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Page 3
LAW AND IDIS ORDER
Police Vs, "Mol' (people: Arny 15 Mah”. (people) And all in a week's work. By May 22, fhe IGP had ordered 15 policenen to be transferred for this"ith from the Hultsdorp Police station leciti se of a clash the Preyor Striday befreelt police personel and reside its of the fire. The
ce prec īre ri ir Were Ciriliaris Wierz III i Igry croyd advanced fairaris ilig sinTign or hearing r s ispeci faker ir i for est arī ir Tg 5 crea FF ir giftar Prely). The Tra yw'r dirir a'i gerd III a polire car parked iri: The Street.
Meanihile, the Arry Coniniander 'T' FF7Cīri'el K FT fra Tir}' Cơ Hiroĩỉffee CợIIsisfĩng rự Iffroë ser for army officers fo repor or the War Fiore seriotis “har le of Mala' Street' - 'here 7 persors ĉiea, inic"! Lading ĉ7 six year" (??? t'i is. We Fy & for fry" y "ere Misi 3'- er 7, 14'lı ile le trily" y ladier 14'lı idfel 1:5 (I. Sirill:III. Corporal.
Bari e locali, Sale Isle, arid the ethnic frictor (Sirth Il soldiers froFFI fire Art' carif's -arify Afr15ולזוויונPretit וr זfr יוrie:rt rh le s s 77 sa reg.) Yra de The sir latī), exfreely dirigeros. The SLA N I ) tha së i lë tjera si ai tij i ri të a horightful editorial of "Army and Discipline”, a ligsy" cara - rol"ersiel fossic: er er sir Le fig foreigro r77ealia belgavo : ro: focus oro ir ir tie core: f the ir īr f E forf, 3ff" fel for frafe'"'; Friise Grhér f; FríéF, s?Girir fö ris) re SE rios rare is liriki rig i'r cor Socieľ1".
Tre se “clases", rir? Se Fídie affef i Ices Firigs frost eff er príos y le agro confrontarios bFreer grorffs of Ordinary ciffΣεr: I, III ή τις 5ία.ίίτι , αν Ιήε 11, 3rd the gris ) "secriry" i radīci7I? SIN; Surface social re FIFirIFF har strg Fo ogsfly sparked Off. Ρίοίρησε τη θερα η ίηg τίτε ΠΟ ΤΙΤΙ, IME ενεντίμ Ρίτε ήταriεται.
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Inarry acturing 'shfirised Lifrita! 27. Μιακή Μειμαντέι ε J CerrierJľ, ťI “Tri 10:5 Japartese '', fardé à l'Italler P4 ir i'r diri & rivil (o forries, fie a profi'r cyf. -8., is first ε' Φή: Γεν τινα,
rk 711 11 Tetri i I frjálsírists Flrrit ή κι ή αιγίΣήiης Se're triar's "Is Per giver hy
"I , ssé simporf 7ce locar el Trico sissa Coloriha's ' f'7 til af disfrieť ήΕήίίIg η ιτε he "Tigers" d'e. e'er Tricg :'s
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A LOAN PAD - A DEBT HONOURED
My God, not another mas5 i w e - || Q ar fror in th o British. This time, an outright grant for the Kantale holocalist. 'Big mother benevolence'' ong may ask. "Not so" one may reply. - Thatcher and hor Tories know which side their toast is buttered. - and 'why not"; was not Sri Lanka apart from Britain, the only country to support the British P. M. in her hour of need With the entire world censuring Britain at the J. N. On the Falklands fiasco was it mot little Sri Lanka who stood by her. And was, it Incot Sri La mkia who, Still stead fast ard 5 ti || fir Tı stood alongside Margaret When a ter events proved that the Argentine Cruiser the Belgrano was fired on when still out of the 30 mile zone. No, Britain's grant is only settlement (part) of a small debt and we are stil gallecting. And wonder. if our laudable foreign office who stood steadfast and firm knows what it was lika liwing in England during the Falklands
(Continued on page 24)
CONTENTS
News Background Judith Hart, Letter 7 Sirith Foreign News The Crisis of Sri Lankin -- III Cf (Cultural Bandage s Plăi tio rialis rT1 — III |
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Page 5
OPERATION “TURNARO UN TURNABOUT
Mervyn de Silva
o we arc all military experts חז"ל גםח
Did "Operation Turnaround of Troops' (also named 'Operation Short Shrift," by the SUN group) as routine as it was officially presented or was it a "major military offensive' as the staterun Daily News and the foreign media, notably the Indian, termed the 5 day fighting in the northern Peninsula 2 (See Reuter despatches published on the frontPage of the Int. Herald Tribune).
The truth is that we are a bunch of amateurs, all armchair strategists trying to make sense of matters best left to the soldiers. But then the soldiers contributed to the confusion by an early press briefing which could hardly be reconciled with what the National Security Minister, La lith Athu lıth muda | i hii T15 elf told parliament the same day (May 20). The Army for whom press briefings, especially in the face of combative foreign corresondents, is itself a new encounter, as promptly re-organised its media operation.
To take the official version first, the 'operation' had the following objectives:
(a) Turnaround of troops to relieve men who had served in the north, particularly in the Jaffna Fort, the main encampment, many more months than their normal tour of duty. More than one battalion had to be pulled out and replaced with fresh troops.
(b) The safest way to bring the men back from the barracks to which they were confined far too long - an experience which begins to tell on
TOT I lid ETV, or air, That I Karainagar nawal Palaly airport T1=ters absolute Wasiwian and Ka by the troops, Were fu filed been a bardo ed the job was dor
(c) The third pl. Pass towards J not part of a attack as Interp reporters. The advance was halt Ten and a ComYt forty vehicles ha Jaffna was not a bäck" as obserw spokes Ten. The fronted by the a pitched battle 8 Ten. But the ' to son el reporte and took up def which they succes: ever, this is of significance becau a diversionary m Minister to ter into engaging the the other object Were a chliewed,
The army had to with SAMARC helicopter5 moun gi We air cover were under atti positions surroun the rebels using and AK-47's.
It was thé5e Strafings (of nonand on " urbàrn attract: Wor|| TOS, thus in tito national and pro

"es - is by Sea 2ant making the
base and the and their periy secure. When yt5 Were o'Wer run these two aims
Kayts has since but only after
Jsh from Elephant affna town was "three-pronged' reted by some fact that this e after a OOO py of thirty-tod mowed towards 'temporary seted by a army column Was ción"Tigers' and in the Tigers lost Tigers, according ts, pou||ed back ensive positions sfully held. Howno great military se this was 'only owe' argued the mpt the Tigers column while ives (a) and (b)
take to the ai T HETTI planes and ted with guns to
to troops who ick from rebel ding the Fort,
rockets, mortars
"bombings and -military targets centres) which media atter tion lucing the Interբaganda aspects
of this dramatic development in the ongoing armed conflict, and invited the anger of the Indian government, thus emphasising the im
portant diplomatic factor, En thls, not three–pranged offensiwe but multi-facet c d " "war"
(For another and crucially Imported facet, the economic, see "RON NIE on Defence").
Another popular account of the operation places the basic military objective much higher - the re-assertion of effective military control or dominance of the peninsula. If that is the test of success or failure, then what was accomplished hardly adds up to a famous victory, Even the amateur student of military affairs, and more particularly unconventional warfare, knows that what has prevailed since last year in the north is a military stalemate, The rebels cannot drive out the army from the Fort; the army cannot expel the guerillas from the streets. (Anybody equipped with a schoolboy's pair of binoculars can spot from any perch within the Fort the machine gun "nests' and sentry posts of the rebels).
Secondly, almost all effective civil administration has collapsed, except that which functions by the tolerance or grace of the rebels.
And it is these two basic facts (the condition of the civil adminstration and the military stalemate) which make up the fundamental politico military nature of the conflict. (The diplomatic, the economic, the psychological-propagandisc are highly important but fundamentaly the Interactive political-military elements are the wital).
(Continued on page 6)

Page 6
On the North
(Reuter despatches)
esidents of the northern city R Jaffna said air force plané5 and helicopters bombed and strafed the city as Tam guerri || 35 strongly resisted a government drive to reassert control in the separatist Stronghold.
The air raids marked an escalation of an operation to restore o CWTrrent control of the island's fourth largest city, which has been run by guerrillas for the Påst yĖar,
Dr. C. S. Nachinarkinian, medical Superintendent of Jaffna Hospital, said in a telephone interview that 54 persons were admitted to the hospital after the bombing, but
he said that no deaths had been reported.
Other residents said more than five bombs were dro PPd from two Italian-made Siai-Marchetti light aircraft that can each carry four 50 pound (22-kilogram) bombs.
The residents said helicopters flew over the town for nearly 90 minutes firing at suspected guerril
a positions.
Mr. Nachinarkinian said at least
two patients were wounded when bullots hit tha hospital,
* SPokes men for the Defense Ministry said planes and helico poefs Provided cover for tr QOp5 in the day, but he refused to ÇQIPTi erit or whether bombing was Wowod.
Military sources said the to TEng and Strafing were ordered when troops came under fierce litik from rebels with Tackets, mortars and Tachine guns.
The residents said 3 cast 5 persons were injured when a bomb fel near the City's Tai bus statien The Explosion sétoff fires in four nearby shops
Some residents were Tno Wing oLIt of their homes and in Schools and Cther public buildings.
The residents said 30Werriment aircraft had been SPQCrêd Cyclir Jaff. na since troops launched an 이peratil on Saturday to Toga in Contro| of
半
Cha Jaffna penins was the first tim the city.
A. military 5 death of soldier thė to II of confit the operation be ing || ? guerri||Illas. On o civillar).
He said it was Tî10 fe roc bel5 = were
In the first dic the fighting, the man said roc bę 5 a tary Camps on Sur main bä52 in Jafff
Troops were Progress because tari Ce, but guerri Cai Sualtis in Batt Ti Cortars ad L.
Rebels were f Convoy5 froT he temples and other
The spokesman as also raided jaf Port at Palai in aircraft of the gr.
Residents of activity was nea
On the
шпComp Гог A..." to thic ment a day after launched a major Tamil northern E read by Wester Colombo as a cl dangerous India S.
5.
Cn Sunday, Si Commissioner in Mr. P. Chidambarar C2T for Persona and told him Th Tamil leaders cit di SCL 55 the latcst posals' for a ne; Timent, there www35 Pro Widing the Ind

ern Front
a, but that this they had attacked
}kẹofThãm Said the n Monday brought ned deaths since an to 22, includ
two Soldi org and
likely that many ki || cd.
- f tailed account o
military spokestacked five miliday, including the
City. making very little
of heavy resislas suffered heavy les with rock et5, Thatic Weapons. ring on military luses, churches,
buildings. said that guerrilFina's military air
a bid to attack ound.
affna said normal rly at a s Lands ti||
nising diplomatic
I ndian GowernSri Larkan force5
offensive in the teninsula is being diplomats in ear signal of a ri Lanka collision
i Lanka's High Delhi called on T, India's Mini S. Administration iէ "url le55 the The forward to Sri Lankan progotiated settleno purpose in ian Government
diplomatic front
Monday as guerri | las set up machine gun Posts and roained the city with rocket launchers.
The spokesman said throa coumns of troops were inching slowly toward Jaffna from different directions as guerrillas attacked.
He said troops had advanced only ona to six miles (2 to 10 kilometers) toward the city since the operation began Saturday.
'Terrorists continued to attack Security forces" camps and convoys in är attempt to stop moyennent along roads and to keep troops confined to camps," the spokesman said.
He said the Liberation Tigers of Tami || Eelam, the most powerful guerrilla group fighting for an independent Tamil nation, was leading the resistance to the government's first major atte TPL in a year Lo impose its authority on the peninhuld,
The Tamils, who say they are discriminated against by the Buddhist Sinhalese, are seeking a Theasure of autonomy on the island.
- Int. Herald Tribune
with the ''clarifications and amplifications' New Delhi had sought from Colombo.
Mr Chidam baram Rajiv Gandhi's
wa 5 Premier specia | enw cy to Sri Larika earlier this morth. After five days of talks, his delegation returned to New Delhi with a package of proposals on devolution of powers to proposed provincial councils. While India expressed Satisfaction at '5ome a dwa nccs"" com the owcra || structure of devolution and on the vexed issue of land settlement, it sought clarificatioms cm a basic constitutional point and on the Sensi
tive question of law and order powers to be wested in the proposed councils.

Page 7
Peace efforts frustrate
John Elliott (Financial Times)
ari leader5 in the Southern Indian city of Madras said the Tallis had been successful in driving the government troops back to their base where they haw e li wed for month 5 Without Wenturing out on patrol.
They claired the attack had
involved heavy bombing and civilian casualties, a claim denied by Sri Lankan officials,
The Sri Lankan attacks are likely to set back efforts being made by India to find a settlement to the running ethnic crisis of thg island's minority Tamil community.
Tamil extremist |2:3 der 5 based in the southern Indian city of Madras y esterday said they intended to take a hard Line against Peace Propos als put forward by tha Sri Larikan Government.
The extremists more support fo India following or Jaffna which it The Int Cond 2 ITT, 10 { worded stateman
The military ""frustrated' ple: the statement, "Indi scriminate and strafing of .
:וחסlקdI וIndiar say privately t Presidant Junius Sri Lanka H-15 do rating with recen with India in or while hic Prepare military operatic
They say he impress Wester which megt nex on their annual
India's options
r. Raji w Garaidh i who was,
questioned about Sri La mka at the final press conference of his African tour was reported to hawe shown signs of emotion when he com Tented on his ärri yıl at Delhi airport on the fierce fighting then raging in the nothern peninsula. Al ready, Sri Lanka's High Commissioner, Mr. Bernard Tillakeratne had given "take-it-or-leave it' an 5 W er to India's request for "clarifications' and "amplifications"' of Colombo's written Proposals on devolution presented to the Chidam baram mission.
Mr. Gandhi took the next mow. LJnlass Sri Lankar forces halted their offensive in the north, the Indian Premier may hawe to reconsider his role as mediator in the
conflict. But this message conveyed to President Jayewardene by High Commissioner Dixit did not resolwe matters at al II. On the contrary, Mr. Jayewardena is reported to hawa 5aid
while ha vas stiII keen on Gandhi mediatory
ኵኀr. efforts, the
Sri Lankam
агпу tions only 'whic end all acts of
The deadlock Plain tut is rex arci its options? spoken of a C Lihat India may Protective ró|- assumed wis-a-w Cypriots. But t options before 5tep. If it is cх
has imposed rei Madrai5-b ag iad mi | ar is terdiction c thèf the remo wa rā irits alone calf difference on the in the north. A Worthy here, is t. a dramatic CՉuբ the Mitsu |-finance factory in Trinci it up with a wa ITA 'W' &25 to I"&.
And then the With a fluth II (255 Trico district. It

d
expect to receive their line from fonday's attacks le ridian Gower
in a toughly on Monday night.
operations had ce cffort5, Said which criticised aerial bombings affna city.' ts in New Delhi lat they suspect Jayawardene of 1ly been coope: peace initiatives der to buy time d for this wook's
5. also wanted to Governments, month to decide aid allocations
to the island whose economy is being hit by the crisis. These countries haya been calling for a peaceful settlement.
India belicwes President Jayawardene is hoping international opinion will support his military initiati wes becausa cof two extremist bombs which blew up an airliner and a telegraph office in Colombo recently.
"""The Jayawardene Government will soon realise that it is going to be very difficult for them to wipe out our guerrillas on the peninsula unless they are prepared for protracted warfare to last years," Mr. A. S. Balasingham, spokesman of the main Tamil Tigers extremist group said in Madras y es terday. "It is our territory, and we yiI hold om tg it."
will halt operain the terrorists Wic | serloc'''.
left Delhi to mowes. What Preso delt JR had |yprus, implying play the same which Turkey is the Turkish here are so many such a decisive rect that Delhi traints on the itants, especially if arms supplies, of those rest1 make qui te a military balance nd what is notehat EROS pulled when it blasted ld Tokyo Cement and followed rning to foreign
LTTE moyed i
swiftness to 2 massacre thirty
two Sinhala villagers - all people who had returned to the farms they had evacuated last year in the face of similar attacks. They had returned to these four willages, including Mahadi wu lwewa, in the company of armed Home Guard 5, and more settlers were expected to follow then.
The target is highly significant strategically - not only because of colonisation, forward "protectcd' Sinhalese farms and the Wexed question of demography, ethnic balam cc and the "traditional ho Thelands' but because this area is tha: "" link'' between the north and th C2, 23 St.
While che situation on the ground in this area will be one of the major factors that will influence Delhi's policy planner5 in drawing an options chart, more important is the political situation in Tamilnadu. Thg "bardh" which Mr. Kar Lumanidhi's DÓMK ha 5 called on May 30 has to be watched and closely studied as a reflection of Tamilnadu opinion,
M.

Page 8
Colombo's ne compromise
he sectarian war waged by
Tamil separatists which has disfigured Sri Lanka over the past, three years appears to hawe entered a dangerous new phase.
The two bomb explosions in the capital, Colombo, ower the past Week — onc of which des
troyed a civilian airliner, killing |4 people, mainly foreigners, and a second which devastated a packed central telegraph office - mark a significant escalation of the conflict.
The Government in Colombo has reacted by reaching for its gun. It asked for and received Parliamentary approval yesterday for another major increase in defence spending. Despite their
OPERATION. . .
(Continued from page 3)
And it is in terms of these, thic nature of the conflict, that the significance of the six-day "war" must be measured.
Whatever his degree of conviction, nearly every prominent Sri Lankan politician is publicly commit Lad to a political Settlement of what he concedes is essentially a political conflict. Nonetheless the political settlement military Solution debate rages on. In this debate, the National Security Minister is the most articulate spokesmen of a point of view that rejects the di cho tormy as too simplistic
Mr. Athulathmudali argues that it is the se paratists rebels, principally the Tigers" who are committed to a 'military solution' and therefore stand in the way of a negotiated settlement. It is the Tigers therefore, the next step in the argument goes, who must be convinced not the government, that "no military Solution
é.
denials, the Go that Tamil sc southern India, for both atrocit its intention t force. A5 an that see This Lur it does not c. for solving a which threat intractable as
reland.
Defence exp
Thic: Goyen Junius Jaye wat with some new realitics. Thes the war is to the prodominar the north, ård til
is possible'". Th incidentally, re sistert view of ment, frequent dently wheneve in Colombo, in arc in the asc National Securi believes that the a political Set to persuade the would be wo
all hope of a And the most
persuading chom own military di
The other wi proponents of dominance the can then go ti table and negot tion of strengt
The third arg favour of this demonstration c. al me"'" yayi || 5 ti! and help the go the ground it opinion-making why the 'Six d

ed to
ern Ten t filantal 15 aratists, based in were responsible les and is signalling - meet force with mmediate response dors tardable. But }nstitute a policy spectarian conflict n5 to be Corne a5 that ir Northerrn
enditure
ent of President en is now faced ", if un palatable, e are, first, that
longer limited to tly Tamil areas of east. province,
he last formulation, presents tha conthe Indian governly re-stated strir the “ milita rists " Delhi's perception 2ndance. So, the ty Minister firmly : first step towards lemont is in fact : Tigers that they advised to abandon military victory. convincing way of is Lco a 55 ett cim Q's jTiinance.
"tute seen by the
this 'military ry is that one i tho negotia ting
iate from a "posi
Limert adduced in heory is that a f 'military domiem Sinhala morale crnment to regain a5 |Ost in Sinhala circles. That is y War' must also
The insurgents hawe demonstrated that they can now strike where wer and whenever they please,
Second, the Government's stated aim of achieving a military solution to the conflict before tackling a politica|| One must now be seriously in doubt. Defence expendi turc, which Sri Lanka can ill afford, has more than tripled in the past three years, with little
visiblic impact on the army's success against the rebels.
Equally worrying is President
Jayewardene's decision to turn to Pakistan for military assistance and advice, This is probably a ploy to spur India into forcing more concessions from Tamil groups
(Continued on page II)
be related to the sudden break in the Indo-Sri Lankan dialogue just when 'progress' was being reported in both Delhi and Colombo,
The government said the operation took only 3-4 days but Jaffna residents told the press that 'normal conditions' were restored after six days with the sounds of aircraft flying high in the sky and helicopters buzzing about subsided only at the end of the Week.
With the "war" strictly military be drawn.
ower, what Les Soms need to
First, the security forces have ultimately relied on their naval supremacy and monopoly of the skies. Cn the ground the stale
a cle,
Secondly,
will the guerrillas' be changed qualitatively with the introduction of a weapon that can challenge the army's present air power. Meaning, of course, SAM-7's. (SEE INDIA's oPTIONS)

Page 9
SRI LAMIKA
Aid and Huma
venture to Write to you about a quos tion which | beliowe to be crucial, in the scarch for a political solution to th: aբբalling ncolf-Civi| Walf“ sitlation in Sri Lanka. I do so as Chairperson of the Emergency Committee on Sri L7 milka of Intertrational Alert. You may reca|| || that as Minist
fr : () "W" &:55 Development hT : in Britain, initiated the firs L. 5 taga of aid for the Mahawali
schome, I know Sri Lanka wary w cell indeed; hawe always been a fiend of President Jayewardene and his Gower left; and, like all of us, ha ye respected and admired the social progress it has made, as a poor developing couh try: its low infant mortality rates, its high literacy rate, and other "quality of life' ratings.
Against that background | hawe become most deeply concerned — as hawe the members of my Committee about the escalating scale of Wiolence in the conflict betwy een the Gowernment and the TalrTi i ls of the North and East. We were shocked of the Government statements that only a military solution was possible.
We reached the conclusion in January that in these circumstances, when innocent civiliars were being k||led, and when Amnesty and other independent reports had documented the abuses of human rights which sadly seem always to accompany conflicts of this kind, it would
be right to call for donor counLLLLLL S LH SS S LL H KKLL S aaLLS S KL S LL LL Sri Länka, ir order. Lc excrcis2 infiucnce towards a reasonable political settlement of the dispute. I should add that wo also believe that arms spplies to both sides in the conflict should ceas.
myself went to India and Sri Lanka last month. I had taks ir Dhi d vith Tārti representatiwag in Madras, and then went on to Colombo. The es 5 entia | Purpos G. cf my visit
was to in for Il P dene personally o decisi Ti, before public announcem ed in Gerhewa ol 1 attach our pr:
the event, hours of talks w
3nd hi 5 Minist still my friends the Tore tcw
question of ait: attach a brief p out the pert1пег
Between now
doror Governme sidering their : Con5orti LIFT riT CeCe ! that you will Lat it is for the terra to stand as ide? || to comic and dis personally with a secting here
alir Ámbassador
c helpful.
| add only . Si rice Sri Laikā court decision ti donors, Gower there have again of the need for
til 3 - || 5 arti although it ha: flavut i forma
can bring about steps towards ps
BACKGRO UN
| . Wiolonce is sig
Crı batlı 5 idi: of land miles
the last II Tari | ti'yi | ili: Sir ha ese ciyi ki || 3 d. It is considerable Lankan arny in training II om the Tal 125,000 refuge are arousing in Woulwe IT1er1 t i r"

in Rights
resident Jayewarf my Committee's we made any ent. (This follown 24th February: 25s release).
חבום סיווןם 5 harl | it the Pr33 i dan
ers. They are
But I am a inced that the i5 TL cia|| || aper which sets it points,
and Jure, a id nts Wil be canapproach to the -ing. May I hope shäre our wiew longer Possible
.ional community
would be happy cuss the Tatter YOU, or tO haye with חddחסL חו if that would
ine last point. was informed of o "lobby' aid It lists beg Ljn to talk a Political Soluthat 'everage", 5 a Tegcolonia | | circu T15 tarccs, the necessary
3.
D. :
"iously escalating with the use a fid ai r nttacks. onth, about 30 i and ab Ճլ է 40 liams have been believed that numbers of the it Pre5er1t 1 Pakistan; and il side, sorte !es and militants Support and | TaT | Nadu.
Judith Hart's appeal
2. The prolonged effort, sponsored
by India, to seek a political settlement in the Thimpu talks, has, sadly failed. A full account can be provided of the factors leading to the brakdown of the E3 kg. t. can be said, however, that the Sri Lankan Government lacked any effective will to reconcil differences. There is, how cwgr, good reas on to beticwo that a political solution is possible, involving effectivo di volutio bLL 1o. se päratis T1. There are extremists and moderates on both sides. It is necessary to encourage the moderates and reject the demands of the extremists: on the TT side for a 52 parate Tari | State, arid on the Sri Linka side, for a military solution.
The importance of the Aid Dimension
3.
(i) Continued successful deveopment is of critical political importance in Sri La mka,
he diri išträti ar cof aid in the north and the cast (poor regions) is becoming increasingly difficult, if not impossible.
(ii)
Continued aid flows allow Sri Lanka's own ri:250 |urces to be spent on arms.
The proposal of a cessation of aid appears to hawe had 5 o Te limited influence already.
(w) The problem of human rights in Sri Lanka has reached a point where it becomes right to recorsider aid Provision.
The Committee's proposal on aid
4.
It is not suggested that prosent commitments oil aid should
(Continued on page 8)

Page 10
RONNE ON DEFENCE
Economy Near Minister Warns
conomic recovery in Sri Lanka will take at leagt || 0. even if the guerrilla fought by Tamil separatists ends immediately, Finance Minister Ronnie Da Mel estates.
years WቌI
In a gloomy assessment of the Sri Lankan economy following bomb attacks in Colombo that killed 28 persons and wounded 200, Mr. De Mel said that the budget deficit was soaring. He said this was due primarily to military spending and a rising debt-service ratio,
In an interview thi5 weck, or. De Me I said the war in the north and east of the island had taken about one-quarter of the country out of the economy,
Falling foreign-exchange reserve and foreign investinent, he said, also were help ing to bring down the Sri Lankan economy, once a
model in the Third World.
"There is not one silver lining on the horizon,'" he said "If the war ended tomorrow it would
take 10 years to restore the economy.'
Mr. De Mel said he expected
a tough time from Western nations during a meeting in Paris next month of the 6-country consortium that gives aid to Sri Lanka.
A senior Western diplomat confirmed that consortium members were concerned about the lack of progross toward Sct. It ling the guerrilla insurgency,
“"Last year we pulled our punches,' the diplomat said. "If there are no signs of progress in peace talks over the next few wocks, we won't this time."
Mr. De Me I said he planned to ask the consortium for about S500 million, almost as much as the S550 million given by the consortiu riTi in | 985. He said he Would
8
argue that a fl. would only agg problems.
The budget
had more than cent of gross d in the six mont mated a 3-porce ännual budget.
Mr. De Me rise exclusively After an emer, Parliment last w bombings, the accounts for mo of government S
Singe the N there has not improvement in he said.
Foreign exchar down to three from six Tonth: the debt-service externa debt h 19 percent at to 25 percent. r. De Me pC5ĩ tilon had bẹc c
Aid and
Continued
be abandon
in wolwe onand where I is still po. gested, how proaching the 5orti Lu 11 1 2 e2 t
ents shoul further aid
gra Tn Tnes Car the present Sri Lanka. A of this appr importance,
5 | | | 5 | furth ( Undertakings that more Wided when 35 ha res settlement

ly Ruined,
is thar cut in aid FLW 2 Sri Lak I
deficit, he said, doubled to 8 perÇTestic product :h5 5ince ha estiant figure in the
lamed the sharp on military needs. gency request to "eek following the military budget re than 10 percent Perinding. nWormber budget 5 e an one sign of the economy,
gg reserves were months of exports ; in 1984, while : ratio to pay for ad widered froT
Լիլն է:րlէ էնf | ԳB5
said the debt
SWISC
Human . . .
from page 7)
2d where the se oing programmes, Teir administration ;Sible. It is sLigevEr, that in apforthcaming Coning donor Gcwarnindicate that no pledges and pro
be und errakar) in
circumstances of in early indication och Could be of
r suggested that
could be given aid will be propica: c is restorted ilt of a political articularly to as
that the cabinet recently decided to stop foreign borrowings except for purely commercial ventures that could service there debts.
The trade gap has widened every month, he said, as world prices
have fallen for tea rubber and coconuts, the main Sri Lankan exports.
Mr. De Mel said that tourism, a main foreign-exchange earner, had fallen by 40 percent since the guerrilla campaign became a full -scale insurgency about three years a EC.
Foreign investment was more and more stagnant, he said.
"In the good old days we used Lo get about 30 ar 40 proposas a month,' he said. ""Now we get only five or eight.'
Mr. De Mel, who has guided Sri Lankan financial affairs for nine years, said he was surprised that the economy has survived this long.
''Bu t now I L. Is a | | de c|i1e, decline, decline,'" he said. '" don't know how long we can
las L any more."
- (Herald Tribune)
sist in the process of rehabilitation which will be essential,
SS LL S LLLLLLaL GLK S S LLL S KaLLS HHHH approach can significantly affect the situation. Were this not so, it would not be proposed.
The Ai
7. What is necessary is a ceasefire, effectively Tonitored; and ng W negotiations for a reasonable political settlement, inwowing acceptable devolution of specific functions to the North and the East. Thorc is ręg Sol to beliewe, from confier til discussioms which hay! taken place, that the modcrates of both si dics would be ready to seek such a solutico. Bu t internati orna | Irwolvement at this stage is thought essertial, if such an outcome is to be achicwed.

Page 11
The time of day mattered little. Or the Weather. Sarath dro Ye His little motor car from Colombo
wana ort to som other remote part of the island, for a rally, for a case in courts or some other call of duty. Not for this MP, the Mercedes Benz, the Pugeot or the brand new Japanese Pajero, the preferred vehicles of our |atter-day politicians, so generously assisted by a selectively benign State.
Dinësh Gunawardena, a lef tist MP Cosgr to Sarath's generation than the other luminarics in the sadly depleted ranks of the Opposi
voking point about Sarath's journeys between his town house and rural constituency. Not about his lack of show or his sense of duty, but of
The Council for Liberal Democracy deplores the decision of the Government to send Tamil employees of State institutions considered to be sensitive from the point of view of security, on compulsory leave. The CLD strongly asserts that our just outrage at the increasingly bestial
acts of violence committed by terrorists should not lead us to view with suspicion law-abiding citizens of this country on the basis of race. An attitude of suspicion extended to all our
people who happen to be Tamils is offensive to a liberal conception of society and human relation
ships. An attempt to associate in the public mind, all Tamils with tcrrorists is fata| to any
sensible settle Tent of the crisis which engulfs us now. A response
to his constituency in Kala- ||
tion has made a thought pro
SARATH - Straddlin
his easy passag
and psychologic badly battered
the urban, Wes groups and the He felt equally both. It had with his birth, bringing.
TF1 o Kurt L. Wit; maya who was was no exploita fa Lidal taristo'. of the lost and respected SabaragamuWa. lucky to inherit TH2 rm derfl, progressive ide; tellcctuali "ope World Carme of St. Thomas C. | Lawy śchool an i drift into the Left movement
The reason untimely death ly taken as a
Imposition of Compulsory leavi
based til racis codernation of only crime is th worst possible r present ti T1 e.
It is incumbi Sri Laikan State unequivocally th;
zens, including equal rights that they can Liwes in freedo dignity. Such a alone, can be til
of an effective campaign for E murder and ma" its name.
It is by asser and abroad that ple haye a great
 

S SSS SS
g the Great Divide
2, ernationally tally, between termised social "La Tä55es. at ease. With Lich to do and his up
Saath straddled.
a ratemahat- || Sarath's father tive, arrogant He was one warmly lowed
nei ir the |
Sarath was : that touch', outlook, the as and their 1ning" to the || course from illege and the | d his natura
the Wibrch Int
why Sarath's was so instantIragic national
| nity,
SSS S SSSS
loss lies elsewhere. Greater,
more griewolus, far more costly to the people of this country today is another
divide; not town and country, but community and commuSinhala and Tari I. It is this communal divide which
Herce the Salute of Silence in Jaffna, the bowed heads in Kalawara and the rich tributes in Parliament from all sides of the Assembly. Sincerity, courage of convictions and dedication to the cause he had chosen helped him to achieve that in or miracle where Jaffna, Colombi, Kalawana, could at least for a day feel and think as Ol.
He was a hall of unusual quality. The tragedy of our times made him a rare politician.
EDITOR
e on Tamil Employees
barket whose is the the
Fi, 31
people eir birth,
23p on SC at
elt upon the to deton state at all its citiTamil 5, hawe and freedoms, a II liwe their m, peace and demonstration, he starting point destruction of : claim and the yhem caused in
ting both herc the Tamil Pico: ånd homo Lur ble
place in the life of this nation, that the terrible conflict that rages now threatenes their future as much as the other sections of the Sri Lankan population, and that it is in the color interest of all Sri Lankans to bring this conflict to an end, that settlement can be brought about.
TF1e indiscriminato T35.L. TÉ5 taken against Tamil employees of Government institutions achieves the opposite. The Council for Liberal Democracy therefore appeals to the Government to abandon this Lum just and un construcLI WE TI 3 u 2.
Chanaka ATaratunga
川。
Sec. Council for Liberds Democracy

Page 12

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Page 13
Botha follows
t the UN Security Council
session last week. Zambia's chief delegate Joel NGO said: "The bombing of Libya by the U.S. last month encouraged no doubt the racist regime in South Africa to set up these acts of aggresson, We hay e been witnesses to State terrorism at its worst'', The Council took up South Africa's air attacks on the capitals of Botswana, Zimbabwe and Zambia which Protoria justified as raids on "the bases "" of the outlawed "'La Trorist'' African National Congross (ANC) a member of the non-aligned movement and the leader of a liberation struggle that has now reached a new and critical stage in AZANIA, the African namo for South Africa.
Amba55 ador NGO said that a UN transit camp for refugees was one of the "targets' hit.
US Ambassador Herbert Okun's reply exposed not only the complexity of this international problem but the ambiguitics of US policy
and Washington's embarrassing failure to impose its will on America's western allies, with
the possible exception of Thatchers Britain. There was no parallel,
Reagan'
said the US re. ween the US B i and the aggress Pretoria regime, argued unconvin in 'self-defence Botha could say
Of course, th spokesman had administration's indecid had the secretary who f loopholo - or condemning the a Weath countrie Commonwealth immunity from terrorism. But to place the ques first for the t 'sovereign' s Libya was sovere not a Common And for tho Co whole it was Rampha who sp the 'ostricizing aparthied state.
if Washington red, it is bei done to Libya the result of : or mature polic
Colombo's. . .
(Continued fror 17 page 6)
de manding a Separate state. it introduces an un necessary and potentially dangerous regional complication into an already preCarious situation.
India is already under growing pressure from its own 50m Tamils to impose a settlement on Colombo armid growing accusations of atrocities by Sri Lanka's puedominantly Sinhalese armed forces. if the situation on the Island deteriorate5 further, the da ringer to Sri Lanka's Tamil community and the presence of Pakistan military advisers might provoke India to intervene directly.
In searching for solutions to the present crisis it is important for the Government to distinguish between the acts of terrorism committed by Tamil extremists and the tot causes of the conflict. Addressing the latteu issue need
But
not Tiply succu froT the form:
Substantial C
Ewen Mr Jay party, in its m 1977 election w power, concede Tami || grieyance tribution, langu: educational opp
Un for Lunately was not transla devolution poli Goyerrict rei set. Up Provinci north and east Tami opinion, los ground to ower the y car: reject this conc
A political 5 Thore difficult in hawe beer im || " not impossible. distinçit but rc. first is for India

s Lead
"esentative, betmbing of Libya e actions of the Washington, he ingly, had acted "... Prg 5 ident Pik
the same
e White House xpressed the US
"outrage'. So
British foreign und a convenien L t seemed - by tack on Common
i as if the ubel gawe special Pretoria's state
Sir Geoffrey had ion of sovereignty argets were all lates, However, |ign too - though wealth member. realth as aייחסוחחח Secretary-General oke to ask for of the barbarous
finds itself cornecause what was
was not really well-conceived but the knee
ker reaction of boism', a Vulgar 'macho' act to win hearts and minds at home and ride high in the public opinion
Reaganite "Rafn"
polls.
""There is a war fewer in Washington' said an American
official who must romain anonymotus'' wrote IAN DAWIDSON, former foreign editor of the Financial Times. "In general, US military muscle-flexing in response to terrorism looks disturbingly like yet another manifestation of the current mood of belligerency in Washington' he concluded.
Stand up and counted. Words come casi y; votes not so. When South Africa's "Libyan' agression cama up for a wote in the UN Security Council, Mrs. Thatcher once again found herself in the doubtful company of President Reagan. The US and UK used the "veto" to protect the racist
be
regime from the anger of the UN and the international community.
mbing to Pressure
evolution
Iwardene's ruling anifesto for the hich swept it to that there were 5 over and di 5ge, economic and rtunities,
this perception ed into a realisti: cy. When the
ently offered to councils in the e Wei foderate which had steadily the extremists felt bound to 55 on.
lution is much w tham l't would 77", but it is sti || It in wolves two ted rowes. The s regional-power,
to construct a set of proposals which it an se || to the Tamil Separatists under is aegis. This will, inevitably, fa || short of Eelam or independence. But any plan must be rooted in substantial devolution of power to the Northern and eastern provinces with some form of loose link between them.
The second is for President Jayewardene to fashon a Sinhalese consensus which will bäck such a settlement. This means striking a barga in with Mrs. Siri mawo Bandaramaika, the former Primo: Minister and effective leader of the opposition, whose star has waxed as the Government's ha 5 wamed.
The events of the past week demonstrate that Sri Lanka || 5 perilously close to civil war. Only compromisc on both sidos and deter Tiltion on India's part can pull it back from the Ebrik, - Financial Times
May 9th 1986

Page 14
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Page 15
Part II
The Crisis of - need for a
Chanaka Amaratu nga
Hs real Conditions II. which
the casc for a general Election needs to b c considered are domininated by the Tamil Problem and the economic, social and political dislocation which it has partially brought about and of which more is ominously in the offing. This perception of the conditions of our country is widely accepted but as || hawe already attempted to establish, the wider crisis of liberal democracy which | believe, is primarily responsible for the appali ing deterioration of communal relations in the last six years, is less widely recognized. It would be very misleading for us to analysise the efficacy of a General Election at the present time withOut being awara that the propensity towards violence and intolerarce in Sri Lanka today - a propensity to which the almost daily casualty figures stand cloquent testimony - is overwhelmingly the result of a lack of respect for indiwidual freedomin and diwersity arl of 3 narrow intern Xāterbated by a jealous desire for the concentration of Political power. These tendencies which have been manifest in the United National Party as it transformed itself from a genial if rather lethargic liberal —conserwatiwe Party in to the brash, authoritarian party of today, finds its brutal, exaggerated reflection in the dan gerously simplistic Tamil groups committed to violence.
In considering the context in which an election is requested, it is also necessary to recognize the hopeless futility of the apparent attempts of the Government to resolve the Tamil Problem by negotiation. While I would not for a Toment underestate the Ernstigence and propensity to== Linconstructive procra Stinathe various groups of T=mlII terrcrists and guerri Ila5, and certainly do not, as the Government apparently did in the
ܠܐ ܨܡ -- ܒ -- ܒ --
Sri Lar
new as
period of Thirt faith in Mr. Raj Stic c{3||11||tip18|11 of this risis of to most Sri Lank that the lack the Government negotiations, has res he continuing state we now find ol, tinued ti midity populism of th { has .m called frC of us who ha bis i 55 to 5 proposals put for or nothing has in the form of amids all th: el: of distict, regi Councils : n'da Sei ha Ye: b : ET IL Y gested. This da Lha (Go Y eft" | Et to a. rh 21, m:ılga, TT1ati and eastern prov unit 33 5니ggE되 proposals. Solai racial a unit of a nom sem 52 of ; non-sectarian fic autonomy which applicable thro. The point of rele: tust t as th the reluctance to make genui accom Tho date Thic ing and to ignor in the United Ilarifies to to c. cciference torn t TaIlli|5 for six after the appal
1983, is that instransigence | or even pritTiar r" | 5 5 1 tillet
The true c. Government's : to concede g autonomy withol powers to its

nka, and Mrs. B
genda
ahu, hay 8 a native iw Gandhi's altruito a resolution terms acceptable ans, I am convinced of seriousness of in approaching been the principal Lumre:5 col yed and of crisis in which Irsel wes. The corand/or shabby Sri Lankar media It all but a handful We made it our Udy the waricus - Ward that it
been given a way genuine autonomy ibo rate structures nal and proviricial cond chart be that arious tiITIES SLJE
5. It ... ought to agree or of the north Crs inces into a single led in the TULF "ge and so patently f devolution Takes a lor e raticrål, is sin of provincial -än and mit 5t b2 Ighout Sri Lanka. awance here, which 2 explanation for of the Government Ile COF)(-855 iCT15 LC) yderate Tårn i feal"g the cormitment National Party invene an all party he problems of the years and un Li | ling riots of July, hg Ggwgrnments is rot exclusively ily motivated by
k planation for the ack of willingness en Luine Provincial ut ratain ing resė rWe If and more Parti
cularly to the Preşi dğı", "şey hich makes a nonsonse of the devolved structures, is its determined unwillingness to delegate and to renounce any of its real powers, The history of Sri Lankan politics
over the last sixteen years has been a history of the intense concentration of power in the
state. The power of the State in the contemporary ear, which ha,5 also seen a partisan politicisation of society has meant the concertra Lion of immense and quite unjustified power in the hands of a few politicians. While it is undeniable that the Government of || 970—1977 contributed substartia ||y to this process, it has to be emphasised that the current Goyernment has displayed a desire for the obssessive concentration of power in an increasingly narrow group of persons at the very apex of the political system which e asily Surpas ses any similar terdency on the part of all its predecessors. The structuring of the constitutions both of Sri Lanka and the United National Party and the shaping of the power relationships in both Government and party make indisputably clear. From such a Government, it is in my view impossible, that the generous and constructive attitude to the sharing of power, without a negotiated settlement becomes a platitudinous exercise in Propaganda devoid of a|| real chance: of success, would ever be forthcoming
|n assos Sing the possibility of this Government, as presently constituted, from successfully reSolving the most immediate aspect. of or crisis - for the wider crisis || hawe cmphasis et is Primarily of its own creation – wo must considor its relationship with the Tamils. Even if it is acknowledged that direct negotiations with the oxtromists, who as recent wents have so clearly demons
3.

Page 16
trated are becoming more mindlessly bloodthirty and intransigent, are neither feasible nor desirable at least within the present framework of relationships, I find it difficult mot to be | iewe that this Government has developed so hostile a relationship With the entire Tamil community, in the Northern and Eastern Provinces and in the rest of the island that no settlement is possible even with those Tamils who could be charactarized as moderae. We must recognize that the United National Party's relationship with the Tamils is sou red by a very strong element of unfulfilled expectations, of broken promises, in a word of betrayal. Unti | 1977 with on 2 notable exception in the late fifties, the United National Party was, in broad terms, the party of national unity while the Sri Lanka Freedom Party was historically, the party of Sinhala nationalism. In the period from 1965 - 1975 the UNP's relationship with the principal forces of
Tamil nationalism, thic Federal Party and the Tamil Congress essentially warm and mutually
supportive. Even was in the build -up to the General Election of 1977, the Tami United Liberation Front (as the FP and the TC had now become) had cordial relations with the UNP and President J. R. Jayewardena has himself stated in an interview with an Indian journal that the following section of his party's manifesto at that election was drawn up with the closest consultation with and collaboration of, the TULF :
PROBLEMS OF TAM ILSPEAKNG PEOPLE
The United National Party accepts the position that there are numerous problems con fronting the Tamil-speaking people. The lack of a solution to their problems has made the Tamil-speaking people support even a movement for the creation of a seperate State.
| the intercest of rational integration and unity so essential for the economic
development of the whole country, the Party feels such problens should be solved without
| 4
loss of time. T it comes to P. all possible st their grievances
Education. Colonisation Use of Tar Employment апd 5епni-p tion 5.
We will summ Conference. . . . ar. decisions.
i
Tha subsequent United National Tamil Problem, disregard for the of the promises hamfisted handling Development Cou ticular the LCLOC ir 98, its failu riots of July, 9 fying immediate re A mc md ment to ti to say nothing techniques of pro starc-controlled m little effort to d rists from the Ta created the bitt: trust between its which only a onc ship destroyed b hope can achieve of a Gower mant many Ta Tils as them abysmally of ment are wery s
Perhaps the IT the pragmatic C favour of an im Election is the to tative character today, A Tajor to negotiations speak with any make the ti willi
which can only c Who speaks a This is the
question of our t representatives : tuencies in th concerned the M ern Provinces h; to resign. Their vacant for alsT None of the lo these areas fun number of a The there instead W

he Party, when ower, will take 2ps to remedy
in such fields as:
nil language, : in the public Public Corpora
on an All-Party di impÎement its
attitude of the Party to the ni Particular i 5 imբlementation above and its ; of the District Incils and in parelection II află re to stop the 83 and its stupe:S panse the Sixth T 2 Constituti coni, of the crude 'paganda of the e dia which makes is tinguish terromil People, has :ress and lack of : If and the Tari is :::--:||case re låt i ciriy a betrayal of ... The prospects regarded by so having treated reaching a settleirm irı«de ed.
ost powerful of 3 Siderations in 1ediatg General ally un represenof our politics stumbling block 5 that no one can luthority and so !ed compromises Ime of autharity, ld for who ost legitimate me, The Cod f 3 XICC: Con 5 ti
areas witially orthern and Eastw= E an forced
seats, hawe: bgcm st three years. äl i Luthoriti C5 in tion today. A | groups function | le most of tha
TULF is in voluntary exile. So who represcrts the Northern and Eastern Provinces? What do the ဒြိုဗူး of those areas who hawe eer'ı subjected to So much yiclence, to so much economic and social dislocation think? Does anyone presume to know where they stand today. It see T5 to me that our first priority must be the arrangement of a ceasefire for the specific purpose of holding an election, under appropriate international supervision, so that wo can discover who the people of the North and East support. It is with those freely elected to Parliament that the or Tamil Parties must negotiate - for they would then be dealing with a body of persons who have authority to speak and know where they stand.
But who is to negotiate for tho non-Tamil section of the population Can a Government
loccid on the votes of those outside the Northern and Eastern Province, at the General Election of 1977 dominated by economic issu 25 and the state of the democrati C proce 55 toutside thig North and East, claim to be able to say anything with authority On the Tami Froben WHan such a Government owes its existoric to a referendum of doubtful legitimacy, held in a climatia cf ir till i dation artid in which the most disingenuous and misleading conspiracy theories were propounded, is it not patently absured and impossible for it to give a lead in the radical changes in our politics without which a settlement cannot be achieved | I did not tak, 2 Ch C ir 25 || E. at the Akm e emana by-election to establish that the undoubted mandate achieved in 1977 is now motheaten beyond repair, a sad relict of a by-gone age so totally irrelevant to the crises of today.
It will also be obvious to Ilost sensible people that no settlement of the Tl Tmi || Problem a toT without bipartisan co-operation. We are a people obssessed by
history but we have not learnt anything from history. We hawe not car I, as the fate of the
Båndara naik c-Chelwanayakam Pact and the Scna na yake Chelwanayakam pact ought to have taught us - that

Page 17
without the co-operation of the principal party of the Opposition no resolution of the Tam if Problem is possible. Such co-operation is i Tpossible while the Opposition remains so badly underrepresented and continues to be denied in opport LJ nity of pLI [iting its case before thic people, A General Election, even one which freely and fairly returns a UNP Government, Will hawe two wery important advantages Which this GoyernThëm t lacks. It will be able to approach negotiations from the confidence and strength of having the su Pport of a majority of the electorate and it will have a better chance of co-operation from an Opposition whose strength in Parlament (the election contemplated must of course be ur, der proportional representation) will more accurately reflect its strength in the country and which will recognize that it has been fairly defeated. Cm thẽ Qther hãnd, a Government led by Mrs. Bandaramai ke would be able to approach the problem a fresh and with far e 55 of a but dem of it le race and authoritarianist would hawe a better chance of dealing with the wider crisis of |iberal democracy which is the root of our problens. A General Election. is therefore, whatever the result it may produce, the only rational way out of the impasse in which this country now finds itself.
The leadership of the GovernTent scarcely agrees with me. Indeed it can scarcely be expected to for the fir 5 t i ristict of so many Governments is sur Wiwa !. The Government argues that it is . . папе 55" to call for a General Election when the nation is at "war". At first sight this argument carries the ring of plausibility and | freely concede that there are many whose gut sentiment favours it. But is the Walidity of this arguinent born out by history? In the go w er når ce of rations does the saying 'you cannot change the hel Tsinari in a storm" carry more than emotive force? History the history of de Tocracies in particular provides evidence for believing that it is the opposite which is trut. Abraham Lincoln did See the American Civil War to a
SLCO55 fu Coru exactly what he he resowed to than permit th of the United S Morc often pol di Crcd Luricom 5 || critics of differe cians who buri CLI LFs ist
ГГ ТЕ Тf 5 ČE 55 QLIL. In Britän at thic outbreak War, Herbert H. hild Է է: Ըm a ħwil isir fir ixpCace Was repl: David Lloyd G regarded as a suild to lead The Secord W.
changing the lea precisely becaus in crisis. After in May, 1940, Conduct of the in the House the occasion of George, the Minister of the tħis ta say of Me
The Prim releber th thli5 fC)Frrida peace and wa been Worste pealed for sac is prepared f so long as i I say solemr Minister shou of sacrifice nothing whic Tore to wici than that he the seals of
It was fer" Cha Tiber la i T26 Churchi || Escam That final ine is so true of sonality of this only way to r often to repla whom the cr about.
It is now ap With the fina
entitled artic Sri Lanka, a {

Si on but he knew : Was about when Take was rather e dismemberment tatas of America. iticians hawe blumusly into War and it sort, Pieringly take their tri 5 es are not the fully take then the Prilla Minister of the First World anry Asquith, who 5 učite55 fu | Prime : years in time of aced in 1916 by eorge, who was great deal more Britain in ar. 3rld War provides glaring example of dership of a nation è it was a Ywar, the fall of Norway the um Successful | Wat was de E3a ed if Commons. On that debate Lloyd Wittorio Lis Pri The Previous war had : wille Chamberlain:
Minister must at he has met ple foe of ours in I. He has always d. He has apIrifice. The nation or every sacrifice t has leadership. ly that the Prime ld give an example because there is :h Can Contribute tory in this war : should sacrifice
office.
that de båt that igned and Winston c. Prime Minister.
of Lloyd George the collective perGower left. The esolve a crisis is LCe th05e under isi5 la 5 COTe
posite that deal part of Thy title, le. The Crisis of General Election
and Mrs. Bandaranaike. Why
Mrs. Bandara lake"
The in sistem cc of the | eader
of the Sri Lanka Freedom Party on an i filmediate General Election in which any party or group should be free to participate without restrictions, her emphasis on the in morality and injustice of the refererdun, of the inwidius rolthat the deprivation of har civic. rights has played in the recent politics of our country and her emphasis on a political settlement of the
Ta mi I problem reweals that she has, alone among the major actors of our politics,
recognized the fundamental unity which underli 25 the riu | ti faceted aspects of the Sri Lankan crisis. In this recognition by the effec
leader
W of ar a terra Liw : democratic government |ies our best hope for a resolution of the crisis.
This is not to say that GovernTnents led by Mrs. Bandaranaika hawe contributed nothing to the crisis of liberal democracy in Sri Lanka of which I hawe said the crisis of Communa relations forms a part. One of the les sons we ought to take from history is that political parties do not remain constant. A comparison of the UNP of Mr. Dudley Semanayako and the UNP of Mr. J. R. Jayawardene makes that blindingly clear. But equally it is usual for there to be a funda mental unity of political character underlying individual political personalities. The consistent there of Mrs. Bandaranaike's political life has been that she is a refornist and essentially a democrat. Ofcourse it is the hazard of those who undertake great reforms that great also are their opportunities for error". Ard || do be || ewe that Mrs. Bandaranai ke presided over two Governments Whose error's Ywere great. But het reformist 5 pirit combined with her fundamentary democratic spirit (the authoritarian steps taken by her Governments were primarily the work of those who now fortunatoly wield no influence over her party) Takes har the Wita || C: mm. of Constructive change in the future.
(Continued on page 18)

Page 18
Of Cultura
ur slavery to English is O.S. It is such that It seems to be the only social and cultura indicatar, in certain exclusive social gatherings. It is usually said that "when in Rome, act like the Romans . . ." In Sri Lanka that takes or new dimenThat is, "when in Sri Lanka
5 Ο ΠΣ. act like the English. . ." and then a || doors wi || open to you - Cur
colonial hang-over has been painfully prolonged. In the university, students are of two distinctive groups - the English-speaking and the non-English speaking. All orher considerations raçe, religior, caste etc., — are: se Condary. A Staff writer of the Obsg yer. | reme Tibert, die w at tri tin to it"— when she spoke of how her seniors 35ked ydy Hether 5, he was, "hi-fi" Tid that she thought it was very start to retort, "no, she was stored'. It highlights a deep malaise which is eating into the very fabric of our society, English, it suggests has become a very important culture-maker (I LIS: CLII| turc in the 18th century sense of the word) and it accentuates class differenčES 5 that ir Sri Lanka at east, class, Wealth and social positions in society are irrevocably
linked with one's ability to
(smoothly) converse in English.
It began in 1956. In fact 956
is remorable for it gave rise
to more tham one problem - the language policy of the Sinha lese governments which is a major grievance of the Taills surfaced as well, in addition to the " 'Sinhala in 24 Hrs.'" decree. The motive behind the declaration was laudable, but the rule applied only to the less fortunate in society. They had to conduct their affairs domes tic, public and academic in Sinhala but the ruling classes remained outside the range of the policy. This is where a major social injustice was perpetrated by a government committed to the welfare of the people. To say it began in 1955, is not to simplify the issue of nearly centuries of British imperialism, when the British practised the
policy of divic | 5 || C | C. TE into a depend Thically and Cu of both form 5 ti|| || T. mainefficient work political and aid they trained clite. They w Administrative the ratives an made aware Superiority bas their ability to This helped t best education as the best jo Si bordirlate5 il in body. The
F1 Brittj5 TF
tha "wgrācular These "hau 'appos' were I
Th L. British“ dr
of SimEn la ar Wyre reser yed
With thair me the favoured dar ruler5, for the; them for the s Cf their systerT
3. the Brii: for Cing of the fin of our title. riccid to Flawe a language, (a 'w Cng that is flot || II
but parts of the wor CITIT LI I til Other races a brcaden œur « knowledge, we language which countries thal access to the s-| entific, literar other countries. Germann Citc. arc in the "world" clics 15 based an Euro so that those ; second or third countries, Engli: Hitle for Sri L British Wự ra cu hence it is Englis known as a sec

Bondage
g-and-rus in ä|| ley made our society eit ore both econd|turally. The scars 3 of subordination Ta tower-See tha ing of a British ministrati wę system, a group of rative ere given those top jobs reser wedi for d they were also of their cultura|| ed on nothing but converse in English. hem to get the available as well bs. So we became mind as well as native elite aped i e y stopped Ising s' almost totally. mahaltma yas" arid Tore "English than 1d the Smattering Tamil they knew for communication nials. They were lings of the British could depend of mooth functioning in the colonies.
h Gowd the 5e ed ajor Social merlaces No one deries the CC555 LC , "Wor||d" 'orld language' is ited to one speech is used in many ld). It facilitates with people of d countries. To 2u Llook and I cour need to know a ss used in more fè. It Fives come literatures and ty publications of English, French, considered to be 5 — the justica tij aan pean imperialism, anguages are the languages in many sh is the obvious am ka15, 5 inte the colonizers, and h which is widely ond language in
this country. Yet English is not treated merely as a second language in this country. It occupies a very special position in the hearts and minds of the people. People pay special pooja to it every day. Those who know it, bask in the glory of it. They writo WCrs as to it. And those who don't know it, try to acquiro
it by hook or by crook. They go to any tuition class which claims to teach English in 3–é months. Many questionable books
on English grammar are written and these are sna PP ed up || Fke hot cakes by a majority hungry for that special social distinction obtained by being able to speak English effortlessly and like the Englishmen.
English has a snob walue attachod to it. No one would deny it. So much so, that the only other
language that could hawa acted as a deterrent to the present national crisis, has in reality
become a 'weapon of division'. (Prof. Thiru Kandiah) So it would not be effective as a "link language". It only emphasizes the existing class differences. Those who know it, use it to get themSelv C5 special Concessions in the competition for employment, for promotions, for better marriage and social prospects even. They speak English (especially the your. ger generation) at high frequency |e we I i n a buS or tra in or" where wer they gather, to establish their identity as a race apart. The older generation still display the colonial heritage in their enunciations of Such wery Sinha lese namas in such a di Storted fashiom: for instance, Galle, Tangalle, Keegalle, Kurul negal 2 etc. . . Such Thea ningfu | family names as Wijayawardana, Gunawardana etc. are massacred; the underlined Section is pronounced the same as the English "war". One knows what the Sinhales e 4wardana" means, ånd what the English "war" means; Gumawar dan a when you articulate it Properly, Tn eins someone who cultivates his ethical sensibility, but when "war" becomics "war"

Page 19
then it is sense less. Yet they are proud of it - the fact that they are not familiar with their indigenous languages. A friend of mine, pronounces 'makara' (an indigenous vegetable) as 'mackere and I was mot a shamed when || pointed out the phonetic variation on the word. Yet she laughs at the so-called "notpot' crowd who maka blunders Wielding a foreign language. There a te those a mong us who cannot give a proper speech in Sinhala or Tamil. Theirs, would make those of us who are concerned about reviving the national languages, weep for despair! Yet this is not something to foci as harned about. They are English—gducated, and hawe beer abroad. Some who go abroad, strangely enough forget their Sinhala in come year! Cine can acquire an accent with just one trip to the Katunayake Air port! Those 'kalu suddhas' (see the paradoxblack-white people) or brown sahibs are treated with rc spect, though one laughs at the hapless victims of a foreign language. re mer Tiber the Poet Rama mujan, on a wis it here, who s Pokic of the Indian situation. According to him, he speaks Kannada at home, Hind outside and English only when he attends a learned literary convention where foreigners participate - that too, is when all the participants have a working knowledge of English.
This is the case in many other former colonies as well. Ngugi wa. Thiong'o the Kenyan Writer (he changed his name from the English James Ngugi to this, when he realized the absurdity of displaying one's colonial heritage so many years after Independence) has stopped writing in English and Luses Swahili to tell the People the need to break away from one's colonial heritage. Prof. Sarach chandra , another world-ro nowned artist, interested in ewolwing a national theatre, gives this example; that the great Indian film Producer Satyajit Rai has an Indian name, and the well-known Japanese Producer of a similar standing is Akiro Kurosawa, but the Sri Lankan Producer of such standing is called Lester Jales Peiris. But as he points out, an artist represents
his country and projects the col race and is (or tributing to a flat the acquired or wye hawe, do mot to place ou I proper national it is misileading. ruption of the Po would suggest 5C tugal or Latin are such males as de e or Ferr: Ngugi says, the "for the artist. to the system one cla55 over rlitiւյր Ը է Er all Jէ treiät : a literatu a total negation process. . .' Thi point in that 5 written by Qadri the one titled and the Conscien though he got t a mora 55 of Foers and this the m
The cha||enge: open up a fruitf validity of the
be-ā āc communication, for some statu l-5 { ourselves, (the intelligentsla, ) Ý, not ower-rated English in our cul
set-up, at the mational language: complex in th
speaker of the generated by US as the tipo C
and Cultura|| Pr CC Go for a job-inte ledge of English sur ety to ensur For most white ability to speak The privileged also members of of society-educal Inissionary schoo opportunities t ta erits, Wheth ei or music. Tak: for example: c Comia i5 m i5 C IW scio-ecot environment has a me y bregd

through his art, science of the should be) conional spirit. But barrowed ma mics help the others rtist5 im heir -oft Sox. I faCL A Mendis (a corrtugu ese Mende7) The on from Por4, merici, ad 5 o Perera, da Silva, l'HC, TF1 Crefore need or cha||lenge who is opposed of oppression of another, or ore hor is in fact to re. . . which is of Chı kind of 5, feel was the crics of articles Ismail, especially "The Socia | Misfit ce of the Race'. logged down in onal denigrations essage was lost.
before Luis is to Il dialogue on the English language, i end-all i mässle tirme ha 5 Come 2:arch ing — to ask English speaking rhether WC2 ha. We the function of tural and national expense of our i. That inferiority e Third of Chr: 'w erra. Iars" i 5 who use English assert our social eclence over them. Wie W. . k CWis a gi | t-edged E ČTE"E EE EčECT. collar jobs the English is a "must'. Few who can are the upper-Strata ed in the popular ls, given the best o cultivate their " in sports, studies the University hough the age of ng since ower, the smic and political given occasion to of elite-English
speaking, well-dressed, and very much pro-establish ment. They are wery intent on maintaining the statu 5-quo, and are of that exclu5ive set-up who are against Strikes and other disturbances which threaten the well-ordered landscape of their li wees. Their social awareness is nil, and their complacency generates in the observor a futile frustration. They are very much a race apart, and are so treated by the mainstream of the university students, who use terms like "kultur" and "kadu faculty to stre55 their separa temas S. This group usually Cornprisa of students from all the ethnic groups in the islandSinhalese, Tarmi || Musli Tı, Burgher, Malay et el. so that one would have thought they would increase unders tanding and contact between the various mediums and communities. But rather than defuse the tension, they only add to the existing schisms. They cut themselves off from the concerns of the rest of the university, and their concerns are such hifalutin" topics as Drama, fusic, Debatting etc. . . So as Dr. Kandiah says the "kaduwa’ has become a weapon of social division and only increas es the differences in a society already threatening to blow apart for lack of cohesion and unity.
All this may appear to suggest a writer who is anti-English, anti-establishment etc. This || 5 certainly not the case. I cannot bic, I am a wc:n at this moment. writing in English. No one could deny the usefulness of an international |ånguage, especially Örne: that is used in various geographically-different locations in the world, and is spoken by the sccond largest number of people (the first is Čhinese). But as II Point Cd out earlier, it is not trea (ICd merley as a sccond language of international standing or simply as a Wiable modium of communication. It has a social function in preserving and safeguarding the Status-Quo against ewentual Infringements of the lower clas 5 es cor against social reformations which would displace those on
top. Really, social reformations arc Linknown in this country, As Prof. Sarachchandra says (in
7

Page 20
hi5 book Pin Athi Sarasa w Waramak Denne) our own independence struggle was not really a fight by people who were fully convinced and totally committed to the overthrow of British rule.
Their own z est was the reflected
echo (and a subdued one at that)
of the struggle of the great
Indian Nationalist Movement. Or
if it had any motive where the
self was in wolwed, it would hawe
ba en a selfish one-to take over
the reins of power and authority
which they had formerly enjoyed
vicariously through the British.
So there was no real devolution
or handing over of power, and
consequently no real social transition from the colonial era, to
a new one of post-Independence.
Selfish scrambling for power and
wealth, the continuance of family
dynas ites are common features,
whera, there should hawe been a In or genuine desire to better the Conditions both social and
economical-of those who are under-privileged. And English is closely linked with this discrimination. The antagonism and temsion generated by this unfair treatment has long remained a great Social evil, until perhaps the 1980's when the ethnic crisis tcck Precedem Çe.
A, F'id what of the so-ca | Feed Common Tan, who by the misfortune of birth and background is relegated to a life-time of servility and discrimination in education and employment. He knows that at east in this country (to quote Lyly) "English lays bare the key to know lege', Socia | prestige and a better financial position. To protest and fight against this injustice, or to tåke firm steps to Cradicate this Social Imalaise it is not possible or he doesn't wart to. It is only a few select scholar and academics Sarachchandra, KinnaraLiga Munidasa, Prof. Ma lala sekara, Siri Guna Singhe, Martin Wickremasinghe among the II who by their contribution to the indigenous literatures and their upholding of nationalism who hawe in some way tricd to erase the cancerous Persistence of English as the Prestigious language of CoTTuni
8
cation. Yet the enough) succeede Sri Lankan u 5 e5 ad wantage ower c it " titi 25 TO so as to be i exclusive English milieu. Tutorie teach English in six Thoriths Haye Tushcorr5 - Sch (mind you !) on where they give - ar 15wer resp) () in 592 |y) suit every c ner may face im Wil || 5 pend large ; on buying such the Priwi|eged, pathetic and als Will speak face ti with a smilo" I grlig" i bLJ L for seems as if Eng blood & W. : Lär Struggle on, an hay mastered can take or ext ir til Lumi y CT5 i ress I lt i rm : Luclid: anger against { 'kard LI " 3: L LI deritis.
So the title Çyaluate the rol la Ing Jage: in Sri
W siet; of cri to 12:15 L its CC had there function a5 Il giweS LIS access World-wide, an hand, its snobits prostigious Carino make fi. English language sources fully if away with its means of social discrimination. of national crisi: conduct an hone not only into of our society of Iulti-cultural gious har Thorny, der the other compartmentaliza friction. Shou | as the language CCITIIIlunication otherwise) or sh consider the p

y hawe not (sadly di The "corro" English to unfair thers if he knows |earm it anyhow, 1r Udsd in that speaking social 5 Profes; sing to thras mit5 ts) sprung up like aye books Written spoken English, a 5 cot question which (Scomingcica5| C Ch C | Car"- rca life. People amounts of money grammark TD u5 their struggles o a musing. We ausly on English r ' English without them it certainly ish Comos with ditcars. So they d envy those who it. Their envy raordinray forms ty. This an outbursts of 3r ha rasment Cf
as Corie to el of the English Lanka. We ha'ợe era with which Fiction. On th: is its utilitarian language which to knowledge of the other walue linked with funct|31. One
| | | use of
might
the
- exploit its re
One dCE5 ill-effects
not do
15 a ||
division and unfair
So at this Ilorient 5, we hawe to 5 t sou | searching,
the cohesive less along the lines and Tulti-relbut also cons|-||
Tears of class
„timi, 3rd class
English continue of learning and (international
or |
ould we seriously ossibility of an
alternative 2 English seems the easi est to use as a fairly wellknown International Language since it is already in use. But is it also the most effective, when on considers the social and ethical aspects to it? Or should we forget our social obligations וזהd our cultural independence in a society where c thical sensibility
and independence (cultural or cconomic) are already älist on-existent? These are the questions we should ask Öur52 | Wes.
- OSTRICH --
The Crisis of . .
(Continued from page I5)
There Can ba no que5 tiom of LSS LaHLLLLHLLLLHHataa0 LLLS S LLLHS S LLLLLL being conferred a blank check.
THC, Chris i 5 of Sri Lanka. Caim Hot bę r050|Wed Without a fundamental reform of our political
agenda. Such a new agenda T1ust contain a generous in fusion of liberalism and social democracy.
A new constitution that is prefinised upon individual freedom a policy that take 5 provincial auto Tony and privatisation as the wital engines for constructive process, a new advance of Lhe welfăre State, a liberal Policy con education and a foreign policy based Tigrg gr1 || bgral democratic Scy ||- darity and less on us third-world consciousness, basad on doublestandards must be wital aspects of this new agenda, It als o goes without saying that the new politics of democratic reform must banish the old politics of sectarian
intoleranca. I baie we that MTS. Bandaran aike is more than sympathetic to such a new agenda,
The challenge of our times is to ensure that it is accepted by the wider mass of our people. That too, ofcourse, Carn not ha PP en without an immediate, free and fair General Election.
(Concluded)

Page 21
Part II Nationalism :
Radhika Coomaraswamy
he Sinhalese have always
claimed that they were the origina | inhabitants of Sri Lanka, with the Tamil presence always being that of invader. The Sinha|C5e chronicles, the l-ahavansa and the Dipavamsa, are used as cvidence of this claim ta priority. To combat this myth of origin, Tami || 5 chors; such is, Parla Tibalam have this to say:
''According to tradition, the Tamils of India ini di Sri Lanka are the real descendants of
the Naga and Yaksha people, (According to Harry Williams) Magadi på in the north of Sri Länka was an actual kingdom known to historians and the people who occupied it were all part of an immigrant tribe from South India, Tamil people called Nagars. The conclusions that could validly be drawn from the now historical data clearly establish that the ancestors of the present day Tamils were the original occupiers of the island long before 543 B. C. which th:2 P:l || chronig|05 date as the carliqs human habitation cf St" | L kl." "Ib
Ironically, the assertion of the rights of one ethnic group results in the meed to delegitim iz C tha other. Latter day Sinhala nationa|ists, using the Maha wa T1S3, dellegilise Ta Til claims by portraying ther as foreigners and invaders. The Tamil response to this allega
tion is tg 155 ert that th are is no such thing as a Sinha les 2. Whila Lhe Tari s arg 'the in aal
descendants of the original inhabitants of the Island'", Lhe Simhalese lack pedigree, "no matter
what the racial origin, little remains of the original stock, except belief in it.' Finally, the
King who accepted Buddhism for Sri Lanka is described as Dewaripriya, The esan, a Tarn | Hindu King of Lanka. It
It is perhaps time that both Ta Tills and Sinha les e accept the
Sinhala
findings of such Senek: Bridir clearly pointed
Tami Is, Sinhle : in Sri Lanka are group. Waves o
internal migratic ted any claims
vity. Sinhala an products of eth crisio u Sri e 55 but basis for differe as noble Aryans
wiki: T.S. Seriek
'yo'y "it 5:
"" || T. ii beocon car, how CW ling of Sri Lat tion of its et Boon van ext process which
understand ye important to that thar ceith II tha Simhalcsa
and also biographic scrise product of a
Period or a L but, one that oLigh-out a lo sa me Thethodol to other ma tit;
SAWA SIDDHA
The notion th the original relig people from pre that being Tami with the practic also to be cha ||
"'And thaugh th
of the Tari|| Si Wism a reli Oxford scholz
called the mg furtia a
1: L i Tr|i; all religions... I 2d Saiyalism är
almost synony C II I III II t 2 x other. It
"Tamir Sai
Thạmilum ''': 1 +
|t must be sa that mot a || 3r3

and Tamil
| r (25 aârchër 5 a5 1 ayak a who hawe to tha fact that i.e., and Muslims
a racially mixed f immigration and Jrı hawa oblitera
to racial exclusiid Tamil may be nic and religious
theroo is no racia! Titia, i ciri whether or glorious Dra2 Bandarana yake
ning increasingly r, that the peop1 ka and the formahnic wariety hawe remely complex
we do not fully t. Again, it is
keep in mind ic composition of both in cultural
thnic and demo2 was not the
single historical unilinear process,
took place thrng history. the ogy can be applied
rities. 15
ANTA:
at Saiya is ni Was iom of tha Tam|| -Aryan days and | is synonymous e of Sai'yü 15 Tı h35 enged: rough the vehicle language Carlie gion which the ir G.U. Pope'' st elaborate, inun doubtedly the ally valuable of *Many hawa regardld Tamil as being "Thus, and Lha L. list without thc s rightly said Ya Tlum, Saiyamum
id in a fairness I agreed on this
Myths
From the forthcoming volurne Facets of Ethnicity in Sri Lanka by the Social Scientists' Association.
approach to Tamil identity. Satchi Pon rhamba. I am for eg: strogl y ble
lieves that the Tamil identity has no religious base and that religion for Tamils is a matter
of con Science. But, any attempt to link religion and community Cäm | food tỡ c:XC |ụ5 |ựẽ tr:Tdgr1Ci [:5 and has chauvinist potential.
Sai wa Siddhanta appears to hawe two sources with regard to its philosophy. Shiwa padas underam in his book on the Saiya School of Hinduism states that the authoritätive Yorks gri Saivai5 m are the twenty cight Sivagamas which are originally in Sanskrit... A chapter of thc: Raurawa Agama, called Silvagnanabodham and consisting of twelve couplets said to hawe been reyeated to Saint Nandi, as the essence of Agamas, was translated into Tami in the twelth century by Meikandar Who a 5 C a digi LC. I a Correltary. This was expanded by his disciplics and later saints into
what is now considered the Saw: Siddhantha doctrine, it is also said that some of the thoughts
HHH 0Lt LHuLGLH S GLLLLL LLL LLLLK S S LLLHEL S SLLLLLLaL the original works im Tam || Such as the Thiru marthiram cof Thi rmalar written in the first century, The philosophy of Saiva Siddhanta became an important part of Tarrıi I i dern ti ty in Sri Lanka whg:n Arumuga. Na Yalar, the great ningteenth century reformer, rvived the debittri re ii Jaffna arid South India. It
It is, however, a grave mistake to think that Hinduism, ict, alone Saiva Siddhanta i 5 synonymous With Tari. Tamil Nadu was the center of Buddhist and Jain earning until the tan Lh Century. In fact, it is argued that the great Hindu revival of the minth and tenth centuries was a reaction to the Powerful inte|| Cctual influences of Buddhism and airism.
9

Page 22
Some great Tam || Works such as the Silappadikaram and tha ManniIrekalai were Buddhist and Jain texts, Tami | religio Luis history has thus been pluralistic and cannot be confined to one specific doctrine.
Saya Siddhimta 15 it exists today is an erudite philosophy :: supposedly explains the essence of Siwa worship. Sri Pornnarı ba Ia m A, runacha l3, T1 5Lu mmarizes this 255 ence 35 folla WS ...
Sai wa Siddhanta postulates throc entities - God (Pati), the Soul (Pasu) and Bondage (Pasam). The
schere of the Universe has for it'g alism the seisimic, wa || of the Saul's impurity and its union with the Lord Siwan, so a 5 to destro y duality and maja (I|usion) The devotional aspects of Bhakti worship are combined with the more philosophical tradition of the Vedanta, Siwa Siddharta is said to be extremely metaphysical and it is claimed that some of the cencepts such as the term for primordial energy can only be communicated in the Tamil language. However, it is unlikely that the refined doctrine of Saiwa Siddhanta is thg basis of the religiosity of the Tajority of Tami people in Sri
Lanka. Popular religion is rarely found in this abstract form. The wast majority of Hindus in the
North are Bhakti worshippers, d2 volIT followers of Lord °luruga, Ganesha, Amman and Shiwa. To claim Lihat a || Tam i 15 at: followers of Saiwa Siddharita is a artifical attempt to construct a monolithic religious doctrine to unite the Tamil people. This is mot only unusually doctrinaire but goes against the essence of Hindu philosophy which has had a strong tradition of syncretism, drawing from all religions and popular traditions.
The use of Saiya Siddhanta as a gos Pel for the Tami|| mationa
list movement also poses major preblems. This gospel of Saiva Siddhanta, as a part of Tamil
nationalist political discourse must be as alienating to the non-Hindu5 a5 Buddhism was for a PanSri Lankan identity. If the Tamil ma wement is to be se er as bicing historical fy Progressive in thc Sri Lankan context, then it must
O
be a movement and which accep
Lh it 13 "gacter"
LINGUISTC N
The Tami | lang one of the Tost ing points of th: ment. The darnard tion of a Tarill L is a product of th Give the fact wances gathered r Lākā fter t: Sinhala Only Act. prising that the should be a fica identity. In add Tärnil la ringuage a: La rakan which pro to the Siti Länkai ctive fram h|s G| counterpart.
Ewen before th conflict, Sri Lāli expressed pride language in Ino L!
"Tami is or
languages of th flower ed Etooth 31 Fʼ1 - Sri Lärıka. that has given disti || |ed wi 5ed CF in which It hä hardly exists collection of r wo häwe no c
Since 1956, Lhi häs o 5 statu 5 from 'rights' value'. Legislati
Sinhala Only Act Heart of Sri Lank Though denial of is an aspect of si om, im asserti T Cle Tust be l" falls of linguis|| Recent writings as Benedict And the fact that lin iš Ti i 5 after the form of nation: måttioriālism ; wernacular speaki classical example wir|en|L. CriLi tists mus L. Flow: tiom as to What bcrofit.5 from thi:
i 5 T. BCIT dit ching forms of nat aut I the world

which is secular its the Tių liti— f our society.
ATIONALISM:
uage has been important rallyTam i mo Yefor the recogniinguistic Region is ol, is e55, hat Tami griamomentum in Sri passage of the , it is not SurTamil language point of Tamil tion, it is the ; Spoken in Sri wides am idèntity n Tari I distin* Hier Tarihi | Nadu.
current ethnic kan Tami || 5 hay e in th cir Tami | : "Ti Ti 5:
of the oldest it world and it im South || ṁ dia IC is a langų ägė the wor||d the m of the Kuta | 5 ccm said there
the world : axims in which ifty wisdom':
3 Tamil language
ir Sri Lanka, wa | Le Leo '' Luise on such as the struck at the
a Tamil identity. language rights political oppresIg these rights are of the pitlic nationalism, by such writers erson point to guistic nationalmost wituent Sm, Simha || 3:2 articulated by ng olitics is a of this type of call social scienwer ask the quesgroup or class 5 type of nationalAnderson reserionalism throughcorties to the
conclusion that is the ideology of the elites educated in the Wernacular, ha bouting tre Tendous resentinent against races and classes which hawe pre wented their LPward social mobility. This class i 5 radical with regård to imperialism and international capitalism but conservative with regard to its own nationalism and ethnic Pride. Anderson points to the fact that this ideology is particularly powerful because the warnacular speaking elites usually control the communication system in any given society. The fact that the Tamil language has been discriminated i gainst sinte independence can be well substantiated by historical fact. However, it may be recessary to see whether Anderson's thesis is rewart with regard to Tami nationalism. Sri Lankan Tamil writing, due to the recent diaspora, is no longer dependent on the Sri Lankan state for publication and disse: mination, self-criticism, in line with Anderson's thesis, may therefore hawe to become an essential part of Tamil social science.
TRADITIONAL HOMELANDS AND SINHALESE MYTHS:
Even as we critically myth creation on the part of Tamil writers, we have to be watchful of the continuing process of myth reiteration on the part of Sinhalese scholars. Giwer the fact Sinha lese nati ornalist ideology has State backing this ty Pe; of en terprise may hawe di Sturbing consequences. A s mentioned earlier, myth5 with regard to "Aryan', 'Sinhala' and "Buddhist''' hawe been Lunder Scrutiny fron critica | Sinhalcesc scholars since the 1960's. (See introduction) however, there hawe been 3 seri 5 of recet article5, com archaeology and settlement which in an indirect way reinforce Sinhalese myths about history. Though Tiany writings have appeared, I would prefer to concentrate on what appears to b8 3. genuine scholarly attempt to deal
SS
with the relationship between settlement history and ethnic conflict. This is a Paper by Pro
fessor" (G.H. Pieris, reference5 Td which hawe appeared in the national press, and which is el tit|| cd

Page 23
"An Appraisal of the Concept of a Traditima | Tami || Hamme llard in Sri Länka".“ In his Faper G. H. Pier is states that the Sihalese and 'Sinhala Purana' willagers were the original settlers of the Eastern province. Whether the Nagas were Tamil and whether they were the first ir habitants of Sri Lanka CT whether Sinhala purama villagers were the original settlements in the eastern province may be of interest to historian 5 and geographers but is this really relevant to the current political debate 2 G. H. Pier is cannot even argue that his paper is a balanced non-political, piece of writing because he Presents his argument in no
unce"Lain terms as a polomi against Tamil Political der Thands: "Among the various exemplifi
tätions of Tärsi | nationalism in Sri Lanka, those related to claims over torritory have acquired in CrCAS ing From in en ce during thi 2 recen. Pa St. These claims àra based on the perception that certain parts of the country belong exclusively to the Sri Lankan Tamils.'... The present study is an at[2mp [ to placo this perception under critical scrutiny','! Some scholars may CCTILE5. Professor Pieris' empirical findings but to do Sic is to ricetur to the debate on myths of origin vyho C. Ta first to the eastern E" etc... the type of deatc. which has characterised our ÉS 2ärch få frid accentuated the ethnic conflict. I prefer, instead to contest his premises and 15sumptions.
One could argue that scholars
who analyse Sri Lanka's ethnic conflitt år: dividick! in to two schools; those whose approach
comes from a desir: for modern solutions to contemporary problems of justice and democracy and those who argue from a wantage point of historical right. The former uso modern Sorces LISI ally from comparative history; the latter draw their inspiration fro Il history and archaeology,
A theory of social justice which Primarily or exclusively rests on an analysis of historical research and historical right has enormous
pitfalls. For exam interesting to ask whether if indep Cr ing research were that the Tamils, C: Northern and Ea: and Håd a hista there W3 Luild Tizni have the right t state. If it is pr Nagas WCrC: in fac this mean that th the righ L. LO TU i siâp criw (2 T1 i Ti ar Simha | C5 C2 lè l
what about the
claims do they ha of competing his The rey ar 5 e typ could be asked of bala and M. S. clair La moder an analysis of חס Illust be treated skepticism. Hy wo : the historical clai || group, Say thė Tam end up reiterating right of the othe say the Sinh= le% g they get trapped of inquiry into ti land claims a Tid lan are self-perpetuati are 3 cm e 13 t 25. during times of c frontatic. THE CIL traditional homela aeological settlemi exereise in futilit
Another problem Such als G: H. Pi concept of '''Lira di as a geographical tham a poli Lical C
S.L. Filent or who iw when. Though th to objectively, hi bla 5 commeg ir to he quotes E. B.
Cf | is, 35 LITė = races that are in Ceylon, Cinly
regard Ceylon as thig, ma Licin arm d tlo mätimal traditi) f'13
Why this, quo seriously consider such as these , the concept of T horelands colle standing of the E

Ple: it may b c G. H. PiTi 5: idԸnt, Convincto really show tre first to the stern province rical presence This herefore :o a S 3 pară : * owed that the :t Tiili |, dogs e Ti Tills hay! e the Whole E3:35, whicer : the majority? And Muslims, what ye il thi 5 er torical Rights? g of questions Salchi Pafını Taty endra. Any justice based early history, with exts, E.T,13 ver in refuting is of one ethnic it, many scholars the historical r ethnic group ... As a result by the subject a discourse of d rights, These ng debates that a pist especially
risis and courrent de bater on inds and arch
ent is One Such y.
is that scholars eris treat the tional homeland
concept rather me and in doing elabra gued where a Tid era: is a clai T s own political evidence wher. Denham as P3, TE - "among the 5; | L | T1 ET - LIS
էյր է:
CH: hic The of shrine of its
1
t? Ono II List Whether articles which object to a traditional frr:Til är ur deaclitical concept
of traditional homelands or fram a belief that Sri Lahka is the ancestra i property of the Sinha|esse. Prof. Pieri5 attempts to tea own Tali ai 15 to tra ditional homelands not with the icri tical scientifi- İrıtları E.İdarı of scoffing at all political enterprises which mystically connect land with people but with the scaming purpo5e of legitimising the profoundly Sinhala myth that Sri Lanka is a mation-state, a land which historically belongs to the Sinhalese, ewer though some parts hawe been "Tam illis ėd':
''There is indeed a mass of evidence which shows that up to about the 13th century the more powerful Sinhalese rulers did exercise soverignity over the Eftir L island...'**
But is this the historical norm? K. M. Da Siya seems to think other Wisc:
"Indcc.d one had to look further
back into the past to find a period when Sinhalese rulers had control over the whole
island to the second half of the Ith century and the first
half of the Welwth. But, eWCI this had been in effect an interlude of Indigenous rulla
sandwiched between two phases of South Indian domination'".
| In fact K. F.M. De Silwa 3ırğu 25 Lihat British rule was a turming point with regard to the effect iw c2 administration of a centralised
S.
Using the framework of a Rajarata Region which has been subsequently Tamilised, G.H. Pieris goes into imply that the presence of Sinhala Purana villagers in the Eastern Province in ancient and medieval times justifies modern day state aided colonisation schemes which are altering the ethnic power balance of the Pro Wince at the time of independence as it Exis LS today.
It may be convenient to Carica ture political problems associated with state a idad colonisation Sch2mes as a primordial Struggle over ancestral property. To do so, however, is to miss the point, Tamil claims against land settlement polici es rasult from their spręs en C fears and destruction of their
고||

Page 24
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Page 25
political power and econmlc security. Their claims are against the post-donougmore Sinhala dominated state which held out the promise cof a Sri Lankam nation. The proEo term of colonisation is a Tiger Problem of ethnic minorities who are alienated from a state which reflects the interests of a seemingly hostile ethnic majority. These are sensitive political issues that surely cannot be conceptualised as a simple quarrel over ancestral lands.
In addition (G, H, Pieris " Comcept of settlement and of history in the North and the East is unilinear. In terms of settlement as well as political history he assulles that the Sinhalese and the Rajarata civilisation came first and them around the tw (:lth century thc: region was "Ta milllised". This unilinear approach ta ethmic sertlement has rarely been accepted by social Scientists who see Sctic ment as a complex dynamic proces,5, automo Thous from the forces of political and dynastic
history. This antonomy provides for a different type of process |cading to what is now termed
'subatorn studio 5'. Orië of the accepted premises of this understanding is that history of archaeologica | Settlement Cannot be anaysed using modern political categories as they cxist in modern fl at Carl 5tates. R.A. L.H. GLIrleyar
done writes for eg:
''The disparate nature of the early settlements in the island, with each willage clustering around a 5 mal reservoir wQL | not be conductive to the dewloP ment of strong group identities. . . it will be evident from the preceding suryery that the nature of Sinhala identity as well as the relationship of the group brought together by this identity with other groupings based on religion, ritual status and languages waari ed in diferent periods of history, 5
Il fact, como has to ask what i 5 "Tamilised" and what Is " “Sinha lised’’ and which ca The first! Ga na math Obcysokera writes:
"Except perhaps for the oldest stratum of settlers prior to 500 B.C. almost all subsequent
settlers ir Sri South India, In Nadu, Orissa |
quickly became
Michael Roberts
view of Tigration Simhalese Castes:
"" || Tor wit the Salagaria a the Karawa (we relatively recent
arts. Newer the into the stru: regulated corv
came to be reg |ggg c:15 tes''o7
C). What real
the modern Polit "Tali' and "Sir modern political
(T
So you di WF7é de E73 te Cry pity a FIX you, a The Dieces WWWWW & SW BLI ! f/7ñ5 W5 Car77 of Sifa After Is
Sία η τηe . |W// ľť EJ8
MMOreg a ffaf: Ald War To gasp fi Cry Why S And frn You, a We, the Si MM_J L'VIV ), ä5 CW Nza for Lista"), CLYr Mowl dow Sri iped in
г. п7 г7е FC)/k (JJ ht. Tha i puppe A/S C Waa We
Choreogrā p.

Larka cam from ostly from Tarini ar 1 di Kera la amid Si ha i5 ed''
has a similar of some of the
h such castics as 1d the DLL rawa, re) made up of
Drawidian migrles 5 thay Slotted Itive of a Sto2 2 5 erwir a rħid garded as Sinha
policy to studying settlement patterns of ancient and medieval Sri Lärmka! How tela want Were they to the group identities and self-perceptions of those dots in settlement maps? The history of Settlements and the politica | history and ideology of states cannot
be collapsed into one research realm. Scholars hawe long agat Core to terris With differences
which exist between political history and political discourse on the one hard and migration and Scttlement Patterns on the other, In addition,
to try and read the past through present controversics is; cf. En an սոn ctes Sary and mis - placed enterprise, such an approach to the present conflict will only compound existing problems,
significance are ical certit 35 of ha | S "" ar the debate an land
RI) STAR WARS
ad to prove a point 2, fortunately, wasn't yours S t Wiese experts jo frnt by joint
7c fhe Airlina brings the flowers. - the politiciaris cannot paste Wept Swiftly under the terrorist carpet
human flesh and a/s ife haste '77 f/7e rising ster 7 cs) of roť. Wii Reagan read his sern7on roxy and despatch the Obs laser, cluster, or Just Wapalm five thar the Wurriper is a rid the irriobs
both sides have fried a Y arsena Is of Fatg G/Zsa Č Or) fsér SS Cor of t/g scé ti" coes not the inferno abate f I Circe to Dio Ls old sogas ence. lead and married 771st hear us 177pletons of this un lucky is le deep We fee the break up, Sifhätters ir our sir77 ille. dead too are puzzled wn in the bright fields of the gun tij e dark jung la or dazzled ast, or killed on the urbări run. Jth Sides are confused but dimly suspect
teers Who prance the rising Pol Pots their flomework Clear in perspect 3F7 y for fading Bonapartes.
- J. KAR UN ATLAKE
23

Page 26
The failure to distinguish between the actuality of settlement and the imperatives of Ideology also poses problems for the unders. tanding of the concept of traditiorial horie: lands. lin his haste txi treiät traditi Illa | hii Tell 15 as a geographical concept, G. H. Pieris does not attempt to come to terms with the concept of trad|- tional homelands as it is actually used in in thropologică | ård politica | Stiere literatur. The terri originated in anthropological literature with attempts to describe the lifestyle of tribal groups. In political science the terri, traditional homelands has become a part of the arsenal of liberal, democratic discourse and is used
gLLLaLLLLLLLS LLLLLLaLL aC S S S LLLKLLLLLL ethnic minority which does not Control 5 L:1E Power 35. its rights against the State, especially when the state attempts to dilute the political power of the ethnic group or to alter its social and economic life-style. It is in this context that the Tafil clair to traditional homelands can be best understood. Ironically, the concept of traditional hic Telands is an aspect of political discourse which attempts to find solution of ethnic conflict Yợi thin the fra Thework cf 1 matic-StåLC. Il fact in South Africa thic term is anaeth Tha Precisely because of its Collaborationis L Connotations. In the Sri L3 fikia II cof text, the ter T traditiral Fırtı elas has been "primitivised' into a primordial debate over territory, history, Claims and -Luftter-Clarns.
It must be accepted that the Concept of traditional ho Thelands differs from the notion of promised land, a chlogen piece of territory for a chosen people. The concept of Sinh: dwipa is a variant of this type: cof Political discours, 2. ||t is truc that some aspects of Tamil nationalist writing also speak in thics terms and in terms of a exclusi we home land for Tamils. | his article, Professor Picis presents us with some quotations of this type of Tamil nationalist claims. In such a context, it is Vital that these attempts at Creating mystica connections betW cen land and People be confronted and criticised, but not from a
24
wantage point : stake a superi Particular cthnic the perspectivo promised land ethnic chinuwinis | for territoria | C.
With the inte present ethnic c 5 oci city have for chos en to forg humanic aspects traditions. r13ted and ideologues f If it i 23 (Čiti; those aspects of history, which ac ces and which s
3.5 the supremo Modern political u5 ed a 5 Tirror
and history is u in an ethnic wa issues of justice get CSt in al di 3CC fact and counter in this strLiggle fa historical inter
13rg i Lun i Wersal : often forgotten.
3; Luch as th {:5 it
ber Ash is Nandy "that knowledge is not sy much
inferior knowled
FOI OTN CTES
I). S. Foin: Tbalan,
| | lԷid E.2Ս I2, Ibid բ.?ն
B.Sc. S. Bill: of Sri Lanka: TE l. Il 5:rgo Fog | Ethnicity, SSA. E.
| +, M. Saty endra p.3 5. S. Perif;ğlı bıları
| É, See S. Shiva pada School of Hinduis
F. As its P. F. di TT | ::ti: Felligio Luis "Y titin F:
| B. M. Saty endra P.
| 9. Se E. Ander 3: ties, London, 3.
20. A paper present ff - Et:1IIffl. Lirf Frailer, ICES K
2. G. H. Fieri 5, " i
Concept of 2 Trad
2. Eid A.34 23. Ibi di P.B

lf attempting to Dr. Claim for a group but from that a claims to always lead to Tim and a les ire Xpansion.
r15ification of the onflict. We, as a gotten, or have at, the deeply of our respective di many Writers TOT 'Notius to Tto em Phasize our culture and centuate differenee ethnic loyalty a human Walue. Categories are 5 into the past sed as a weapon of words. The and oppression urse of historical -fact. Ironically, r h : " “correct" ' retation, Cther ; c. ii || 'walu E:s år Perhaps, at times is best to rectF's får CL 5 F’LIST,
without ethics
bad eth Č5, 15
.
p. 8
yake, The PedPl ing e tal (etion PF115 s:f Hi5 tgrự am H d. c. clit. P. W. III
p.33
&limi degramı, The Sofiya m London 1334,
na lachalam. SILIdies 5. Philosophical and 5, Colспbo, |937 p.87
s
r, sricIned Corri Lr3.
led at a Workshop on itriids of the Ethnic .an dy, 1985.
, , prai: al Cf the itional Homeland'p.
24.
5.
25,
7.
28.
K. H. De Silva, "Sri Link: The DİleLLLL S LL S LLTLLLLLLLLtLLL LLLLLS S LLLLLLLlLLLSS National Workshop crh structural Arrangorrents, Taita Hills, September
3.
R. A. L. H. Gunawardenn op. (IE p. 43
G. Cobeys ek eral, ""Political Wicience and the Future of Democracy in Sri LLLLLLLLS LLLLLLLHHLLLLSS L LLL0 LLKKS 00LS բ.10.
Michael Raab certi, Caste Cariffiċti rrid Esite Farmatian : The Ri:: of a Karard Elite, Cambridge, 1982, p. .
A his and op.cit. p. 13
LETTERS . . .
(Continued fram þage ()
Yoyar. Fr" mık : no mistake it was a war. It was like the days of 'rule Brittania' Brittania rules the world". Those haloclyn times of White supreпасу and British rooia is T. Yes, our foreign office did wonder for the immigrant in England by supporting Britain in Her hour of wärt. In her hour of need when a brown cor black skil on British str.22 Ls. at the Falklands height was a Sure sign for a 55 ault,
Lakshman Umagiliya
CTI bogo "
* NOT HARWARD
A brief note relating to a minor factual error at page 7 of May Is It is suc:.
LLS LLLLLLaaHa LL LLLK LLLHHHHK Ministry is alas not a Harvard man. He is how Ci'w cr a fir 5. rate constitutional lawyer having worked with G. P. Çm thç. Kishmir and Mizoram regotiations, Mr Chidam baram, hoyw cyer, did go to the Harvard Business School and socL" a M. E. A. degree, having taken his basic degre es from Presidency College
Madras. He incidentally was in the li “baby class' with a M. Rail of the Hindu. He had
a highly successful legal practice before the Madras High Court and the Indian Supreme Court, before being inducted into the Union Council of Ministers.
T. N.
Colombo W

Page 27
Our busin oes beyond
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Page 28
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o others who view us for their
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