32 independent variables with the Sri Lankan sample. Table 3 presents the data dealing with correlations and regression analysis of 31, somewhat different independent variables with the tourist sample.
Results and Discussion
yo
Comparison of Perceptions
Table 1 presents the comparison of Sri Lankan and international tourists' perception of tourism's impact on Sri Lanka.
On the positive side of the tourism issue, both tourists and Sri Lankans feel that tourism creates economic growth (x=2.6, 2.7), and more jobs (x-3.1, 2.7, difference significant at p <.017). On the negative side of the issue, both groups felt that foreign tourism in Sri Lanka creates desire for more things (x=2.8, 3.0), and corrupts boys (x -6.4 both). Whereas tourists feel some concern that tourism creates prostitution (x=3.7) Sri Lankan concernis much stronger (x-3.1, difference significant at p <.003). Similarly strong differences in the negative perception held by both groups were observed for increased drug use (x=4.0 vs 3.4, p. 4.003). Both tourists and Sri Lankans felt that tourism changed dressing
49

Page 33
habits, (x=3.6, 3.9) increased alcohol use (x-3.8, 3.7), increased contact with foreigners (x=3.6, 3.5), and tended to a decline in morality (x=3.9, 3.8).
It is interesting to note that both the tourists and Sri Lankans felt that tourism had little impact on the distribution of prosperity, corruption, dignity of Sri Lankans, eating habits, resentment of foreigners, culture, tradition, religion, justice, dependence and gambling.
The overall picture that emerges from these results is that, except on the issueof prostitution, drug use and jobs, there is general agreement between both the tourists and Sri Lankans on the impact of tourism on Sri Lanka. Even on these issues, both groups lean towards the same side of the Scale.
Our results are largely in agreement with those repo1ted by Sethna (1979). He collected his data dealing with the impact of toulism from a judgmentally modified, stratified random sample of respondents from seven Caribbean countries (Grenada, U.S. Virgin Islands, Belize Curacao, Barbados, Cayman Islands, StKitts and Nevis). His respondents felt that the benefits of tourism go to very few people, that tourism corrupts the youth, causes a decline in moral values, and increases crimes, drug use, and prostitution. They also felt that tourism does not affect their culture and religion.
Results of the present study seem to confirm the propositions laid out, except in the case of the alcohol consumption, gambling and eating habits. Perhaps the exposure to Western foods failed to break Sri Lankan taste for very hot spicy food. Besides, in addition to Western foods, most resort hotels serve Sri Lankan foods, and therefore, most tourists do try out and appear to enjoy SriLankandishes. Sethna (1979) had also found that his Caribbean respondents perceived that the tourists like Caribbean food. This symbolic acceptance by the tourists of Sri Lankan food may have acted to reinforce the Sri Lankan eating habits.
Alcohol and gambling are old vices. Nevertheless, it is quite possible that tourism has created a demonstration effect on Sri
50

Page 34
Personal Wariables
SLSLSLSLS
Traditi Crı
COre Data lation Weigh
De raphic/Objectives
Educational Achievement .06 18
Father's Occupation .06 H
Fluency in English 14 - 22 Tourism Business/Not -.01
Non Tourst ComLITerce/Not .05
Value
Sense of Accomplishment O1 Family Security 20 14
Freedor -05
Mature LOWe 01. -
Wisdom -.04
Broadminded -10
Honest O6
Self controlled -03
Personality Excellence O7
Acquisitiveness -01 Competitive 12
Psychographic Like rest and Relaxation .240 21- ياكة Like Athletics .0Ꮞ " 5 -- Like new things O6 Look for souvenirs -.05 Enjoy Art Galleries ո01 Tourism degrades Sri Lankans ... 14 Like trip around World 21 16 Women wear too much make up ... 12 Independent .05 Bribes are IrLMoral 25 24
Owe to eat 11 Travel a lot 11 Teader 21 Like Danger -09 Wish had lot of Money o 2.0" Wish Sri/Lankan/Foreigner Contact 18"
No. of variables in Equation
2 Adjusted R 17

TABLE 2
Correlation Coefficient and Regressie
Variables with P. Viceived Impact o el Sri Lankan Salee
P E R C E P T A L F A C T OF S
ECOTOTLiCS Wice:S Life Style
CCTT2- Data COe- Lata Ce lation Weight lation Weight lation Weigh
13 .21 33 16 ... 3
-08 ... 12 2O
O7 20 16 H2 - . 19
- 17 H 38 40 17
O2 - 20 - 04ا
11 21 24 - 22 - 4
.12 09 -09
-03 -20 m 16 - 25
- 25 H.26 = 12 15
- 05 m 12 -21 - 3
-29 - 20 --02 H ==04
- 11 -.02 23 12
24 28 O2 士 H 14
- . 12 .01 H 19
- . 15 18 - - 0E
-21 -14 ... 14 O3
-03 .00 H OC) .15 H - 15 .15 .06 .20 23 -11 I O3 - 14 2O 14
17 m -35 - 40 19s 19 -.05 - . 14 03 19 ... 13 .15 O9 15 -.01 -32 -3. -14 H 1A ... 11 23 2. -21 09 24 2. -23 H.23 = 2 m FO2 .09 23 = 2 A -07 --19* -.20 24 - 10
25 .23 O9 -.17 H --11 25te - - 01 - 31 - 13 23 16 28 1.
14 m 6 H 10

Page 35
Sion Bata neights of Personal
of International Touri ST -
Sample
to Rs
Style Materialism Morality Num
Of Entr
Data Corre Data Corre- Data Weight lation Weight lation Weight
- 13 -- 05 -.05
-01 ... 12 ... 16
- . 19 19 - 18 -.14 4
04 .14
O7 - ÖB - . 12 1.
.14 .04 .04
- 12 - 12
F.26 ... 10 H. 15 -14
.04 ... 16
--13 ... 16 ... 16 -14
1. - --02
... 12 17 O6
- .04 - . 11 is
ց 18" - . 16 - 25 ー。37
22's .22 -.11
.04 -09
-.01 - 18 - 22 r. O1 m 20 ... 13
O3 19 -23 - 20 .09 -.07 23. 18 ս 18" -25e --22 H .04 20* 18 -.30 ... 14 -09 .20 OO -09
21 -08 17 .21 H O8 - 08 .13 ... 12 19 18
O6 -03 21 17 .02 .14 • 01 .26 13 -- 07 03ع
10 5 14
.36 - 15 .38

e Average Nulle. Of Average
Data significant Si Ze ies Weight Correlations
17 1 33
16 1. .20
19 20
. 40 1. 38
. 12 . 0ت
그
T - ܒ -
2. .
25 ܒ
15
l 20 1. 29
1. ... 12 1. 23
28 -24
2 27 21
.22 20
14 21
2 22 2 21 .13 20 1. 20 2 21 2 20 23 2 29 3. 26 1. 22 21 3. ս 1B 2 a 21 2 .23 1. 32 2 17 1. .23 = 22 3. .23 2 18 2 22 2 21 2 21 20 3 21 2 20 2 .23 26 2 22 25 .A 14ه

Page 36

Lankans. With the advent of tourism there has also been a marked increase in the public drinking and gambling establishments. It is more likely that it is this increased availability of alcohol and gambling establishments that is causing the perception of the negative impact of tourism on alcohol consumption and gambling.
In general, it appears that by taking a planned, gradualist approach to tourism development as suggested by de Kadt (1979), the Sri Lankan government has avoided the severe negative impact that tourism can have on a country's socio-cultural fabric. Moreover, it appears that the tourists share the same concerns about this socio-economic impact on Sri Lanka as the Sri Lankans themselves. Therefore, one may speculate that the tourists in Sri Lanka, by and arge, are respectful of the country's rich cultural and religious tradition and deal justly and respectfully with the Sri Lankans. Such tolerant tourist behaviour may also have contributed to limiting the negative impact of tourism on Sri Lanka.
According to Sri Lankan law, drug consumption and prostitution are strictly prohibited. Gambling, alcohol consumption in public and nightlife are subject to legal regulation. Because tourists are more permissive with regard to alcohol consumption and sexual expression than are the Sri Lankans, there is bound to be a demonstration effect here. The real challenge for policymakers is to find ways and means to control the level of this demonstration effect.
Correlates of Tourism Impact-Sri Lankan sample
Table 2 presents the correlation coefficient and regression beta weights of personal variables with the perceived impact of tourism. Of the six factors, the independent variables explained a large portion of the variance contained in Economy (r' = .43), Vices (r' = 41), Morality (r' = .38) and Life Style (r' = .36): Thus, it seems that personal factors are significant explanators of these perceptions. In terms of the independent explanatory variables, the objective variable Fluency in English and the psychographic variables “Taking bribes is immoral' and “I wish there was more social contact between Sri Lankans and foreign tourists' were the only ones that were significantly correlated with at least three
5.

Page 37
factors and entered into three regression equations. This is only 3% of the 86 independent variables utilized in this study. Although the personality variable Excellence and the psychographic variables "I usually look for unique local items and/or souvenirs to buy that will remind me of the vacation spot I visited,” “Presence of foreign tourists degrades Sri Lankans” and "I love to eat” were significantly correlated with three factors, they entered into fewer than three regression equations. In addition, the average size of correlation or beta weights did not exceed .30. It would seem therefore that no set of systematic independent variables explained the large portion of the variance common to these factors. Thus it appears that the tourism impact summarized in the six factors covers quite diverse aspects of its impact on Sri Lanka and a large and varied number of independent variables are needed to understand and explain these perceptions.
In terms of the individual factors, it appears from Table, 2 that the greater the value placed on Mature Love, and Broadmindedness and the greater the extent to which a respondent says "I like danger', the less likely was the respondent to feel that tourism causes economic growth, prosperity for all, increases dignity of people, creates goodwill towards foreigners and "creates more jobs. On the other hand, the greater the value placed on Self Control, the higher the individual scored on the personality trait Competitiveness and the greater the extent to which the respondent said, "I love to eat”, “I like to be considered a leader' and "I wish there was more social contact between Sri Lankans and foreign tourists', then more positively was the role of tourism viewed with regard to the factor Economy. Because 14 variables entered into the explanatory equation, it is difficult to summarize properly the relationships. Still, one can say that those who tend to look at tourism with a broad-minded perspective, who put emphasis on the human aspects of tourism and who are willing to take some risks, tend to downgrade the economic benefits, of tourism. On the other hand, individuals who value economic expansion as shown by the traits of competitiveness and leadership, and are attracted towards the tourists, seem to upgrade the economic benefits brought about by tourism. Thus, it would seem that
52

personality needs and a value structure that emphasizes economic expansion and contact with foreigners, generate a positive perception of the economic contribution of tourism.
In contrast with the correlates for the factor Economy, the structure of correlations with the factor Vices was relatively simpler with only six variables explaining the variance. The strongest relationships were expressed by the variables “Work in a job
99 66
related to tourism', "I enjoy going through an art gallery”, “My family travels a lot', and the value A Sense of Accomplishment.
The negative relationship between the employment in a tourism
related industry and the factor Vices is quite understandable. Our finding is corroborated by authors such as Pizam (1978) who
had found that those who were economically dependent on the
tourism business were more likely to be positive towards the
tourists than those who were not. On the other hand, it seems
rather suprising that there is a negative relationship between the
psychographic item "I enjoy going through an art gallery' and the
factor Vices. But it should be borne in mind that visiting art
galleries is a hobby associated with liberally educated individuals
who tend to be interested in social issues. Thus one may saythat
liberally-educated, socially-conscious respondents are much more
aware of the role played by tourism in promoting vices such as
prostitution and drug consumption. Nettekoven (1979) notes that
nationalistic, conservative members of the upper class regard the
behaviour of foreign tourists as excessive and disapprove of the
foreign elements introduced into their country by tourism.
This phenomenon appears to be similar to the support expressed by the liberal upper middle class for the ecological movement in North America - the so called “luxury issue.” It is said that because the upper income class does not suffer from the negative economic consequences of the policies undertaken to protect the environment, it tends to support the ecological movement (Dunlap, Grineeks, and Rokeach, 1975). Murphy (1981) had also noted that when the presence of tourists seemed to impede the enjoyment of the local facilities, residents of a Canadian town resented their presence. Therefore, it is possible that liberal-minded, sociallyconscious and economically secure members of the Sri Lankan
53

Page 38
middle class are particularly resentful of the negative social consequences brought about by the presence of foreign tourists. However, before any firm conclusions can be drawn on this issue, further studies linking social class and perception of the impact of tourism on LDCs is needed.
Fluency in English, and three psychographic variables namely "I feel women wear too much make-up', "I am more independent than most people', and "Taking bribes is immoral' showed the strongest relationship with the factor Life Style. It seems that the more fluent one was in English, the more one considered oneself to be independent, and the more likely one was to think that taking bribes is immoral, the less likely one was to think that tourism changes dressing and eating habits. Thus it appears that the saliency of preserving a traditional life style determined how tourism's impact was perceived on this issue. The more salient preservation of the traditional life style was to a respondent, the greater was the perceived impact of tourism on that life style. Lastly, the personality characteristic Excellence showed thestrongest relationship with the factor Morality, followed by the psychographic variables, "Presence of foreign tourists degrades Sri Lankans' and "I enjoy going through an art gallery.' Other psychographic correlates were : "I like to engage in physical athletic activity regularly” and “I would like to take a trip around the World.” With 14 variables entering into the regression equation, as was the case with the factor Economy, the relationship between the independent and the dependent variables was again rather complex. The basic message that seems to emanate from this complicated relationship is that perhaps the term Morality is interpreted somewhat differently by different groups of respondents. Some perhaps linked it to economic issues, others to vices or even traditional culture. For example, individuals who like going through art galleries perhaps differentiate between vices and other aspects of morality such as bribes, human dignity, strengthening of culture, et cetera and feel less concerned about the negative impact of tourism on the morality of Sri Lankans. On the other hand, perfectionists, who feel the presence of foreign tourists degrades Sri Lankans, perhaps tie morality to tourism's impact in general.
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Page 39
Per:SOrhal Wariables
No. of variables in Equation
Adjlui Sted R°
Tradi
CGrreー
latiOF)
Demographic/Objectives
El llicitir Adjievements Language -- 00 Days Spent O3 Days Intend Spending O8 Tour/Non, Tour Od Level of Sri Lankan Contact O3
Walle
Exciting Life O4 World Of Peace - OE Family-Security O3 Pleasure 23 True Friendship 一。17** Wisdom - O2 LITTLaginativeness ー。22
Personality
Acc veneEE - O7 Acriewrement ria Ind=perndenc= - O7 Status. With
Fsychographic
Interested in Cultures - 12Lice Adventures 1A Lock. For solf Eiri Irs - O7 Interested in spices - OA T92 Fist degrades Sri Lankans - 10 Like a Trip Around the World - COB Look for lowest prices - OB Trill terreStati illi Politi-S - 04 Independent - 22-- LOVE to eat OE Leader - 22-- Don't like Eaking chances -2O"" Wish had lot of money - 25-- Know Little about tourism - OA Wish Sri Lankan/foreigner contact -- 16*
* P ー 。12

-로
Correlation Coefficient and Regress with Perceived Impact of Inter
P. E. R. C. E. P. T. U A. L.
EiCr1 ELOCILLiES WiceE
Dat리 COTE D리 E크 COTE- Dātā C Weight lation Weight lation Weight l
O8. 14 17 - 10 25 = 222 -- = 0 1 ... 10 O5. -
10 - D1 25 - 12 10 11 13 بیت =C) T
19 - UB – 16* - 15 - 08
15s -09 11 16 18 15 OO -
- 19 = -18 --34-- - .21 C8 11 - 12 O1 - O2
13 11 - Oil - 10 16 ー。Q3 JS A0K S SS S SS 0S S -
--OO -07 18 - 19 = COB
-3. A - 17 - 06
- OO - 10 - 08.
AB - 29 -01
15 11 - 10
- 12- 一。2士** - 19
- 12- OB 12 - 25 - - OA
-- 16 = - 17
O7 -- 14- - . 11
OA 14 - O7 -09 O1 ー。QB
= 04 - 08 - 04. - - 19 --그 4* * ー-16 --Q3 . ܪ ܢ
B 15 - E.
25 46

Page 40
AELE -
ision Bata Weights of Personal Variables
uu u S S S LTLLHTu L LLLL S LTTLHTu LLLLLL LLTL L
EF VALI (C
TO R. S.
Life Etyle Materialist Morality
LLLLL L u u u u JAS KK LS K S LSLLLLL LL LLL LL KJS L K L K Grra Lati lation Weight lation Weight lation Weight
O1 - - 1E** - 21 - 00 OE - 06 - 10 - O 18 = إنك تت H.O.5. lll - - 1 - - 12 - 15 ==151 - 17
- 1크를 11 . OC H. 11 - 14" - . 11 - 09 li
=08 = -1C - 18 -- - 15:1 === ܬܐ
- 21 - 11 - 19**: 16 - O1 - O3. 19 - O O3 - 12 -- 11 - O2 - OA = 1C O3 ial -- DÉ. O2 - 23 - 13
- 17 - - 12 20ாக - 16 OB 10 O 17 13 - 17 - i3 - OF - = 18تية -
+- 1T15+* * = -1C) =-1를 - 1로 14 - OA 11 lC) = 2 OA Eங் - O9 - li O3. -- 를 --O3 - - lO === "T1.294,= ت ம் - 26 L2Tக 24 O8. TE - 15 -- - 10]5 - L3 OB OO 16 - 17 OT 13 =25
„UE O =29 ==لیول 15。ー .23 - שם כך. 14. 12 - O2 - 15 - 를 O9 16 17 12 O2 - 11 - lil 19றும் 15
15 O2 B
TO - 16
LÉ T = 33

NJLLTube Teag트 트
Dita Bignificant E El ELi- G Weight Correlations
3 15 2 B. = 222 1. 26 - 1E 1. - 1B. 3. 15 - 15
14. 11 2. - 14
15 2 - 1E 3. la F 19 3. 15 1. „. 1É 1 18 3. IF - 1E - 18 2 16 3 = تلك التي 2 =T||13 22
12 "I" 17 3 ت1 =
2. = 1 ގެ--
- 1U) 萤 14 3. - 14 3. 16 17 - 25 2 11 1. 22 3. = 222 38 17 2O 3. 16 2 13 3. 18 2 24 = تلقت 2 15 3. 19 3. 13 3. 17 L1 al 3. = TEت OC 3. B 2 12 1. 19 모 - TE - 27

Page 41

On the whole, it can be said that the correlates of perceptual factors did not show any major surprises. Perception of the reality was selectively distorted by the respondents to reflect their values, motives, beliefs and self-interest. Respondents who valued economic growth or were dependent on tourism for their economic well-being were more positive about the impact of tourism. Respondents who were traditional or were more concerned about the social and cultural aspects of Sri Lankan society were more negative about the impact of tourism. Consumer behaviour models have extensively dealt with this phenomenon of selective distortion (see for example, Engel, Blackwell and Kollat, 1979). Our results tally with the findings reported in the consumer behaviour literature. s
Tourist sample
Table 3 presents the data dealing with the correlation and regression of the personal variables with the perceived impact of foreign tourism for the tourist sample. The results seem to indicate that the independent variables explained a somewhat lower proportion of the variance in the dependent variables than was the case with the Sri Lankan sample. The explanation of the variance ranged from 46% for the factor Economic to 14% for the factor Life Style ; 32% of the variance was explained for the factor Morality and 25% of the variance in the factor Tradition was explained. Again, as was the case with the Sri Lankan sample, as many as 15 variables were involved in explaining the variance in the factor Economic, and 16 variables in explaining the factor Morality. In terms of the independent variables, the value A World of Peace, personality variables, Acquisitiveness and Achievement via Independence, and psychographic variables "Presence of foreign tourists degrades Sri Lankans' and "I like adventure” correlated with three dependent variables and also entered into three regression equations. Thus, unlike the Sri Lankan sample, a larger number of independent variables seem to provide explanation across the factors. Moreover, psychographic variables “I love to eat”, “I am interested in politics', "I am more independent than most people" and "I wish there was more social
55

Page 42
contact between Sri Lankans and foreign tourists' has three signficant correlations with the factors and entered into two regression equations.
More specifically, those who were high on the value A World of Peace evaluated the impact of tourism more positively on the factor Economy and less negatively on the factors Life Style, and Morality. The high rating given to the psychographic variable "Presence of foreign tourists degrades Sri Lankans' was related to the less positive impact of tourism on the factor Economy, and the more negative impact on the factor Morality. In the same vein, those who tended to rate the psychographic variable “I would like to take a trip around the world' high, evaluated less positively the impact of tourism on the factor Economy, and more negatively on the factor Morality. However, they were less negative on the factor Life Style. High rating on the psychographic variable "I usually look for unique local items. '' was related to more positive evaluation of the impact of tourism on the factor Economy. Those who responded more positively to the psychographic statement “I wish there was more social contact between Sri Lankans and foreign tourists' were less negative about the impact on the factor Tradition, and more positive about the impact on the factor Economy.
The value Pleasure was related to less negative impact on the factor Tradition. The values True Friendship and Wisdom were related to less positive impact on the factor Economy. The personality variable Status with Experts was related to less negative impact on the factor Tradition. The more likely one was to agree with the psychographic statement "I am more independent than most people', the more positive was the perception of tourism's impact on the factor Tradition and the more negative was the perception of the factor Morality. S.
Thus it appears that the tourists who value a peaceful, conflictfree existence with goodwill towards Sri Lankans are more positive about the impact of tourists on Sri Lanka than are the others. These tourists are likely to be either part of an organized tour or to stay closer to touristenclaves and also collect souvenirs to remind
56

-them of their trips. Perhaps, because they are protected from the authentic Sri Lankan milieu and/or have goodwill towards Sri Lankans, they fail to see thereal impact of tourism on Sri Lankans. It would seem that these tourists would tend to behave in a moral, sympathetic, and concerned manner towards Sri Lankans. It is possible that they project their own good behaviour on other tourists and fail to see the negative impact of phenomenon such as the demonstration effects.
As one would expect, tourists who feel that the presence of tourists degrades Sri Lankans, see tourism's impact on Sri Lanka more negatively, especially as far as the factors Economy and Morality are concerned. Perhaps these tourists feel guilty because of the income differential between the Shi Lankans and themselves. The tourists who would like to go around the world also perceive tourism's impact on the factors Economy and Morality in a negative fashion. Tourists who value True Friendship and Wisdom, perceive tourism's impact on the factor Economy to be less positive than the others. Thus, it is possible that in comparison with other countries, tourism's impact on the factor Economy in Sri Lanka is not as positive as one might wish. It appears that the tourists who would like to travel around the world, and who tend to make judgments after proper reflection as indicated by the high ranking given to values Wisdom and True Friendship, seem to perceive the impact of tourism on the factor Economy less positively than the others.
Similarly, it is possible that tourism does have a positive impact on the Sri Lankans' culture, traditional values and religious beliefs. Pleasure-seeking, independent-minded tourists who consult the views of experts tend to be positive about tourism's impact on the factor Tradition. This is because these individuals may have travelled more extensively in Sri Lanka, and therefore, are more informed about its historical traditions. This background has perhaps allowed them to assess the impact of tourism on the restoration and revival of the religious and cultural objects, mores, traditions and ceremonies in Sri Lanka.
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Implications
The results of this study seem to indicate that whereas, both tourists and the Sri Lankans perceive that tourism creates economic growth and jobs, they also perceive that the presence of tourists results in increased prices, a desire for greater materialistic consumption on the part of Sri Lankans, an increase in vice and immorality and in the corruption of young boys. Tourism's impact on the traditional culture, religion, dignity of the residents and dependence was felt to be minimal. Sri Lankans showed a much greater concern with regard to prostitution and drug use than did the tourists. Correlation of tourists' personal characteristics with the perception of the impact of tourism seems to indicate that, in comparison with other tourist destinations, Sri Lanka's economy has perhaps benefited less from tourism, and that Sri Lanka's culture and tradition have also suffered less.
It is heartening to note that the negative impact of tourism on Sri Lanka appears to have been limited in scope. In addition to the economic benefits, there is a possibility that some aspects of of Sri Lanka's culture and traditions have also benefited from the presence of tourists. What explains this containment of the negative impact of tourism ? Firstly, Sri Lanka is an old country with a very rich history and tradition that has withstood the cultural shock imposed by Portuguese, Dutch and British colonialism. It was, therefore, perhaps better prepared to deal with the massive inflow of tourists. Secondly, successive Sri Lankan governments have taken a relatively planned, gradualist approach to tourism development in Sri Lanka. Thus, it appears that there is a social consensus on preserving Sri Lankan traditions against the onslaught of tourists. For example, in spite of repeated pressure from some segments of the hospitality industry, the Sri Lankan Government has resisted creating a Bangkok or Singapore-style night life in Colombo. Given that the present tourists share most of the concerns about tourism that the Sri Lankans do, it is possible that. their behaviour is more respectful of Sri Lankans and thus less likely to engender hostility.
It is conceivable that given the relatively strong concern felt about prostitution and drug consumption in Sri Lanka, continued
58

\expansion of tourism may be resisted by the traditional professional elite sector which puts greater emphasis on social growth rather than on economic growth. Therefore, it is important that the question of the relationship between tourism and prostitution and the hard drug trade be studied, and if necessary, more stringent action be taken against these vices.
Tourists have to be made aware of the greater sensitivity of the Sri Lankans to prostitution and hard drugs. If any new actions are taken to curb these vices, the reasons for taking such action have to be explained to the tourists. In the meantime, it is clear that tourists from the traditional elite sector are concerned about Sri Lankan culture. Therefore, in order to promote tourism among this group, it is necessary to point out how tourism has, helped Sri Lanka to restore its historical sites, build museums improve access to game reserves, revive its ancient dances and handicrafts and provide greater financial support for religious CereOfleS.
Although the present impact of tourism does not appear to be negative, there is danger for the future. As Plog (1972) and Cahen (1972) point out, when a tourism destination becomes popular, the type of tourist going to such destinations changes from those who prefer adventure and a sense of discovery, to individuals who prefer familiar common activities such as one finds in destinations like Miami Beach and Acapulco. Sri Lanka is gradually becoming a country for sun resorters. Given the possibility of a foreign exchange crisis created by the continuing depressed demand for commodity exports and the fall in remittances from overseas workers, the temptation for the unlimited expansion of tourism is very strong. The results of this study seem to indicate that such an uncontrolled expansion is bound to generate hostility, especially from tradition-minded elite groups.
Our present study indicates that the perceptions of both host nationals and tourists can be used as an input to the planning process. In fact, some developing countries such as Bali, (Norhona, 1979) and the Caribbean Islands, (Sethna, 1979) have started collecting data from the local population on the impact of
59

Page 44
tourism so as to improve their tourism planning. Sri Lanka can benefit from such regular collection of data. For maximum benefit, the data have to be collected on a longitudinal basis. Only thus can one discern changes in the public's perceptions and take remedial action.
This study has shown that the attitude of the local population and the tourists towards each other depends upon such factors as the size of the country, the prevailing socio-economic and cultural conditions, the speed and type of tourism development, and the nature of the tourists concerned. These elements and the sociopsychological aspects of the tourism-carrying capacity of the local population should be taken explicitly into account in planning tourism projects and should form the basis for deciding the pattern as well as the scale of tourism development.
References
Andronicou, Antonios, “Tourism in Cyprus' in de Kadt, Emanuel (editor) Tourism : Passport to Development, New York: Oxford University Press, 1979. ... . . . . . . " ་ Annual Report, colombo: Central Bank of Ceylon, 1982. Annual Statistical Report 1981. Colombo: Ceylon Tourist Board, 1982.
Boltvinik, Julio, “Economic impact of tourism on the Mexican economy" in Proceedings San Antonio, Texas, Tenth Annual Conference of the Travel Research Association, 1979, 57-68. ' ' Boissevain, Jeremy and Serracino, Peter, “Tourism in Malta” in de Kadt, Emanuel (editor) Tourism : Passport to Development, New York: Oxford University Press, 1979. ; Bouhdiba, Abdelwahab, "The impact of tourism on traditional values and beliefs in Tunisia", paper presented to the Joint Unesco-World Bank Seminar on the Social and Cultural Impacts of Tourism, Washington, D.C., December 1976. - , Brauer, Karl M. “Chancen undrisikenderenturcklung des tourismus
Lanka,'. The Tourist Review, 1982, 37(1) 17-22. . Britten, R. A., International Tourism and Indigenous Development Objectives: A Study with Special Reference to the West Indies. Minneapolis, Minnessota : University of Minnesota, 1978. ' : ' Bryden, John M., Tourisт and Development - A Case Study of the Соттоп
wealth Caribbean, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1973, sutler, R. W., Tourism as an agent of social change" occasional Papers in " . . . Geography, No. 5, Peterborough, Ontario: Trent University, 1975,
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D.C.: World Bank, 1974. , , , * . . . .
Cheung, Kwong Kit, “International tourism and economic development: a case study of Hong Kong and its implications for the Far Eastern developing countries' in Proceedings San Antonio, Texas, Tenth Annual Conference of the Travel Research Association, 1979, 157-165. స్
Cleverdon, Robert, “The Economic and Social Impact of Tourism on Developing ፳
Calvo, Doreen, Caribbean Regional Study, Volume 6 : Tourism, Washingtoả:
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Jackson, Douglas N., Ahmed, Sadrudin A, and Heapy, Nelson, A., "Is Achieve ment a Unitary Construct?” Journal for Research in Personality' 1976, 101 - 21. ኣ
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Lee, R. L., The Tourist Industry in Yucatan : A Case Study in the Interaction between Class Structure and Economic Development. Unpublished Ph.D, Dissertation, Irwine, California : University of California, 1977. Mannyng, Frank E., "Tourism and Bermuda's black clubs: a case of cultural revitalization' in de Kadt, Emanuel (editor), Tourism : Passport to Development New York: Oxford University Press, 1979.
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FIELD APPROACH TO COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT
E. Desingu Setty
Abstract
Rural communities have certain levels of integration and social and territorial affinity. Piecemeal, segmental, isolated approaches to community development suffer from some drawbacks. For effective and enduring development of the rural communities, Field Approach is the answer. It is a total systems approach harnessing, developing and matching the physical and human resources in a given community to build it from within with external stimulus and support.
One of the exciting and serious features in the past three decades in all the developing countries was their concerted efforts towards Rural Community Development ideology, objectives, programmes, organisational structure and methodology of work, the objective has been singular and specific : to develop rural communities and better the life of rural people. Rural development in developing countries is assuming a new and critical importance as it becomes apparent that the development process to date, impressive though some results may be, has not succeeded in narrowing the gap between the rich and the poor nations. Equally important, it has not narrowed the gap between the rich and the poor within nations. Although millions of fortunate people have been able to leap across this gap, hundreds of millions still remain on the poor side and their numbers are increasing both absolutely and proportionally. The magnitude of the problem appears to be on the increase. ' ','': ' ',
Some of the rural development efforts in terms of political tones, economic objectives, organisational process, plan formulation and programme implementation are a new kind of experience for the people and the development agencies. We are in the process of finding and learning new and better ways of doing things. There

is always a need to look back and take stock of things, so that we can have a clearer perspective of the situation, avoid the pitfallsovercome the barriers and discover effective approaches and alternatives towards substantial and sustained development in rural
area.S. -
Evaluation of existing programmes
A quickevaluation of programmes towardsvillage development in the developing countries under diverse nomenclature, viz., Rural Development, Community Development, Rural Reconstruction, Rural Welfare, Social Welfare, Tribal Development and the latest label Integrated Rural Development (IRD) suffer from certain drawbacks. Some programmes are too general, too much diluted, too inadequate in the context of local needs and problems, too narrow, segmental, isolated, more often externally initiated and supported, poorly followed up and sustained. But none can deny the significant contribution of Community Development in terms of planning, formulation and implementation of developmental programmes, organisational set-up, training of personnel, strategies and methods adopted and results achieved. Yet looking at the IRD today and the other related programmes, in the real sense of Community Development, we cannot fail to take note of the following limitations :
1. In view of the focus of IRD on the weaker sections of the community, the total community is not actively involved in the developmental process. The IRD is a desirable remedial measure, and in the real spirit of community development, the total community should be the unit and target of development. All segments in the community should have an opportunity for growth and development.
2. The programme has not fully harnessed and utilised the
material and human resources of the community.
3. It has failed relatively speaking, to study and integrate the several sub-systems in the community for a unified social action.
4. It fell short of overcoming the barriers to change and
making use of stimulants to development.
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It aroused great expectations and hopes among people and lost sight of community mobilization and organization and increased dependency of the people on the development agencies.
Though as an ideal, we wanted the programme to be a people's programme with government's participation, it remains largely a government-administered programme with people's participation. Of course, no single agency operating in the field is responsible for this drawback. The complementary role of the people and the government agency has to be realised in the operation of the Community Development Programme. Hence, attempts by all their agencies concerned in changing their approach to the programmes both by governmental agencies on the one hand and the people and their representatives on the other, are necessary.
The programme has been more target-oriented and there has been too much emphasis on achievements of targets and less emphasis in following the right means, methods and process to bring about change in the attitudes of the people.
Lack of uniformity in understanding the concept and roles at all levels from village to the national level.
Lack of integration of segments, interests and needs at the community action-level.
A Better Approach
Against the background of experiences gained through success
and failure of the C.D. programme and based on some of the drawbacks mentioned above, what is ideal and desirable is the Field Approach (total systems approach) wherein the local community or a cluster of communities is the unit and target of action and development.
The local community has certain levels of integration and social and territorial affinity. The individual in the community,
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his network of relationships, his attitudes and group norms are to to be reckoned with. It is assumed and to a greater extent it is true, that each community has forces operating in it which thwart or promote change and development. Community Development cannot be thought of in an isolated fashion. For effective and enduring development of the community, the whole community as a general system and the several inter-related, mutually interdependent and influencing sub-systems within the general system, should constitute the field, and the approach to the development of the community is the Field Approach or a total systems approach as mentioned above. It is more germane at the community action-level.
Field approach does not ignore the individual or selective approach. It is employed to see that all relevant forces, positive and negative that influence and act on a course of action, a programme, a segment or a social stratum of development are locatedthoroughly studied, understood and manipulated successfully. This modus operandi requires an understanding of the clientele community.
Aspects of the Community to be studied
In the field approach as mentioned earlier, we take the entire community, be it a village, a cluster of villages, a block, an occupational or a professional group as a unit of action. We study all aspects of the client system, physical, economic, human resources, cultural patterns, social, political and ecclesiastical structure, local institutions and institutional leadership. The study of the client system precedes the programmes related to community development. The data that are already available in respect of a unit of action will be made use of. The gaps in the aspects of the clientelle group will have to be studied afresh. The major aspects to be studied of a client group may be described briefly.
Physical Conditions
It includes the physical resources that the area is endowed with, such as rainfall, terrain, quality of soil, the kind of farm activities that are in practice and enterprises that can be undertaken in the locality. This part of the study subsumes the natural resources
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survey, on how the people in the area have interacted with the given resources such as agricultural, horticultural, mineral, forest, marine etc., in the past and the resultant economic and industrial activities of the people and the related skills the people are proficeint in. It will give us an idea of the on-going activities, skills, attitudes preferences on the part of the people and the kind of economic activities that need modernisation and innovative enterprises that could be introduced in the area.
Economic Structure of the Community
In the economic field, we study the types of production within the community, the organisation of producing units, capital and labour resources, the ratio in which labour and capital resources are used, occupational structure, the functioning of the local marketing system, farm organisation and land tenure. In this area, we also study the network of economic relationships the community has with the outside world. :
Human Resources
Usually the local community surveys or techno-economic surveys that are undertaken by different agencies connected with economic and industrial development pay meagre attention to human resources. The requisite emphasis on human resources has not been there. The focus has been on economic resources and the potential thereof, and not on the man and the group behind him. In the field approach, man or the human resource is in the centre. Man is the starting point. Under the human resources, we go in for a census enumeration of literate population, skilled workers, technically qualified people, educated unemployed and various native skills available in the community. Another human resource is the leadership in the client group which is to be studied, promoted and utilised for introducing changes in the community.
Cultural patterns
A community or a social group has a history, a value system and a tradition in terms of its occupation and or profession and choices or preferences for economic activities. When individuals
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in the group are motivated to take to some new activity they look for sanction and support from within the group. And so, in the field approach we make an historical analysis of the community and the patterns of diffusion and change. We look for the direction and trend of change taking place in the community. The understanding of the cultural patterns of the group lends us some insight into the group's ethos and it will serve as a lead for further action in the field of community development.
A study of the cultural patterns of the community takes us to the other intimately associated aspect of it - its social structure. In the social context of some of the rural comunities, pursuit of economic or entrepreneurial activities ceases to be solely an individual's affair. Here it is the group's choice. And hence the need for understanding the social structure of the group, the network of relationships between various sub-groups and institutions, and the dynamics of the group's influence over the individual and vice-versa.
In the social structure of the community we study the various constituents and the institutions in it. We may begin with the basic constituent of the society - the family, its structure, the decision-making process in the family, functional aspects of the family, and the typology of the families based on occupation and division of functions. Around the family is the kin group with a set of consanguinous and affinal kin, shaping and influencing the individual's decision-making and behaviour. We study the kingroup in the client community, its structure and functions; intraclan, interclan, and inter-ethnic relationships and the role of certain kin in kinship circles.
Significant social institutions
Caste, tribal and ethnic councils are significant and viable social institutions. Despite the influence of Christianity, western styles of life and new politico-administrative institutions among certain tribal groups at the village community level, the tribal councils still continue to be significant and functional in the life of a tribe. In respect of caste groups (in India), we find a high inci
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dence of caste councils among the so-called lower castes. These are village or settlement-based and community-based in a region. Though caste councils are sporadic among middle-ranking and higher castes, we come across among some of them formal caste associations at town, district and regional levels. These caste or religious associations are a kind of foundation to promote the education of the children and other welfare activities of the group. Wherever the caste-tribal councils obtain, whatever may be the strength and influence over the individual and group today, they are to be reckoned with as factors of influence. Positive and negative. Further, ethnic groups in a multi-ethnic community maintain or enjoy certain social balance, a particular ethnic group being predominant over the other, a particular group subservient to the other, a group dependent on another for leadership and guidance, or a group blocking changes or progress in the other. In the context of developing countries, in the rural-tribal settings, inter-ethnic relationships matter while attempting planned changes among them. This takes us to the study of caste-ethnic council, its constitution and functions, the role and influence of the chief of the council, the council's influence over its members, and the degree of their dependence on the council in matters economic and social. Further, we study the nexus of relationships among different ethnic groups in a community.
The traditional village council (non-statutory) is another
ancient social institution still in vogue in most of the villages. It
deals chiefly with village affairs, celebration of festivals in honour of local deities, sundry civil and criminal issues and divorce cases.
The office of the chief of the traditional village council is either
hereditary or elected. Despite the advent of the statutory village
council, the traditional one still enjoys status and influence over
the local community. It is also to be studied and its leadership utilised for community development.
Besides the traditional institutions referred to above there are the modern associate or feeder organisations viz., Farmers' Forum. Youth Club, and Women's Club which do matter as sources of influence, guidance and leadership in the community development programmes.
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While studying the social structure of the client community we may also take into account the sacred institutions in the community - the temple, church, mosque and the sacred specialists or the religious leaders associated with the sacred institutions. Though the sacred specialists' domain is religious/spiritual, they are significant people in the community. The community developer may work through them to clear the way and secure sanction and support for the potential changes to go about their enterprises.
Further, the school teacher considered a friend, guide and philosopher to the local folk is also a force to be reckoned with and he plays the role of a catalyst and his services may be utilised in the programme. Mention may be made of the local medical practitioner, who sometimes is a source of influence for the programme.
Community leadership patterns
Community development or introducing of any change in the client group depends on the political leadership, power structure and the politico-administrative institutions at the village, block and district levels. In other words, it has a bearing on the initiative, lead and encouragement given by the local leaders. Under the political structure, we study the leadership patterns in the community. At the village level, we can think of five different kinds of leaders: (1) Hereditary leaders such as village officials (in some cases), Chiefs of Caste-tribal couneils and traditional village councils; (2) Functional leaders who matter in specific areas; (3) Sectional leaders who represent a class, a caste, an ethnic or religious group, a neighbourhood or a locality; (4) Elected leaders of the statutory bodies and co-operative societies and (5) Professional leaders who are from outside the community, officials of different developmental agencies operating at the village level. In the field approach, we identify the different kinds of leaders in the community and work through them towards community development. Wherever the existing leadership is inadequate for promotional activity, new leadership and new organisations are to bedeveloped. It may be noted here that a potential changee in the
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community may tend to look for some nodding approval and encouragement from the people whom he considers significant in the group.
If the potential changee is convinced of his projector enterprise and if he can venture into action on his own, we need not bother about his environment and referent groups. But the situation in the rural and tribal areas is not so. Even if he is sure of his project and ready to take the risk and thinks that he could manage his enterprise, he has sometimes an obligation to seek the opinion and secure the approval from the significant members in the group. And so, the community developer enters the client system through the local leaders, exposes to them the idea and prospects of some new activity, tries to convince them so that either they encourage the potential changees to go ahead with their ventures or do not stand in their way of movement. There is every likelihood of the local leaders sometimes playing a negative role.
On the institutional side in the field, the elected council at the village level, the other bodies at the block level and the village co-operative may be used as sources of information and as levers to influence potential changees in the community.
In sum, it may be observed here, that institutions and organisations in the community may or may not have a direct bearing on or a functional relationship to an economic or social activity in question. The tribal council, the caste/ethnic council, the religious institutions for example deal mostly with social aspects of the community, but as traditional and deeply-rooted institutions, they influence and control the behaviour of people. The change agent tries to make use of these existing institutions and customs to communicate to the people. The leadership in all spheres of communal activity will be utilised to bring about desirable changes in the client community.
Barriers and Stimulants to Change
Community development sometimes entails a basic complex change. It is met with different kinds of resistance and so it leads us to identify the barriers (area of resistance) and stimulants (promotional factors) to change.
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Foster discusses at length the different kinds of barriers and stimulants to change. All societies are constantly in a state of relative tension. Each society can be thought of as a host to two kinds of forces - those that seek to promote change, and those that strike to maintain the status quo. These forces are locked in perpetual combat, the former trying to throw the latter off balance in order to gain ascendancy and the latter trying to prevent this from happening.
It is necessary on the part of the community development agency to identify the areas of resistance and the factors that contribute to change.
We can think of three kinds of barriers - cultural, social and psychological. These are interrelated in any community. Here, basically we go in for an understanding of the value system of the client community, the factors that inhibit or promote change. On identifying the barriers we work toward loosening their grip over the potential changees, simultaneously using the positive factors available from within the client group.
Despite barriers, changes do take place in all spheres of lifereligious, political, ideological, economic and social. When a group is faced with the prospect of change, there exists a balance of forces. On one scale are those forces which are against change, viz., conservatism, apathy, fear and the like; on the other side are the forces for change such as dissatisfaction with the existing conditions, pride of new occupation, profession, new status or economic and social benefits that are anticipated in the new activity. Successful community development consists largely of choosing those enterprises where the balance is almost even and then trying to lighten the forces against changes or to increase the factors that promote change.
Some of the positive factors that could be used for inducing change are motivating people to change through education and demonstration of the usefulness of the new activity, working on the desire of clients for economic gain and prestige, making use of a competitive situation obtaining in the client group, using the
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positive forces of authority, and timing and sequencing the programmes in such a way that the total effort and process results in community development.
One crucial factor in working with local groups is their value system. The change agent needs to have a knowledge of the dominant values in the culture of the group, and working through these values, gradually bring about desirable changes in the group. The two constants to community-wide changes are the group's identity and the group's moral beliefs. It is important for them to know that they can maintain their identity while making changes in their value system. It may be noted here that an important value of a local ethnic group is : “what they want to be.'
Another important factor that is to be taken into account in our approach to bring about development in a community is to know what agencies have worked so far with them, what programmes have been attempted, and with what results. This leads us to an understanding of the community's perception, attitude and experience of the agencies and developmental programmes. For instance, community development agencies, Christian missionaries and several voluntary organisations have been working with local/ ethnic groups for their development for some time now. An understanding of the group's reactions and experiences vis-a-vis the development to change agencies, whatever may be their sphere of activity, will give us an insight into their problems, and help us in avoiding the pitfalls. This will help us formulate our strategy in a manner that will make the process of change smooth and gradual.
Social change relating to community development is a complex phenomenon. It requires an integrated approach and a sustained
effort on the part of the organisations that work towards community development.
Factors Contributing to Community Development
In the foregoing discussion of field approach to community development, the focus and emphasis has been on the understanding
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of the client group and using the physical, economic and social resources for its development. But when we look at the entire gamut of community development interms of an action programme, we find four factors significantly contributing to it. They are: (1) Resources - material and human, (2) Organisations concerned with community development, (3) Infrastructure and (4) the
people. We may call them fourfactors of community development. We may briefly examine them.
Resources
The resources of a client community are of two kinds : material and human. The material side, as we have seen earlier consists of the natural resources, primary and secondary that the community is endowed with viz., agricultural, horticultural, mineral, forest, marine, textile, animal etc. Here we examine how a given community living in a region has interacted with the resources it is endowed with. What kind of economic and industrial activities and the associated skills have been generated as a result of people's interaction with the resources? This will give us an idea of the enterprises that the people in the area carry on with, and which have become a part of their culture. Based on the on-going economic activities we can demarcate the enterprises that need modernisation and the areas in which innovations can be introduced based on the available resources. Here we move from the familiar (to the people) to the unfamiliar but associated entrepreneurial activities. The usual techno-economic surveys or industrial potential surveys take care of this aspect of the resource.
The human resources chiefly consist of the level of literacy among the clients, the technically qualified and skilled people, the kind of leadership available in the group and the economic and social institutions that could be utilised to bring about a marriage between the material and human resources. What is envisaged here is that the community development agency should examine the potential of the material resources, in what manner it could be developed, both traditional and innovative, making use of the human material available in the target community.
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Speaking of natural resources, we may think of a particular resource, how it is being utilised in a given area, in how many ways and how the same resource is utilised or processed in another area or what kind of industries are based on a particular resource. Let us take for example coconut. It is cultivated in abundance in Assam, but it is chiefly used as an article of food as it is, and for ritual, ceremonial purposes, but whereas the same coconut is used in over hundred different ways in Kerala. Coconut constitutes a base in Kerala's economy. Similarly, bamboo is used in multiple ways for handicrafts in Tripura but its economic or industrial use elsewhere is limited to a couple of utilities. Another example is the abundant cultivation of ginger in Mizoram but a total absence of any industry based on this product in the Union Territory.
It may be mentioned here that it is the responsibility of the community development agency to assess the resources available in the area, the possible industrial uses they could be exploited for and the kind of technology and infrastructure required for the newer uses of a resource and thus guide the potential entrepreneur and his group.
Organisations
Several organisations or institutions figure in the realm of community development. These are governmental, quasi-governmental and voluntary organisations. Based on the way the organisations are related to community development, the degree of functional responsibility held by them and their closeness to the community development activities, they may be categorised into three groups.
The first group of organisations have a primary function and a direct responsibility in community development. They are chiefly organisations or departments connected with agriculture, animal husbandry, forestry, horticulture, sericulture, pisciculture, small and cottage industrial development, minor irrigation, health, Sanitation and medical care, primary and adult education and local self-government.
The primary set of organisations are basic and are supposed to carry on stimulatory, supportive and sustaining kind of activities
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in respect of community development. They are to do the primary job of bringing in changes and enrichment in their respective fields. More emphasis is needed on the stimulatory activity in generating awareness and a climate for change for the better.
The second group of organisations which may be called secondary comprises different corporations or agencies of finance, marketing, infrastructure and raw materials and banking institutions which mostly carry on supportive and sustaining activities in C.D. These secondary organisations are partly connected with community development activities.
We may call the third group of organisations tertiary, which are indirectly or remotely connected with community development - departments of public works, highways, transport, communications, power, etc. Although these departments or agencies are not directly connected with community development, any improvement or expansion in them contributes to community development. The secondary and tertiary agencies are the sources, feeder and supportive agencies which generate the potential and scope for community development.
The categorisation of organisations into three groups is rather arbitrary and the situation may differ from country to country.
There is an imperative need to build up functional linkages among these three sets of organisations at the state, district block and down to the village level, which should facilitate rapid community development.
infrastructure
We mostly relate infrastructure to physical facilities such as land, site, building, power, water, transport and communication for starting any farm or non-farm activity. But we may think of two kinds of infrastructure for developing communities. They are : (1) Physical and economic infrastructure and (2) the Social Infrastructure. The first one comprises the items noted above plus
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finance and marketing facilities. The social infrastructure consists of the positive attitudes, values and preferences of people and a climate for change and development. One could see that the provision of physical and economic infrastructure is in the hands of and under the purview of several governmental agencies. Most of these agencies fall under the secondary and tertiary organisations discussed above. The State governs and regulates the provision of these facilities. Again in a relative sense, the physical and economic infrastructure could be provided by the state with comparative ease. But the question arises whose responsibility is it to educate the community and generate a climate for change. It falls primarily on the primary set of organisations, especially the department of community development wherever it exists as a separate unified department. It has the primary task of creating a conducive climate in the communities. The role of other agencies in building up or providing social infrastructure for community development is rather marginal and peripheral.
It is here that the primary community development agency which on studying the client community in all its aspects apprises it, what its resources and potential are, in what direction and in what ways it could harness and develop its material and human resources, and the ways and the extent to which the agency could extend its help to the community in its development.
The approach here envisages an intimate and continuous dialogue between the clientele group and the agency. It is obvious that some of the material resources (finance, power, transport) are scarce and they are to be allocated judiciously for community development but the most scarce material is the potential changee. How to identify him, how to motivate, encourage and assure him so that he takes initiative and ventures into some entrepreneurial activity. What may be called the human end-productin community development is the function of social infrastructure or the sociocultural climate. This leads us to the people.
The People
The people in a community are the basic or primary ESOTCE in community development. What happens when you have the
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required resources, promotional organisations, physical and economic infrastructure and lack the people to respond to the resources and facilities and make use of them. To a considerable extent we find ourselves in this situation today. We are looking for the right kind of people. They are not born as such,but they could be made as such.
As we have mentioned under resources, a comprehensive survey, taking family as a unit, is to be made. The survey would comprise the special skills in the population, their capabilities, their ideas and plans of development, an inventory of significant individuals and socio-economic institutions in the community, what they look for from development agencies, the divisive forces or barriers, and stimulants to change, the kind of enterprises that are feasible in the community, the internal resources available, material and human, the external resources and assistance required to start and carry on the enterprises; the on-going enterprises, the kind of improvement they require, the unemployed, the sources and means of generating employment within the community and the kinds of training required. The community survey would form the base for further course of action.
Conclusion
The field approach against the background of community development in developing countries envisages gradual and fuller utilisation of local material and human resources manipulating the key elements in the total system simultaneously. It emphasises examining, developing and establishing organisational and functional linkages among the four factors of community development : resources, organisations, infrastructure and the people. Further, the approach focuses on the utilisation of local institutions and institutional leadership to guide and educate the community toward development. This will generate an awareness, an entrepreneurial climate, an enthusiasm for change from within the community itself and make change more acceptable to the community.
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1. Setty, E. Desingu. A Study of Leadership in Two Valaya Communities in Tamil Nadu - The Indian Journal of Social Work, Vol. XLI, No. 4, (June 1982), Bombay, Tata Institute of Social Sciences.
2. Foster, George M. Traditional Societies and Technological Change, New
York, Harper & Row, Publishers, 1973. -
3. Setty, E. Desingu. Field Approach to Entrepreneurial Development іт
The Communication of Ideas, (Ed), New Delhi, Concept Publishing Co., 1980,
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