Page 1
THE LEFT AT 50: What happened
Vol. 8 No. 8 Januar у 15, 1986 Price Rs. 4.
SIRIMA on Civic F
ALTH on the W
inte
Mer
EXCLUSIVE
Militarising Central An and the Vietnam S
Total Provincial Autonc
D. S. and the “Statele Our New "Developme
Also: Women's Strug TULF Proposals CRM on P. T. English and the
 

to the Revolution ?
M. Sanmugathasan
OO Registered at the GPO, Sri Lanka QJ/75/N/83
rviewed by Wyn de Silva
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yndrome - Douglas A//en.
my: The Only Hope 2 - Fomesh Fernando
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nt Set”
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gles and Cinema
and A; : English Dept. To
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Page 2
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Page 3
JR ON FREE PRESS
Publish and be Damned" was the SUN's cheerful greeting on the front-page While other leading newspapers were equally prompt În Welcoming President JR's statement to the government parlfamentary group, Opposition newspapers, he said, were publishing reports that Were both sisa nder OLIS and malicious but the best judge of their conduct was the reading public. In a democracy.
Editoria comments were d|| In favour of the President's approach to a press that is obliged to respect its OWri Can Ons of professional responsibility even om matters so highly charged and con
trover sig as the ethnic Conflict алd the contiпшіпg, violence Iп the north and east, The press
and public had already observed that in releasing the last report of the Monitoring Committee on the 'cessation of hostilities', the lengthy account of its inquiries In to incidents in Batticood and Iltis LInfoJWOLI Iria Eble ffridings On the police were by no means excised or edited. Al reser ses to the press need Presidential approval.
In this connection, the ISLAND's readers may have also noted that the paper re-published the Combative reply of Washington Post (and NEWSWEEK) owner Katherfrie Grahar to Mrs. Murgaret Thatcher on the responsibitles of the press in reporting Terrors'.
TROUBLED TEA
Earthslips, floods ппd лоw new storms in the cup that cheers. The Cleyer but vicious canard put out evidently by a splinter separa tist group in Madras has caused partic among overseas buyers of the tea that still fetches 40% of our exchange earnings. Bushells, a /eading Austra/ian bu yer and the US iTea Association (buyers and packers) reacted to the rumour of arsenic in Sri Lankan ted so nervously that one suspended Imports and the other warried its Herbers to double-check the teg from this coL ritry. The US Food and Drug administration has
already Introduce procedшre.
Whe Pint Montague Jaya wille commendable spe the diplomatic 18 tea-buying 770 Te Comforting Week"5 ted ILICEJť record of 4.8 m II. to Egypt,Iragá
But with г. downward trend, ing for the gove CWC's decision long five hours meeting' that 400,000 workers afternoon dury da
Political rather WI5 the oneMr. Thanda man, Rural Industries LUNP's un for, Whi net colleague ang first MP, Mr. Go hyd 5 Challenged it! bership claim. WIII st asso raise Mr. Thondaring's Cabinet? Back fi he took a ride if Delhi in Mr. Mr. Thonddrid's Ponga (Jan 14) closely watched lysts and the DP,
GüAR
Wo. 8 No. E .
Price
Published fo Lanka Guardian P
No. 245 U
COLOM
Editor: Merv Telephone:
 

d'a special testing'
Elaris Mimfster, krema acted with ed in re-assuring representatives of Cguntries, the 1 EW5 WAS TE }ր, ք հի:-րitյրէի ாே kles, nராly rd Pk.
ces showing a
the more worryTITEE WYS; E or d three-month -a-day “prayer FOLF IIId take Jibout
off tIII la te
W.
the economic Wo punch by CWC Boss Ind Minister. The Pse 5055 Is CabJ. | Nшиүлгол Eliya's IT In Dissa na yake
e ČW Č's mer Möre Crucially, the question of place in the "On India were rom Madras to Grandh's plane, TOW or T day was being W Political dinaL - Community.
TREND LETTERS
The message not the medium
What really is good style one would like to ask Mr. Wittachi, who seems to concentrate so much on the medium that he forgets the message. His recent atter in the Linka Guardian (I, I2, 85) though full of sound and fury signifies very little. Of what use are all those high sounding, learned phrases (quelle marveillt, ipse dixit etc.) to the Very serious question raised by the CRM.
After the Mahara election petition case the CRM called for an amendment to the constitution suspending presidential immunity from legal action in cases arising from the President's participation in an election campaign. Mr. Wittachi Was critical of the CRM demand and viewing the problem from a
"new angle", he concluded that the normal law of the Country should be sufficient to prevent any Wild and reckless allegations. Now, any average intelligent person reading this would have
(Continued on page 2)
DAN
Іапшагу 15, 1986
FS HD
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OONTENTS
News Background
The Left at Fifty - (2) 7
Cat's Eye
Foreign News 5
Provincial Autonomy
The Development Set 교
Wolf II
Printed by Ananda Press, 82/5, Wolfendha / 5treet, Colfambo I3. Telephone: 3 5 7 7 5

Page 4
rubbed his eyes incredulouslythat an intelligent man like Mr. Wittach had failed to understand the central question raised by the CRM, namely the President's immunity from the normal law OF He land.
Had Mr. Wittathi and Prof. Carlo Fonseka carried on a debate whether the President should or should not remain immune from all suit of whether the CRM was right in making such a demand, it might have proved beneficial in educating readers on this subject. But unfortunately Mr. Wittachi evaded the issue, bringing in too many irrelevancies that we no longer know what the debate is about.
Mr. Wittach seems to attach too much importance to "style", although his own style sounds so pompous and verbose. What is wrong with the phyase 'rub one's eyes incredulously.' I have yet to come across someone (among Sri
Lankan writers) who uses the English language more lucidly, clearly and elegantly than Mr.
Reggie Siriwardena, one of our well known literary critics and hawe often haard him use this phrase. Would Mr. Wittachi Seriously suggest that Mr. Siriwardena's style too needs improvement. As a teacher of English I pose this question in all seriousness. To use it as a phrase that conveys the meaning very vividly and clearly in the context used by Prof. Fonseka. A grand style without any substance is good enough for the successful Politicians, but EO students of English can there be good form without content? Mr. Wittachi's good' style only confuses the Teader and clouds the issue and that perhaps is really what he wants to do.
Lee la Isaac Dept of English,
Uniwersity of Kelaniya.
Halpe's Helpful Role
I Wish to "W attentico tÒ statement made by Qadri Ismail in his article The social misfit and the conscience of the race' Lanka Guardian Wol, 8, No. 7, August 0, 1985). Though the subject
교
in general is beyo t myסEnglish Is m the statement chai should have spol (meaning the Parti 1971) rather than sentinents has to E an active Participa 1971 uprising kr Halpe befriended t who Were imprISO deniya by not on jail with his famil ding us with bc requirements nect academie går Ber. cncouragement he: and the wists will gotten by us. C reased he not o with financial assist ded all support fic place in the unive where We receive from some quarter dubbed insurgent. teca || One instal C been requested to Head Quarters in my release. It who came to my Fernando Hall and p panied me to the My friends who w LH || || 5 LITTE agree with me th and encouragement at that time was un forgettable. A taker by Prof. Kui of the Colombo C tunity tחסthis opp
Gamini
Ligurier
Peradeniya,
is this C
Refres
After two year graduate and one -graduate student English Departmen sider teach ing of as elitist. | belie. unbiased and imp: ficial and while p tion lead5 , L15 noW differ if | has led us to a

nd my scope as field of study, : Prof. A. Halpe Ken to them" cipants of April express his own he rebutted. As nt of the April ow that Prof. hose participants ned from Paray visiting us in y but by proviloks and other assary for our The letters of sent the students
not be frOs cea We Were nly provided LIS me but gix tarir us to find a rsity at a tle | little sympathy "5 - 5 f, "WETE 5.' I wish to a when I had wisit thic CD Cool life was Prof. Halpe room in Marcus ersonally acco TTHead Quarters. rere actiwlists of on undoubtedly at the kindness extended to LIS Invaluable and similar stad was mari Jayawardena ampus and I take thank them.
Sапnaraпayake Political Science
5 als an UnderYear 蚤 量 ש5םם at Peradeniya’s || do mot coliterature there we that criticism
:rsonal is beneersonal denigrarherte. It make5
|| that critics
dead-end and
only the critic has emerged triumphant.
When I was a student newer felt the oppressive Leavis tradition weighing upon me. What I wividly remember is Professor Halpe's treatment of Brecht. He was full of admiration for this unique dramatist who wrote for the proletā rit, A his 5tudents kv of is fondness of Brecht and to accuse hit of eitlist tendencies 5 a blatat distortin Of fa Ct5. Brecht gives us a broader perspective so that critical awareness is sustained and a certain amount of objectivity is achieved. Although էիe fact that there cannot be absolute objectivity is critical appreCato is a trust Undergraduate of University of Peradeniya's English Department were free to take any stand point provided they display a sensibility that gives a work of art its due recognition. One cannot dismiss a work of art taking into account only the extraneous details. A great Writer like Tolstoy cannot be den igrated because of his aristocratic birth. During the three years of my campus Career 1 have never found Professor Halpe exhibiting any elitist tendencies. A student Prejudicied might read his own thoughts into lines of poetry and interpret them in anyway to distort the truth.
Such a lack of reverence to teacher 5 is not Born Out of refreshed sensibility. It is definitely a tendency of a social snob who belongs to this elitist class, Onca obtaining the required academic qualifications it is necessary for a person to beguile the local intelligentsia to gain recognition. The most appropriate trump-card that one can play is to put on a facade of radicals. It is fashionabla for our academics of this elitist ca 55 to Ele l Eitt radica | so that they are accepted in learned circles. Most of our local elitist radicals are radical only in their social domains. They are always the copPosite in their Per
Somal liwe 5.
A degree in literature never gives a person competency to
pass judgements upon text books (Continued on page 24)

Page 5
RESTORE RG
OF THE
PEO
- Sirima (Interview with Mervyn de Silva)
o. 65 Rosmead Place, once a
deserted house most days, was packed with well-wishers on January night and on Jan. 2 and 3. It was an animated and colourfully mixed group, almost an opinion pollster's ideal "sample" of the national electorate. Poshly dressed busnessmen, young and old" (and the
i newltable sprinkling of "muda lali
types); poorly clad villagers' accompanied by wives and offspring, and armed with sheafs of bete, and the occasional bouquet of flowers; the familar faces of Colombo's top professionals, lawyers, doctors and accountants; the monks of course, and a few Christian clergymen, and at least one commissioned officer of the Salvation Army, and scores of battle-scarred SLFP woterans of General JR's 1977 blitzkreig, and hundreds of true-blue Ondescript old faithfuls, playing "extras' in this opening sequence of The Return of the Mathini'. (Later even National TV turned up, commentator, Camera crew lights and a II, to record an ewentfu | moment in the island's contemporary political history but whose enterprise, surprisingly, was not to be rewarded with a public exhibition of their work).
If you were asked to spel out the political significance of What We are Watching here now, what would you say, I asked. There was no pause, no hesitation, "At the end of these big meetings we have been having recently and wherever lago and meet small groups of party supporters, they keep asking the same question But Madam, WHO will lead us?'"
WHO will lead us when the time comes" and now they have the answer'. She told me. For the
SLFP at least, those crackers that were it on January list night did not mean Welcome 1986. It was an electrifying moment which transformed a demoralised party and gave it something of its old spirit, it was a renewal of selfconfidence, of party morale,
Well, what's you
man to resign, an ment using the d cl The Lady frowne contest Attanaga play their gan explain that ?" " Where the UNP only because of but because the limit to the Pati ... their tactics, inti midation Camint ...I have been a in many parts know how peopl in Colombo... th stand up...to SF the UNP what about the conditi: about the othnic UNP's utter faillu tion and lawle55 r drugs and how t supporters are Continued that Wor important... not to in parliament, oth
"But you have a the loss of your you said was an tse, 50 70W that Why don't you re and represent the galla Who woted ||
The people of ing represented b) dy my duty is dur Country as :
Q. Instead of us pardon you г. ол соIIIпg fo Whу?
A. From the beg was clear, h
The Lu law. If I had, in the court hand, there missions of but noէ CՃր into offence

"r next nove? Lakshd you take ta parla1. O CONSEL..."? id. "Or will you la?' 'Why should 1e. ?" Could yoLI After Mulgrigala, got a shock. not the small majority y learnt there is a ence of Our Peopla this thuggery and it work every time ddressing meetings of the country. e feel...not here ley are Waiting to reak out. I to te II they really feel ons in the country problem and the re...about corrup2.55 and crife and heir leaders and behaving...I must K... that's the mest Take speeches ers carı da hat."
| Torg protested at livic rights, which act of gross Injushas Беел corrected, turn to parliament People of Attanabг үaш... ?
Attanagalla are beLakshman Jayaka
with the people of
Wիgle."
ng the Presidentig ceived, you insist I general eleckson,
חסing my positiחו ld not committed der the existing should be charged On the other hawe been ComIquiry of course Tnissions inquiring
not known to
Q.
in other democratic country. What is this "abuses of power' So I have no answer to give to your
the law... Het or
question about receiving a Presidential pardon". Pardon for Walt
Madam, that still doesn't answer the question why you connect up this issue with general elections, does it?
In my mind, there are connected. Even in 1980, I thought so. Why me? Of course there were Felix and Niha | But I think those were more personal ...they had antagonised those big people in Huftsdorp. and the other UNP big men thought hic was the brain"... That's why they put Bunty Soysa... hawe you ever heard a Commission or the prosecuting lawyers get so much publicity in the newspapers, radio and so on 2 They wanted to ruin my reputation.
If so that was also personal...?
Not in the same way...Foix was a very able man but even he won't say that he could lead the masses. Of course, was also very unpopular with the Colombo upper class sections ever since accepted the invitation of my husband's colleagues and friends to lead the SLFP after his assassination. They didn't expect me to 蠶 on my husband's work on behalf of the people and against the UN P. You know, it is a fact that within a few months led the SLFP to a grand victory...then they all said, "sympathy". "weeping w|- dow' according to the press. But what about 1970 when led the SLFP along with the two Left parties whose leaders
(Continued on page 2 I)

Page 6
MILITARY BALANCE
*T滤 military situation in the north and east has improved sufficiently for the government to negotiate with the Tamils from a position of strength" said National Security Minister Lalith Athulathmudali In a exclusive interview, asked to cominent on his recent statement to a group of Colombobased diplomats that the worst is over', Mr. Athulathmuda II gave four reasons for his now assessent of the military balance.
a) In the past four months or so, rebel attacks on police and military establishment have falled. "They have realised now the futlity of such frontal attacks' he observed.
b) More information is reaching the security forces from Tamil sources, Earlier the intelligence
flow had been Minister admitted.
c) the Muslims their identity, a independent stanc the eastern prov not for violence, !th-and-eaחסח any added.
d) there has change of mood in . not say that they they are clearly d their "boys' he
Did this mean ready to launch an
"I would put reaked. We position to Prever 1 חס ngוחgal וחסfr
C R NA
he Civil Rights Movement has since its inception in 1971 expressed its concern about arrests and detentions. These have included concern about arbitary arrests, prolonged detention Without charge or trial, denial of bail, detentions made under emergency regulations of other special laws whereby normal safeguards against ill treatment are removed, detention in police custody, torture and death in custody, refusal of access to families or lawyers, failure to inform family of an arrested person's whereabouts, and degrading and inhuman conditions of detention. These concerns were first expressed in connection with the treatment of thousands of insurgent suspects in the 1970's under the government of Mrs. Sirimavo Bandaranalike. They have been repeated during the term of the presenti government, ma inyin connection with arrests in the North and East.
It is in this context that CRM once again voices its concern about a series of arrests of leftists in the South who are being held either under the emergency regulations or the Prevertion of 醬 Act allegedly for "terrorist activi
4
Concerned over
ties' and for com: separatists in the persons are being police stations, ol uncomfortable ph and in general, C without the rig family or lawyers cof at least on G | family was not e the prisoner's wh The Serie5 of reported to nur Many of them, are of persons a bers of the Sa Viyaparaya (SN), a formed a few functioned open publications, and fu| sattlement oft on the basis of r Those arrested in schoolteachers frt respected in th record of Service CRIM's concer Inited to this number of Ten members of th held for longer charge or trial; it likely to becom

BETTER - Lalith
minl mal, the
had established ld adopted an , especially in nce. They are and also oppose t linkage, he
een al distinct
affilia. It would are for us but
sappointed with
said.
the Army was aw offens we?
: differently'' ho a low a it the terrorists he ground".
Pointing to the changed situation in Trinoco, and its enw Irons, he siaid We hawa more soldiers, better trained and equipped, and we have
gained control over the Nilaweli area".
Docs the restoration of Mrs. Bandaranalike's clvic rights mean a Sinhala consensus that allows a better chance for a political
settlement?
"We must hope that Mrs. Bandaranalike and the SLFP W III exercise their right to oppose the government in every area other than this national issue'.
What of Mrs. Bandaranalike's demand for a general election? MF. Athulaith muda li refered Lio Pre51dent JR's statement to the UNP group which was a firm "NO" elections now. - M. de S.
arrests
licity with armed
North. These held in various ften under acutely ysical conditions RM understands, it of access to CRM is aware stance where the Wen informed of
ere abouts,
arrests is now be ower 100.
CRM understands; leged to be memmajavadi Janatha political grouping years ago which , brought, out advocated a peache ethnic problem egional autonomy. :lude middle-aged Til rural distri CC5 air areas with a to their localities. means סby n 15 roup alone. A pers or supposed JWP have been periods without ley are even more "forgotten pris
oners' unless their cases are review. ed promptly. Already there has been one police cell death, that of S. P. M. Mapitigama in October |985, which an inquest determined to be suicide.
CRM is naturally unaware of, and therefore cannot comment on, the grounds on which the authorities decided to arrest all those persons. CRM stresses however that the continued and extensive resort to special legislation lacking in basic safeguards is a serious threat to
the democratic system. If investigation takes time, the normal procedure should be to release
such Persons on su Itable ball. Where Persons are held in custody pending investigation, this should be under the normal law and they should be accorded humano treatment with decent conditions of detention and access to family, friends and lawyers, As in the case of all political prisoners, CRM emphasises that the authorities have an obligation to act promptly; they should either be charged and accorded a fair and early trial, or released.
Desmond Fernando
Secretary Civil Rights Movement

Page 7
The TT U L F F
he Tamil people gave a mandate
to the TULF in tha: || 977 election to establish an independet state of Tami || Eelam. At the all party Conference in Colombo We Teiterated our mändate but indicated our willingness to consider any viable and acceptable alternative put forward by the Sri Lankan GoyeTimelt. The Government of Sri Lanka has persistently failed to place any meaningful propos als which merit Consideration.
in order not to frustrate India's efforts to work out a satisfactory solution to our problem, we now
submit these proposals to the Government of India.
DRAFT
FP: ||
Sri Lanka I that is II lankai sha||
be a Union of Statos. The Norther and Eastern provinces, which are predominantly Tamil-speaking shall constitute one Tamil Linguistic State (See Annexure-1)
The territory of a State, once
established, shall not be altered
Without its consent.
Pit
The Legislative power of the
ԼJոion shall west in a Parliament.
Parlamenti ghia | Have the gxo:Iusive power to make laws in res. pect of any of the matters enumerated in List One.
The membership of Parliament shall reflect the ethnic proportion of the Union.
Special provision shall be made to ensure the representation of Muslims and Tan Els of Tecent Indian Origin who do not occupy contiguous areas.
No Bill or Resolution or part thereof affecting any nationality shall be passed, unless a majority of Members of Parliament belong. ing to that nationality agree to such a Bill or Resolution or part thereof.
Part II Special Constitu
CITIZENSHIP. anything in the any other law ship, all those w of a foreign W Tea T5 det | st November, descendants shal
OFFICIAL LANG חםvisiסal prחסti Take Tami | also
UNON SERWICE Ebo made in the ESIF- EHE EHE |5 Teflected in : including the arr Serwic35 Ha || 3 FECT GAT.
Pat II
STATES: There 5 for each State. appointed by thi UOr, in Co15 Chief Minister.
There shall Be: for each State.
Each Assembly elected Presiding
Election15 Eo sh 3 || Eb 3 on the rially demarcated "w i5ion sha || Ebe adequate represer In the Tani | Lin
The legislative St3te i sha| I Wes Assembly.
The Assembly sive Power to III State or any respect of any en Limera tad in Li
When a Bill by the Assemi presented to th:1 Tlay assent or 5 Te Consideration. Pa55 ed again, v am andment, the give his assent.

Proposals
tolla Pro W5il:
Not withstanding Constitution of regarding citizenrho are not citizens country and who In Sri Lanka ОП |98| al Lei | ipso facto be lanka.
JAGE: Costitushall be made te
ni official language.
ES: Prow Islam sha|| Constitution to ethnic proportion all union services. led forces. Union lso include public
Hall be a Governor
H3 sha II Be e President of the ulation with tha
in elected assembly
* will hawe it:5
Officer. State Assemblies basis of territoelectorates. ProTāde to ensurg tation for Muslims guistic State.
a power of the t in the State
shā| hawe exclulake laws for such part thereof in of the matters st Two.
has been passed bly it shall be 2 Goyero. Ha and it back for
If the Bill is with or without Go Werror" shaII
The Executive Power of the Stata shall West in the Chief Ministor and Council of Ministers.
Executive power of the State shall extend to all mattors with respect to which the Legislature of the State has power to make laws.
Largest Party
The Governor shall appoint the Leader of the largest Party in the Assembly as Chief Minter, The Chief Minister sha choose the members of the Council of Ministers.
The State Assembly shall hawe power to levy taxes or cess and mobilise resources through loans and grants.
All the revenues received by the Government of a State, all loans raised by that Government, and all moneys received by that Government shall form ona consolida Eed Fund to be titled Consolidated Fund of the State".
Some duties and taxes shall be levied and collected by the Union Government but shall be assigned to the State within which such duty or tax is leviable.
The President shall appoint a Finance Commission to be presided
over by the Governor of the Cer traI Bank, There sha | | be three other members, one of whom shall be a Sinhalese, one
a Tamil, and one a Muslim.
High Court
There shall be a High Court for each State and such other courts and tribunals as arte meccssary. The High Court will be the Court of Appeal for other courts in the State and shall have superintendence and control over all other courts and tribunals in the State. Appeal will lie to the Court of Appeal from judgements of the High Court. The Suprema Court shal deal with constitutional T
(Continued on Page 6)

Page 8
C. L. D. on Civic disabil
A. almost unanimous expression of approval has greeted the restoration of the Civic Rights of Mrs. Sirimavo Bandaranaike, former Prime Minister and leader of the Sri Lanka Freedom Party. The Council for Liberal Democracy shares the great joy at an injustice redressed, articulated by a wide cro555-section of the Sri Lankam people, The CLD notes with satisfaction the acknowledgment by Mrs. Bandaranaike of the part played in this development by the resolution it was instrumental in getting adopted at the recent Congress of the Liberal International in Madrid. The CLD recognizes that other factorg must hawe bogel involved in the President's decision but it welcomes this acknowledgment of the importance and impact of international liberal and democratic opinion.
Om behalf of Sri Lanka Liberāls the CLD thanks President J. R. Jayewardene for the restoration of their Civic Rights to all those upon whom civic disabilities had been imposed, and thus taking a significant step towards the reversal of the erosion of the principles of liberal democracy perpetrated
by the present Party governmen
The Council Democracy is c tragic erosion c democracy wrot privation of Mr. Civic Rights ca. sed by the tota the injustice of The CLD. Herre repeal of Spet Commission of 7 of 1978 and entirety of Art COStitution.
It is also imp people of Sri Lar the deprivation nake's Civic Rig beginning of a n phase in the tra Lankan parliam et The steady declir democratic Proce the General Elect 1970 accelerated and reached a hi lerant and manipi the Referendu 1982. The post General Election
The TULF. . .
(Continued from Page 5)
Each State will hawe a State Serwill CC consisting of:
a) Officers and other public serwants of the State; and
b) Such other officers and public
servants who may be seconded to the State.
State w|| || hawe a State Public
Service Commission for recruitment and for exercise of disciplinary powers relating to the Tembers of the State Service,
Part IIW Special provision for recent Indian origin:
In ordet to meet the needs of the Tamils of recent Indian origin, and to ensure that they enjoy a sense of security, and to provide for their participation in Government, suitable administratiwg arrangements and Institutions shall be established, for example the
Tamils of
establish ment or administrative dist division5 5ha || Ebi to Comprise esta of Indian origin al Such Gramasevak be brought toge AGA"5 diwi Sion, i as the Vavuniy AGA's division, , AGA's divisions together to for tive and/or E Tam||5 of rece resident outsides districts, envisag than in the Taf Should be enti Such Administra pursue their leg if they so desir persons should settle and pursu Wocations in the State.

ties and polls
United National
for Libera Winced that the F parliamentary ght by the deBandaranaike's only be reverelimination of civic disability. bre Ga||5 for the a Presidential Inquiry Act No. or repeal in its ice B of the
էրative that the ka apprecate that if Mrs. Bandarahis marked the ew and powerful gic decline of Sri itary democracy. le of the Liberal is that began after ion of 27th May
In October 1980,
gan a Process that the CLD believes was designed to end in one party state. The heightened political violence unleashed at the Referendum became a prelude to the tragic race riots of July 1983 and to the crisis which engulfs us
Of
The resolution of the Liberal International referred to by Mrs. Bandaranai ke ca Had for an immedatoj - General | Election so a 5 to legitim ize the governmental proCess in Sri Lanka and thus enable a settlement acceptable to parties." By the restoration Mrs. Bandaranaiko's Civic Rights, the government has reversed the first step on its road to authorl tarianism. The Council for Liberal Democracy accordingly earnesty requests the government to hold an immediate frce and fair General Election, by which alone Sri Lanka's return to parliament nry democracy which it is hoped the present action initiates, can conclusively be
gh point of into- established.
ulative excē55 in Chanaka Ameratunga
of 2nd December Joint Secretary,
ропепnent of a The Council fог
for six years be- Liberal Democracy.
creation of an LST ONE:
ritt. Gramase waka B T1 odified 50 a 5 tes where Tamils te in the majority. tā visi ld the te form af In the Eia TomaTTET a, South Sinhala was created. Such could be brought T an Administraectora. D|5trict, ht Indian origin, Uch adriri5tratiwe ad above, other | Linguistic State, tled to settle in iye Districts and gitimate vocations e. Likewise such
be entitled to e their legitimate
Tamii Linguistic
Defence, Foreign Affairs, Currency Posts and Telecommunications, Immigration and Emigration, Foreign Trade and Commerce, Railways, Air Ports and Aviation, Broadcasting and Television, Customs, El actions, Cens LJ5.
PART TWO
The following among others:-
Police & Internal Law and Order (See Annexure II), Land and all its uses (See Annexure III), Education including University and Technical Education, Archaeology, Culture, Industries, Fisheries, Local Government, Excise, Agriculture, Irrigation, Agrarian Services, Health, Prisons and Reformatories, State Transport and Roads, Cooperative Development,

Page 9
THE LEFT AT FIFTY - (2)
The significanc disfranchisemer plantation wor
Hector Abhayawardhana
The Importance of the 1947 general election, which was staged under the new Soulbury constitution Was that It Was the Curta III-Tai 52 for the transfer of power to the Senanayake-Kiotelawela-Jayewardena group of families, newly dressed up as the representatives of a capitalist class united behind the United National Party, now specially formed for the purpose. The deal between these reactionary Politicians and the British Government had already been made behind the back of the legislature. It was vital to prevent the UNP from winning a majority in the House of Representatives or even gaining a majority by nominating its henchmen to the six nominated Gelat 5. As things were the UNP was able to win only 42 out of a total of 95 elected seats and was enabled to form a Government by the Governor Who invited D. S. Senana yake to form a Government and thereby qualify for the bonus of the 6 nominated seats. To say that this aim of keeping the UNP out of Government was well within Possibility had there been no LSSP Split, İS, therefore, no exaggeration,
The formation of D.S. Senanayake's Government made it possible for the clique of UNP leaders to carry out, Lheir Secret dea! With British imperialism to the letter. The various communal groups of capitalists were consolidated behind the Government. The formal transfer of power was completed by February 1948. Then a few months later, whether in terms of the deal with the British or not, the UNP Government introduced the most sinister and far-reaching legislative
measures that ha total negation c within the parlial By the Ceylon c | 948 and the mc Resident5 醬 virtually all the da5ccTL, who ha 1947 elections,
all resident plat Werre excluded fr ist. It was alle sence of Indian p. of the goal to return Candi descent to 7 par and Influցրեց Լիլը : 20 parliamentary C. that Left-inded UNP werg Tetur elections. In this Composition for s ut was shamelessly
deprive the Left supporters of all in it east 7 F COT15 tituelles Out Was the total in
The significance chi sement of the P resident on the E assie55ed in relatio guide-lines of the matic documents i that the plantatic "the most impor the working cla: that they constitut of the revolutio which is destine emancipator of masses." Almost : now thrown out ärena irl olla fe reduced the prole poses of mobilisat purposes to the

e of nt of kers
we died at the if radical forces menta TY PTOCe55. itizenship Act of dar and Pakista
ship). Act of 1949 People of Indian ld Woted at the and in particular tatton Workers, or the Woters' geld that the PreEt Way F-5 ists ena Egid them dates of Indian llamentary 5eats Verdict in another oInstituencies 5 Luch opponents of the
the way the voter sequent elections manipulated to parties and their hances of winning rmerly favourable of the 95 it | 7.
of the disfraantation workers states rust be 1 to the strategic LSSP Programof 99.5
1 yorker5 ate tant section of is in Ceylon";
2 "the Wanguard
nary Proletaria E to be the all qur tolling
of them were of the political move. This Lariat for Puriom for gelectora |
urban werkers
in Colombo and its outlying areas. Among these urban workers, those directly engaged in industrial production Would be a Smä|| number. Thus if it is possible to regard the number of active accounts with the Employees' Provident Fund as an indication of occupational distribution, in the year 1980 (the latest for which figures are available) there were 1,28,257 active EPF accounts, of which 548, 27 were in the planta EĪon5 and 235,205 in manufacturing, I, 258 in mining and quarring, and 755 in construction. But it is not a matter of numbers alOne. Most urban workers no longer live in the city but travel to their places of work from surburban or village areas. They retain strong bonds with their families in these places and in many cases own land themselves. According to a table showing the distribution of land-owning families by occupation in Ceylon for 1950-51, the
CCCu pation of 17 per Cent. f andowners was non-agricultural labour. Unlike the land less plan
tation labour force, these sections
of the proletariat may Well be reluctant to support radical land refor III.
Much more tragic is the set back to proletarian consciousness and unity brought about by the disfranchisement of the Indian plantation Workers. Disfranchise
ment is not by itself an in superable obstacle to trade union organisation. In fact, trade union5 : Hawe extended thoir influence and - membership to all estates of any reckonable size since the Citizenship laws were made. For several rea15015, the Workers hy e b CC
-

Page 10
able to win both more rights and wage increases. In recent times. Trade Unions, however, are organisations of Workers on the sim
plest level. Their endeavour is to win simple concessions from the employers. The more powerful unions in the plantations today
function through intermediaries and discourage the promotion of any kind of class consciousness. Effective class consciousness is political in character and the too is not a matter of indiwidual attitudes. It cannot take root in the Third of the Worker unless it finds expression in political organisation.
Disfranchisement has been a set back to this process of politicisation. It has forced him to think of his deprivation as deriving from his belonging to a particular community or nationality. His principal concern has shifted from his class as a worker to his community as an Indian immigrant, Through such dislocation of its largest component Section, the entire Working class of Sri Lanka has been disoriented.
It was not realistic to expect that the workers in Coorbo would rise to the defence of the rights of the plantation workers. The post war years had seen the In move into action to Win their trade union rights and se Cure
badly needed wage increases and better working conditions. There was an islandwide bus strike
towards the end of 1945, a general strike led by Government Workers || October 19É Tid a second general strike in the middle of 1947, which included Government white-colar employees.
But the second general strike ended in defeat and sewera Wictmisation, which forced the trade unions into a period of ebb for some time. The expulsion of the plantation workers from the parliamentary arena, just three years after the lifting of the repression of wartime, had little repercussion elsewhere in the country. Indeed, their isolation was reflected in the support extended by other minority groups, including the Tamil Congress led by G. G. Ponna mbalam, to Government's act of disfranchisation.
B
But its limited
WES TO TEST Ing Consequences ship Act had for the country. In the LSSP and t generally were of the possibility Left rallying poil pendent bid to Government. Thi by the LSSP or Party and for of them persistec blסוח gic IIne of poor through a the working class tation workers as ent. Theחסpוחסc March 1950 elect of setting up an and in 1963 the MEP entered inti. Front with a go pective. They stub the notion that possibilities that visaged had been What was a sew Lliw eir5 främlich IS
TFG WF5 tot quence. The Cit the way for til now riddle class the Communal | different corum plantation Tamils, Congress Labour the Ceylon W. under the leader daman. Disappro given by the T. the Citizenship S. J. W. Chelwana of the party Federal Party. lese, S. W. R. walked out of it and set up the Party. All three were the produ of disintegration society was pa led by D. S. St. the so-called fat had begun the In Ehe man blI5 Wot G TO TITIT UNF Wä5 doctor By expelling lind ensure its major saw to Teason til not collect hi5 the interests of

mmediate impact of the far-roach. that the Citizenthe futura of the first place, the left parties finally deprived of providing a = deחו חa חסf שו for a Left 5 Was not realised the Communist many years both With the strateising the rural party based on with the plani Es most militant LSSP fought the ions on the slogan LSSP Government LSSP, CP and a United Left vernmental persbornly repudiated the parliamentary they earlier entransformed by re blow at the
itself,
the only conse7епship Act paүed he emergence of parties based on interests of the ties. Among the the Ceylon Indian : Union became 3rkers' Congress ship of Mr. Thonwing of the support mil Congress to םחeוחParlia חו || 31 agam Walked Out nd set up the Among the SinhaD. Bandaranalika he UNP in 95 Sri Lanka Freedom new organisations it of the process through which the sing. The nanayake, himself er of the nation", process. Engaged ness of gathering in power, the ng the electorate. ans, it hoped to ty. Bandaranaike ey why he should 'otes by advancing Shaege a 5 the
UNP
majority community in the country. Chelyanayagam saw the necessity of Constitutional reform5 to grsure that the interests of the Tarills were protected. All of them would be benefited by spreading communal attitudes for the purpose of collecting votes.
The LSSP might have been able to halt this proceeding disintegration if the urban workers could have provided it with a strong enough base to stand on. This, unfortunately, they were in no position to do. They were too small and too weak to confront a along the alliance of native capitalists and the foreign imperiasts that was behind the UNP Government. On the other hand, the industrial sections of the working class emerged in greater measure only in the fifties and" sixties with the expansion of Government industries, the setting up of Corporations, the policy of nationalisation and import substitution. Having differentiated themsewes but little from the mass of wage-earners, the larger number of whom were in White-collar or menial occupations, urban workers, as a whole, tended to share middle-class aspirations. Mention has already been made of the -חסח gחסוחg aחiחWסeXtent of land agricultural labour. All these factors combined to generate the was mass movement of the Sinhala
rural middle classes led by Mr. Bandaranaike in 1956.
In a disintegrating society the
bourgeois intelligentsia, English speaking, cosmopolitan and consumer-oriented, could not hold aloft
the idea of an united nation. The more traditional rural intelligen sia could advance in such
conditions a claim to control the state in the name of the rural poor. The links of the urban Workers with house-property and land in the rural areas permitted the consolidation of a grand alliance of small traders, petty rentiers, small farmers and wage and salary owners in a search for access to the resources of patronage in possession of the state. In the Course of this endelayo UT what was set up for the purpose of a future nation ended in caricature
5 al Sinha lese State,

Page 11
Only revolution can change socio
N. Sanmugathasan
been a spate of the occassion
here ha 5 articles to mark
of 50th anniversary of the left HHHaHHLLHLL S S LLLLLLS LLLLLLLLS L SL L S LSL trigu ing to note how many of
these articles are not only theoretically shallow but, ostrich-like shy away from the fundamental controyers les that today su Fround the left movement.
The entire left movement accepts Marxism-Leninism as its ideology - at least in Words. Now, one of the cardinal principles of Marxism -Leninism is Marx's theory of the state which teaches us that the state is the instrument of oppression of one class over another and that is backed by a repressive machinery whose principal form is the armed force, Lenin has em
phasised in his 'State and Revolu
tion' that without 'smashing by force" this state machinery, it would be Impossible for the Working class to proceed to socialism and, also, that the working class cannot take hold of the existing state machinery and use it for its purposes. Hance the need for reWolution.
lt becomes necessary to stress Lenin's teach ing on this point in
his immortal classic, State and Revolution" because some left leaders steem to have raad only
his 'Left-wing Communism - an
infantic disorder," and proceeded to misunderstand it, Why don't they read his other |Å႔မွိုးချိူး}
teachings?
Parliamentary Opportunion
It is because the left movement, at an early stage, distanced itself
This contribution to the discussion on Sri Lanka's Left movement in the past 50 yedris is by Yeterdri Communist leader Who fğazını ded the Mağıst.C.P., Mr, 5-7 mTugathasar Who. Tě Mao-Tse-Turg, or | 5eyệral DCCäälang lĩ nāW Working ăn hi:
THTILIF.
from these princ Marx and Lein sily got dragged Parlimentary o PPC pushed in this d relatively easy ti the 1935 general Second State Col showing (despite the left) at the | || Cf || 57
LEC Cama f tory" iп 1956. Т got fooled into What Mr. Bandara too could.
Wit. It al. was that While t. MEPye a victory of one bourgeousie agai Which could be the victory of th to be the Victor Over another. Th pened any where OLJE I Wiolet Twai
The left eer! der Stand that the vented Parlimant adornment to cow tatorship of Capit an attam PE to d consciousness of t and to distract th the Tea Geats of the armed forces an attempt to sub gle by words for
S.
We hawe had years of this tom gelols parlimentary at the end of it exploitation of Sr Worse than the col of fifty years ago, hawe had T-form5.
ToWe ment has LuSE and parliament to social reforms w

ety
ipled policies of that It wery ea
into the Tiro Of rtīm, v5 irection by the
Will SLC-55 ES E clection to the İncil and the good total dis-unity of first paгlimentaгу But, the worst om the MEP Witna left leadership the belief that aike could do they
to understand he wictory of the JNP represented
section of the 1st another and done peacefully, 3 | 3ft Would hawe y of one class is has new er hap
in World WithLIECl.
-חt uסdid n, קוih Bourgeoisie inas a Weil, an er the Taked di-- al; that it was ampen the class he working people eliro: atten tion fronI
power which are ; and that it was Istitute the strugthe struggle by
more than fifty foolary of bourdemocracy. Yet neo-colonialist i Lanka today is onial exploitation Ofcourse, We Yes. The left :d adult franchice introduce many hich are today
law. There is no doubt that the left movement has raised the political consciousness of the masses and roused the class consciousness of the workers whom it helped to organise in trade unions to fight successfully for their day to day demands.
But, the fundamental task of the left and socialist movement was not to better the conditions of the masses within capitalist society but to destroy capitalist society and its state power and usher in socialism and, thereby, end once for all the exploitation of man by man. This, the left in Sri Lanka failed to do. You cannot hide this failure by trying "to strike a correct balance between Parliamentary and extraparliamentary forms of struggle in which both weight and priority is given to the latter form." Let US mot fool outselwes. No ancourt of extra-parliamentry struggles can add up to armed revolution.
Some of the left leaders even take pleasure in jibing at such famous revolutionary questions as "power grows out of the barrel
of a gun'. They accuse this sayIng as being an infanti le theory. Who is making this accusation?
Meil who hawe lewer Ebaen withIn ewen a hundred mi les distanice of any genuine revolution. Against Whorn are they making this accusation Against one of the greatest revolutionaries born into this world and who sucessfully led the revolution in the world's most populous country. Some conceit.
Have they never read Lenin's statement, ''An oppressed class which does not strive to learn. To use arms, to acquire arms, only deserve to be treated like slaves. We cannot, unless We are bourgeois pacifists or opportunists, forget that We are living in a class society from which there is mo Way Out, nor Can there bę Save-through class struggle. In every class society, whether based on slavery, serfdom, or as at present, on wage labour, the oppressor class is always armed. Our slogan must be arming of the Proletariat and dis-arming the bourgeoisie."

Page 12
The other point on which the left movement erred irrevocally was in regard Eo united front tactic5. Marxism-Lenin ismı te3ches us that the working clas 5 must never accept the leadership of the bourgeoisie in any united front; and instead should lead it. Fur. ther, the working class should always take care to safeguard its independence and separate existence inside any united front with other classes.
The left in Sri Lanka did just the opposite. Its reformism and revisionism culminated in its surFeder to the SLFP and tha farmation of the United Front in 1968 and the United Front Goyar met
in 1970. Men who refused to lay second fiddle to the more 贈謚 M. S. W. R. D. Badar
nake now lay virtually prostrate at the Widow's feet.
Once the left movement started slipping down the path of opportunism there was no stopping. People who had been re-echoing Marx's statement about religion being the opium of the people, now started wis ting the Kata ragama temple before launching their elec
tion campaigns; and of paying homage at the Dalada Maligawa before accepting their portfolios.
It was an attempt to cheat both god and man.
None of the articles that have so far appeared has explained how a government in which both the LSSP and the CPSL were partners could hawe Erfolker the 1972, strike of Bank employees. It was left to the capitalist, Mr. S. Thondarian to give an object les son to these left leaders in April, 1984 on how to lead a strike while being in the cabinet, and do it successfully.
Siin of Coloboration
Nor has anyone explained away the performance of the two left parties in the government during the 1971 JVP or its policies even though at that time I was also detained for 10 months without rhyme or reason by a government in which both the LSSP and the CPSL were represented. Let us agree that the JWP was mis-guided and mis-led. Does that justify
O
the massive slaug of youth that t all the Waters wash away the si of the two left dastardly action ? chalvinist5 reali5. Sinhala youth we
1971 than by Year.
The parlamen
of these left par tj - 3 - 5. It La tij - W Corme to decide: whether they ar. put whether the to the majority
is why they hay
making a bold ca || in theg i mätt problem. It is
nificance that is refused to a Wall of the air the Orth and th mental demand people.
Their attempt ted Front Gbwe
bra ta capitalism better and, as such w It was this fall gust and lack c by it that was Tasslandslide for and the eliminat from parliament
The reason f. and the Towson parties really s. class dhe racter. leaders Woro na but came from them feudal) wh 5 E C America for hi their return, t lated a fait ant whose investmer E3 le:3 d corn 1955 the CP w published the ir Ճf three of the left which expose shares in compan
Il 5 ti5 con Wedded to big Cornfortable lifa time, pretendin Cause of the We stand for to a

hter of thousands ook place 2 Can of the Mahawe in of coloboration parties in this Do the Sinhala : that many more tre slaughtered in literroris' last
tary opportunism *Eias h:15 led the IT) where they hawe : i55. Le 5 TCL, OF) a right or wrong ay are acceptable lty. Thatחשוחוחסם e refrained from and revolutionary e of the Tall not without sig to far they have for the Withdraned forces from e east - a funda
of the Tani
to forT ʻthe Un I - in ment was nothing
atter TPE to TLIT
Han the UNP as bound to fall. |re and public disf confidence caused responsible for the the UNP in 1977 :ie of a ftit for the fr |
1r EHE FEfT15Tl
15 of the t W rings from their Most of the left it only intellectuals familles (some of a could afford Eo ren to Europa and gher studies. On E: Él. TB1 A LITTILJ = unt of capital from it they were able fortable life. In eekly, Janashakthi,
COTT KI TELLIT
top leaders of the to stats and Les owned by them.
tradiction of being capital and a very and at the samը g to espouse the Jrking class and to polition of the wery
sources of wealth that gave them their own comfortable life that cha. racterises most of the left leadership.
These people were never serious about rëvolution. Revolution was not in their class interests. It is only the proletariat and its allies that feel revolution as a class need. Buti nore of the Irropresentatives are anywhere near the seats of power in these parties.
If the left ovement is to retrieve itself and to go forward in the future, it must decisively reject the false theory of peaceful transition to socialism through parliament; and accept the MarxistLeninist truth that society can be changed only through Wiolent revoILI tio rh... Marx's farT gu5 – 5 La LeTrent that force is the mid-wife of every old society pregnant with the new is still as true as ever.
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Page 13
cars EYE
ONLY WIME ON STAGE
Many of those who attended the fiftieth anniversary celebrations of the LSSP at Navarangahala were struck by the fact that in the Central Committee (which was seated on the stage) there was only one woman - Vivienne Goonewardena. (In the CP today the position is no better, only one woman, Nanda de Silva, being on the Central Committee.) This of course is in contrast to the early years of the Left movement when there were numerous outstanding women activists, Selina Perera, Kusuma Gunewardene and Vivienne Goonewardena (the wives of Dr. N. M. Perera, Philip GuneWardena and Logie Goomewardena respectively.) The best-known among
them was an Engli Wickremasinghe Wa5 Eborn in Ch a school in Letc. Annie Besant, (wh was the history
lated from the
Economics. She in 1930 at th: became principal : Matara, a Sch: girls. After he S. A. Wickremasir Colombo and Suriya Mal move Towerment which rule by opposing for British War ch ber 11th each ye the British In SI in jingolstic ProE
ARISTONS TOURS No. 5, Gower Street, COLOMBO 5.
Cubles:
TURNTIDE!"
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FOR M/ELA OVER A.
ARISTONS
GLOBAL REPUTATION IN THE FIELD ARISTON'S HAVE OPENED OUT N EXPORTS IN AN ENDEAVOUR TO CON
FHEALL)
ARISTON
5, Gowe Colom
588 436,
 

ih woman, Doreen , mee Young She shire, educated at worth started by e Te Krishna Menon teacher) and gradLondon School of ame to Sri Lanka age of 23 and of Sujata Widyalaya, ol for Buddhist. marriage to Dr ghe, she carne to was president of Tent; This was a
challenged British he sale of poppies larities on Novemar - a day when ri Lanka indulged aganda.
The Suriya Mal movement of the
1930's was to a large extent organised by women. Doreen Wickremasinghe was at that time the principal of Ananda Balika School and the making of the yellow Suriya flowers for sala and the organising of the movement was done from the principal's house.
Many teachers of the school were Suriya Mal workers Including Eva de Mel, Shirani Gamage, Lilian Bandarana yake and Eileen Weerasekera. As I am L-SSP actilwist Doreen Wickremasinghe was also in all the party-led campaigns of the period and in causes associated with the Communist Party - after its formation in 1943. In 1948 she and many other women of the left parties
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Page 14
CAPITAL AND PEA
STUDIES IN THE CONTINI
N PEASANT AGRICU
Edited by C. A
Pablished by The Soci
Provog ,
Containing papers on
Colonial Agrarian Changes and
Peasant Resettlement Policies by
Plantations and Underdevelopmen
Mahaweli Programme and Agraria
Technology, TNCS and Paddy Aị
Ceylon Tobacco and the Peasantr
Peasant Agrarian Systems and
Structural Transformation by Ne
Available at leading
Social Scientis
| 29/6A, Na Na Tahe Colom

SANT PRODUCTION
UITY AND DISCONTINUITY
LTURE IN SRI LANKA
beyseKera алта!
a Scientists' Association
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Jnderdevelopment
N. Shanmugaratnam
E by S. B. D. de Silva
Lin Change by P. Wickramase kera
griculture by Sunil Bastian
y by Charles Abeysekera
wton Gunasinghe
booksellers and from
its Association
Wala Road,
en Poita, ԵԵ 5.

Page 15
formed the Eksath Kantha Peramuna, the first Socialist Women's organisation in Sri Lanka, She has also the un lique distinction of being the first English woman in Asia elected to a local parliament; she Woll the Akure 55 5eat in the eightles by defeatling herbrotherin-law, the famous and wealthy Sarath Wijesinghe, one of the lea
ding UNP personalities of his day.
Doreen Wickremasinghe is now 79 years and still active. She participates at demonstrations for ethnic harmoпy and peace, at a picketing for womens rights on March 8th and Works for many other causes connected with human nights democracy and socialism.
MACHO, SONS 8. MAN-MADE MOTHERS
The Current image of Imanhood is depicted in the latest military posters adorning public spaces in Colombo. Fra ed in Tatoon are "boys" in camouflage fatigues hurling grenades and shooting at an unseen enemy. In the centre of this poster, a soldier victoriously brandishes a bayonet in one hand and the Sri Lanka flag in the other.
Defending the "motherland" is what Rana Gi (Battle Songs) — the new cassette advertised in this poster - is all about. The cassette is produced by the Music Section of the National Youth Services Council with profits to the Weera Sebaa (Heroic Soldiers) Foundation.
The glorification of war and violence perpetrated in the name of Patriotism and motherhood by male "military Culture" is the Perwasiwa theme of the 2 battle songs. Significantly, the macho male is constantly counterpoised with the nurturing male-protected female. A soldier's aggressive behaviour is eulogised as a "duty' to his mother: his filial obligation to her is most consistently articulated as "protection". This notion of protection is predicated on a collective male need to keep Women helpless and dependent. Men thereby derive their so-called masculinity from the efficiency with they protect their" Women (including mothers) from the Violence inflicted by men of the
other side".
It is on thi -soldier relation Samudura. Se (
Defending th ls like prote
Motherhood - a appropriated by to bear chidor death and distu are frequently
[y bוח With To defend t
Similarly, in the a Gito mal-Lithol
You owe yo
To the milik
It ||5 || 1 էի է: and sung by
Thothers and Sol
The blood (Son5) killing |-10Le F5 || PF. Mothers! Te
This song implie a war fought b: the co-option o (mis) used delibi absolwing men C
WՃm Eր, Էբ male lyricists as titled Satan B םurge5.h חmaסw
Don't Write
Ties of WFLE to 11 Braye and st
In the final wer. ""amidst the joyi nota — I look
starkly with the
The same I fata5i5 35 a Filot
YöLI are feil This, my sor A son who
Here, motherly
Mothers thereb w 55 e 5 froT W Samudura Se,

s callow ironic notion offilial piety that the motherland ship is based. In the male-authored battle song, Sat "Like the Seven Oceans"), a woman sings,
1e motherland, my son, acting the mother who bore and nourished you
ind through motherhood, "mothercountry-ism" - is male military culture to justify war. A woman's ability has been exploited by martial patriarchs to service ction. Poetic references to mother's milk, for example, Luxtaposed with images of War and death:
ood turned-milk nourished you he Country and the (Sat Samudura Se) nation.
Song, Daleya Wenuwen ("For the Saka of the Nation"), red, a Women's chorus sings to soldiers:
LIr immortality
of Mother Lanka
: battle song, Minis Putun (Manly Sons"), written men, that the connections between blood and milk, ldier-sons, are most explicit.
Iowing is the blood-mlik of mothers
sons with mother-made arms are laughing
otect us, we who destroy their arms
I the World that cu arms are mot to blame
is that mothers are involved in and responsible for y their "manly sons'. The last two lines complete LLS LkLLHLHLHHLSSKLLS LLLLLLaaLLLL S S LLLLL L LLLLaLL HLLL LLLLLLLLS TaLLLLLLLaLLLLSS L 2rately to rationalise and legitimise violence, thereby if their martial complicity and consequential guilt.
they mothers, wives or lowers, are imagined by the a captive audience for macho war games. In a song ime ("In the Battlefield"), written by a man, a
War:
to me in pretty handwriting cent love, as in the past e of how you are doing eadfast at the battlefront
se, she imagines her lower returning home a hero
Dus sounds of victory". The verse ends on a hopeful
forward to welcoming you home" - which contrasts
sealed-coffins so often returned to women.
ale lyricist, in another song (Sat Samudura Se), her living vicariously through her soldier-son:
less, our country's hero l, makes The so happy defends the country
Pride der yes from a soldierson's military prowess. y are reduced to vessels filled with braggadocio; hich their soldier sons then drink at will. Sat in short, is an exercise in male solipsism.
(Continued on page 24)

Page 16
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Page 17
VETNAM AN CENTRAL AN
Douglas Allen
he 19805 have been a time of
renewed interest in learning the lessons of Vietnam". El Salvador is Spanish for Wietnam" and similar slogans reveal anti-imperia list struggles attempting to learn from the past in order to analyze and resist present imperialist intervantions. At the same time, those in Washington, with their allies in the media and at universittes, hawe bean determined to un learn the l'essons of Wietnam; In their rewriting of history, they reinsert the earlier fabrications and expunge the hard lessons learned by Wietnamese and other anti-imperialists through decades of struggle. (See Monthly Review, Wol. 37, No. 2, Juma 1985, for illustrations of this.)
The 1980s hawe also been a time of continua escalation of U. S. involvement in Central America, of an un precedented U.S. militarization of Central America, as Washington props up repressive regimes, trains and arms their military, and does little about demands for social justice. For example, U.S. military sales and military aid in 1982 and 1983 to a II Central American nation5 exceeded that of the previous 32 years combined, and this does not include aid to the Nicaraguan contras. (See The Defense Monitor, Wol. 3, No. 3, 1984, and numerous other recent publications for extensive documentation of this rapid escalation.)
There arca thousands of U. S. troops in Honduras, as that nation is transformed into a U.S. garrison state. Washington is determined to desta baliza and ower throw the gvernment of Nicaragua, probably
Prasessor Douglas Allen, now at Peradeniya | con la sfiorit WPs ft to Sri LA7 rikT, WA75 educated at Yale and taught positical science at the University of Marie, Ohio. He is a member
of the editorial Board of the was known ||
American Journal The Bulatin of Con
torned Asian Schola Tis"
through a morta if the contra-in, financed by the in the U. S. dog. effective. The increasingly bog trrevolutionary dor, and Washing and supplies the mala and other countrie. And t Foniniscent of diplomacy, invade of Grenlanda.
In short, tha escalating its mi throughout Cent increasing milita delivery of Wea ditett rol e5 in i and training activ ls an attempt t the lessons of N Samt 5 ituation i
The False Less What Reagan, and others in W from Wietnam 15 obsession with t Come the Via They believe th U.S. defeat in has become selfeven impotent, bered giant that It is time to Uncle Sam W||| around anymore. Stгеet ЈошrлаІ ап Grenada invasion this Wietnam sy This need to o Wietnam syndrom the U. S. ha 5 b 5ive since 1975 hington and the increasingly rec nuclear arms pol serious widespre the first time the winnability the need to de first-strike capa Covert and ope attempting to o', ini 5 ta govern mer

D
MERICA
direct U.S. invasion asion, planned and C.I.A. and others 5 not become nor U. S. has become ged down in counPolicies in El SayāConfrantically arms dictator 5 in Guate
Latin American he LJ. S. In a nowe its past gunboat
:d the tiny island
U.S. is rapidly ilitary involvement ral America; It is ry grants and loans Pors, covert aid, combat operations, itles. What follows apply a few of "ietnam to the preCentral America.
D Haig, Weinberger, Washington learned expressed in their he need to over".syndrome וחaח. At ever since the Vietnam էից Ս. 5. iՃubting hesitant| sleeping dismemhas lost its will, flex our muscled t be pushedטח Indeed, The Wii Others hailed the 15 a triumph over drome. er Come the phony ! - phony because en far from Pas- has led to Wasmilitary becoming less: the insane les, including the d discussions, for many years, of fnuclear war and elop weapons of lity; the blatant in W0|Wesnelt in throw the Sanda Tld the Coun
FOREIGN NEWS
terrevolutionary policies toward South Africa, Namibia, and Angola, Lebanon, the Philippines, Indochina, and elsewhere throughout the world. The need to oworcome the Wietnam syndrome is the sort of national cha uwinism, militarism, neocolonialism, and falsification of history one expects from much of Washington and the establishment press. We shall conclude our analysis with the major lesson of the Wietnam War which is a direct refutation of this fabricated Vietnam syndrome. Differences
In applying the lessons of Vietnam, it is important not to obscure the profound differences that distinguish Wietnam from Central America and that differentiate the situations in different areas of Central America. Each struggle for justice and freedom has its own specific history, related to the class configurations of its society and to its past colonial and neocolonial relations; to its specific forms of sexual and racial oppression; to its specific ethnic and religious components, etc. All situations cannot be treated in exactly the same way. Each Country must respond to its own internal contradictions. Some of the lessons of Vietnam may Serve as more of an example for some Countries than for others.
Perhaps the most obvious differences between Wietnam and Central America arise from the long history of U.S. interventionism and hegeTony in Central America, As Victor Planço, a Salvadoran spokesperson for the Frente Democratico Revolutionario de El Salvador (FDR), stated in an interview (Iпteгvелtiол,
Premier issue, 1984)、
The biggest difference is that tho Vietnam conflict was inherited fהחםח the French and the Central American confligt ha bean Created by the U.S. itself. The U.S. created the tīns ir revolution in Centra - rica, with the banana plantations in GLateriali and Honduras, and Somozhi who was practically an agent for che U.S. - in Nicaragua. Treco. tries have been entirely dependent # Washington and Wall Street. There were no other inter yening
5

Page 18
powers. Consequently, in Central America the U.S. is inheriting the problems from itself.
A frequently cited formulation of some of this past history of U.S. InterWention Ism and domination was presented to Congress by Generall Smedley Butler in 1935:
spent 33 years and 4 months. In ti'ye sery ag a member of cour country's most agile military force - the Marine Corps... And during that period 1 spent most of my time being a high class muscle man for Big Business... I helped in the raping LL LLLL S S K S SLLLHLHHLLLLHH SLLLLL S LLLLLL republics for the benefit of Wall Street. I helped purify Nicaragua for the International banking house LLLL S S YCHKHH S YYLaaLLLLLL SS SS 000S0S brought light to the Dominican Republic fог Апегican sugar Interests in 1916. I helped get Honduras "right" for American fruit companies. In 1903.
Because Wietnam lacked such a past history of direct U. S. economic and military Interwentionism and hegemony, it was more difficult to make the case that U.S. involvement in Wietnam Was an illu Stration of a global, systematic policy of Imperialism. Liberal critics of the Wietnam War tended to Wiawsuch U.S. interwention is as a mistake, an aberration, inconsistent with our admirable values and goals. In the case of, say, a Guatemala or a Nicaragua, it is far easier to demonstrate that present oppressive and exploitative policies are consistent with a long history of interventions In those societies.
There are also significant differences in the nature, history, and strengths of anti-Imperialist forces. For example, the Vietnamese Communist Party Played a role unparalled in revolutionary struggles in Central America. By the 1930s, the Wietnamese CP had Won over considerable support of the peasants and had even liberated entire
provinces in its struggle against French colonialism. By the end of WWII, the Vietnamese national
liberation forces successfully Proclaimed a unified, independent Wietnam, and even if this victory was short-iyed Ho Chi Minh and Othe communists had emerged as the major revolutionary leaders. In many respects, the battle for "the hearts and minds" of the Wietnamese people had been lost long before U.S. troops arrived in Vietnam.
6
The Jessons ofr gles In El Salv. Guatemala, and ot tra Alerica tak For example, th Communities hawl revolutionary for and elsewhere; Precedence for sui lutionary activity in such a religious in Nicaragua hawe previously the H had a right win; Holy Ghost has left wing, it can fi peasants in Cent also been known economic and p arise from thg f: be located too f too close to the
There are also ence5. In the na dom 35tic U. S. o early and midrelatively little do to the escalating and the early Warc möte often on the moral dou The domestic opp American policies spread, with th: churches and co than 50 Universit. opposition is a! than arti Wat Te5i dan Johnson dr: to hundreds of troops in Vietna
Similarities
Despite these Ten Ce5, Whāt St remarkable sim Vietnam and Cer shall focus more in delineating a fe Tities.
First, We arte || the very same m and military stra Salvador, Hondur There are the 'strategic hamlet ched earth' pt Projects, etc. T refugee areas, t and the increasi the U. S. milita of the same pe and implemente

volutionary strugdor, Nicaragua, er aroa 5 of Cendifferent forts. Christian-based become major 35 in El Salvado here was little Christian revoWietnam, Within on text, Peasants been saying that lyחם ly Ghostס ; now that the also acquired a ally fly. Religious a | America hawe to say that their litical problems ct that sect to from God and United States.
profound diffe
ture and level of םIn th .חסsltiםםם 960s, there was
חםsitiסקקס סestiוח war in Indochina, Inti War activities han not dependent trage of students. osition Co Contra |
is far more Widea focus more on munities rather y-based, and the a higher level tance before Lynstically escalated housands of U.S.
T
and other diffe. kes ole is the larities between Era America. We
om El Salwador W of the se simila
creasingly hearing litary terminology egy applied to EI Si Guatemala, etc.
same types of Programs, 'scor|icies, Pacification ere are the forced be use of napalm, g involvement of y. Indeed, many ple who designed
unsucce55 fu | Wiet
nam policies are increasingly appearing in El Salvador and other parts of Catra | Amar||C.
Second, Just as in Vietnam, the overwhelming number of deaths (about 50,000 in El Salvador during the past few years) are not to military combatants but to civilians. As in Vietnam, the U.S. finds it impossible to distinguish friend from fold. Even mild liberal sources have been alarmed by the widelydocumented rape, torture, and assassination of Innocent civilians by U.S.-armed and funded contras In Nicaragua,
Third, just as in Vietnam, as U.S. policies fail to achieve their objectives, policymakers feel compelled frantically to feed us highly fabricated, extremely optimistic reports. Our side" is really making great progress. We can begin to see "the light at the end of the tunnel." All that is needed is morta arms, more dollars, more troops, ore tie to break the Will of the enemy.
It may be noted that this illusion of progress is more difficult to achieve in the post-Vietnam World than in the Wietnam of the 19605, especially after the earlier propaganda around the "Yellow peri!'" and the Red menace" had led to massive U.S. escalation with little domestic opposition, followed by the inflated claims and optimistic reports of the 1960s. Much of the Central American propaganda is more of the need for additional funds and a TT15 im Ordet to a Wojdi defeat. rather than achieve victory; one rarely hears, for example, of the earlier predictions of an imminent contra over throw of the Sandinistas. Such efforts rend one more of Some of Washington's Wietnam propaganda of the early 1970s.
Fourth in both Vietnam and El Salvador, as in most of Central America, there is relatively little direct U. S. economic investment at stake. (Less than per cent of U. S. tota in Westment in Latin America Is in El Salvador".) This has led some to analyze El Salvador in terms of Washington's political, diplomatic, and strategic interests while denying any economic significance,

Page 19
BLIt One of the Hessons of Wietnam Was that even When there is a relatively limited direct investment, the political and strategic interests cannot be so easily separated from Interests of the transmational Corporations and banks. A major lesson of Wietnam was that Washington W5 de termined to show tha mation5 of Latin America, Africa, and Asia that revolution does not pay. If you try to free yourself from Imperial domination, you will be forced to pay an unacceptable price of deäth änd dastruction.
Fifth, totally transforming the usual pattern of invisible wars' in Ltin America and other parts of the Third World (invisible, that is, to the U. S. public), what was intended to be an invisible war in Indochina became highly visible; what was intended to bé a very limited War bacame unlimited. An finally the U. S. public would no longer tolera te such an endless, visible, and unlimited War. Ewen with its manipulation of the news, Washington now finds it difficult to keep the counterrevolutionary covert policies in Nicaragua or the continuing War In El Salvador or the support for dictators in Guatemala and elsewhere invisible from the U. S. public. Contrast this with the massive secrat war in Laos in the 1960s or the more than 100 years of an invisible history of continual U.S. interwentions in Centrā America.
Sixth, a lesson of Vietnam has been that Washington ought to be more cautious before committing troops and unleashing the C. L. A. in efforts to topple foreign govern
ments and impose its will on other
peoples. Credit here must be given not only to Wietnamese resistance but also to domestic antiwar struggles. There can be little doubt that this was a major teason Kissinger and Ford hesitated in sending U.S. troops to Angola. And it was the opposition of religious and other groups that caused Reagan and Haig to alter their plans for El Salvador in I98, plāns that probably involved the direct interwention of U. S. troops and a far greater escalation.
Seventh, an important les son of Wietnam was that in se папу Ways - economically, socially, psy.
chologically, mora Čarne home to roc hington is deterr Its foreign policies Of bruta di Ctato success of counte lectives, then thi sequences at hom To provide but t ples, in order tc sider tilā certificati continue arms ship dor, Reagan had six months, with fabrications, that military was imp rights record; an aid to the cont forced to escal un til these rapist TOT 5 ES WEIT freedom fighters' fied as the equiva of the American
Eighth, one el Wietnam Was th
Te5i5E || Eboth tha ways that our poll Eo identify us y policies to make to their o pressi Ei Wen activities, J. we now find Rea and Other T5 di 5 CU5 Nicaragua, Grenad
Đf Centrä| Amer ātrā t: na security," "ou
What Iost of Wietnam Was th уyeГЕ Пtiti | П гушт. protect Our Secu disHomora Elg, W In whose interes of El Salvador, Nic CT Guaterna|2 Th or California? TH most from the II trational Corp. who control the
The Major less
The major lesso War is indispens standing what is ha America and oth world. The postwery differenti fi preceded it, perh evidenced when post-World War United States, li Until the ate IFs "Olo in the || 970)

Ily--"the chickens st.“ When Wä5Tined to identify With the Welfare F5 and with the rrevolutionary öHa un intended con e are devastating. Wo obvious examsatisfy the "preion' necessary to mort. Eo El Sawato testify overy the grossest of the Salvadora rowing its human d in lobbying for
ras, Reagan was e hi5 hetic is assassins, and transford into
and were identent of the heroes (U.S.) Revolution,
* the le 550ns of need for us to subtle and gross cy makers attempt with their unjust - us accomplices we and expolitaUst as in Vietnam, gan, Weinberger, sing. El Salvador, la, and other artea 5 "ica in terms of rest,' four nationational honor." JS Barned from at such policies
interest, did not ity, were indeed 2 must always ask: s? The peasапts a agua, Honduras, citizens of Maine ose who profit Westments of Lhe rations and those finance capital?
O
וחaחtםf the Wiם ח able for underPP en ing in Central ser parts of the Wetnam World 5. or that which aps most clearly contists the role of the sting from 1945 :05, with the U.S. 5 and 1980s.
Every other major power was decimated by World War II both militarily and economically: the United States alone emerged from the war greatly strengthen cd in Its economic, military, political Cultural, and ideological influence.
The U.S. was number one, and no one else was even a close second. In area after area, the
U.S. was able to establish global hegemony.
The Post-World War II period was a time of anticolonial struggles, as the European colonial empires began to crumble throughout the World. The U.S., as the world's number one economic and military power, gradually filled the vacuum created by the Weakened colonia powers. Thus one finds the initial U. S. decision in 1945 to support French efforts at preventing Vietnamese independence and recolonizing Wietnam; the gradual increase in Washington's complicity with French in perialism until the U. S. was paying eighty per cent of the French War effort; and finally, after the defeat of the French in 1954, the emergence of the U.S. as the major, outside, neocolonial power.
The U. S., as the world's number one power, defined its national self-interest as maintaining and strengthening that status quo and as preventing revolutions that would drastically alter that balance of power. Thus the U. S. became the leading player - indeed, the director - of a global counterrevolutionary policy. Washington, acting according to the imperative of increasing the capital and maximizing the profits of its powerful corporations, and utilizing its milltary to enforce its policies, established neocolonial relations with if the haves" of the Third World countries of Latin America, Asia, and Africa: the ruthless dictators, the wealthy landowners, the native capitalists, the military elite, The masses of the people, in their struggle for food, land, literacy, freedom, and independence, become the enemy, since their success would threaten U. S. hegemony.
The major lesson of Wietnam is that the U. S. has lost much of its power relative to the rest of
(Continued on page (9)

Page 20
ls Provincial autonomy
ROTTES, Fernando
There Would i Ea trouble if a centralised form of government was introduced into countries with large communal differences. In Ceylon each Province should have complete autonomy."
- S. W. R. D. Bandaranalike,
Ceylon Marning Leader, July 17th, 1926.
O. of the most important steps towards the solution of the National Question is the devolution of power to territorial Lunit:5. The TULF hawe indicated their willingness to accept a measure of Internal self-government as an alternative to their demand for a seperate State of Tamil Eelam. But two questions that can inevi. tably be raised, are regarding the territorial unit of devolution and functions of these local government bodies. Interestingly on behalf of the International Commission of Jurists, Professor Wirginia Leary in her Report on Ethnic Conflict and Violence in Sri Lanka (1982) has Written; le appears essental that the Tamils be given greater roles in government administration in the areas in which they constitute an overwhelming majority. This can best be accomplished through substantial roles being given to the District Development Councils." However the Tamils for good reasons are not satisfied with District Councils and demand local government bodies which are larger and more powerful,
They claim that the district being a mere administrative entity does not take into account the linguistic, religious and cultural aspirations of the Tamil community. What is more the District Development Council had power only to make by-laws while the chief executive (District Minister) was appointed by the President from outside the Council. Thus they were not legal and executive bodies
LaK LLLK LLLLLLaS LLLLL LL LLLLLL grant given by the Centrā Government to these Councils was only R.S. forty million per district which amounted to only Rs, one billion for the whole island, which was
B
utterly inadequat lopment Coung statutory legisla Constitutional w
be abolishad by
il Paridert.
The TULF w; of an autolomo of both the No provinces which demand for on: unity. Regional they seek can B a system of Reg one Regional Northern and (This is exactly In the abort tiwa ment drawn up But they seem tHL Lg TTT||g forty percent in t While the other sig of N55|| The Eastern prov| Tamil speaking Identity of the indicated their gional Councils. of an autonor split the countr units; a Tamil a Sinhala speak Would ach|gy e a : Thus the dem: Councils should it is an unjust de
What then is solution to the internal self-gove path between District Council CoII-5 are P. The granting of provinces would the giving of sp any particular cs Will be an is Since provincial already in existi also be no nag the map of Sri Donough more C. commended the cial Councils. the Special Co. Constitution (I9. i ithe creation

the answer 2
e. Even the DaweBill was only tion Which Hhad 1 0 alidity and could
a simple majority
ntg the Creato US region consisting thern and Eastern would satisfy their Tamil linguistic autonomy which e given by having onal Councils with Council for the Eastern provinces. what was envisaged Annexure C docuby Parathasarthy). to have forgotten account for only he Eastern province sixty percent Con15 and Sinhale.5e. rica Muslims though POSS es ā 5e Per a Ce Will and hawe -to Re חסsitlסקpם Also the creation bus region Would y into two distinct speaking area and sing area, which He facto separation, and for Regional be rejected since HrI3rd.
the most realistic Tārti darād for Frrent. The Iiddle the extremes of ls and Regional TOW illa | COLITI 5. antonomy to the also not mean ecial privileges to CE Itחity, Siחuוחmב andwide measure. boundaries are on tera WOL essity to re-draw Lanka. Ewell the Tisson had recreation of Provinin their Report of Il 155iori o te 28) they advocated; of co-ordinating
bodies to which certain adminisrative furīgs of the Centrā Government could be delegated. The argument in favour of the establish ment of a Prownica Cicurc|| in each province is that such a scheme might result...In the special views of the different races predominant in different parts of the Island having effect in the administration of the se parts,"
Provincial Councils ought to be created by means of a Constitutioma | am Oldmant and thair mam Ebers should be elected by the people on the basis of Proportional represcitation. Each of the 5c Provincial Cousltilig With thais Comisliittee of Ministers should hawe legislative and executive powers over a specified list of subjects including limited powers in the administration of justice, collection of revenue, mainta inance of lawy ånd order, and settlement of crown land. In each Province there should also be a High Court and a Police Force.
But and settlement on major projects such as the Mahawell Development scheme should be
allocated on the ethnic proportion of each community. The leaders of the majority party should be appointed the chief executive (Chief Minister) by the President. Also the annual grant given by the Central Government to these Councils should be a larger amount than now; for example Rs, one billion for each province. But the President should hawe the power to dissolve these Councils. If neces. sary, during times of national emergency. Since the armed forces will be inder the control of the Central Government, the fear that 獸 Provincial autוווסחםyוחay
ead to Seccessor, is unfounded,
Contrary to what is supposed by many, the devolution of power to territorial units is actually an indegenous form of government which existed also during the time of the Sinha lese kings, Thg Kandyan kingdom was divided into twelve disawanies, each under the rule of a disawe. Thea disawanies enjoyed a substantial degree of autonomy

Page 21
which even included limited powers in the administration of justice, collection of revenue, maintainance of law and order, and settlement of crown land. Thore exists however a fear that the creation of Provincial Councils may result in swam. ping the linguistic, religious and cultural aspirations of the Sinhalese community in the Kandyan provinces and in the Eastern province. The decision arrived at by consensus at the All Party Conference to grant citizenship to all Indian Tami || 5 || Sri Lanka, other than those who are to be repatriated to India, has aggravated these fears. But an examination of the ethnic composition of the provinces will reveal that these fears are exaggerated. Given below are the approximate figures for the ethnic ratio in the provinces, taken from the 1981 Census published by the Ministry of Plan implementation.
The figuras given for the percentages of Tamils include also all Indian Tamils in the island; (even those who will be eventually be repatriated to India).
Accordingly el Tallis in the Sri Lankan itz very well that given citizenship are to be repatri Wilbo an over in seven Provinc Kandyan province that tha Sinhala: provinces while rule one provir province will be communities, W example to the in the excercised
A genuine des to the Provinces, work of a unita to be the on survival of our state. It is the this much needa. sity that has resu agony of Sri Lar are able to ower and usher in a and prosperity d the Wisdom and |loaders and the lo of a|| || Sri Lanka
Ethnic Composition in the Provinces (per
Prowinca Sinha lese Tafn|| (national ethnic ratio) (74) (18) Northern 3 92. North Central 9. 교 Eastern 27 40) Central 65 26 Sabaragamuva B Uwa 76 20 North Western 90 Western B 7 Southern 95 교
Wietnam . . .
(Continued from page 7)
the world and that it is extremely unlikely that Washington will ever regain its overwhelming dominance of the two decades following War
II. U. S. troops have intervened well ower 45 times in Central America, Il times in Nicaragua
alone, from 1850 to the present, since the Western Hemisphere was considered our proper sphere of
influence, "our backyard", and We
could do with it as we pleased. From 1949 to 1969, Washington greatly expanded such interventions, as the U.S. interwened militarily
in the Third W Asia, Africa, an on the average months. In the many of the assu and policies pre most appropriat bec3 me uniwersu Doctrine could anywhere in the of the globe bec Since the 1970s, as those in Le Nicaragua, hawe costly, much much lass sugge
But U.S. poy not because it

an if a the India sland are given inship (we know nly part will be whic: the rest ited) the Sinhalese helming majority is including the . The result being a will rule seven the Tamils wil ce. The Eastern ruled by all three ich Would be an est of the country f power sharing. olution of power within the framay state, appears hope for the :ountry as a nation failure to achievo unity in diverted in the current ka. Wether we Ome this dilemma new era of peace epends much on courage of our yalty and patience 5.
Centages)
로 Muslims
(8) 5
3.
ord Countries of
Latin America of once every 18 Postwar period, mptions, artitudes, iously considered for Latin America zed; the Monroe be extended to World; all areas me our backyard. Luch inter wentions
banon, Iran, and 3Com e much Timoro prt visible, and iful,
2r has diminished as been so wacil
lating and weak, as expressed in the Wietnam syndrome, but primarily because the Third World countries of most of humanity have
begun to assert themselves and to make history." Former victims of racism, colonialism, and class
exploitation, the peoples of Latin America, Africa, and Asia are still usually entrapped in neocolonial, imperialist political and economic relations of class exploitation and social oppression. But the direction of history reveals that outside domination and by control the U.S. and other developed powers becomes increasingly difficult to maintain. In this Sense, Wietnam Was a watershed, a lesson of history that invisible wars" were becoming visible, that limited Wars" were becoming unlimitad, that big powers must readjust their values and priorities if humankind is to survive. In this sense, Reagan, Kissinger, and others in Washington often hold on to a pre-Vietnam mentality, a datermination to rewrite history and undo the lessons of Wietnam, a nostalgia for the good old days when the U.S. had such global hegemony and others feared its might. With their preWietnam (and pre-nucler) mentality, those with power in Washington, the military, and corporate America are still committed to an escalation of the arms race and to inter Wentionism if this is necessary to maintain or re-establish U. S. imperial power,
At the same time, the contardicitons defining such policies are becoming more transparent, and the resistance to Such policies, ls becoming more intense. The Grenada invasion is not the model for the 1980s. Previously Washington could treat large Latin American nations, with vast resources, in the same way it treated the tiny island of Grenada. Today one finds that there simply are not even many Grenada.5 left. The les sons of the 1980s are more reflected in the difficulty of imposing one's imperial designs on a Lebanon or a Nicaragua or är El Salvador rather than the previetnam War-type lessons of a Grenada. Those of us who learned the painful, as well as inspiring, l'essons of Vietnam must struggle to expose and resist such necolonial, imperialist polices toward Central America and other areas of the globe.
التي
9.

Page 22
to link up
with technolog
Few other countries can C that capital invested over 15 centuries ago in exten: irrigation programmes is
still I contributing to their
, , , and Sri Lanka is li to these age old asse Diversion Complex W into a bêtter IIfe.
CIC Channels a Wide r
Lanka's agriculture a Field to Factory Fl Cottage Weaver.
Modern expert
irηρroνεc
 
 
 

iking modern technology ts through the Mahaveli hich will assuredly lift us
ange of expertis E into Sri ind industry. From Paddy OOT frOIIT Piëntation to
ise means

Page 23
Restore . . .
(СолtIпшеd from page 3)
...they had been in politics in the time of Mr. Bandaranaike ... they accepted my leadership of a strong anti-UNP force ... against the reactionary elleTITETIS.
So they picked on me for this undemocratic, unjust, and windictive punishment because I was the only 獸 leader they feared and hated.
By depriving me of my civic rights, they robbed the SLFP and the anti-UNP forces of a leader with experience in whom the people throughout the country had enough confidence. They robbed me of my rights to rob the people of leadership. Then in 1987 December after Hector Kobbekaduwe got such a huge vote inspite of my not campaigning for him because I had no rights, they went one step further. They robbed all the voters of their rights for another six years, and also several lakhs of youth who would hawe been able to wote in 1983,
That is my answer to your question. I can't accept a pardon for a crime I didn't commit, and I can't take advantage of tha situation becauso I must think of the mil Fions who wara also deprived of their civic rights for no crime they committed. Except the so-called Naxalite plot. Does anybody believe that plot...? Does anybody here or in the World outside believe that Naxalites would hawa Controlled the SLFP and come to Parliament? Do the UNP leaders believe that ?
The vote was given to us by our foreign rulers, the British now our own rLer 5 hawe stolen that wote from our people. They did not commit a crime. Let ther also be granted a free pardon.
T
Excuse The | an off to My bags are I carry travi
Lanka's Day They claim
And althoug They feign
In the Tour Expatriates The injustice Becau52 Sri L.
They discuss And talk of Wether Wet They face t
They bring prompt ther Thus guarant By showing
Foreign expe to borrow y The money" * Who think
The Develop that stretche they use suc Though many
Perhaps it a It is so into And though
Their vocabu
When the h Reduce your Tham Come5
Smugly ask t
Or say, that It doesn't W. A few may
BLE TOT W
Development Fu|| of car Wir Eye level ph That the Ho:
Enough of th
The task is Just pray G. "The poor )

E DEVELOPMENT SET
ly friends, I must catch the next jet
join Sri Lanka's Casino-Development Set,
packed and my blood is now hot
lers cheques and letters to big-shots.
lopment Set thinks they are bright and noble
they are always national and global,
they move with the robber baron classes.
reat Iove for the crawling masses.
st hotels of this dharmista nation iscuss Muda lalification of the Corporation, ; I detest seem easy to protest nka has become a seething hot-bed of social unrest.
malnutrition over imported steaks hunger during short coffee breaks, zone floods or Dry zone droughts ese Issues with open mouths.
in foreign Consultant whose circum location
to obstruct every solution, eeing rounds of regular good eating the need for the next meetings.
rts believe it no crime our watch to tell you the time, pent on seems fully justified if the jobs they later provide.
ment set has it own spun language
s the Alphabet like a german Sausage,
h swell words like epigenetic
don't even know their Arithmetic.
pleasure to be esoteric lectually atmospheric, their Establishment never gets moved laries and documentaries get thoroughly improved.
gh sounding talk keeps you mum
shame to a minimum, the time to show you too are intelligent he question "ls this true development"?
s fine in practice - but don't you see 3rk out in theory! find this incomprehensible II admire you as deep or sensible.
Set homes are extremely chic
gs, Curios, and drinking parties hectic.
tographs subtly assure
is at home with both rich and poor.
Sa Werses - on with the mission! is broad as the human condition d that the biblical promise will always be true, 2 shall have always with you'.
(With apologies to the unknown author)
- Dr. Mervyn D. De Silva
Former - Advisor, Ministry of Plan Implementatiоп.
2.

Page 24
VVOMANIFILM
Sunila Abeyesek era
he International Women's Film
Forum was one of the Tost significant features of the UN End of the Decade of Women Conference NGO Forum held in Nairobi Kenya in July 1985. Organised by Harbourfront and the National Film Beard of Canada, it offered a wide range of audio-visual presentations. The films were by women, about women, for women; many of them were exposures of the extent of oppression affecting women in Third World countries; following poor women in their day-to-day lives in Peru, Senegal, Egypt or India, the films clearly depicted the similarities in their lives which over-rode the Cultural and other differences,
Of special Interest were the number of films describing women's attempts to organise themselves, in the case of some, it was manfested in labour struggles, agitation for better wages and decent Working conditions; in the case of others, especially women in Third World countries living under repressive vertlyס reסוח es, It was aוחregi political struggle for human rights, equality and social justice.
Two films in were especially a 5 a fin fro Camino de la to freedom), m tographic Institil El Salvador. M fill was shot in Et followed a grc fighters in El Salix of a few mor aspects of the the general te Cērītrā Americ it 5 People, li vir POW Crity: We saw gthחviסוחi|las discussing and on a nearby tow the actual atta like a regular t|12. It Wa5 foi boys up there not running for 5ought the tit film Stardom but committed to struggle to fre its oppressors. them, ducked f
At one poin explosion and
Drive a II speech
Into form
Before you, like sheep
HOPKINSNG
Words, four-footed, recalcitrant
Into lines of sentences Mass of mascular passages O white, Woolly, bleating What part, what whole of mea)
- Patrick Jay
22.

S
the latter category remarkable. One El Salvador, El bertad" (The path de by the Cinemate of Revolutionary Ide In 1983, tհը documentary style. up of revolutionary ador over a Perlod is, documenting all ir || Wes. We Saw "rain of thi5 5ma II an Country; We saw gamidst desperate " the group of guerrough the jungles, planning an attack 1; and We Witne55 ed Eck It5cf. || E. Wa5 thriller - only this real and those on the screen Were cover because they selly glamour of because they were a life and death : their country from The camera ran with or cover with them.
there was a big for a second the
Iпg.
asшriya
les Was Smoked ower. There was retaliatory fire from the armed forces of the state and finally, we saw the ignominous surrender of of the state militia. More incredibly, we saw the static re-establish control of the town a few days later; the military commander summoned all the townspeople to the square for a session of interrogation (and intimidation); a brutal massacre of young civilian boys 'suspected" of help Ing the guerillas followed, summary justice" and a warning to all thoso in the town. Amidst the heart-rending wails of mothers and wives, the camera panned slowly over the bodies piled up in the square - most of them of young boys hardly 18 years old.
From here on the film mowed on to a different level. It followed the guerillas through the process of building up their cadre and maintaining training programmes in the jungle. In El Salvador, due to constant military action, much of the countryside has been rendered un inhabitable and many peasants now live in the jungles. We saw the guerillas enter these villages in the jungle". They were greeted with affection and respect; whatever food was available was shared with them; when they left, a few of the young people invariably accompanied them. The El Salvadorean people were shown as fervently devout adherents of the Catholic faith, and it was particularly interesting to note the manner in which the guerills did not attack this religiosity but, rather, used It to their own ends. In fact, the priests among them - and there were quite a few — conducted baptismal and marriage Ceremonies in the thick jungle, with interlocking trees providing the canopy and birdsong the music.
ls someone going to ask - but what about the women? Go ahead. The most striking feature of this film was that from the very start,

Page 25
there were women shown involved in every aspect of the strugglein training in combat, in recruiting, in conscientizing - but they were never picked out as being special.
It was only an occasional shot of the battle fatigues which dwelt on the soft curves of a breast or a close shot which showed a pair of ear-rings gleam, that drove the participation of women in this struggle home.
In the second part of the film, attention was focussed on the developing relationship between a young guerilla couple. In between scenes of tra ining and in doctrination programmes, the girl Was interviewed in depth - about her initiation into the guerilla movement, her family, her feelings about her life and about the future. We followed her to her home, saw her together with her family, Watched het interact with other comrades, both men and Women: We heard her speak of herself within the struggle and her perception of the role of Women in such a situation. Quite understandably, it had its limitations specific to the context but the film was Very positive regarding the possibilities of building a new social orde With in which a II. Hierarchies based on domination, including sex-based structures favouring the male, would be torn down.
At times, in this part of the film, the visual imagery became almost "too" romantic - the young girl, and, later on, the couple. were viewed against breathtakingly beautiful shots of green mountains, misty walleys and flowing rivers, their faces alight with smiles as they discussed their future. Yet, the khaki green of their uniform and the very specificities of the future the beheld together belied this superficial soft'ness. And that was the significance of this filmthat it was about the struggle of a people fighting to free their society of domination and injustice but, more, that it gawe Us an insight into the other, more human face of such a bloody battle. At the end of the film was a list of
ña 5 -- of Cor in the struggle the fill was rima ma nimes Were fall We had encount stage or the ot and an involunta safety and succ behind to carry left almost ever lights came on
The 5econd fi! ā Centrā ATēr Tala. Titled i Cui montanas' (when tremble) it was Yates and Tomas
In a 5 erns, it sketch, the sto Guatemalan paasa Eberta Menchu, Bi special woman. story, one learns all Guatemalan their struggle for
Becau5e the r: El Salvador and recriwed broad II tion, the proble Haya been to ignored by the This film is most II
Whe This Fրըm Does With
ТГцуг Spirid Sun T But Free: A G. Değiti Thug Li TE THE Haus

ades who had died during the weeks de. Many of the Ilar" to Luis Ebrica LL52 red thern at Gna 1er In the film – ry Prayer for the es5 of those IfE on the struggle one's lips as the the ciemā.
m Wä5 also from in country, Guateindo tiambilan les the lountains made by Pamela Sigel, in 1983.
is a biographical гу оf one youпg =םRig ,חaוחםt Wח. LIt she is a very And through har of the story of people – and of
free.
:cent struggles in Nicaragua have literriational ättenims of Guaterala 고 great extEn다. World's media. important because
it focusses our eyes on Guatemala and on the atrocitles that hawe bean going con there for the last thirty years since the military overthrow the liberal government of Arbenz in 1954. The army, which has controlled the country throught this period has engaged in extremely repressive actions against the Guatemalan people uncil what can actually be termed "genocide" has taken place. It is no 5 ma|| maaSure of the extent of the brutalities, that the USE withdrew all aid to Guatemala a few years ago because of human rights violations Pere Pitrated by the Guate
Tā lain State.
The Systematic brutalisation and murder of the Indian people of Guatemala the majority - by its -IIווח (rityסחווח חIndia=חסח) "סחladIי tary rulers forms the backdrop to the tragic tale of this small country. And there could be no more suitable person than Rigoberta to tell that story.
Stark, full-front shots of Rigoberta, an Indian woman dressed in her traditional costume, appear against a blank black background. She speaks slowly, softly, simply; she begins by talking of the Way of the Indian people in Guatemala
STAR WARS
eling high
hawk is free
tant of WaT intrig now — to kill "7":t See, What hie Car See
LJ mhurrfeld grace, tra Wes maJt Fhfs FVIII
is music from the strings of cloud Is floating in his cry E. WIsp5 of yapoLur /I Vt S LIFT SEI Illed b/Lie, tio peace allowed Wisps of song from Wind and tree !e in the air, so suddenly.
LI Ft Shadow gildes in the creeping chill
flicks its frigers ere the kII gh peace is the Imperial theme silent song birds know it means medstating satellite got all in and trained its sights.
— U. Karuna tillake
23.

Page 26
in the past - the scarcity of arable land and other resources the ways in which they eked out a living in a basically unhospitable
environment, their harmonious interaction with each other and with nature. We see such a
community, we see the life Rigoberta describes. She speaks of 1954 and its after math. We see newsreel shots of that era, showing Arbenz' expulsion and the military take-over. Successiwe Presidents of the USA are shown, pledging military aid and assistance to the ney Fullers of Guatemala, Rigoberta speaks of the slow begin nings of a popular resistance to military rule. Indian peasants began organising against the military regime from the late fifties onwards, and the movement has grown until today one could say that almost the entire Indian population of Guatemala is engaged in the battle to preserve themselves and their culture.
The story becomes deeply personalised at this point. Rigoberta has seen her mother and infant brother brutally killed by soldiers; she has lost her siblings to the struggle. She knows that one brother is dead, killed in an encounter with the military; of the other brothers and sisters, she knows nothing. In 1980, a group of peasant activists forcibly occupied several foreign embassies in Guatemala City, the capital of Guatemala, in an atterTP to draw world attention to human rights violations and the decimation of the indigenous people. A mysterious' fire in the US Embassy, which nobody both dred' to put out, entombed a number of militant peasant activists. Among those horribly bnrnt to death Wicente Menchu, Rigoberta's
Wils father. Once again, this section was illustrated with newsreel
footage of the embassy take-overs, the fire, the way in which the soldiers forced people to watch the peasant leaders burn......
One now looks at Rigoberta through eyes that appreciate the personal tragedies that have filled her life and full of respect and admiration for the determination and strength of this young Woman, who, a few years ago, knew
교
only the Indian di to her region. He from a ii || itera Gutemalan peasant who has assumed in the struggle of
people in truly N She goes on to
struggle her Pe. engaged in; We Si acon, inside Gi
section is quite lil La film from El
showed the guerill in training, in Conta
Finally we ha assertion of her d the decision of people, to fight c their ability to wi
both the fin women in the stru Liberation is still a traditional framt bear arms, but th is that of nursing wounded and pr: ser" Wices riħ atti T1, to be expected, one considers the and cultural bac which thes a Stru waged. Yet, the dråyn from Oth struggles that ha' the past is plain
clear understan role in society, actual phase of but also in the of a new society achieved and Cons Wi || resuThe th subordinate positi lay down their g וb חrtant Iסקוח1s I is that they expr ness of this prob strated a willingn tha: || 55 La of Wor lts totality.
Letters . . .
(Continued fr
of grammer likę Practical English. belonging to the mar it certainly
any text book of

ialect particular transformation , impowerished WOTE IN EO OTC
a leading role the Guatemalan worth honoring.
speak of the
bple are now Ee guerillas, in latemala. This
ke that pārt of Salvador which as in the Jungle, ct with peasants.
we Rigoberta's ecision, and of the Guā temālā in confident of in their struggle.
ns, the roles of ggle for national perceived within work. They do eir primary role
the slik and "rtסsuppי vidingב
This is only of course, when socio-economic kground inst ges are being Il essons to be
er revolutionary
e triumphed in unless there is ing of Woman's not only in the armed struggle T-5E TIL CLİOT after victory is olidated, Women
er traditionaly
on once they ns. And what oth these films
dissed an awareem and demonםחסfrחסם סם 55ם теп's equality lп
στη Ρσμα 2)
: Samaranayake's " As a textbook raditional Gramis far Better tham Structural Gram
mar which derives its insights from psycolinguistic theory of behaviourism. In Transformational Generative Grammer Theory Linguists found explanation for what raditional Grammarians could intutively Hay their fingers on. Hence though Samaranayake's Practical English does not meet the requirements of a modern grammar it has its place in the develop
ment of indigenous works on the
subject. It has to be stated here that den gration of local scholars and to quote from authorities unfamillar to the average reader Is
a strategy adopted by the elitist academics who aspire for greatness at the expense of denigration of their own teachers.
wijiha de Silva Kandy.
Cat's Eye . . .
(Continued from page 13)
The Rana Gi cassette glorifies the state of War in Sri Lanka and makes heros of males who have entrapped themselves in a vicious cycle of violence and counterviolence. The war is perceived as Something to eulogies in SongMale military heroes, and their 'supporting" cast of nurturing mothers and admiring wives and lowers, are invoked to condone the insanity of organised male violence. Another pernicious ob - jective of these songs is to define women as an intrinsic part of military society.
Therefore, it is hearten ing to note that women are challenging these male-fabricated myths that justify ha tred and violence. Recently, "Cat's Eye" (L. G. I./85) spotlighted some verses from a feminist anti-war song composed and sung by women who represent the collective voice of sisters, wives and mothers. In the same vein, the organisation. Women for Peace' has published a pamphlet in which is juxtaposed the stories of two mothers - one from the North and the other from the South. Their mutually tragic experiences transcend their ethnic
differences'.

Page 27
Our busir goes beyond
Forflowell I WEAF five deca ideos we havo Sri Läfika. WE är Lipingers in ob FITιμία η Γηgrt IIIII יgemEז dIווםםחוז החו 10 gr) y Ferri Terit rivilius and EHn i
ltilisinguir experiki, El haya y alterrito |Liel, dre jug1 Twn of the
WITH 3'WL) es Tatilished a tišguir cultum J| 1.2W variaties of Orchieds. We als Straiterry anti HIII:e plant: Fire:
m fluit 'search frir alternati fugls, w
triquette: IJŲt Of Waistic Coir dukt. alierative to file oil and to frgν,
We als, her consultility services
СеylonTobacco
A TEITijer Li
 

: her involved in the tobacco industry in BČICC JTC) Yviri. Premiting sel F. le for tha rural farTer. We contributi Freign exchange for the country.
rtured into uther fields. Horticulture and T
"Ը laticr:Ittry, Tiril ir the devēlpmEn in firituci tissue cultured , חםנן*
it have perfected the Tianufacture of These triquetes nffer a sali fue LC.
in Energy conservation.
立D Company Limited
the B-A.T Group.
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Page 28
WE ARE A DIFFERENT KI
7here are a multitude of 4
O They who guard the fre
O They who protect the b:
O They who guard the del of us are entitled to as
Each of us is a guardian to
dependency in
BUT THE DIFFERENCE
RESTS ON OUR DEEP CC
WE ARE TRUSTED GUARDI
MONEY, GUIDING YOU ON HO
FOR YOU AND YOUR C
so REACH
FOR VOUR LF
A Different Kind
 

D OF GUARDIAN TO YOU
uardians during your lifetime
edom of speech & expression
sic human rights of mankind
mocratic freedoms to which each
citizens
others who view us for their
day to day life
IN ouR GUARDIANSHIP
DNCERN FOR YOUR FUTURE
ANS OF YOUR HARD-EARNED “
W TO SPEND AND HOW TO SAVE
EPENDENTS TOMORROWS
OUT TODAY
E.- LONG GUARDAN
O PLE’S BA NK
Of Guardian For You