Page 1
ETHNIC CONFLICT: A
Vol. 8 No. 7 Januar y 1, 1986 Price Rs. 4.0
THE LEFT
O COL
o PIE
O HEC
Nationalism and Politi
Sri Lanka Cricket: In S
Why Marcos Must
Also: The Indika
A Whiff of
“Sura Doothi
 
 

NYBODY IN CHARGE 2
- Mervyn de Siswa
s S S S| V ) Registered at the GPO, Sri Lanka QJ/75/N/83
AT FIFTY
VIN
TER
CTOR
Cal Theory
- S. Sathananthan
earch of a Fast Bowler
- Sarath Fernando - H. W. Fernando
Go - Cory Aquino
SSUe
McCarthyism and
yo

Page 2
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1986: BLEAK OUTLook
Rarely has Parliament ended its final debate and the year's work On Such d. depressing note. The messenger of bad tidings was none Gther tham Finance Minister Ronnie de MeI himself. The most difficult Year since independence". Those were is words.
DDT 05k for money he to che Ministers and the MPS. le wasn't prepared to convert the Treasury into a printing press!
The picture he painted was indeed gloomy as the government's own Daily News' observed drily Din its frontpage.
Here is di quick summary of his State of the Economy' report to Parliament:
Tea, rubber and coconut Prices
- AL DOWN. O TOLI FİSTT - DOWN O Retrittances from migrant wor
kers - DOWN Foreign Investment
DECNN. Military Expenditure Debt Service Rio
- UP (approx. 20%)
TOWARDS McCARTHYISM
To rasse the educat fong/ Stardards of "remote" and "difficult" dreas the Minister of Education has the laudable Idea of sending three thousand graduates to these schools with a special bonus as Incentive. They will serve those dreds for a minimum of three years and for this they will receive a special allowance up to 10% of their salary.
The same newspaper, the ISLAND, had another lead story last week where it was said that the government WOLld not offer employment to Youths, however wel quaffied,
if they were known to hawe "extreme' political views. One passage fin the report specified
"leftist" views. Did this men extreme 'Rightist' views, say "fasCist', Were okay? /s. Such a Scherne, If introduced, open to challenge as gross violation of fundamental rights? Or would such a policy be practised surreptitiously?
A former min a politician who Country for many that if such di : followed in the Sri LaJrka's LinFive Ser Wiste, the 5tser Institutes word the services of st members of Sri L Ës.
PLAIN
The new J. G. P. did some plains, S. P. 's sast Week. should anybody ti suffer bodily harr Every person ar. police was in fact custody, he emph
Observing that of terrorism had bUrder75 on the le dgencies, he arg however was no neglecting "basic i.e. the dոticipatio of crime, and gog Fela E.ions. The bL. able to visit dry WithOLI : a.ry fear taking sides or b templaInt wնաlց ե tgரted.
A good start. officers and ren
LANEA GUAR
Wol. 8" No. 17
Por F
Published for Lanka Guardian PL
No. 24É, Սր
COLOME
Editor Mervy Telephone:

Ster of education, has served the * decades, noted tքlicy had եeen '50's and 90's rS tes, the cy If c and research it we been dered ծme of the ablest dոkd’s Intelligen
TALK
Mr. Cyrill Herat, Peking to īs On no account Iken into custody While in custody. rested by the In the protective Srsed.
the new threat Plated LI FILI SLITI IW enforcement Led that this ustification for police Laskę" п алd breveпtiол ld police-public Blic should be passee Statson of the police Elieving that g e l e ryes
BLIÉ WIWI 15 back him up?
Equus rarissimus
As cogent evidence of the validity of his position Dr. Carlo Fonsek, has submitted that I am a jackass as well as a dog. I have so far called him nothing. Butlet me also Play taxonomic dialectics: a Dr. Fonseka Przewalski's Horse, a very rare and nearly extinct animal. Not entirely inappropriate for one With Dr. Fonseka's Weltanschauung.
W. P. Wittachi Colombo 3
“English with an Ismail”
Per mit me to correct a confusion in the mind of Mr. Qadri Ismail "Qadri Ismail Replies to his Critics" LG. Ist. Dec.).
When he quotes Leavis: English in Our Time and the University he is referring to a book wher. Leavis discusses the relevance of English studies to English society in particular. None of us, not
(Continued on page 5)
OAN
lanuary 1, 1986
is 4.OO
tnightly by
Iblishing Co. Ltd
on Place,
O - 2.
In de Silva
7 도 B
CONTENTS
News Background
Fifty years after
Past, present & future
Marxism and some features of the
Lanka Sama Samaja Рагty O Nationalism and the Crisis of
Bourgeois Political Theory 5 Cat's Eye 7ן
Foreign News I
Sri Lanka Cricket - 2 고||
Printed by Ananda Press, B25, Wolfendha Street, Colomba 13. Telephene; 3-5 și 7 5

Page 4
PHOENIX
 

GLf4e4dby. Ta turn; strariigis Eestigis, ha Hiilii: ind șefii - 5 50 partin Craft. Tinnship, The Baya Wauvrir CIFE: swari kirir. W the Werdu Kurului builds his time with hear datermination, limitati li tirrig irid Lursa:Erwinig cirurg, Els his Thronin siwgigt horida"—a plāt of his own.
Today in Sri Lankin it is building time,
Anderurning i Lu, could na Years listical Linchley th:Ítidasl-á heiti: Gf Eur fyriWaal. Elle Building Roaliriuli Corposition Fra "With "yDILu BIII thiii A.III Effing Lt. Tink
Bur drham hurtig – areality,
ilding Materials Corporation
BanChĖ5 through CLIT Sri Lankas

Page 5
The ethnic Con and Delhi's pol
Mervyn de Silva
uite evidently appreciative of what they all perceived correctly as a general change in Delhi's approach after Mrs. Indira Gandhi, the UNP government and a majority of non-UNP Sinhalese admired Mr. Rajiv Gandhi and praised him as a honest' and far minded' Indian leader. They praised him as a "honest broker in the run-up to Thimpu and Persisted in that attitude eyen in the immediate aftermath of the abortive negotiations in the Bhutan
capital. As I wrote last week, he was seen as "hugging the centre" and sometimes adopting
"a pro-Colombo stance'.
But a few analysts in India, Sri Lanka and abroad whose judgments were neither coloured by intensely partisan prejudice nor distorted by zany theories about global strategies and superpower geo-strategy in the region have been observing the interplay of conflicting pressures on Delhi, and how this created interesting shifts and nuances in the Indian position.
The badh" in Tam illnadu on the day before the Punjab poll and the revocation of the deportation order on Dr. Balasingham
and IMF. C. Chandrahasan Were the first important signals.
Mr. Bhandari's opening remark
at Muscat, Oman, "We think you are going for a military solution, and it won't work" was the first public signal of a shift in policy in the context of a re-appraisal of not just the Indian attitude to the Sri Lankan conflict but of
what India can do; in short, the limits of Indian diplomacy, and therefore of Indian power.
WORLD ORDER
Wat We are in fact Wit
nessing in the fag-end of this 20th century is a historic coincidence - the dramatic emer.
gence of new, e. of Third World Asia, ethno-na than ideological time as a global ec the erosion of de the near-total global status-qu Reaganite years.
The concerted ganite onslaught system, which shortcomings, rei defender of their and an arbiter, of inter-state another cause, a sign of the frustration of the In the world: lt an impotence and is shared by notably the po: the operative un national system. state, nor the
lor indeed En сап any Іопge great disorde heavens", to qu
Mr. Reagan tr a linkage betw. superpower deter conflicts". This conceals an irony judgment and a
Many of the Mr. Reagan has him, examples terrorism". The practising his terrorism throu COWEFE i E0"Verti funded by the by US instruct operational in C
He thinks - c. to beliewe — tha Would disappeal

fict
icy shifts
xplosive sources onflict (in Afrotionalist Tore
at the same onomic crisis, and tente leading to ollapse of the D in these the
and vicious Ra
on the U. N. despite all its mained the only
ternational order howey er Weak, onflicts, is yet itself noneth class Impotence and a mightiest nation is a feeling of frustration that
others as well, st-colonial state, it of the inter
NetHar. EHa regional powers : great POWers r contro the
r“ under the Gte Mao.
ed to establish
םחameוחחen disa: te and "regional attempt barely a gTOSS TT 15mis placed faith.
regional conflicts' mind are for of international irony is that he own variety of gh his not-so }nist arm, срепly ongress, trained rs, and actively
ntral America.
Wants the World these conflicts if the USSR
BACKGROUND
cooperates, because it is the Soviet Union that is responsible for such conflicts. He has mot yet accused Moscow for the Phitippines crisis. If he had unders
tood the situation in the Philip. pines, he would begin to understand the fundamental nature of
Third world conflict and violence. He would then know that neither the US mort Moscow not both can stop them.
New social and political forces have acquired an 'autonomy' of action that has made them the great 'de-stabiliser' of world Order. That Was the true lesson of the TWA hostage crisis. The real hostages were not those helpless human beings taken captive but a superpower, the US, and its powerful regional ally, Israel.
Tamil (separatist) nationalism and Sinhala mationalism ante autonom OLIS forces. The state cannot impose its will on either, Nor will they yield to what we may see as "reason" or "logic". Nor will the Sri Lankan state bow to the superior strength or 'wisdom' of the powerful neighbour India. It enjoys its own degree of autonomy and has a capacity for resistance to the persuasive counsel or 'dictates' of Delhi that has surprised most observers, confounded the rationalist, and exasperated the donor community and the World Bank Nor can Delhi imposes its will on Tamilnadu, the protective patron of the Sri Lankan Tamil representatives. Thus, the neatly ordered Calculations of the best informed' and the confident prognostications of the pund its have been so completely and so casually disrupted.
PILOT UNDER FRE
Still hugging the centre' but inching away from a pro-Colombo stance" is how I summed up Delhi's
3.

Page 6
line' in the last issue of the LG. In the only fall-back position awal able to Colombo, Sri Lankan diplomacy strove to make a distinction between the Indian government and its advisers, and the honest' politician, Mr. Rajiv Gandhi. This was the last refuge of a Colombo diplomacy crumbling under the pressure fast-changing unwelcome changes in official Indian
pronouncements. Now the "pilot" himself has run into heavy Sri Lankan flak.
The ball is in the "boys' court
was amended to read the ball is in tho Tamil court." That Was Mr. Gandhi's assessment in early
November. It was a challenge to the Tamils and a rebuke. Up to that point, Delhi's stand still showed a pro-Colombo tilt", at east in Sri Lankan eyes. The TULF paper (and the ENLF memo)
made that criticism no longer tenable, The ball was back in Colombo's court. But Colombo
has not responded - Only to Convince Delhi that it is really after a decisive military victory' first.
The National S Mr. Lalith Athulat) sophisticated of ge men has taken draw the basic di a military soluti dominance“. Dom troyed in the ng the north. It was
lāt, vi efe control passing PLOT, In the E.
dominance was ch being challenged With the ared be easier for
to TECOWE *工 if India puts a the boys' in Ma objective of Colo propagandist off Bahamas to SAAF
THe ENLF ha plications of thi the possible los initiative it y NOTEH AG : of its military the other areas.
LSSP - a shaping fo
hatever the LSSP's detractors
may say, and the number certainly is legion, nobody can deny the immense historical
importance of the Sama Samaja movement. As the island's oldest Political party, it was un doubteb y
a shaping force of Sri Lanka's political development. It had a tremendous impact in the realm
of ideas; it was a pioneer in the sphere of organised political action; and it helped to awaken an insular intelligentsia to events throughout the world, especially to anti-colonial struggles and popular movements elsewhere, and lastly to the nature of global power.
Looking back it may be argued that its principal mistake (tragic flaw) arose from the obsessive preoccupation of its highly intellectual leadership with the most obstruse points of theory, a puritanic concern With theoretical rectitude. its Trotskyism and its visceral hatred of Stalinismi inevitably degenerated into a vulgar antiSowjetism.
It's fullest syml the man who to the Finland static October revoluti face of world po But Trotskyism, h also missed the 5Inge Lhlt möme
It is no surpris leader Colvin R.
to ace C. CPSU had gent message to the LS quoted a veteral as saying 'Twen the LSSP was e. Fourth Internatio hlas been Cstab CPSU. THg || LS Trotskyist party such a relations
This issue of the event with from party lead de Siwa, a fou Hector Abhaya regarded for der LSSP theoreticiär CP bo55, Pieter K

ecurity Minister, nuda, the most iwernment spokes
great pains to 5EIIIction between mllitaryי and 'חס Inange was desTEH || || 983. Im
a military stalective day-to-day e ENLF ast government's allenged and is but the edge is
forces. It would the government ot domin ICC"
harmerlock on dras — the main Tibo's diplomatic
5 Iye , f g RC.
S 5e en the III -
is strategy, and s of the military wrested in the e de SELition
capabilities in Like the gover
ment, the ENLF turns to Delhi for help politically and militarily'. Delhi, caught in the middle, sees the immediate, almost inevitable future, which is most unpleasant, and prepares its own || option5, carefully - and craftily.
Both sides are pressing India, in different ways, to help them to achieve a new "military balance" what will allow negotiations from a position of strength". What if there is an attempt at a decisive action, initiated by either combatant, and there is another much fiercer round of blood-letting but no side has gained the military dominance it sought? Can the consequences be confined to the physical a reas of action, the main northern and eastern theatres of war? If the consequences overflow, what then? What Will be the 5 tresses on the government, on the political system, and the 5ccia || få Eric itself?
broe of
bathies lay with ok. He Til to in to start the in and change the IEEE if I til istory has decided, train of history 1 ||5 E EII,
c then that party
Silva was happy he press that the
a congratulatory SSP. The Daily News in party member ty one years after xpelled from the al, the relationship lished with the
SP is the only that has established ip".
tē G. ārks three contributions r, Dr. Colwin R. ding father, from ardhana widely ades as a leading II, and from the euneman, the Com
history
Another event, coincidentally, places the 50th anniversary in a different perspective.
Philip the Founder and Son
Philip
The eldest son of Gսոawardene, the angry young man of the 1930's, has been
detained under emergency regulations or under the provisions of the Prevention of Terrorism Act. His arrest has led to a habeas corpus application in the APPeal Court
which has served notice on the
IGP, the CID Director and the A.G. returnable this Week.
The national newspapers quoted
official sources as placing the number of detenus at 97. The Opposition claims the number is
müch bigger, all Sinhalese left ist youth, members of a breakaway JWP faction and of another organization with many ex-CPers. Although he served in the cabinet of both SLFP Premier S.W.R.D. and in the government of UNP Prime Minister Dudley
(Continued on page 23)

Page 7
letters . . .
(Continued from page )
Professor Halpe even, has held that what Leavis states there about what English - li erature should mean for England applies to Lanka. What W o hawe seen as relowanit here in Leavis (Revaluation, The Great Tradition, Lawrence the Novelist) is his approach to literature as something particular, with its own unique Tethod of communication as distinct from other writing. Mr. Ismail continues to be baffled and says that there is no such thing as literature. Perhaps what Tagore told Einstein may be of help to Mr. Qadri Ismail: There is the reality of paper, infinitely different from the reality of literature. For the kind of mind possessed by the moth, which eats that Papar, literature Is absolutely non -existenti, yet for mann's Filmind literature has a greater value of truth than the paper itself." Mr. Ismail has eaten too much paper.
By the way l5-mail"s I clairn, ʼ| book by Leavis began to read E. stood its rean | Would not missa out of Context
In Hesio ti of farming tech inter Est in He5 is not this
fortió El Work that prese tical activity as meaningful cosm scos. To differer is alled Creat og F F to left' a that all writing |5:Tilitol || Bartha 5. Said th what gets taugh is what's left utility and topi
Now you
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contrary to Mr. read this particular before Mr. Ismail glish, And undereaning too so that ply it by quoting it is Mr. smil does.
Eres an account What is of od's writing today t-moded farming the imaginative ints even this pracpart of an ordered 55. But Mr. Ismail Ce between What We literature and writing and wants English Dept. So is studied Without Mr. İsmail says that at || Let Lu Te i5 t". Il say literature behind after the cality are gone.
As for Mr. Ismail's god, Austin Warren, he is only a tin god the generalities of whose voluminous writings are a was te of tima and no comparison to the economy, intelligence and relevance of Leavis's work, (Relevance to those who know where the relevance les). Anti-Leavisism is trendy now. This is due to . ignorance and lack of intelligence 2, professional jealousy of inferior academics who are not fit to hold a candle to Leavis (not that one need be a pandankaraya).
Impeccable scholarship is a habit of mind with Professor Halpe and one need not count bits of papers to establish such a reputation as Mr. Ismail requires.
Following the celebrated novel Portnoy's Complaint, Mr. Ismall's complaint is a symptom of his own disease- an inability to read English.
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Page 8
FIFTY YEARS
Colvin R. de Silva (LSSP President since
Party leader today.)
SO3." after the launching of the Lanka Samasamaja Party, It is possible to record the changes in the conditions of the people which were brought about in the years of its life and struggle. However, what needs to be recor. ded today is the extent to which the gains of the people in those fifty years stand generally imperiled and to a degree reversed.
In its long life and struggle of fifty years the LSSP has had to face and fight hostile forces which were wared in character. The most powerful of these were naturally the British Imperialists who ruled this country which was only a tiny part of the vast terrtories they ruled throughout the world.
As the situation for imperialists worsened in Asia, compelling British Imperialism to re-order its political relations in het Colonia territories, our people successfully freed them<=|ựe5 fTCm British Tule and transformed our country into a free sovereign and independent rupublic in which the people themselves Were sovereign.
Today that great victory of our people stands imperilled under the rule of the very people who, unlike us, newer even stood for complete independence, but at the highest only for self-government or Home-Tule. The threat Is mot the restoration of direct rule by imperialism but the control by imperialism - over the Policies of those who are ruling our country. Our country is becoming politically dependant on imperialism in a new way. Our own rulers are moving through a pretence of поп-alignппепt into the sphere of influence of the U.S. A.
In our fifty y what is popul: upliftment of th
Take the que amongst the piec to abolition . course the fight fight for socialism the fight in the relief of power Way that Our C rica ration bol became a book for ti E-5 of Toaded at subsidised pr book stands del LIndor the prese eXCU5 e Was a di the money spel ratlom5 in Ordar development of
It is notewort Tich who hawe greater riches developmant. Ti for this develop of their ration poorer. It is n. poor that this dard re5U IE of c
TË.
Ւվt driլյbէ it that anyhow the seasonal agricult they claim wist: to the peasant yet their own r that the lard Lundert the Mahali bгіпg only Rés. at best for t holding even or that the cultivat be harwa sted tw cing 100 bushel: acro each Geason

AFTER
its inception on December 8th 1935, and
ears. We fought for
arly termed "the e masses'.
stion of poverty
ple. The figh E. for f is of for socialism; the 1 does not exclude meantime for the ty. It is in that Buntry got to the ok which in time Ir rationed quantibasic corodities rices, That Tatia iberately abolished nt regime. Their is that they needed TE O SGLEGidsed to engage in the "לוחם חטur ECם
hy that it is the been lifted into by this regime's he poor who paid ment With the g55 book hawe become solace to the 5 Indeed the stan. apitalist develop
will be pleaded y have developed iure bringing, as is of future riches
Population. And esearchers now say to be cultivated Wei Scheme will thחםper m -|200
5 tard II the assumption cd two acres will rice a year produ
5 of paddy Per
The officially designated poverty -line is an income of Rs. 700per month. The point at which within that figure a person qualfies for Public assistance is Rs. 300per month. On these figures a Mahaweli family limited to five people is doomed to misery. What we shall see is the reproduction of rural mass poverty in the new areas to which the poor in the old areas are being transplanted in order to become rich.
Take the working class. They had won the eight-hour day the Ti inimum Wage, and Security of employment, to mention only a few basic things. Their insurance against infraction of these gains has been the building of independent working class organisations such as trade unions. This regime has struck down the independent organisations of the working class which hawe always been looked Upon by them as their enemy. In the Ticam time What With tha ever-soaring inflation, wages have declined and such increases as have been given have proved illusory.
Finally, within the limits of the space available to this article, we haye the horror of the CLITrent so-called 'ethnic' situation. This regime has browght us to the Point where the country, though it has not been divided into two separate states is certainly not functioning as a single whole.
Law and order and the administration generally of much of the north and east run their own course as if there was no central government. So also, the economy of the same area is running its own course, if it is running at all,
(pdge I8חטLedחtiחטC)

Page 9
PAST, PRESE
Pieter Keuneman (President, Communist
he 50th anniversary of the
formation of the L.S. S. P. is Certainly an important and memorable event. This is so in relation to both the modern history of Sri Lanka and to the history of the Left movement itself.
Although the L. S. S. P. is the oldest existing political party in the country, it was not the first. Earlier, there had been the Ceylon National Congress at the start of the 1920s and the Ceylon Labour Party at the end of that decade. Neither of these two parties lasted very long. However, the L. S. S. P. can justly claim to be Sri Lanka's first political party in the modern sense of the term.
Sri Lanka's Left movement also did not start in 1935, when the L. S. S. P. was first formed, but about five years earlier. Its emer. gence at this time was the result of a combination of objective and subjective factors.
Objectively, Sri Lanka was, at the start of the 1930s, experiencirgin full measure the devastating effects of the first general crisis f World capitalist economy. Retrench ment in the public selfwices, closures of businesses and estates, massive unemployment and mass misery were the order of the day, But the people lacked both organisations and leaders who could show them a way out or mobilise them to fight back. The Tiilitant träde uničen move ment of the 19205 had collapsed after the apostasy of its then leader, A. E. Goones inha. The intelligensia were deeply disi Ilusoned with the so-called national leaders" of the day whose policies of collaboration with British colonialism provided no answer to their problems.
Subjectively, it was precisely at this time that several Sri Lankan students, who had com
pleted their higher studies in the West where they had come into
Contact anti-im and communist turned home. T gan to dissemin Scientific: socialis about the worl State, the U.S looking for an their misfortune and aims were network of studi the picneer wo Wickremasinghe, first State Cou as a platform This was follow up of Youth Li Parts of the col campaigns like TOW-Tleft" | during the mala 1935 strong four laid for raising t the new and hig formation of a The impending | El ar 15 to the geco un doubtedly help this process, by T12 år 15 it:5 stole o
The L. S. S. P. TēTT EFTI bered as t. Party in Sri La the triple aims pendence, the forms of exploita Tiiration, id es Socialist society. stage (1935–40), centralised party rated program, c or definite, organi It was, in fact, a lisation that 5 Wari. L5 tra i list and socialist the day. It was Who subscribed te cal airns and paid fee of 25 cents
Although the st teachings of Mal Lenin influenced Pioneers of the is no special refe

NT 8k FUTTURE
Party of Sri Lanka)
Perialist, socialist mo Yements, rehese students bigat the ideas of and knowledge d's first socialist . S. R. to those eWWay Out of 5. Socialist ideas spread through a Y circles and by rk of Dr. S. A. who used the El very efective y for this purpose. 2d by the setting gu E5 in waricu5 ntry, and by mass the Suriya Mail the relief work ria epidemic. By Idations had been he novellent to ther level of the Political party. 935 general 臀 nd State Council 2d to precipia tate JL Were by no. " major causg.
Will always be he first politica II ika to proclaim of political indeAboli tich of a|| til and disertablishment of a But in its first it Was not a Withanaommon ideology, sational structure. LTEllor:- tered all the Ehe anti-imperia
TOW 2 TE25 - of meטYחLQ a חPEס its broad genethe membership הוth חסוח 1
ientific Socialist rx, Engels and
5ew arall of thc L. S. S. P., there Ten Ce to the55
tachings in the early documents of the party. It's inaugural Mani. festo of 22 specific demands, which served as a substitute for a םrס- grain and was supplemented by resolutions adopted at subsequent conferences in 1936, 1937 and 1938, refers to the party's ultimate intention to introduce socialised production, distribution and exchange of commodities" but does not spell this out in tha form of specific proposals regarding the nationalisation of industry or estates or changes in land tenure. The motive force of social change was seen as the toiling masses" rather than the working class.
Although the L. S. S. P., after merging with the B. L. P. t. was to declare in 1945 that the Manifesto of 1935 was tot vague in character", the 22 demands it set out corresponded to the level of social consciousness of different sections of the Working people at this stage. These were mainly directed against the colonial bure. aucracy, the Planter Raj, and the domestic feudal and capitalist establishment. They became a platform not merely for the 1936 general election but for mass mobilisation in the years that followed The annual party Conferences mostly adopted resolutions con international affairs, While the day-to-day leadership was provided by a handful of trusted leaders. The First Stage
Despite its shortcomings, the united L. S. S. P. of the 1930s fired the imagination of the masses, sharpened their anti-imperialist and class consciousness, and taught them the all-Important l'esson that their real strength lay in their own militant unity. In this first stage, the United Left movement, as expressed in the L. S. S. P. of the day, laid foundations for the major contributions it was to make to Sri Lanka is such fields a Winning political independence, widening democracy, achleving social
7

Page 10
progress, and obtaining social benifits that help to give Sri Lanka the highest level of the physical
quality of life in this region of the World.
During the 1930s, there was
consensus within the L S. S. P. om the broad lines of internal and external policy. These were widely outlined in the eloquent Presidential Address of Dr. Colwin R. de Silva to the inaugural conference of the L. S. S. P. in 1935 and given effect to the practical work of the party thereafter.
Internally, the winning of political independence was seen as the main immediate task, Building "a united front against imperialism" was necessary for this. Although led by the working class, it was envisaged that the "united front" Would draw in broad strata of our population which, though nelther working class nor socialist, are genuinely anti-imperialist."
in pursuance of these policies, the L.S.S. P. of the 1930s Worked to ELII Lumitad front5 cof both the broad, anti-imperialist sections of the population and also of the working class itself. The 1936-7 period saw sustained efforts to develop united actions between the L. S. S. P. and the Ceylon Labour Party, led by A. E. Goonesinha, around common demands and united actions like joint strikes and a united May Day rally.
In internationally, policy, as Dr Colvin R. de Silva's inaugural Presidential Address again makes clear, solidarity with the Soviet Union (then the World's only socialist state) and with the anti-fascist and anti-imperialist struggles of the time were the key feature of L. S. S. P. policy. Its campaigns in support of the Spanish Republic and its many solidarity actions in support of the freedom struggle in India showed that these policies were not confined to theory.
Unfortunately this basically Correct line of Policy, which brought the L. S. S. P. much authority, su PPort and prestige in the 1930s was disrupted in 1939, shortly before the outbreak of World War II. This was also the time when imperialism, both fascist and nonfascist, had launched a massive DtHLSLeOOLCLL LLLL aHLSLLLHLHHHHHHHHLLLL LLLLLL
paign throughout
les of Cha Fo international gaine within the Exec of the L. S. S. P. חa וחסfr חסsitiסpקס rity of its memb happened is a se the fact remain15 til tion of this ng W not arise from any ment of the part Towermert in Sri arbitrary expulsio nIsts and their 5I first major divisi: Left TowerTent.
The second st movement, which tva de cădes, W and coloured by Although the unit of the Left Tower stage could not undone, tha advill as a whold Was disunity. It was tunate for L.S.S heraldad a Series and divisio 15 Wit Ei to til E.
Those who w movement at this include a majority WHO Were TOF to-day find it diffic how s Luch i 55 Le! ideology could hav fought over. In th: development:5 th facts of life itsei debates must is even absurd to But they nevert to the practical the Wellet LO and to an ovg 1 ta' twess that have been taken, another example that a party or to itself if it a! nisi art anti-Sowi it.
|t İı LISE 525rı modern generatio Hawe been da: questions as Whet be built in a singl the U.S.S.R. was "degenerate" w whether, after t entry into the W. the character

the would. The urth (Trotskite) d the upper hand Itive CGITTTittee despite strong important minocr's. How this barate story but at the introducfactor, which did internal developy or the mass Lanka, led to the of the ContiT LIIpporters and the in in the united
age of the Left |alisted foT GWEIT as overshadowed this division. Egid achleyement:5 erit in the earlier" be conpletely ce of the Left 25 retarded by this particularly LinforS. P. tself as it of further splits hin the party from
fore not in the ; stage - and they of our population even börn — will ultto comprehend * of policy and ra been 5o fier Cely light of historical ereafter and the f many of these eem artificial and later generations. nelless contributed disorientation of conflicting tactics, ra|| Iinhibition of could and should They provide yet of the da TImage movement cando OW5 -Cotism to penetrate.
ШпBElјеyable to ns that there should Batgis ower 5 Luch her socialism could e country; whether i a gепшіпе ог а orkers' state; or the Soviet Union's var against fascism, of the war had
changed from an Inter-imperialist one, which should be opposed, into one in which victory would lead to the weakening, rather than the strengthening, of imPerlalism and should be supported. Post-war developments have shown which wiew was correct, for the defeat of fascism led to the spread of socialism and its emergence as a world system and to the overal weaken ing of imperialism and the rapid collapse of its colonial system.
It must also secm incredible that, under the influence of the policies of the Fourth International, the L.S.S. P. should have concluded at its 1941 conference that the social tasks of the bourgeois-democratic revolution (i.e. in Ceylon)... have aready been accomplished. Consequently, the development of the struggle against imperialism leads directly to the proletarian revolution". Equally astonishing is the conclusion that the people of Sri Lanka could not develop their own and separate se ruggle for national political independence. This is den ounced as a false perspective" because the revolutionary struggle in Ceylon in all its stages". i wi|| constitute a provincial aspect in relation to the Indian revolution as a whole'.
Nevertheless, these incorrect theoretical positions led to serious political consequences. They led the L.S.S.P. to transform itself into tha Bolshevik-Leninist Party of India (Ceylon Unit), and to transfer most of its effective cadre to India in the Wital War years,
Although the above were not the only matters on which there Were sharp differences of view, they were the main ones. They embraced a range of matters relating to the stage of the revolution, the role of different social classes and strate in the fight against imperialism, the strategy and tactics of united front actiwities, and proletarian internationalism.
After their expulsion from the united L.S.S.P., the communists formed first the United Socialist Party and then, in 1943, the Communist Party. They sought to continue and develop the correct policies of the Left movement of tha 1930s om the basis of Marxism

Page 11
Leninism and proletarian
il te Ta
tionalism. The positions they took
in many of these debates
Cotto'ya 5 igis PTC
and Yed to be cor CCE
ånd Were later accepted as common
positions of the Left movement.
Self-critically admitted since,
raits real of thic But, as they hawe էիը
Communists also committed several mistakes in doing so, both reformist
and SECta T3.
The purpose of mention ing such
matters to-day into old wounds DWT EITLI TIPēt. stress tha need effort by both the C. P.S.L. to
It is,
s mot toru Eto salt or to blow one's instead, to for a com Ebiet the L.S.S.P. and a 555 t a serious,
in-depth, self-critical and comradely
review of policies
that led to split the Left second stage. some efforts in
these are far from exhaustive.
Would HG far Het
movement during
Tha CPSL has made
and theories 5 and divisions in this
his direction, but
teT - If such a gef
Critica | Tawie w could be made Torea
comprehensively.
There are several
reasons why
and the evolution of Common conclusions Would he useful.
First of a II, mā
ny features of the
present international and do Testic
situation ha Ye Ss with Լիցքe that
similarities tի բ
LTO Illg
existed in
first and second stages of the move
ΠΕΠΕ to-day is more
Of course,
the situation complex, exhibits
new features, and has a difference balance of class forces, both inter
nationally and a
t Horie. BLI E IN
authoritative identification of past
a che emets ad as the evolution clusions that can this experience,
errors, as Well of Common Conbe gained from Will be of restin
able value to the new generations of revolutionaries and radicals who will have to lead the struggle for
socialis once the
WEPTES ETB 10
Looking Back
In this aders of the
connection,
ріопеers and TIOITE.
the older L.S.S.P. to
C.P.S. L. must self-critically accept
that they hawe not done
enough
to create a second or even third
line of leaders who will
struggles of the future. No hawe to make their ex perty ofסrק חסm Left TowerTent.
lead the present and the they done enough perience the comthe contemporary
As a result, it tionaries of to-d be proud of t generation of mi is emerging nowby the canards oi and their ideolo between a sor "new" Left; or by myths of those themselves from search of mora pe fields elsewhere: of those who pro tille di Sordar" di it te got F be a long-lasting
It is interesti the Critical publi accompanied the L.S.S.P's 50th an been confined (a non-Peaceful röá (2) united front in the 1950s an from the political hawe argued that Left parties misse they did not rer mentary struggle to the parliame familiaF tales abol a : Buddhist", 1 E or what-have-y been trotted out the other hard, accused these p. Tien tary Cretiniss revolutionary per
Tig Fire btedly correct in theories that of the barrel of a struggle canno unless it takes The disastrous J. of 1971, which by an elite cadr TaSS Support and Teither the ggd for armed strugg Erele dous dim and progressive Crucia time. Inici be noted that which condemned for Parliamentary later to promise F dene publically new er i Lundertake future but adha Parliamentary pat
Ney erth le55, th, parties must crit
 

Iапy young revoluay - and we can he splendid new li tant you th that - can be led as tray bourgeois parties gists of a conflict talled " "Ճld" and the self-justifying who separated the movement in rsonally rewarding or the prattle We that the infanagnosed by Lenin this century can
di 52a5e.
ng to note that discussion that celebration of the versary has mostly ) the peaceful and ds to power and tactics, especially d | 9705. Cro||LICS | Right and Centre
the mai 15 LITEIT d the bu5 : Ee Cau5 nounce extraparliaand adhere solely ntary path. The ut Sri Lanka being Jasically agrarian" try haveחuסu Cכ
· once more. On the ultra-Left has Arties of Et parlian' and forsaking spectives.
Left was undourejecting infantle 20WET gro W5 OLE a gun' or that t be revolutionary
an ared for W.P. i 15 Lurrection was carried out a divorced fron at a tie When mort the conditions le had ar Eisen, did ge to the Left ΠΠΟΜΕΠΙ ΕΠΕ ΗΕ. Η dentally, it should the sang J. W.P. the Left parties
President Jayawarthat they would
Such action5 Te to the strict
. 2 Strell Lafi ically accept that
the charge against them of an over-parliamentary bias is not without foundation. Although the two Left parties have led almost all the extra-parliamentary mass struggles of any consequence in the past half a century, they have not always been able to strike the correct balance BetWeen Par||amen. tary and extra-parliamentary forms of struggle, in which both weight and priority is given to the latter form. The neglect of work among the plantation workers of Indian origin after they were disenfranchised is also a sorry reflection cof this.
As far as united front tactics are concerned, the te i stl || m3 unity of wie w between tha two maints tream Left parties on the application of these tactics in the period between 1951, when Mr S. W. R. D. Bandaranalike Ebroke from the U.N. P. to form the S. L. F. P. and 1970. It also so in regard to the period of the United Front government of 1970-76. As far as the CPSL is concerned its th Party Congress has adopted and published a detailed and self-critical review of work during this period, emphasising both positive and negative aspects. As these matters still Separa te many young radicals from the mainstream Left movement. more comprehensive clarity on them is sorely needed.
A new stage in the Left movement began about two decades age after the L. S. S. P. separated from the Fourth International and began to distance itself from the latter's policies. After this a return to positive positions and traditions of the first stage of the movement but at a new and higher level has become possible. During this third stage, the areas of difference between the two parties have narrowed and the areas of agreement have exponded. Bilateral relations between the two parties are cordial and co-coperative, and both are members of a common alliance that includes thig S. L. M. P.
Of course, there are still areas where greater clarity and common understanding can be reached. In regard to a just and final settlement of the national question, the left has to examine in greater depth the two views on (i) whe
(Continued on page 23)

Page 12
Marxism and so the Lanka Sama
Hector Abhayawardhana
statement of policy the Lanka Sama to be found in the Manifesto adopted by its founding conference on 18th December 1935. Though the cadences of its prose do not coppare with those of the famous "Communist Manifesto' written by Marx and Engels in 1848, there is much to testify that the former document had been greatly influenced by the latter. All the world over there is today," it վetläred, "a fundamental conflict bet Ween stWO sets of principles, which may form the basis of Government Policy: they are the Principles of disi integrating capitalism and those of advancing socialism." Even in Ceylon it had been apparent for some time that there was a growing volume of socialist opinion. This had now coalesced into the new PATEY.
The group that launched the Lanka Sama Samaja Party in December 1935 had really been formed in 1933 and consisted primarily of young men returned recently from their studies in Western universities. They had become active in the Youth League novement, in which political ideas were being seriously debated: had - some of them - engaged in the first skirmish against racial tactics in the workers' movement resorted to by A. E. Goonesinha In the Wellawatte Mills strike of 1932; and had in 1933 launched the Suriya Mal movement that provided the first OPPortunity to young men and Women arnong the educated middle classes to shun patronising attitudes and go to the masses with understanding of the identity of their mutual
LE FE55.
The LSSP had no formal Programme during the period of the re-war years. The Manifesto f 1935 came to be supplemented
he first put out by Samaja Party is
LO
by Resolutions passe Conferences, whic regularly in the ye 1938, and provid directives to whi adhared. From til were passed on Cu especial y major int lems, by the Pa W חitteB, iוחוחםC was Wested to
between annual Co The Manifesto
the primary airn' was to establish a in Ceylon. This based on sociali distribution and e. modīties." Since obstacle in the W gle for socialism
rule, it beca The struggle against
full national ind
only elements capable of "who effectively" carryir gle against im Per ritolling masses."
themselves, the
would al 50 erTiant Ei from the tyrainn. and prejudices of creed and Sex Wł divided and en sla'
The Tasks of Appendix to th, the Bolshevik-Le India (in which merged in 1942) in 945, declared was formed in mass party with a programme, whit wague in charac History of the Party', published 1960 on the occ. anniversary of th that, in order t role played by early years, it understand first ha conte TPOTa exist in Ceylon the LSSP's for

me features of Samaja Party
Id at the Annual
h Were held ar's 1936, 1937 ed the policy ch the Party
me Resolutions Trent questions, ernational probrty's Executive which authority make decisions inferences.
declared that of the LSSP Socialist Society Teant a society sed production, kchange of comthe principal ay of the strugwas imperialist Imperative to Imperialism for ependence. The in our society" e-heartedly and ng out this strugalism were the In emancipating toiling masses" ipate all society es, superstitions lass, race, Casta, : keeP society 드-1.
Ceylon" in an Programme of inist Party of
the LSSP had lat was adapted that: The LSSP 935 is a radical anti-imperialist Was however er." A Short Inka Sama Samaja by the Party in sion of the 25th LSSP, cautioned understand the he Party in the is necessary to that politics in sense did not at the time of tion. "Although
A Paper presented to a symposium on Marxism and the Left Movement at the University of Perodeniya on 2-3 December. 1985. He is widely regarded as the leading theoretician of the LSSP.
universal franchise had existed from 1931, elections did not proceed on party lines, and political issues were hardly raised voters used to vote on caste religious or personal considerations. Politics was really confined to the English educated few, and it was customary for public meetings to be
conducted in English'. In one LSSP really introduced politics to Ceylon. "Certainly, it brought politics to the common people, employing a language and terms they could understand."
It is worth noting, in this Connection, that the 1935 Manifesto rowhere referTad to the
special role of the working class in the struggle for socialism. It makes mention of the '' toiling masses' in several places and refers to them as the only elements in our society which can wholeheartedly and effectively carry on the struggle against imperialism." It further explains that the victory of Socialism will mean the political supremacy of the toiling masses'. This apprears to be at wariance with the clear and crisp formulation of the Communist Manifesto of 1848: " Of a II the classes that stand face to face with the bourgeoisie today, the proletariate allone is a really revolutionary class. The other classes decay and finally disappear in the face of modern industry; the proletariat is its special and essential product."
In seeking to evaluate this apparent variance, it is useful to remember that the Communist Manifesto was written in 1848. By this time, Marx had not yet developed his characterisation of the proletarian as a man divorced from ownership of the means of

Page 13
production and compelled to Produce surplus value for the capitalist who purchases his labour power in the market. The theory of Surplus Value was initially expounded in the second of Marx's 5cwen economic notabooks that have been collected and made known by the title of Grundrisse. Marx worked on those notebooks during the seven months November 1857 to May 1858.
As late as 1843, Marx's concept of the proletariat had a primarily philosophical content. The early years of capitalist development, and especially the harrowing experience of the first industrial revolu tion, had made the proletariat the social arche-type of the suffering that could be inflicted on contemporary human beings. Such negation of the universal quality of being human made it an imperative task for the proletariat to regain its human condition. This, in turn, invasted the proletariat with a world-historic mission. The struggle of the proletariat to emancipate itself from Its suffering, and negate itself as
a class, could be the instrument
of the liberation of all human
belings.
Marx quickly realised that it
was insufficient to see the revolutionary in the proletarian from the sole angle of his lost humanity, Revolution had to be the repsons e to radica necessity directly experienced by the Proearlan. This Cou not come from theory alone, because theory as such is in operable and has to be mediated. Theory', Marx said, "will only be realised in a people in so far as it is the realisation of their needs." Rawolutionary theory has to pass into practice as a response to radical human needs. Going out to disCover these megds, Marx faund them concretely in the proletarian's activity as a producer. The role of production was elaborated into the fundamental premise of all human history.
It was the Immiseration of thea working people during the period of the rise of capitalism that provided German philosophy with the initial impulse that culminated in the international revolutionary
moyenment tha Marxism today. conditions of in Willages, towns Ceylon at the LSSP was found the early ninete ring to normal Willages, Sir Is Crib Cd the Sta being so low that the great | tr Wyet Zo Stronger Case the dry zoneon the verge o economic depre in 1929 brought and coconut Wirtual standstill, and permanent numbers from Government de casua la bour. Un villages and the produce un sa leab compounded the epidemic of mala Wilped out bety
25,000 li we5.
The Suriya M quinine mixture packeted foodst. Want in to the Eo ing malaria few have anticipated misery and help saw. The feel Within them coul entirely of the Sterner emotion the text of the M a hund Ted and British Rue our people are Work and die in ignorance and di: the army of mounted to stupe un calculated and while ower 90,00 months died of Wentä ble malarla countryside to national leaders | taining Royal Du ing Royal |ubile pense..." The te and Women who was perhaps gr by the Marxist gathered abroad mindedre55 that

E. We know as There were similar "Tills eration in the
and plantations of tIma that the ded, especially in ten thirties, Referconditions in the Por Jennings desndard of living as that it is evident majority of people e - and an ewen tould be made in arte Permanently F starvation." The ssion that began the tea, rubber lantations to a threw out casual employees in vast Workplaces and partments, made employable in the Peasants' meagre e. Drought further situation and the Iria that followed ween 90,000 and
all activists who, in one hand and liffs in the other, attle against ragPr, Could hardly the conditions of assness that they 1.g3 that Welle d not have been gentler variety. 1 broke out of anifesto: After forty years of the majority of Condemned to Powerty, squator, ease "" + EWhile unemployed has dous proportions Un Provided for, ) hawe in a few lunger and pre
reducing the graveyard, our ave been enter
es and celebratis at public ex1 Per of the mer formed the LSSF atly da termined
deas they had ind the nationalincreasingly came
out of the Youth Leagues. But what solidified their resolve never to relent until imperialist and native capitalist exploitation had been extirpated from our society, was the indelible imprint on their memories of 90,000 to 125,000 men Women and children of all ages going to their deaths shiverIng fitfully and then blazing with the fewer of malaria,
If the LSSP chose the term toiling masses" to describe the sections among the people that would provide the base of the neW ng Verment, Father than proletariat", this could not hawe been because its principal leaders
Were una Ware of more precise Marxist categories. As already mentioned, political consciousness
hardly existed except among small Sections of the English-speaking middle-class, making a direct appeal to class-belonging an unrewarding exercise. Besides, no nationalist movement of any serious significance had as yet come into being in the country, thereby rendering It Imperative that the Woldest possible appeal, embracing all sections of the people, should be made on behalf of the new party. But there was also a further consideration. The "proletarian" or it worker' of 1935 was a far different person from his contemporary namesake. There were no more than a handful of industrial Workplaces at the time so that the bulk of manual workers largely performed menial functions. Many of them were literate and were immigrants from Tamil Nadu or Kerala. The man whom the Sinhala term Kamkaru wa" connoted was not only badly paid in relation to other categories of the employed Population, but he was differently clothed from the latter and was unable to speak the language of the privileged classes, English.
The dividing line between priWileged and unprivileged in Society (however meagre the privileges in the majority of cases) was Provided by the English language and the Englishman's attire. J. nings estimated that there were 350,000 people belonging to the middle class out of a population of 5,500,000. The urban workers not only belonged to the 6,000,000

Page 14
others, but they were scarcely distinguishable from most of them. The overwhelming Tajority of Workers were secluded on the plantations, where they worked in more abject conditions, and all of then were illiterate. There
LLHHLHHL S L L SS SLLLLL S LLLL S S L LLLLL S S tt LS tach ing to the manual worker which reflected the Impact of prevalent caste attitudes. It is hardly surprising that today, the average worker rejects the Word kamkaru wa" preferring the more status Wisc neutral term 'sewaka"
. e temployeе."
The appeal to the toiling masses as thia basis of a common front of all elements striving for emancipation" was concretised in the Manifesto in a list of 22 Inmediate demands, The demands appropriately reflect the concrete needs of the Working people in both the villages and urban areas
and are realis Eolg with in the framework of normal capitalist society. They embodied direct remedies for the most urgently felt needs of village cultivators and urban workers and their families. The plantation workers
are left out of this charter, it should be noted. The reasen must be that the founders of the LSSP had as yet little contact with this section of workers and could not think concretely enough about their problems. There were three demands relating to children: abolition of domestic and industrial slavery and free school books, meals and milik in primary schools. Demands relating to the villages were for free pasture lands, seed paddy without interest, abolition of irrigation rates and access to forests for brushwood and ti Tibet.
The bu|k of demand5 Concermed the workers, including unemployment Insurance, minimum Wage,
8-hour day, factory legislation and better and cheaper housing. The general demands included Rent Restriction, use of local languages in police stations and lower courts and Government departments, sickness, old age and maternity bene fits, and progressive abolition of a direct taxation.
These simple demands were designed to serye also as a platform on which the party would
fight elections to Council thät wEr ing year Philip N.M. Perera, wh continued to figh within the Stat context of a bil against the Br their native her those demands
and passed as State Council,
them were not if meals for school. Ictal languages
and police stat con child Slayer) Estate Duty, abo rates Were den Worl. Others W. Federed III o Luc that was conduct LSS Pers. In the by relentless Gwernment foi the message of large areas of th
It has to b that most of th nal Campagrisin related to oppre Gwernim GE o T fare arrangerTnent Questions of an tenurg op of
prices in agricu did not engage tion. A length
village problems the 2nd Annual party in 1937. made were: (a) of rent as peas: (b) free pastur district; (c) see interest (d) abo rates; (e) stop and shooting E TEETHEEET 5 - 1. tres for Sweet of a restriction WOS
The first real
ted by the LSS affiliation with t national, Wher : attended by 42
April 1941. Thi the following to agrarian problem
i Tha Eok of it still proprieto eori holl

the second State e due the followGuria wardena and to won their seats, it for them from :c Cgլյոtil in the is tering campaign itish rulers and Ichmen, Many of were introduced Totions in the though some of mplemented. Free children, use of in lower courts ions restrictions Ho, restoria Lion of lition of irrigation ads that wera are defeated or us, But the fight :ed by the two Council, backed re 55ure of the Tm outsida, took the party into 1e CCU ICTY.
gaid, Howey et e LSSP's agitatiothe Willages were issive acts of the the need of Weis for the People. ownership and productivity and |ltural production the party's atteny resolution on was passed at Conference of the But the demands ä5 much land frea ints can cultivate;
1 a d paddy free of lition of irrigation arbitrary seizure f cattle; (f) no tapping of palm toddy; (g) repeal 5 o che la Culti
Program The a do PIP is after is e FCLE 1 e i secret conference
delegates met in s programme had say about the
he peasantry are 5 although of Lundings, The frag
mentation of holdings and the joint ownership of fragmented holdings, the heavy load of peasant indebtedness, the absence of credit and marketing facilities, and the heavy indirect taxation of necessi es, al Continue to drive the peasant into a chronic state of degradation and finisery. At the same time, the number of landless peasants has increased and is increasing even more rapidly...
"In Ceylon the social tasks of the bourgeois-democratic revolution, namely the liquidation of andlords and other feudal forms, have already been accomPlished. Consequently the development of the struggle against Imperialism leads directly to the proletarian revolution... For this purpose, the working class must win the support particularly of the peasantry with whom links exist already in the landless peasants and the small peasant proprietors working on capitalist estates. The proletariat can win for itself the support of the peasants by the slogan of "Land to the landless" and establish with this su PPort the dictatorship of the Proletariat."
In 1945, nearly three years after the merger of the LSSP in the Bolshevik-Leninist Party of India, a new programme was adopted for the LSSP in Ceylon. This had the following to say about the agrarian problem:-
The peasantry appears today as a class of Paupers, aither the proprietors of wholly une conomic
plots of land, or share-croppers for absentee landowners. In a majority of those cases, they are compelled to work parttime as hired abourers on the plantations and elsewhere. The peasantry face only greater ruin and pauperisation und er imperia|15m, Their Sole future Lies not in the schemes of agrarian reform concocted by the big native bourgeoisie in order to win political support, but in their taking the revolutionary road along with the proletariat.
"The BLP (Ceylon Unit) puts forward the following immediate

Page 15
demands on behalf of the Ceylon PeaSant'Y:
No Tariffs and Taxes con Necessities; Abolition of lrrgation Rates; Free Pasture Lands: Crown Lands to the Poa San CS.
"Apart from these special slogans and demands, and the qualifi. cations noted above, the transitional programme of the BLP is an adequate guide to the work of the Ceylon Unit of the party in the transitional регіоd."
The early agitation among the peasantry was not accompanied by any attempt to bring them together in mass organisations. Agitation invariably took on a direct political character and, especially in the post-war years, the LSSP Youth Leagues were considered organisations that were appropriate for mobilising the peasantry for partial struggles of any kind. Organisational effort was concentrated on the building of trade unions in urban areas. The plantation workers were not forgotten, however. They were always regarded as the main detachments of the working class and the task of organising them in trade unions was accorded high Priority. Indeed, the Bracegirdle episode of April 1937 arose out of the alarm of the British tea planters that a white man resident on the plantations should fraternise with plantation "coolies" and maintain suspicious relationships with "Commurists.' The defiance of the Gower. and the court and parliamentary battles that followed had a deep Impact on the entre Country. Tha plantation workers could not but have been influenced by it.
When Jawaharlal Nehru arrived in Ceylon in 1938 to report on the problems of people of Indian origin in Ceylon to the high command of the Indian National Congress, it became clear that he had a mandate to set up an organisation of Ceylon Indians that would be affiliated to the Indian Congress party. The provocation for this step was provided by the anti-Indian agitation that had been let loose by the Baron Jaya tillaka — D. S. Senanayake ministerial combination. The LSSP leaders made a fervant
appeal to Nehr forming a Ceylo since this would tation workers Communal machi Businessmen in C: failed and the C. gress was formed this tha LSSP W with its organis tha Plantations. commenced in N rapidly in the CE thenco to Uwa. determination d plantation works confirm their fit of leadership in the LSSP envisag Governor was situation that W the Tidst of th on. The order W. sive action again the arrest of its
The commence the strike-wave and the repress party called for in its agitational of organised funct step taken was to was no Criss-cro lines within the froT Undeclared Er organisations not party itself. The was endorsed by LSSP and it was be many compli futuro if there c. tendency in the L a line dictated TeX-IL SEEP WAS. tc. apparatus for th align its programm International to pledged its suppor gramme of 1941 The only class c. the struggle agair a succe 55 fu Concl ing class." Furt working class was Inevitable organist the tolling mass throw of imperial graΠΙΠΠΕ Was aΠTEI the ground that factory in its th chiefly because 'national revolutio is a false perspectiv of the correction w

to desist from Indian Congress
make the plana pawn in the ations of Indian yon. The appeal eylon Indian Conin 1939. Despite as able to proceed tional work on A Wave of strikes ovember, spread ntral Provinca and The militancy and splayed by the rs appeared to less for the role Ha reyolution that d. The British alarmed by the as developing in Wat that Was int ou E for represst the party and
caders.
ment of the War", in the plantations ion against the a radical change methods and for loning. The first ensure that there 15 sing of Political party, deriving tanglements with approved by the Stalin-Hitler pact a group in the clear there would cations for the ontinued to be a SSP that followed y Moscow. The build an illegal e party and to a with the Fourt
which the LSSP -סrק awח E. The declared that: pable of leading st imperialism to ision is the Workher, that the the natural and ir and leader of 15 for the ower[sm'". This proded in 1945 on it was Unsatisoretical aspects, L ad Lu Tiborata5 = in Ceylon, which "". The egge mee as as follows:-
The overthrow of British imperialism is the indispensable condition for the libration of Ceylon from its backwardness, and of its people from their present misery and economic slavery. At the same time, the revolutionary struggle in Ceylon cannot proceed in isolation, and with its own independent forces, to the 5 tage of the owerthrow of the imperialist regime. Even at its highest point of mobilisation, the revolutionary mass movement In this island alone could not, unassisted from outside, genera te the energies required to overcome the forces which the imperialists would muster in defence of their power in Ceylon, which is for them not only a field of economic exploitation, but a strategic outpost for the defence of the Empire as a whole. On the other hand, the complete emancipation of India itself is un thinkable while Ceylon is maintained as a solid bastion of British power in the East. From this point of view, we may say that the revolutionary struggle in Ceylon will be bound is with that of the continent in all its
stages, and will constitute a provincial aspect in relation to the Indian revolution, as a whole".
This form Llation of the it||mata Connection Inherent in the révolutionary struggle against imperialism in Ceylon and India was, of course the thinking that lay behind the formation of the Bolshevik-Leninist Party of India in which the LSSP was the Ceylon unit, it is difficult to say whether the LSSP leaders really believed that the Ceylon party could permanently retain this relationship to an Indian party if the BLP had taken shapa as a viable organisation. Even if the Indian national struggle had resulted in the revolutionary over throw of British imperialist rule, the LSSP would have needed a free hand to develop the anti-imperialist struggle in Ceylon, If, as seemed probable however, the result of the national struggle in India would be a transfer of power by the British to Congress hands, the wested interests in Ceylon were almo5t certain to hawe Stirred up anti-Indian feelings in the masses to save themselves, if nothing else.
3.

Page 16
The LSSP would then be gravely handicapped if it functioned as the Ceylon Unit of an Indian party.
The LSSP leaders in the BLP were not unaware of this problem, But their Trediate Wartile need overshadowed all post-war possibi
tes. The task was to throw the full weight of the LSSP into building a viable base for a unit of the Fourth International on the Indian subcontinent. Rather the ignore the entire problem of lrndo—Ceylon rela tionships, they lirmi - ted themselves in the Programme for Ceylon of 1945 to a clarifcation of any doubt about the sovereignty of the Ceylon state. The unity of the revolution in the two countries, said the Programme did not mean that the Ceylonese people would surrender their right of self-determination. That right did not currently exist under British rule and could only become effective after the liberation of Ceylon. This liberation would not become a reality without a successful Indian revolution - this was the basic position of the Programme. In the Context of til 5uccessful rewo||LI tion "the Ceylonese people and they alone will decide the political future of Ceylon, i.e. whether Ceylon Will enter an Indian Federation, or having entered such a Federation, whether she will at any time secede there fron."'
Post-war problems were a matter of the future in 942 and 1943. A5 the British armad forces retreated before the Japanese advance, the threat of invasion appeared a likelihood in Ceylon. In that event, it would be imprudent to leave the LSSP leaders who were already in detention to the doubtful mer. cies of fascistic Japanese, The decision was accordingly taken to take the detenues out of jail and eventually help some of them, at least, to get across to India. This was carried out by mid-1942, Philip Gunawardena, Colvin R. de Silva and N. M. Perera thus joined Leslie Gunawardena who was already in Bombay, where the BLPI headquarters were located. Four powerful political personalitics, with a Wealth of mass experience, were in trojected into a fledging organi
|
sation seeking ti India image and in a few pгоviп som other area5. secretly, they 5 yet testico time as they ha propaganda пet be effective. Th tots of the LSSE experience of m Էյսlk of them element:5 dra Wii in the context anti-imperialists the older local wated leadership kids and were with. Clashes to inevitable in such
וaWaחPhilip Gu an Impetuous pe 50 Wa5 I1e Wer persons. It was be conciliatory problems; he them headlong a On the Ti. It W people of equal his goodwill wit him. For peopl it was virtually 5. It Wgas in13" that personal hic up against Philip derations. His to such hostilit others always te The antagonism matters in Wariab outside Bombay, As quite often people are with for one reason gonisms vanquish tionships and fin for expansive The fatal b: up in the BLP repercussions an but it led to a Wyt HLSSP ||
When the Wa in 1945, Philip and N. M. Parr; prisoners Iп Сеј arr5 ed il Bo eventually hand Ceylon authoriti

acquire an Alla local 155 base cal capitals and Having to operate were subject to 15 at the same d to Cast a Wide if they were to e Indian collaboraleaders had little ass activity, the being youthful into the new party of the proceeding truggle. Some of personnel had Cultifantasies of Warious not easy to work f personality Were
condition5.
dena was not only rsonality, but he a respecter of ney er hi5, W1Y CO in getting Over referred to take ind impose his will as поl easy for statu Te to keeP hout Submitting to of less stature impossible to do witable, therefore stility should build on trivial consinode of reacting did not permit take Philip's side. extended to other ly and to areas even to Ceylon. happens where drawn from society GT, Hmother, afita= | other Telad other pretexts personal warfare. little that sprang in Bombay had few ywhere in India, catastrophic split in Ceylon.
I Carle to al ed
Gua Warde Fā indi
A Wet OTCGTCTG lon, having been in bay in 1943 and ed lower to the es. On their rele
ase, Philip, N. M. and their faction reconstituted themsewe 5 as thig Lanka Sama Samaja Party, refusing to hawe any connection with the opposing faction which still functioned as the Ceylon Unit of the BLP. They issued a call for the setting up of a Left. Front which appeared designed to rally all those who had belonged to the pre-1942 LSSP under their leadership, The result was the formalisation of the split in the Ceylon Party. Though efforts at conciliation United both factions for a while at the end of 1945, the emergence of two separate parties seemed unavoidable Philip and N.M., the best known of LSSP leaders with an unri Waled record of militant championship of the rights and interests of the common people from the platform of the State Council, had an advantage over their opponents. The latter were led by Colvin R. de Siya and Leslie Goonewardene who returned to Ceylon towards the
end of 1945. To a Wolid the Corfusion of two parties using the LSSP name, the BLP unit later
changed their name to Bolshevik Sama Samaja Party.
The LSSP and the LSSP (Ceylon Unit of the BLP) went into the
general election of 1947 as two separate parties, They did not clash in the same seats because
each of the adhered to the allotment of seats that had been made during the period of brief unity at the end of 1946. But the split had done enormous damage to the prestige that the name LSSP" had acquired in the previous ten years, especially during the war years. Even so the Philip M.M.-LSSP won 10 seats and the Colwin-Leslie LSSP 5 seats out of 38 seats EHat Both Eente sted. There seems little doubt that, had there been no split to demoralise their supporters and undo the impact of some of their Achievements, the election results may have been somewhat different. Not merely in the sense of a greater number of seats for the LSSP but in respect of the role it could have played as the main mobilising instrument of the common fight against the UNIP.
(To be continued)

Page 17
Nationalism ar of Bourgeois P
S. Sathanandan
(The author, who received his PhD from Cambridge University, is the son of T. LLLLaLHaHLHHLHHLHS LLLLLLT LLLCLCLLLL LLLLT S T the 7 Elections, as the LSSP candidate.)
he current political climate in
Sri Lanka has generated new interest among intellectuals in the National Question (for Marxists) or the Ethnic issue (for nonMarxists), and it has given rise to numerous publications. This literature has (a) explored the historical (including cultural) roots of the problem and (b) examined the process of social reproduction of the related ideology. However, Omwedt's obserwation that "Marxism as a political force, is in danger of stagnating while other political forces grasp the leadership'I still remains walid.
National versus Nationalist"
To begin with, the literature In Sri Lanka has made no at tempat to differentiate between the nationa factor and the nationalist' phenomenon. This distinction which has been emphasised by recent scholars in the Sowiet Un lo , Is an indispensable analytical tool.
National" refers to the historical memory shared by a people, be they tribe, clan or nation, which confers upon that people a unique identity, which is transmitted to each new generation as culture" through the medium of music, dance, language, literature, religion, etc. This identity of a
people is autonomous in the sense that its origin is independent of class struggle. Although
it distinguishes one people from another, such identity of one people is not by itself hostile to the identity of another peo
ple. This is evidenced by the fact that different peoples have co-existed peacefully over long
periods of time: the history of Tarils - and Sinhale5a in Sri Lanka is a case in point
In national To (or an alliance of lishes a people : the basis of the In order to capti and they include cratic Revolution Movements and Revolutions.
Natioma||15t" |5 phenomenon, whic on aspects of th; is activated by alliance of classes) is, y ested with II to other peoples, ideology serves to into hoste actio people, it gives alist movement: examples of wi Racism and Nazis phenomena are i function of cla: cause, a people antagonistic class nomously arrive : and collective de | 75|| alio people. Instead, another people : class at a particl. jucture in the pli specific politico-e
In other word: factor is refract prism of class str national as We Towerients. The national movem: nation of social exploitation; hent character of at has been describ a better word, In contrast, the
5. Ty-TEnt5 continuation and exploitation, and Imination of oth
Therefore, any alism must addre questions; namely

ld the
Crisis
olitical Theory
Werments, a class
•ಳ್ಗು ם וחbIis a whole on national" factor
ure State Power; Bourgeois Demos, Anti-Colonial
Anti-Imperialist
an exclusionist his also based dחall" aחםatiחיי ם a class (or an but, in addition, ideology hostile Wharte such än mobilise apeople n against another rise to nationor rationalism, 1ich Fré Whita im. Nationalist" duced and a Te 55 struggle: be2, composed of is do not autoat the conscious cision to engage against another hostility against 5 initiated by a lar historical coirst of its own onomic interests.
է, the "national" ted through the uggle" to produce II a ritoriālist core ideology of ints is the elimioppression and :e the ideological ional Towerments ad for want of as "progressive". deology of nationlegitimises the intensification of Ofte the exterEr peoples.
analysis of nation 55 at least three
r
(a) Which class transforms the non-antagonistic "national'fa Ctor into the antagonistic "nationalist for
(b) How is
cffected
this transformation
(c) What are the aims underlying
this transformation
An examination of these tions in the Sri Lankan context is beyond the scope of this modest essay. But it must be noted that the transformation or, rather, the deformation of "national into nationalist" is a political process and that in a class society, this change is crucially determined by the level and intensity of class struggle.
LI e5
Nationalist' phenomena arise when a class advance5 its own Politi COeconomic interests as the general interests of a people as a whole. This achieved by that class when it clothes, its particular interests in universal symbols, which are drawn from the national factor: for example, it is well known that in post-colonial Sri Lanka the Sinhale se petit bourgeoisie has expressed its own fear of economic strangulation as a generalised "threat to the Sinhales e language". Where a class which activate 5 nationalist" phenomena has achieved political hegemony, it has been able to use the State apparatus to accen-id pracםrthבקtuate nationalism: A tised by the South African State is a case in Point.
Marxism-Leninism has for long been concerned with the study of the production and reproduction of nationalist. Since nationalism creates obstacles to solidarity between workling classes of different peoples, the main thrust of Marxist-Leninist analysis has been
(a) to understand how the national
is transformed into the nationalist", and

Page 18
(b) to overcome the obstacles created by nationalism to working class solidarity in the course of political struggle.
Every revolutionary movement, beginning with the October Revoution, has addressed these issues and the Marxist-Leninist tradition, far from lacking analytical rigor, in fact has provided the most effective analysis of nationalism.
Due to their failure to distinguish between the national" and the "rilationālist", non-Marxist Scholars have accused the MarxistLeninist tradition of underestimating or ignoring the force of nationalism"; and it would appear that these scholars in fact refer to the neglect of the "national' factor.
This is true insofar as the Marxist-Leninist Tadition ha 5 no E. sought to engage in an abstract study of the "national' factor divorced from the political reality of class struggle. Since the national factor can rarely be found in Society in It's pure state, such a study is a sterile academic exercise. The "nationalist' phenomenon that exists in reality is a product of a complex interaction between the national factor and class struggle in which class stuggle is determinant.
But the bourgeois mind seeks to do the impossible: to conceptually disaggregate nationalism and class struggle and to study the in the חסenוחסhenק "ationalistחי mistaken belief that what is being examined is the national" factor; and it has been assumed that a "nationalist' ideological construct is not determined by class struggle Because the national" factor om which it is based is independent of class struggle. Invitably, the non-Marxist theoreticians who adopt this approach analyse class-determined "nationalist' phenomena without reference to class struggle.
In contrast, Marxism-Leninism begins with class struggle and moves backwards' to reconstruct the "national' and 'steps forward'
to comprehend the nationalist".
Counter-revolution: Nationalism as Communication
Assertions about alleged weaknesses of Marxist-Leninist theory
6
erelyוח tסח are a profound ignor ist-Lenini5t trad
We a countertion of setting Propaga ting bour, models of analysi presented, in the as neither bourg Leninist BLE I 1st existent third P. Nationalisir ag C a case in point.
The basic assu this approach is of the population of nationalist" id seen to be pack and symbols and is the meams of Cor the strategy for alism is staggerir an ideological att the myths and si II ka a adweisir ducted to under by educating the dangers of con: product
The non-Marxis to educate the out of their pro to myths and sy part of the "nati is to be achieve aCCESS LO COITIPO et Coulos classes and (b) rational discourse ing classes to e tionality which u symbols.
Thus, the bol Incapable of unde lectical nature of simply cannot gr: one set of myth neutralised only wailing power o myths and symbo and Sickle i5 an ex Ing classes, witho from non-Marxist about the irration set of myths and course of this dial tion, which is pol
Unable to org classes for this non-Marxist inte

he products of nce of the Marx
tion; they also volutionary func
the stage for eoli 5 or Fiberal"
, which are often Populist tradition, ois nor Marxistsaid, as a north' of analysis. Imunication is
ption underlying bourgeois view
35 OG LITE"G Bology, which is aged" in myths supplied' through munications. So, ombatting nationgly simple: launch ack to demistify." VIT bois, not Ling campaign. Conne product loyalty
public on the חiuming a Eive
intellectuals seek
working classes tensity to respond bols which form na " factor. This d by (a) gaining ing channels of to the working
engaging in a
with the workxpose the irrainderly myths and
urgeois mind is Erstand Ing the diaI change; and it asp the fact that s and symbols is by the counterf another set of |5; the Haller ample. The workut any assistance intellectuals, learn ality of the former symbols in the Botical transforПаitical in character.
anise the Working political struggle, lettuals fa || back
to a Populist position: out on the missionary endeavour of 'teaching" the working classes to separate the good ('national") from the evil ("nationalist"). The fact that the Sic intelectuals will fail to execute this utopian task needs no further elaboration,
they set
Footnotes
onwedt, Gail, Marxist. Theory and Nationalism", Lanka Guardian Wol. B. - 17 .July|5/85, p .4. טN
2. Deutch, K., Nationalism as Social Cornmunication, Cambridge: MIT Press, 1966.
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Page 19
CATS EYE
FEMINIST OR FEMININE 2
Feminism and the reconceptualisation of gender that it entails is
generating some interesting new roles for women. Particularly in the media, we confront not only
house-wives, mothers, secretaries and beauty queens, but recently, sharp-shooting military Women.
Consider the recent front page news-item highlighting the skill of women pistol-shooters, who were described as no second to tha men". Clearly, these Women were admiringly presented as challenging yet another male preserve.
Consider also the sensational new Sinhala film, Sura Doothiyo Which conflate 5 femmini5m with macho -militarism and tries to rescue femininity from feminism.
The film is not about brains, in fact dumbness is more than a metaphor in this incoherent blot and unconvincing cast of characters; it is (more) about beauty and (less about) brawn. The three sura doothiyo are hand-picked by men, trained by men, hired by a man (the good guy) to mete justice out to other men (the bad guys). As the film progresses (or meanders) it appears that there sura doothiyo are only apparent heroines in a world managed by men.
According to actor and stuntdirector-turned film director (and this transformation is ut terly transparent), Robin Fernando, "Univeral feminism is emerging as a now force. They (women) have bargained their traditionally submissive existence for a more socially responsible identity." On a naive and superficial level, the film would seem to agree, The three Women are tough
and smart. The drive a motortertrain and Ste: without capsizin straight with bow and even : perts with a de They overcome 5 Crooks Who Inclut counterfeit deal
However, the of "uniwersal fe glamourised mill part of the first film con Centrate: doothiyo train Instructed by across pits shoot crawl through pi plank bridges ove frames and perfe In the CGT text: : Eaigation of Conte this argument, in male war-gart to be equal to m Insidious. It du and legitimises heroic) conseque and counter-wol:
Sura Dorothiyo fortable with its heroines. So, th reassures us thr coy looks, girlsh werbal cliches fiction, that our lost their feminini the seductive in explored; in fact ignored or inter main part of the sura dolothiyo tulities to Exerci! physical skills. infiltrate the un on beauty, not brain). Consequel of the film, the handled by the

can ride a horse, ycle on difficult r. a Inotor boat. g. They can shoot pistol or crosstrangle karate exft twist of a shaw. me very dangerous le ganja Collectors, 5 and gun runners.
film '5 definition minism' is really tarism. A good half of this stunt on how the stra for their job. men, they swing own rope pulleys, pes, race across r fire, pits, climb ct target shooting. if the rapid miliimporary Sri Lanka, that participation es enables Women en, is particulary ls the impact of the horrific (not nces of violence
CO.
is clearly uncom(militant) feminist e film constantly ugh chic clothes,
giggles and the If Pup romantic heroines have not y. (Oddly enough, endoes are hardly
they are either upted.) For the
film, the three have no opportheir impressive ey are able to erworld relying brawn (or much Lly, in this part ut "Ctrl" 5 en, notably, the
monotonously noisy, repetitive anEics of the motor-blke rider5.
The pendulum swings from "feminity" to 'militant feminism' in the final climactic sequence of the film. Each heroine overcomes singlehandedly, not only the crook she was assigned to but also his particular gang of thugs. Then, collectively, they seek out the elusive ring leader, kill him and rescue their captive employer,
If the film had ended here, the message would have seemed unreallistically radical for this box-office hit-to-be. Therefore, it is not surprising that in the end, femininity" wins over 'feminism'. The three heroines shed their sweat suits, caps and arms for the Kandyan osariya, (Indian) sari and shoulder -baringwrap-around, andare Warmly congratulated by their male employers. The temporary disruption of (conventional) gender stereotypes superficially explored using armsWeilding, tough-acting women, reverts the conventional equilibrium, uniwer sa fermini 5'' not with5 tanding:
WOMEN'S SONGS OF PROTEST
At a recent feminist workshop on creativity, joined by women from various parts of the country, progressive new lyrics were composed and sung lustily to familiar old tunes. For example, to the catchy baila tune, Suranganita malu genawa, Tami women denounced - male cha uwiniSm and the domestic oppression of (Tamil women. This song was sung together by Tamil and Sinhala women in Tamil and later a Sinhala version of each verse alternated with a
Tam || one. Here a Te - 5 om a Weir5e5 of the Tamil original in English translation:
7

Page 20
Chorus Sumangali, Sumangali, brought a thali for
Thali, thali, thali, a 10 sovereign thali
brought a thali for Sumangali
I want a house and a car A dowry of one lakh and a long-haired woman who is fair
A woman fluent in English Some foreign exchange and a sponsor
She must know to cook She illust know to sew and must bear me just two children
He says he wants a dowry He says he wants a house He says he wants me to be his slave
I don't Wärt his thali I don't want to be imprisoned I just Want to live my own Way
The Sinhala women composed a feminist antithey sang together with their Tamil sisters to t. popular Sinhala song. Kanda Surinduni (Kataragama) lines from this song:
Having borne sons and sent them to War Mothers of the South are Wailing over here Their sons killed and their daughters raped Mothers of the North are Wailing over there The tears of both sides are submerging our country
where women are trampled down Гереa In such a world how can there be peace Let our voices be heard, may they echo and re-ed
In a world whera men ara kings,
These are but a few examples of recent efforts explore alternate forms of media and share their id LaLaaa aLa S LL S S aaaaaLLLL S aLLlLLS LLtttLK Laaa LLLLLaLLLL SC largely by men.
Dear Cat, stripped down t Cn 30th Nøy, 1985 || weFIt to and Continued te
each other at
a society dance at а пеwly cРепed the end of the
luxury hotel in Colombo. It was the Lusula || 5 Cort of "do" which one gogs
to at this time of the year. How
ever, a local cabaret had had been arranged.
At the start a burly man who looked like a lion tamer appeared on the stage and introduced 2 heavily made up young WorTen in the usual scanty costumes, I was expecting the usual tepid 10 minutes of exotic dancing, but instead the act had the two girls suggestively pawing each other as part of the act. If that was not bad enough to my utter embarrassment, they
means, but I am Woman. I Carriot at having to sit a performance o is. The at
W II e. A 5 : Ft shabby and seco purpose but sex
As a woman at the exploita forces women to in this demeanin, lowering in the

angaliוח5u
-war song which Hg Eume of the
Belo W are sole
O
by Women to eas across those Tid al Tg Tiāli timed
their g-strings stroke and caress every stage until act much later,
puritan by any a modern thinking express my shame through so crude f sexual exhibitiohad no intrinsic istic piece it was idrate, lHado La| titiation.
burn with sharine tive system that use their bodies g Way. No less
eagerness of the
male audience for this type of vicarious sexual stimulation.
I am equally surprised at the lack of sensitivity of the men who will go to the "manager' of these women and arrange for such a performance at their special social functions. These men are highly respected members of our society. They are men who belong to service organisations for the bettermen E - of society. Most of all, they are ordinary men with wives, sisters and daughters whose bodies, privacy and honour' they would themselves place beyond any price. Yet they are prepared to put their money down to watch the degradation o
LLLL0 S LLLLLLL LLLLaLaLH GLL C LHHHHHHHHLL S prurient excitement.
| Place no blame on the dancing women who arc, after all only new slaves to their economic masters just as they hawe been from the wery beginning of "civili Zatlon".
Yours sincerely,
Vasmin Weerakodn
FIFTY YEARS. . .
(CImபed from page d)
separately from the economy the whole country. Worst of a large masses of the people in those areas are certainly wondering whether the situation has drifted so far towards a breach as to be irreparable.
It is a terrible thing to have to say to these our rulers and the people of our country that the LSSP Warned the country early against the policies which resulted in this terrible trend, and placed before them the only policy line that could reverse it and restore
a common life in our common COUNEFW.
The LSSP has always been a Struggle organisation E. Will Continue its struggle in the new Situation where democratic liber
ties and freedoms, just like elections and referenda, have become
a pretense. We are a party that has proved its capacity to Continued the class and II beration struggle in the most adwer'ge:
conditions, as for instance during the äst world Wir!

Page 21
IN THE PHILIPPINES TODAY - 2
Management b lusion - Cory Aquino
f we were to characterize the
style of leadership of Mr. Marcos, the phrase that would best describe it is "Management by illusion'. But the reality is that the regime of Mr. Marcos is finished. No armount of media manipulation or officious bravado can change the reality of our economic and moral desolation. Mr. Marcos faces the classic dilemma that every dictator must eventually reach - he is running out of illusions and of options, and can only continue in power by the use of force or fraud.
If we are so certain that Mr. Marcos has his back against the wall, is it possible then to displace him Without resorting ta the use of violence and thereby triggering the cycles of instability
and suppression that his removal seeks to avoid? This, I am sure, is a question that ranks high in
the minds of investors,
Those of us who believe in peaceful processes know that this is a difficult middle ground to take, But we have to hope. For the sake of our country we hawe to hope that a safe Passage is possible. I am confident that a peaceful political solution is possible, I base my confidence Principally on four factors: first, the capacity of opposition parties to unite; second, the electoral militancy of the awakened Filipino; third, the moral leadership of the church; fourth, the reform movement in the military.
I am confident that the opposition wi|| unite under one cand|- date when the presidential elections are held. For there are more shared values than personal ambition which are deeply felt and will ultimately prevail.
I am confident that, as in the 1984 elections, the ordinary citizen
will appear in g support the N Moyennant for Fr the public school guarding the ball
I am also conf Cal parties and t be able to drai two important 5 - the church at Both haye a don in the countrysi where the insurg Critical and wher of the voters re reason to hope t will play their the proper time.
The ora|| || church and how and exorcised W. degree of involve called silent majo is already outsp. on issues of hi. total human de appeal of its w society is reflect of priestly voca from the rural a non unusual in C today.
With respect tre 50 a 5 transition in whic a decisive factor, I am convinced elements in the direct hand in th NIпоy, I am п condemn all 13, the en tira milita for a heinous by a handful of loyal henchmen. raged to learn til cause the honor the entirc officer tainted by the r of a small min movement has no the military es

}у
feat numbers to ātā Citizens ee Election15 and
teacher. In safe.
O
ident that politihe citizenry will W support from !ctors of society ld the military. ninating presence de, and this is ency problem is e sixty percent side. Wa Hawa that both sectors rightful role at
idership of the it is expressed ill influence the ment of the 50rity. The church kom and actiwe Iman rights and relopment. The ider mission In :d in the increase tions, especially ге:15, a Phenomeatholic countries
O n the military, ngle scenario för h it will not be And although that misguided military had a e assassination of it prepared to OO officers and y establish ment ittedוחוחE CGוחri Mr. Marcos' Inost am also encouat precisely be. ind integrity of Corps has been sprehensible acts гity, а геform y emerged within ablishment, and
FOREIGN NEWS
This movement is characterized by ge
is growing in strength.
dealism, and is the use of CorsIt is also supretired military
muinea military comitted to titutional means. ported by many
officers with impeccable credentials.
My friends, in conclusion, let me appeal to you. Write off the Marcos regime, but do
not write off the Philippines. Although Mr. Marcos has " devastated our economy and our democratic institutions, ours is a country rich in both human and na LLura | resources. It is also a Country with an innate sense of morality and fair play that somehow surfaces in times of deep ΓΓEIς.
Ninoy never logt faith in the Filipino. In fact, twelve years ago on August 27, 1973, when Ninoy was brought to trial before
a military commission, he declared:
"t| haүe falth iп | El G|grg hat resources at his
the Filipino. With || LH
disposal and
given the facts and the truth, the Filipino can resolve any difficulty and achieve his vision
of a good and just society".
In the past two years, I have become deeply involved in the struggle for the restoration of our rights and freedoms. I made a pledge to my husband, when kissed him in his coffin, that I would continue his fight for the cause of justice and democracy. It would seem that many men and women from almost all sectors of society have been inspired by Ninoy's courage and sacrifice and hawa also committed themselves to the cause. When teachers, students, priests, nuns, businessmen, laborers, professionals, housewives and even grandmothers
(Cராtinued on Page 20)

Page 22
The Singapore girl is
the days of the United Front's "closed economy' and austerity, Singapore was Sri Kotha's vision of Nirvana on earth. The nearby city-estate and shopping paradise was also the tantalising dream of a frustrated upper-middle class for
whom the air-conditioned super market was the symbol of the consumerist Good Life.
The vision has gone sour, the dream is fading. Now an official Committee of experts has reported to the government that it should re-think its free-market policy and proceed to protect
local industrics, Protectionism in Mr. Lee's Kuan Yew's Singapore has been a cardina sin. And it Was to Mr. Lee's Economics Minister, Dr. Goh, the Ludwig Erhard of Singapore, that the UNP turned for advice on the re-structuring of Sri Lanka's own economy. Dr. Goh is no longer in the same post.
Recently, Prime Minister Lee told the A5ahi Shiribuir that Sin
וחסre's econסקFa 2% in 1985, an provement in de Celerato 5 y countryחfaס Singapore's grow
In 1985, seva companies, the of Singapore's gram, quit the
east 50.000 em The foreign com C05ES, and Singa
Management.
(Continued f
and grandfathers protest rallies an then I realize in fulfillent that said: The FII dying for".
Perhaps I can prevailing sentimi
Ceylon Supply and D
W-3 5th Floor,
COOT
For all your r
Construction,
O

in trouble
Po II will Contract by he sees no ill
986. The 2% ne of the Severest In 1985. (In 1984
th was 8.2%).
"a multi-national great white hope" ewclopment pro:ountry, leaving at loyees out of jobs. panies blame high Oro's resolve to
om page IF)
join us in our demonstrations, wonderment and ndaed, as Ninoy ipino is worth
best describe the arts and attitudes
keep the Singapore dollar strong. Singapore blames the US, its slow growth and protectionism for the city-s Eate'S CLITrent Woes. Singapore is heavily dependent on US trade,
But even if the US economy picks up, Singapore will be in ts, especiallyחסy frחaוחחuble cסtr its construction industry. As for tourism, four-star hotels are now offering cut-rate prices that com: pare favourably With the YMCA
of most of the opposition forces by again quoting from Ninoy who wrote the following in 1977 from his prison cell in Fort Bonifacio:
fr | hawa done what I believe is my duty to do, I have wrested from life the and freedom of doing what has to
be done, speaking what has Eo be spoken, and leaving the consequences up to God'.
Development Co. Ltd.
Ceyl inco House,
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equireлтетѓs of
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Page 23
SRI LANKA CRICKET - 2
Can we produ fast bowlers
- Sarath Fernando interviewed by H. N.
2.
A.
How do you regard our batting?
When a batman joins the Sri
Lanka tearn at a younger age
his standard is very high. After
a few
GEAGOT
5.
players
becone slow and lase footwork
and concentration,
When
they
get established they seem very reluctant to go for their shots and do not play their normal
game.
THI5 ha; et to failure.
think with age they try to
BE
Xtra
Ca Litio L5.
Senior
players should be allowed to play their normal game. much advice by outsiders can Fu in a good batman.
What is
the regson
for
Too
thբ
shortage of spinners at national
Tevel”
During my playing years
national level same set of spinners were always used against
foreign teams. Chan mugam,
They used
Na||
D. S. De, Siwa,
Ajith De Silva and Laith Kalu
peruma. They never tried any other spinners. This was a mistake. And think is the
cause for lack of good spinners today. Take for example the
West
Indians. Worrell retired,
After for
Frank several
years West Indian cricket was in a crisis because they did not
infuse young blood.
The
only
youngster was Clive Lloyd. But
then they started trying faces. It paid very စို့ဝိဒ္ဓိ'
W
di wildend 5
and they reached the top. Pre
sently the Board is
try
пg a
few youngsters like Roger Wijesooriya, Don Arunasiri, Gamini
Pereta,
and Sanjeeva Weera
singhe. I cannot understand why Roshan Jurangpathy was given
to bowl including
Then they
Only 2 overs him as
should not
after
a spinner.
hawa
played him. Now at a certain
Q.
Period India ha spinners in Bi Sanna, Chandra taraghewan. WN India ad a Ci They had on Even today Ind several youngs
How is our pa
Our pace attack at the moment not ower bow rest. Th:15 Wł Rumesh, Saliy; in Pakistan. exhausted after But Ray Ratn fresh and he TI LISt en CQUrag Rumesh Ratna in other games er Fotba|| to off seasons.
Te ne somet coaching? How Cid Che5?
Correct coat during the fir: years of а у that what is ni guiding and taught tactics, corrected at a it is very dang him at latter st acquire a cer not advisable They should tactics, You brain. When peak in my c. administrator 5elector adwis bowl several ty me to bowl in my career types (in Swing And I capture |f | häd ||5ten
may not ha

C€
. Fernando (President, Ceylon Teachers Union)
di M. Wold i la 55 sher1 l Bedi, Pr"35sekär ärld Weeka'hen they retired isis of spinners. ly Dilip Doshi. ia ls trying Out tes
Co (TİİTCk?
is quite sufficient ... But you must the Without lat happened to a and Ashantha They were fully the Indian series. ayake was very did well. Tւյլ e youngster like yake to indulge like Basket Ba II
keep fit during
ing (7 EbOLFt Cricket :Ompetent are our
ning is needad it few formative coungster. After seded is correct they should be A player can be early age. But O TOL 5 DO O TI" CD age. Once they tain style it is to change it. be advised on hould use your was bowling at a
"" wha Is stil a di Te not to Pigs. He advised On 2 type. BLE bowled seyra
Cutters etc.) lot of wickets. חd to that perse "e reaped such
A.
a Hārtwest. CÖLIIT coachegara really competent. But every Sri Lanka Crickete cannot E Come a Coach. I feelto be a succesful Coach you need mot always be a succesful cricketer. There are many good coaches in our midst who have never played even Sara' cricket.
What should be the outlook of I Cricket COOCH?
He should be impartial. He should not hawe fawoutite 5. A || his pupils must be treated on equal terms. A good coach should not bother about family Connections. He must be able to spot the talent. That is why I got the opportunity to reach the top. My first coach at Moratuwa Widyalaya former Ananda cricketer Mr. Bertram De Silva - was wery good.
In Pakistan the Manager of the Sri Lanka side Mr. Abu Fuard 5 di Ido F5 ed Iri Wi5 the Ebesto JWJINI Ele Any comments?
cannot understand why he made that statement. It is not clear en What basis he made this statement. Does this mean that these are no players in the island to replace the resent team if he meant that P totally disagree.
And I must point another important factor. There are a lot of talented yougsters who are knocking at the door to enter the test side. So if we say that the present test players cannot be replaced for another few years we are actually discouraging the youngsters.
DCes the prestigious Colombo Clubs discriminate against Outstation Crleketer5
Favouritism towards cricketers from privileged schools prevail in leading Colombo Clubs. They
모|

Page 24
Q.
usually favour Colombo big school boys. But if they find a player from an outstation school or from a non-privileged school they will readily have him. Suppose he falls in 2 or Thatches that will Be the end of his career. I have played for a Colombo Club after Winning the Sri Lanka "Cap". In II the Tatches I was not L5ed 5 a bowler ti | the Store reached 200. I got disgusted and told the Loach that I Can't continue. This coach was a gentleman. He pursuaded me to continue and even with the old ball I captured wickets. Hf that i 5 the treatment for a senior player what will be the fate of youngsters from the outstations.
How is the present Sri Lanka team. Have you played with ther?
Present team is quite alright I have played along with Duleep Mendis and Roy Dias. All the other5 are ne WColler5.
Is the present Sri Lanka squad physically ft för di strer LJQ LJ5 tDLIr?
| think several Players arte lacking fitness. I have mentioned earlier about the pace bowlers. A player's fitness can be judged by how he fields and more in the field. If a player is ślow Chi the field that =ls đã clear indication of physical fitness. If a player is not 100% physically fit he cannot give off the best. That's what happend to most of our senior Players in Pakistan. Let us analyse our problems patiently.
Can't We produce fast bowlers?
Why not, You can train a boy to bowl in 6 months. But it is not easy to get physically fIt Strong runners. A Very good example is Darrel Liewers z, He was a top class sprinter and a quarter miler. In the outstations you can find enough good athletes. Take the case of W. Wimaladasa, the fastest quarter miller we ever produced. True that he did not play cricket. But such athlete can be turned into a good
speedster. T Michael Hold ter Fier. S TU5t glo LQ Especially to C.
You care fror leged school they to produ
|n пny time of talented privileged sch of the did to play firs Even today t tient in the it is very unfo these cricket dificult con ignored.
D the rift| di 5CFFITTE: 7 such schools?
There. Iš lot even today.
What is your
ErkelterE?
Young trick'; always phys Said about tha about other
is also wery
Tugt. Ea fit
yeaГ.
Widt is the st
Standard cf Lanka is quite our umpires : thre Te a arte black sh
Do they fav Ten the L During my pl 1975) there WEE -t in the had the
this is a incident. In | played whi
a particular his first owe was trapped and we made But the Um our appeal.
CO 5 The he wal my bowling This same um Edite ed rie

ke the Case of ng. A good guarcricket Board
the Outstations. utstation schools.
m an under privwidt chances have Ce good cricketers?
there were a lot Ficketers in under ools. A very few
even got a break it class Cricket. here is immerse ge scho|5. Bu t rtunate that when ers come up under litions they are
ket iddi Frīšťrūtūrs gainst players from
of discrimination
advice for future
sters should be cally fit, I have before. I mean games. Running important, You throughout the
ாவrd of Impring
umբiring in Sri : high and most of ire impartial. But xceptions - there eер.
our the affluent? Impirgs.
aying years (1959were umpires who
partial. Some of ir favourities. Now very interesting
a Sri Lanka final an I was bowling batsman playing faced me. He leg before wicket a confidentappeal. pire turned down tā "Vēt e 90 edd: "Lu 5. 5 out L. B.W. off identā ārner. pire who disa llowr appeal, ruled him
out L.B.W. He wa5 known to me personally, so after the match I asked him about in first decision, You know his answer? The batan in question should play for Sri Lanka and that is why he disallowed our appeal. Then asked him about my chance, ls it that I should not play My skipper a former Sri Lanka skipper Interwened and dragged nie out. That was a Eblack sheep, but there very good rbdסחumpires. Umpires can blamed always. Some umpires get upset in the middle of the ground. Umpires Association must be ble to Selict correct people (who do not get excited) to umpire at
lational lewel.
The Board of Control for Cricket In Sri Lanka has appointed Mr. Abu Fuard as Manager of the Sri Lanka cricket team for di period of 3 years? What is үoШг орIпіоп.
In our country we have a dedicated set of former Sri Lanka Cricketers with immense experience here and abroad who can manage many teams efficiently. The type of appointment for a lengthy period deprives them of managing our test side. And I personally feel When the Chairman of the selection committee is also the manager for such a long period it will have a negative effect on the players. It might lead to internal friction among the players.
WHITE - Tre thë rejsons – Eh eh lnd
our failure. In Pakistan?
The two test series against India and Pakistan were played within a short space. There was not enough time between the two series for our players to rest. Our players are still Tot actus turmedito Such streni LIous work. Outside does not have a single professional player. Professional players are used to this type of play.
How Is Our fielding?
Our Sri Lanka side possesses some very good fielders. Among
(Contiпшed on page 23)

Page 25
PAST PRESEWT. . .
(Continued from page 9
ther the problem can be solved on the basis of non-discrimination and the devolution of substantial central powers and functions to different areas, or (2) whether it also requires recognition of the Sri Lanka Tamils as a distant nationality to whom Marxist-Leninist teachings on reginal autonomy, self-determination and at the Sarne time, the unity of the working people of all nationalities and ethnic groups should apply. Similarly, in the international arena, while all sections of the mainstream Left now accept the great importance of the fight for peace and disarmament, some sections see it as one many important struggles while others regard it as the central and decisive issue in the global struggle against imperialism in the nuclear age.
Thero are also which require de for instance, t Struggles under C colonialism; hori mobil5g the Wol Conditions of gow on one side, an side, under cond lewel of proletari: Worker5 i G Sti|| W bou regois influence and where bourg used political pat divisiwe trade umi question; the ch: intelligensia; the even bourgaois. It and processes frt. the bourgeoisie it threats posed by militarisation of E
Can we produce . . .
(Сопtiпшеd from page 22)
our cricketers some are very good fielders. Some are good at covers and gully etc. You must allow them to field at their favourite positions. This cannot be done always. I have found a good fielder is a good batman.
Q. Cricket is a very expensive garne, 80% of our children Come from poor families. What should the Cricket Foundation do to help poor cricketers?
A. In my days a pair of boots cost only Rs. 25- and a Bat only Rs. 200/-. Now a good bat costs more than Rs. 2000/-. Today a pair of boots costs about Rs. 800/-. They should equip all cricketers at school and first class level with all the material at concessionary rates or they must evolve a scheme to provide material freely to deserving players. Cricket Foundation should use all its resources to help Cricketers.
Q. Is It advisable for the players to form their own organisation? That is a Players' Association
to safe guard ா England.
A feet is a ne
the gama of on the play interte5t 5 ghuli Even today p of grievences National lewe
Q: Who is the E
whom you play
A Michael Ti 55 er: good knowle players under krew hoW to out of his pl outstation Pola sented Sri La captaincy he g; tLInitle5 to sh
LSSP — a shapi (Contin Led fr
Senanayake, he and admired as it Revolution'.
The detention of whose brother, D. Philip's MEP, h; a non-party Protes has gained support

other questions per study. How ) develop mass inditions of neoY CO uite är king class under ironmonta teroro
on the other tions where the msm among the bak, when pettyare still strong, ois parties have "Olage to set up ons; thic agrarian nges within the fight to defend emocratic rights m attacks from elf, and the new the increasing ublic life.
It will naturally take time for past and present questions such as these to be discussed and, as far as possible, common understanding reached. This dialogue must also take place within the framework of consolidating and carrying further forward the unity that has already been reached.
The 50th anniversary of the foundation of the L.S.S.P. should therefore be not merely an occasion for understandable celebration. It should also be the start of a deeper study of past experience, the unresolved problems that the movement has inherited from the past, and the new problems that it has to face now and in the future.
ther Interest5 (15
cessity. Because cricket depends ars. So player's d be looked after. layers have a lot : at Club and
st captain under ed for Sir Lank?
He had a very dge about the
him. And he
get the best yers. I was an "er who repreka. Under his we all the oppor
E.
Img - - - m bdge #)
was best lowed he father of the
his son, Indika, ash, now leads prompted a campaign which rom the S.L.F.P.
The first meeting was convened by Batapola Anomadassi Nayake Thera, othet - We known Toks and Christian priests, and a small group of human rights activists. The second meeting was attended by the Asst. Secretary of the SLFP, Mr. Ariya Bullegoda and the party's trade union leader, Mr. Alavi Moulana. Already, Mr. Amarasiri Dodangoda, SLFP MP had signed the initial statement of CROPP (See LG Dec. 15).
The meeting decided that these
events represented a "new stage in the erosion of civil libertigs and democratic rights". It gawe three main reasons for these developments:
(l) The growing economic discontent among thr peasantry. the urban Wage-earners and the salaried middle classes, (See
TRENDS).
(2) The UNP's failure "to find a just and peaceful settlement to the ethnic conflict.
(3) The alienation of the State from the masses starting from the postponement of elections by the Dec. 1982 referendum.
- M. de S.
고3

Page 26
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Page 27
INTER-RACIAL EQUI
AND
NATI0NAL UNI
IN SRI LANKA
(The document was produced 1983, as part of a programm Committee for National Hari
violence in 1983 . . .
Since the document was
mation and data on som e available - for example the 1980/81 . . . .
Nevertheless the docume original form, both because it at the time it was prepared, including the factual analysis hi. or valid by what has taken pl; dem and for the original docum
A few clarifications have been
A N1ARGA INS"
(Sri Lanka Centre for
6 l, lsipathana Mawatha,
Colombo 6.
SRI LANKA.
P. O. Box 60
Tel. 5 85
86 & 58 5 4

ΓΥ
ΓΥ
by the Marga Institute in October e of work initiated by the Citizens'
nony, immediately after the communal
first released, more up-to-date inforspects of the problem have become
data from the socio-economic survey
ht is being reproduced cssentially in its reflects the state of the discussions ind also as the substance of the report s not been rendered any less relevant ce. There has also been a continuing ent locally as well as from abroad.
included in the present version.)
Price Rs. 27.50
TITUTE Publication
'evelopment Studies)

Page 28
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