Page 1
Special to the - -
Gavaradian The Prospe
Vol. 9 No. 1 October 1, 1986 Price Rs. 4.00
Sangha in the New Sc Can the Sirima-Sangh
The Tusse for Trinci
::::::تعلیم
Open Economy and th
T.U.L.F. Views on Making a TIGER' -
覆 圈
ASINAMAL and Ap: Social and Moral Cos | IMF's Shadow Over S Also: N.A.M. on Ter
A Tribute to
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

cts for Peace
- Pran Chopra
}ciety -- /Wewton Gaunas ing ha
na Alliance Mobilise ? - Mervyn de Silva
O - Barbara Crossette
Mahaweli
- Prabha karan InferView
artheid - serena Tennekoon ts of Militarisation ri Lanka rorism, Disarmament Simone de Beauvoir

Page 2
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Page 3
WHOLENCE AND NO SECURITY
P.T.A., Eriergercy regulariors, Arrhead Reser yes, Herre Grčards, ST F, Foreign in structors, and a Mir7is fr"y" gf NatiorTri! SecTirir y... bror flere is sig sectri). For persons af responsibility, Pherher gO'EFFIFFIerf sor o Ir reside it, appear" to be fill alive to the as Idrishing spread of violence throughout the Island in the very recerir Fast. När IP e rrıflifat ry” conflict or the terrorisri or the privare killing by Lif allrogether Peyi types of violence, by Srial சFgார்: ரா, H38 ஆf ther ғquipped with плоderл итеaports.
עf druט זArmed Erpt/ps, rip kro ii r I political pers, Isidor, seer
ro Ehe quire : acri ye o LIfside the rior fi arid est, fie filair Theatre: of war. The first signs of this pheriormerior carrie 11’ith the disarded Rர்: Rat Rif: But then there was talk of other Erта нинђегy boored our of ring forces for iridiscipline. Next L'a7 777 e Tey's gif" de Ferfer, Who Fird taken to highway robbery. The Privale riffías and The gargo ாேe I: த ஆf a targer):
JË TË TË.
SOCIAL COST
Tigrik, ra The Finare Ministër ཏེ་ IMF loan") the country tas Beer Fidely a Hakered to Economic costs of War and the price the “liberalised ecolory" may have 0 ரா (பி: therfore every cors turrier) ifi The peace effort collapses. What of the social costs of Filitarisatio? While we are seeking to protect the nation and the religio, the dhamma deepa is being so rapidly transferried to a new kind of society Where violerice, like the Philippines II the 60's arid 70's, hecaries a way of life. And var of the rritoral Cos Y FF. The
incidence of violence involving yorg people, osten froni ** respecifa File" färr illies is ritur
77 (or orally shocking bozur PPI er7acing.
LAW ENFORCEMENT
Tie increas irngiiy urger r arid Fligh fly desperate appels by The IGP for discipline is yet another
Sigri f she dr FFFC FE FES. Li Ho and corruption the ageries of The Hendrie FP
Pog Sch These GF5FF" fifi, Ar-hirig 8 repreїел, а гіне!у 7 dargerozis frer
Three recers traig isri
rally irresponsibl. iיניזpre,7d JEI, error gyfer i'r Floyd Flyg o Ff'ef'
A5 fig Morri II,
der F double-kiirg II Polize. If ye Eh5 El They h итвадолд, гHёу / αμΙταriίμ HIι Ιήεν gher ry right irresporIsibly' or the Magis fra e r
A Fertial
legely dri opened fire
r Carrying Te Department er ar of Vier policer?Ta her flertiftes 1 proceed. Алinл: killed b1 er er сор илho was si ar the lyres".
(Сопtiпшеd
äÜAR
W. N. O.
Price
PLEIGH foi
La lika Guardian P
No. 246, U COLOM
Editor. Mervy
נeחםhםםTel

'y' i rònt in old le 5,5 ress, Crire Tve spreťľď Fri ľa .!IיIEזeforcerיו Flag i FFF is syrporario. sirtar Lirius Iually LIV NW editerial
yarririg dahoLu r id:
Rooing caridas Věd. Jd Črfe policemen have a reig of e people who ί πίgif.
'ei wa Magistrare fitir ori fie IMMA FAT rial, fe liitely rio right egrigieriלְEיוז זg beeri géיןi E EEP f f e FEFE iridistrir 77 fra felly, le.
af Friday", ar er policerar
IEсолтіліџfтїгтгforт giлғers, affer
T, երբ քիքcked
Prif falla fer fra cer drīē
Izy, cock-Eyed
Tippo,5Ed ra I irFi
TREN
ETTERS
Provincia Borders
In TRENDS column about Border Problems there Was a reference which was wery interresting. It was 'Prof. For Five LLLLLL LLL0L SSSS LLLLLL HLL S SLLLH LLLHCL to be found on that subject. Could you please tell us who this Professor was and What five provinces
D. W. P. N. Aaale Kandy
Note by Ed. Cur mistake. The Item which should hawe appeared in Sept. 5 issue is published in this number and is self-explanatory.
Privatisation and Privilege
Much as been said and written OuLLLLLL SS HH K S LLLLLLa S LLLLLLLLLLH between students of the State Medical Faculty and students of the North Colombo Medical College at the Neuro Surgical Unit of the General Hospital, Colombo. So far, however, the main issue at stake has conveniently been side-stopped.
)2 dge 2( (Сопtinued on pageק חפ
CONTENTS DAN News Background
Egerarmic Storm Clouds Gathar 구 ctober 1, 1986 The Pulsc of a BILECT Conflict B The Symbolic Role of the Sangha 9 Professor for FC Provinces RS 4.OO The Filliam Mod -- II
Pilgrimage in War time 3. rtnightly by Foreign News 5 Lublishing Co Ltd. TULF Propos als - TW לון Doctorship and Patientship 9. ni GTI Place, How Close to Peace | BO — 72 A PTI stor With o Lu Wa IIIs -- II
SĩTTlCTB HE. Beäuựg|F
* Sy Printed by Ananda Press,
B2/5, Wolfendrid J. Street, Colombo T3. G47 58 Telephane 3 5 g 7

Page 4
The Issue harta is whether students of a purely private institution should be allowed to enjoy the facilities of a State hospital at the expense of the Faculty students. The GMOA has already tasted the experience of what has gone on and is happening at present in the Ragama Hospital, due to the encircoch ment of this private entity into the hospital and exploiting its facilities. No wonder then the fears expressed by students of the Colombo Medical Faculty that what happened to the CTB and some other Statesponsored Corporations could ultimately happen to them too.
The GMOA is generally not against students of any particular type, but what it opposes is the fact that the said private Medical college is mainly State-sponsored in all spheres, except the recruitment of students, which is limited to criteria other than knowledge and qualifications, and also the fact that part of its staff are supposed
to be paid ex when compare employed by Uli Wertsities.
We Haye a | F | the Ministry of and Teach ing Ho: where at prese employees hawe guard these : creating in fact Unheard of bef requested the from compellin: the Neuro. Sur these students, right to do.
Dr. W. General
TRENDS. .
(Continued
ΑΙ ΗΤίτμαία pedestriar was
ARISTONS TOURS No. 5 Gower Street, COLOMBO 5.
Cables: TURNTDE"
Fինրը :
FOR MWELL OWER A
ARISTONS
GLOBAL REPUTATION IN THE FIELD
ARISTON'S HAVE OPENED OUT N
EXPORTS IN AN ENDEAWOUR TO, CO
HEAD
ARISTO
5, GoWE Color
5 B 843 6, 5 E

horbitant salaries d to personnel the State and
Bady protested to "Women's Affairs spitals on this issue חסחiוח italקsסnt h.
been deployed to rivileged students : a unique situation ore. We hawa also Ministry to refrain our members at gical Unit to teach
which it ha 5 no
M. S. Ratnapriya, | Secretary, GMOA
from page I)
tggIIחiI חI .
erry jured
иphғл рolice fired, Perhap birdy, அரச சாரing „frorH CH5ľady.
A free iriderry occurred Fr are TF Whsch Tré relatively ந:fil and where he gா should be, if ar all, The las FEForf."
The corrosive effects of the நற5-1977 istralial) டிரி polifical Violence" (the phrase s Prince tor Professor Garrati Obeysekera's) and militarisation of Sri Larka society'ere fragically evident in the Trinica campi inciderat in August Whieri a soldier killed fi'o officers Tid another did then, reportedly, shot Piiritself. On Sept. 24, si Private in a Colombo carp was said to have killed a colleague diriad rifier shor Hirri self. Is this of the enery's (whatever identity 'g gve hir) rel reverge or a once fairly stable and peaceful so terri Society?
HAILF A CENWTURY
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OF EXPORTS AS WELL AS IMPORTS
EW WISTAS IN NON-TRADITIONAL
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40, Front Street, COLOMBO II.
Telext: 2302 RUWAN||

Page 5
The Guns of Se and. . . on to F
Mervyn de Silva
R August "peace' was the dominant tendency. The opposite was true of September. Between mid-August and end-August, when the TULF leaders returned to Madras after Round Two of the
negotiations, the "peace Process'
advanced steadily but between mid-September and the month's last days, it is struggling hard and is almost out of breath trying to keep pace with the opposite process. The countercurrent, decidedly stronger, has been re-inforced by two events: first: by the expansion of the anti-P.C.'s oppositional front, its Iпcreasiпg шпity and its gгеater readiness for mass mobilisation, with actual capabilities however sti o Eegsed second the LLLLLLLaHLH S aLL aaaL L HLLL HLLL LLLLLLLLS flict and its sharp concentration on the strategic Trinco-Batticoloa. region.
The first concleF 15 the Hom:5 til: political front, the domestic constituency or public opinion which is all important to the UNP government as it is for any regime, And Sinhala-BuddhEst sentiment Is the paramount factor. Especially in a democrary, no regime, unless it is seized by a death-wish, advances too far a field from its main support-base, Its rank-and-file, its army without uniforms.
Ewer since the SLFP became the alternative to the UNP, the Sinhala vote has been more or less equally divided between these tWO traditional ti was, with the UNP'5 irreducible minimum di5tinctly higher than the SLFP's. The SLFP has a potential wellover - 40 percent reach, with a 30% bottom line.
But the UNP starts with a hard-core 35% and, at the best of times, exceeds 50%. These are by no means exact figures but a general observation based
on electoral Per quarter century. Wote 5 of the no whelmingly again the most recent 1982 (presidental 1982 鬣 ings of Sinhala E right now are n CLIII || E. Ho Wayar
doubt that the anti-UNP shift
than the UNP's p Pollan — 02 Como mi [C 9 year fatigue f. of corruption, t power, the desi a notoriously sel lot-power consci From the day
pulled that gig called the Ref: intelligant, highly torate, the UNP been on a slipp C
CREDIBILITY C.
WIEH te T Ele TLILF I Tamil middle, li the loss of Cred total. Arnong there has been of credibility which could usually UNP in tral' segments Credibility Crisi that has overstay may поt be a the ethnic confli Crisis but it is a Consideration ir effort to seek so
For diferat groups have joi anti-UNP fold. have quickly gr: that the UN scheme is a rea Welcome target It is the first ha 5 Cole with to beat the on

ptember Round 3
formance ower a
Sifice the Tami | Tith Went owerst the UNP on occasions, Oct. polls) and Dec. ), accurate read:lectoral opinion 1lde moré diffthere 5 little te hāS Eee an for reasons other row incial councils pressures, the ictor, the Smel | he arrogance of a for change b f-assertive, 3US Constituency. te UNFP gantic con-trick է rendum on in politicised elec's credibility has агу slope.
RISIS
nil yoLuth, with With a Wen the ass in the South, ibility is almost
the Sinhalese, a steady erosion Within groups identified as clirmed and neu - of society. The s of a regime red its Welcome major factor in ict and national very important the national lutions to both.
"easons, diverse ned the growing These groups asped the fact P's devolution ly-made, highly of opportunity. big stick that in their reach :e all-powerful,
BACKGROUND
and What's more, much feared UNP. They can smell the UNP blood in the Water.
So it is just possible that far more people are anti-UNP than anti-Devolution but only scientific opinion surveys can offer final proof of what is a strong hunch or empirical exercises.
What we have seen in September is the in-gathering of these forces, with the conspicuous exception of the SLMP-LSSP-CP, as far a5 organised opinion goes, and of un-organised "progressive'
and "libera' sections of Sinhala
society. Of course, the militant Sinhala-Buddhist is quite easily the dominant force, the er Totional rallying point, the ideological hard centre. Thus, Kandy was selected as the symbolic scene; Kandy, the home of Malwatte and Asgiriya, sentinel of
HOWARD OM STRATEGY
Our growing tribe of armchair strategists, both the military solution and politicalsettlement plund Ets, should mark well the cornments of Prof. Michael Howard, e minent mili.
tary historian, in his essay on "The Forgotten dimensions of Strategy'. Based largely on
Clausewitz' famous "trinity' (political objective, operational instruments and social forces) Howard criticised those Western strategists who ignored the interdependence of all elements and gawe too much weight to the technological, to military superiority founded on weaponry. The Societal demension, he said, was dangerously neglected. "The attitude of the people upon whose commitппепt and readiness for self-denial we depend' was vital.

Page 6
the Sacred Tooth, the seat of
the last kingdom.
There the curtain was finally raised on a movement that had come into being in the past several months - the Movement for the Defence of the Nation (MDN). The MDN's co-leaders are the Wenerable Palipane Chandananda Mahanayake of Asgiriya, tho mo5ti formi da ba GCC: lesiastical opponent of President JR, Mrs. Sirimavo Bandaranake, a devout Buddhist and the only Kandyan to become Prime Minister of this country. The MDN embraces, the Maha Sangha, monks from as many temples as possible from the 7,000 in Sri Lanka, and thirty two lay Buddhist organisations. Prominent political and public figures are supporters but established political parties are not constituent members in any formal sense. The SLFP remains the main political force Within the MDN.
Not as important as the S.L.F.P's "main force' role but equally interesting is the colourful assortment of personalities now identified with tha M. D. N. Some of thern were present at the Kandy
and
rally, with a pri the Platform.
SPIRIT OF 56
The so included faces, and wel Ikr had quietly with political scene; f חrlsiק5ur חW Iסח a few faces fro fringe-politics to stage. Recognise supporters or act are the Mathews, Goonesekeras, l Ne Wille Fernandos interesting since a new coalition anvil of a single issue (the ethnic gence of disparate and previously an and indiwiduals. this is What one wat of a strici Spirit of 1956".
There is Mr. K. the 'Bhasa' thair when Sinhala. On resonant rallying up however in the
Contraption Styl Havula" by the Left, and later
At the Kandy rally, the Wenerable Palipane Chandananda Mahanayake Thera issued a virtual ultimatum, According to an ISLAND report, the Asgiriya Mahanayake Thera reminded the government that it had presisted in ignoring all the memoranda submitted by the Maha Sangha on the Proposed Devolution Scheme. Umless the government withdraws its present P. C.'s plan, the M.D.N. W II || Hawe to consider "drastic but democratic' courses of action.
Appealing to "patriotic ellements' in the UNP, Mrs. Banda Tanai ke told those UNP'efs who do not vote for the P.C.'s Bill that they need not fear wictimisation o hara SS ment from a future government.
JR picks up M.D.N. gaun'
At the very next ting, the governi to en forGc an emel tion introduced di. insurrection. An) found guilty of t went by force or u Lhe President, r MP's from per |awful dutles W death penalty or prison ment u P t. forfeiture of pro
The governme appoint a Preside sion to investiga reports' about tors trying to If found guilty, their civic righ dara laike lost hi for 6 years fo power'. They on January st

leged place on
long forgotten wn faces that rawn from the miliar faces but company and tha island's lay on centre
as committed we sympath sers Rajara tinas, Prins iyagoles and all politically they represent Forged on the highly charged and a converpolitical forces agonisticgrouP5 Owe and abowe might call for er term the
М. Р. Rajaratne, mpion of an era ly was the most cry. He ended UN P-dominated ed "the Hath SLFP and the retired quietly
tet
Cabineteement decided gency, regullring the 1971 body who is rying to Prenawful means ministers and orming their face the rigorous Im20 years or реггу.
nt will also ritial Co TT ise' intelligence olitical agitameite violen Ce. they can lose ts. Mrs. Barer civic rights r "ab Lises of vere resto red
B.E.
from all politics to take up a full-time career as a lawyer. Then there is Mr. Prins Goonesekera, an ideological heir to the Philipist dualism. Mr. Philip Gunawar wene's fire-brand sociolism of the first phase Was overshadowed by his other SinhalaBuddhist personality in the second post-1956 phase of B. J. B. Mettahanda — N. Q. Dias politics. The direct descendant of cours e Is his younger son, Mr: Dilesh Gunawardene, MP and MEP leader, whose consistency and personal integrity, are better admired outside his own circle of supters than the M. E. P's ideoogica melange.
Both interesting and important was Mr. Cyril Mathew, who moved on to thế Platform at Kandy. Political analysts With a pronounced electoral approach (the Janice Jiggins school) focus mostly on his position as the unackowledged ဂျို့ of a caste that is counted as the second largest in national electorate. But the Tamil community and Tamil politicians know him better as the author of 'Kauda Kotiya?' (Who is the Tiger?) just as all anti-UNP forces, the political parties, trade unions and other opinion-making groups, from the S.L.F. P. to the Left and 'liberal' ideologically, identify him as the deposed Sturmfuehrer of the J. S. S. He could be a considerabic asset to the M.D.N. The Proscribed J. W. P., was unrepresented but in Mr. Prins Goncsekera, the M.D. N. has a strongly sympathetic figure.
TWO QUESTIONS
Two basic questions arise. (a) is the political situation and the mass mood such that 1956' can be repeated 30 years later 2 (b) Can the monks mobilise anti-government opinion in a manner that would make popular protest and agitation a serious problem for the UNP, render the South less governable and thus force the UNP to withdraw its P.C.'s plan 2
To some observers, the UNP's response was a panic-button overreaction. A top-ranking UNP'er said defensively: "Why should. We take any chances 2". Anyway President jR is obvious iyi ready to

Page 7
eye-ball the M.D.N. (See J.R. picks up gauntlet').
The less excited among the
U.N.P.'s higher echelons take comfort from readings of the situation such as the following offered by a pro-UNP Central Province lawyer:
There are up country-low country divisions and this is a more a Kandyan resurgence provoked mainly by what is seen as the
Thonda man Threat, and the Maeya Nadu challenge. Castebased rika ya differences and
dependence of many a temple On state patronage should be borne in mind too. Buddhism is non-violent, pacifist; it does not have the violence-prone militancy of Islam or crusading Christianity." (Newton Gunasinghe's brief study of the Sangha in this issue merits careful reading)
But President JR, taking no chances, has picked up the gauntlet boldly.
While the coming months will provide some answers to these questions, how should the M.D.N. development be situated in the larger national-political situation and in relation to the peace process' and the armed conflict 2
The rise of the M.D.N., signifying the maximum mobilisation of anti-UNP, anti-Devolution forces, makes it extremely difficult for the government to yield more ground to the Tamils in the Third round of the negotiations. Colombo has sent the final document on the subject 5 to be deWolved and the subjects to be retained in the ''Concurrent List'' to Delhi and the TULF.
ARMED CONFLICT
With Indian help, can the government close the gap between its present position (no "merger' or "linkage" but promise of a boundaries commission in 18 months) and that of the TULF, let alone the gap between the TULF and the militants 2 That inbetween ground can be broadly described as North-East linkage; merger, linguistic unit, structural linkage or functional linkage or whatever term is used.
It is this grot. Come the e W theatre of war
While the negot to cover the ga EWo main posit ground is being
Cally, so that t the ground can
Tamil negotiator one physically cc controlled by e is then open to
The obvious m TE TOE SO i ower all strategic as inherently anc tical as military the HINDLI, thị
OE start the ta mentals as they - Mr. Satyendra'. ples" which inclu of the right of 5. and "the tradit concept. But no to raise theoriti i 55 Le5 if the si ground, the actu OT "r TT"s; Ir fundamentas con table as stark ri to be faced.
The govern India and the documents on des a new 3 dagurent Gn government h חס Salsסpסrק
should be pla Tet List" an to the Pro Earlier, the TULF agreed that should the Centre. |ows the Indi pattern).
Just before from Colombo
the TULF is page draft c should be d P.C.'s.
What the now torna i
subjects on P With some

ld that has befont", the main the past weeks.
a tors are trying between the oms, this samme fought for phys2 5ituation On
strengthen the 's hand. What Introls or is not ther combatant negotiation.
ilitary objectives portant as the
air, which is
profoundly poliAccording to E.N.L.F. Will |k5 from fundadid at Thimpu, ; "Four Princides recognition lf-determination Ճnal homelands" negotiator needs cal or conceptual tuation on the al line of control d", places those the negotiating realities that hawe
Thus Trinco where the military objective is both to crowd in the security forces in the port area and part of the city as well as to alter the ethnic balance, or in Tamil terms, to redress the imbalance effected by State land and settlement policies. The battle ower the Morawlewa "corridor" is also dual-purpose - the north-east passage and physical pressure on Sinhala settlements in the adjacent areas to force Sinhala migration southwards. The Primary target in Batticoloa was the airstrip, for obvious reasons, and the bridges-cum-culverts to make troop movements difficult, especially when most roads are land mined. As in the north, camps too are targets, with concerted efforts to prevent the opening of new camps. (The STF itself of course is very special target). New weaponry and new methods were also in evidence, the car bomb in Batticoloa, for example. The basic political-military objective of course is the de-stabilisation of Batticaloa which compelled the STF to increasingly involve the people in its confrontation with rebels.
(Continued on page 8)
FNAL DRAFTS
ment has 5 emit the TULF its fill devolution. Besipage, 25 para "Education" the as submitted. Its what subjects ed on a Concurld what devolved wincial Councils. Government and on the powers be reserved for (The exercise folan constitutional
their departure after 'Round Two" ubmitted a 5 ewan in subjects that Jewowed to tho
government has to accept the ages 1, 2, 3 and 4 ino modification5
and placed the subject headings on Pages 5, 6 and 7 of the TULF draft on the "Concurrent List", that is subjects shared by Centre and Province. By adopting the Indian model on the general demarcation of subjects, Colombo has strengthened its tactical position vis-a-vis the Indian mediator. The key areas are Industry, Education and Health where power at the policy level will NOT be devolWild to the P.C. The TULF would in fact prefer two lists, Centre and Provincia I. Earlier the government had submitted its lists on drafts on interProvincial coordination, law and order, land, and the preliminary constitutional amendments required together with a note on a Boundary Commission to review, and recommend changes in the present provincial boundares.

Page 8

MATER
fe relentless emphasis Phygiene and quality lich is the hallmark of ELEPHANT HOUSE oducts is the assurance 2 give the consuming
| STORESLIMITED
uality food and drink
NYAYANANA

Page 9
M. F. LO AM
Economic storm clouds
i ke most Third World Countries,
Sri Lanka is being forced into debt and therefore to the doors of the IMF, begging bowl in hand. A big drop in commodity prices and a steady decline in the earnings of Sri Lanka migrants form рагt of the explanatioп, аІгһошg that does qualify Sri Lanka for a special drawing from the Compensatory Finance Fund. But that's hardly enough. We need a SAF, a structural 蠶 facility because Sri Lanka faces both a widening budget deficit as well as a yawning balance of payments gap. Soaring military spending and the drop in tourist income and investment after July 1983 account for the parlous condition in which the Finance Minister Illust conduct his crisis-management exercise. He wants 6.5 billion rupees. To do this Howey er he fust be prepared to undertake those "adjustments" that the IMF and World Bank ordain. And 'adjustment" is a euphėmism for economic dgis ion 5 Which arte , bound to bring hardships to a wider segment of our Society than those surviving on Food stamps - a large 40% statum in any case.
So he has produced a three-year "policy package' which he hopes Wi|| convince the |MF-|BRD) gf Sri Lanka's readiness to 'adjust". What of the government, a regime embattled politically and militarily 2 Can he persuade his Cabinet colleagues that it is better to start taking the bitter pill now rather than closer to the 1989 polls 2 Can reason win 2
For 9 years now, the UNP and the upper class lived in a style proper to the new rich. Can they adjust Lo au5 terity ? Will the UNP cat humble pie and swallow the bitter PT || 2
Already, the Minister has disclosed some of the items in his package :
(I) Government Revenue to be maintained at a minimum of 20% of GDP throughout, resulting in -
Year
1986 (Revi: Budge: as:
1987
1988
989
(2) GOYTTE בין סוח סח בוb
Year Govt.
Expend
98. 1987 988 1989
3. 3.C. BDC 9.C.
(3) The balance
be so manag
LITTIT E no mort tha
Year Cur Deffici
98.
1987
1988
1989
POLICES AND RECOMMENDA
(I) The minimur of GDP to be k. time of preparat Budget, at which year's revenue pr
te wicwiced.
(i) Recurrent ex kept at a maximu
(ii) "The rationali enterprises to b
(iii) The recomm Committee appoir tary to the Tre; Advance Account tiously implement SLIFY.
SM) The freeze
illing of vacanc especially in nonand minor grades. even filling of subject to Treas

: gather
Revenue (in Rs. Mn.) ied 35,892
t ate)
41,0é፥ 45,593 52,394
expenditure to than as follows :-
A Toults iture
Rs. Million
57,786 63.650 69,889 75,972
of payments to ed as to achieve count deficit of
-
rent Account t as % of GDP
8.5 7.|| 6.4 5.3
TIONS
target of 20% ept in mind at ion of each year's time the Current ospects are to be
penditure to ba m of 18,59 GDP.
sation of public 2 expedited.
endation of the hted by the Secre15UTy to rewiew 5 to be expeded by the Trea
on new staff and tes to continue, echnical, clerica | lin other grades a cancies to be Шгy approval.
(w) A Committee to be appointed to Work out a Scheme of sewe ranice benefits to redundant staff.
(WI) All new capital projects to be strictly subject to the priorities already laid down by Government as well as the three stage approval procedure.
(vii). The mere availability of aid should not be a criterion for including a project in the Public Investment Programme.
(viii) No Supplementary estimates should be approved by Cabinet except for security purposes aпd for admission of additional aid.
(ix) Whenever a supplementary estimate is admitted for security purposes, an equivalent amount should be raised additional revenue measures and/or reduced LLLLLL LLLLLLaCLS aLaL LLLLLaLLS ELLSLLLaLLLL LLL that the targets could be adhered to.
(xi) There should be strict adherence to advance account limits set for each year.
(xii) Public Corporations/Companies rieq LI iring financial SLIP port must not come to the Treasury for funds or guarantees. They must go to the development and CommeTial baik 5 and to the market on the basis of their own viability.
(3) In order to manage the balance of payments within the current account targets Set, an exportoriented and import-Curtalling strategy to be implemented:-
(i) The exchange rate policy should Ele flexibe.
(ii) The anti-export bias which still persists in the import tariff must be corrected:
(W) The IMF Mission's report on the financial system to be examined by the Central Bank and the Ministry of Finance and Planning with a view to quick implementation of recommendations.
(4) The 1987 Budget to announce the three-year targets.

Page 10
STRATEG|C TRIMICO
The Pulse of a Bitter
Barbara CrO55ette
For the people who try to go on living here, this pictures que port is Sri Lanka's Tost sen15 itiwe batometer of war and peace.
To the north, around the Jaffna Peninsula, the land is acknowledged ethnic Tamil territory. The city of Jaffna lives in armed equilibrium with the rebel Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam controlling the streets and the Sri Lankan Army, mostly ethnic Sinhalese, safe behind fortificatios.
In the south, few people hawe to face the reality of civil War.
But Trimeoma | ee - Fremais the focus of a bitter contest between the minority Tami Hindus and the Tmajority Buddhists. When talks to end the country's ethnic 5 trife Progress, tensions dгор perceptibly, according to residents of the town and surrounding district, also named Trincomalee. When talks falter, fears rise and Wiolence returns.
Over the last few years of accelerating warfare between Tamil separatists and the security forces, thousands of refugees have fled in and out of Trincomalee, leaving the town cramed with dislocated Willagers but empty of Professional GEWIG.
Whic a team from tha Frich Woluntary organization Doctors Without Borders arrived here in August to offer help, they discoWorld that the town had no funtioning surgical hospital and scant medical supplies. No Sri Lankan medical people want to work here, they were told.
The Tails and the Sinhalese both say that the port, with one of the World's best natural harbors and an extraordinarily beautiful geographical setting that could make it a major tourist attraction, is what the Sri Lankan guerrilla wat is a II about
Without Tri Comaee, Tami || Tiilitants say, neither an autonomous homeland nor the independent state they are seeking would work economically.
8
With Tricom tionalists say, PCOS e a SeriOUS THE FET di that might be be affered to an PCW er Dr. 5 er V2 a for an endless
If the ethnic st peacefully, model suggest, Trincor be declared a sp.
On the street SLOW st of clear White in a shades of of the struggle future hawe beel say that if the Colombo, the ca to wist here, Egg Togollwedd fast
Neighborhood: Tamil, Sinha lese lies are pockma and burned she shops. Most oft been borne by whose sons and detained by the say. Local moni port 27 peoP January of this 80 percent of the
Although Tarr recently begun tiwa willages, Irti many victims in: Wara mombers o
a locally rect force.
The Hot
streets, spreadir dent said. He 5 was often purp cau5e aldri and that guards Pol night to keep of tension.
Recent report were about to a camp near til coast brought the offices of Cities" C1

Conflict
lee, Sinhalese naLa Taris COLIId security threat. port installations developed could unfriendly foreign s a supply conduit Eivil War.
rife is to be settled ratc5 oni both sides nale e may hawe to cial territory.
5 of this W-rise ng out along miles 5 al Walte T5 b|ue, Ehe effects for Tricoma ee's brutal. Residents politicians from pital, were forced the dispute might
E.
once shared by am Mosler famirked with sacked ls of houses and he destruction has | Tarmi || famille5, fathers hawe been undreds, residents toring gro LPs rele missing since ear. As many as maire feared daad.
it guerrillas have raiding uncooperaalief workers say, ist their attackers f the Home Guard, uited paramilitary
Suards patrol the g terror, one resiaid that electricity osefully cut off to
in Conweni el ce and ImվEվ Ճn doցrs at fill jag i a State
is that 100 prisoners be released from he country's south hopeful women to the TrIngomalee Tittee.
There, where local volunteers try to keep track of broken families, the women thought they might learn if a son or father was among those to be freed.
But the government had not issued a list. The failure of the authorities to provide information is a major a' source of anguish, relief workers say.
Trincomalee, a British base in World War II, has Christian districts drawn from both Sinhala and Tamil peoples. Priests have been active in organizing what relief services are available to refugees in the town.
At the Eastern Human and Economic Development office of the Roman Catholic Diocese of Trincomalee-Batticaloa, a relief Worker said nearly every house in town was being shared by two or three families. Hundreds of other people are crowded in to makeshift camps.
Near the development office, an empty school building, hot and putrid with the smell of ower taxed latries, 5 home to several hundred women, children and elderly people who sleep on correte Floor5.
If and when the wat erds, relief workers say, many of these
people will have no homes to return to, and 獸 וחםםחו כוחE= earner. The rehabilitation of Trin
comalee and countless rural villages
around it will be a huge and costly task.
- New York Times
The GL mS . . .
(Continued from page 5)
In as much as these developments drive the government towards Round 3, they serve Delhi's basic diplomatic aims. At this point, Delhi's interests and the interests of the militants are not necessarily contradictory,
They run on parallel lines. But they could diverge if the militants are tempted in the same way the government was earlier this year - to go for the military option. It is however unlikely that the rebels have the military capability to mount their own "Operation Short-Shrift."

Page 11
The symbolic ro
Newton Gunasingha
NE of the complex areas
of political analysis is to evaluate and account for the behaviour of apparently non-class forces and social groups which exhibit a degree of ideological coherence and intervene in the political domain where class conflict, even if at times dormant, is never absent. The Buddhist Sangha in Sri Lanka is such an apparently non-class social force which has attained a degree of ideological coherence. Why should one use the term, "apparently non-class"? The Sangha presents itself not as the rePresentative of a single class, but as the representative of a single moral community, the moral community of Sinhala Buddhism. The laity of this moral community is ideologically pressured to Perceive the monkhood as a homogeneous entity, as a sacred group which has taken the moksha oriented path and as the guardians of religious truth. But in reality, the monkhood is heterogeneous, divided into sects, not on the basis of doctrinal differences, but on castic and in addition, differentiated into hierarchical levels within the sects themselves. So one gets an internally differentiated social group, divided both horizontally and vertically, which nevertheless maintains an ideological coherence and is able to act surmounting the fragmentations earlier referred to. Hence, the apparently i nonclass character of the monkhood.
The overwhelming majority of the Sangha, irrespective of the caste sect divisions, comes from the plebian lower middle layers in rural society. The only exception to this used to be the incu Thibents of the historic landed temples in the Kandyan areas who traditionally came from the landholding aristocratic lineages in Kandyan society Ha 15-Dieter - Ewers, fort in 5 tance, was able to establish awuncular transfer of incumbency for ations, from mother's brother to nephew in the Lankatilaka temple In Udun UWärä. But avan at this level social composition has significantly changed during the last two
(Dr. Gunds frigha teaches ecolorrifics at
the University of Peradeniya).
decades, incumbe T"|5COCratiC O Lutter ргiпсipal liпеages Tlen from s Luch || backgrounds are clined to climb of success. The large, emerges fi peasant-small of rura || Si Halla rarely from the
e55 ural Worke.
In mili the Sa role.
that in sea was th but is ideolo
Although in Buddhism, the S. hawe taker an in oriented, directic ture. Im Webe definition of B salvation ideolog) monk - it is not is Simhala Buddhis small communit dwelling monks w in the sociopol bulk of the Bu resident at th ogt thair rokshk. ago. The avera tered the robes WI5head to be si parents persuad the robě5 BWL) his teens, the from which the happens to be th year group. Fo from the sппаІ1 р backgrounds in are generally sub hardship, becor social mobility portunity to 5

le of the Sangha
ncy going to less layers of the as the young privileged social
increasingly inhe secular ladder Sangha, by and om the middle ultivator layers society, but very ranks of the land
S.
diplomas and degrees. Wherever they are they maintain close links with one's senior teacher-monk as well as their families. A high percentage of young monks leave the order to becomic laymen, but only after having obtained some educational qualifications. The LLLLLaL S LHaHLL S SS S SLLL L S LL S L LLLLLLLHHLC of the hazards involved and ensure by enrolling and training a number of young men, that the
tant Sinhala Buddhism, ingha play a highly symbolic The Sangha is not a group has abandoned lay society
rch of salvation as it he case in classical Buddhism, a most vocal group - the gues of Sinhala Buddhism.
classical Indian angha seems to tensely salvationin - which is capr's well-known uddhism as the
of the lendicant o in contemporary m. Except the is of the forestho are not actors tical field of the ddhist monkhood e temples have orientation long -nk has enסוח 3e not because he but because his a T to enter Beforte ha Wa 5 i general age cohort nowices are drawn E Sever to EWelve r children coming ropertied plebian rural society who jected to financial ning a no WİCC2 is and also an OPtudy and obtain
high drop-out rate will not necesSarily eliminate all possible succesSOTS
In militant Sinhala Buddhism, currently ascendant, the Sangha plays a highly symbolic role. The Sangha is not a group that has abandoned lay society in search of sa Iwation at it was the case in classical Buddhism, but is a lost vocal grou P — the ideologues of Sinhala nationalism whose essence is Sinhala nationalism. The Sangha is regarded as the 'guardian of the nation" and myths of how the Sangha stepped forward whenever the Sinhala nation was in danger are daily recounted in the popular media. The self-perception of the Sangha is decisively affected by this mass media manipulation even more than the perception of the people at large.
Political Role
How effective is the Sangha as a political actor 2 Will people follow what they preach today. especially in view of the fact that
9

Page 12
a kinds of traditional authority
structures are in declina and the Sangha surely is one constituent element of this traditional authority 2 Many a political scientist has highlighted the important role played by the Sangha in the 1956 political transformation. Although the political role of the monks. In 1956 cannot be underestimated, one should emphasise that monks in 1956 formed merely one element of a larger social force -the so-called Sangha, Weda, guru
force (monks, ayurveda physicians
and teachers) - which basically represented the rural petty bourgeoisie who were in revolt both against the landlord stratum in rural
areas and in general against urban
interests. Today, this social force
is fragmented and no longer plays
the same role it did in 1956. Further
(as pointed out earlier), the youn
ger monks to day Come from
social strata less privileged than
the rural petty bourgeoisie pro
per. The influence of the monk
hood on rural society, owing to
this social isolation, is probably
less than what it used to be lim 956. But in mass politics, as manipulated by mass media, their level of visibility if anything is even more then it used to be. So here one comes across not the monk who preaches to his village
congregation and patiently con
verts them to a particular point
of wigw, but monks Who act as
symbols and appear to the masses
om TW or the popular dallies with
statements made by the hierarchs or the powerful monks. Thus the wave is not necessarily initiated or created, by the monks. Making use of the collective insecurity felt by the masses, certain wested interest groups manipulate the mass media in such a way as to initiate an upsurge or a mole
cular motion among the mā55ẽ5
with the monkhood endorsed. With
high visibility riding the Wave as
if they really are initia Lors and
controllers of the wawa, which of course they are not.
With accelerated commercialisation within the Drevious decade or so, traditional Sinhala society has undergone fa r-reach ing changes mot de wold of tensions and strife.
O
The Social 5 tatu! of the Tork, Whi to be a member
authority hierarc decline With thes Colf||C. reyer55
Profess
A reputed pric science proposed di Wilson of Sri provinces in Place Tire.
Prof. Shelton LAA5 5eminā problem that th devolution he west, south-east west and north
He also sugges should fa || Ilito u ILS. The Weste comprise the province and pa and Sabaragamu 22.5 t to comp" southern prowing district of the prowince.
He suggested t province to be e: the Uwa provi Sa baragamuWa province to get -Western Pro WIFI east to Compr northern prowin malee and Batti
"There is , , about the presen daries imposed nial powers', P
He said his based on linguist though it woul։ demand for a |
His proposal on viability, he 5 meet some of th

i and the power o essentially used of the traditional hy, was bound to a changes, Ethnic
this flow; "'the
nation is in danger", "it is the time for the guardians of the nation to step forward'. Ideological discourse brings the monkhood back into an influential position.
or for five provinces
fessor of political on Thursday the Lanka into five of the prevailing
Kodikata told an
on the current e new units of preferred were: central, north-St.
ited tha a teas that these provincial in province should present Western rt of north-West wa. The southise the present e and the Amparal present eastern
he present central Kpanded to include nce and parts of The north central parts of the north
ce. The orthise the est Ce and the TrinCO
colo districts.
othing sacrosanct t provincial bounon us by the colo!rof. Kodikara sajd.
proposal was not ic considerations, i satisfy the Tamil inguistic unlt,
was based mainly aid. It also helped a forceful criticisms
against the government's proposals of provincial councils. It would slash administrative expenditure. It would lessen interprovincial rivalry. It would also help resolve the Crent Cri5i5.
Prof. Kodikara, an expert in Indo-Lanka foreign policy, also proposed that 闊。體崙 underWrite the peace accord and get Involved in the implementation of thic accord.
"India's co-operation and goodWill has to be a part and parcel of any Peace accord, if it is to succeed", he said
He said underwriting by India
Was essential Lo get over the misgivings both in the Sinhala and Tail mind.
"The Sinhalese feel terrorism Wai || Tot end a yer after tha accord is signed. They feel that the Tamils may use the accord as a stepping stone to achieve their drcäT1 Ecla II. The Tails fear that the agreement may not be implemented. An Indian gurantee is the an5wer to both" he said.
Mr. Yogendra Duraswamy who followed, endorsed both proposals. "I endorse both proposals. They will be fair by the Sinha lese and by the Tamils,", he said.
He added: "India should endorse a settlement. It would allay the fear of the Sinhaleso. It w III allay the fear of the Tamils".
(Daily News)

Page 13
Parf II
The Militant
N. Rail
Q: Let me ask you a frank question. There are several external perceptions of what you stand for. Many people see you as a disciplined capable leader who is able to summon the spirit of sacrifice from his ranks. On the other hand, they call attention to your "ruthlessness'. For example, a recent despatch from Colombo published in the New York Times: "To the worlds roster of guerilla leaders whose strategic brillance is matched by their ruthlessness, people here say they hawe added a new name... WelUpillai Prabakaran." The implication is that your actions lack a humanistic or broad democratic content. How would you respond to this criticism
A: To be frank, military discipline is ruthless intrinsically. In any country, military discipline has special attributes. Whether it is a "communist or democratic" country, the regulations and rules for an army are of a nature apart. Look at any military activity: the objective of victory is wa lued more than the consa
quences. Vistor in military affair hand, we are a
for the people.
only to our rut the enemy. Bu to be peaceable the face of a
We certainly ca truth. But you taln high standa and morality in
When you ha a good standard P"E Who the students acq cation and do w see this everywl certain schools as "good ':' beca סst Impסוח "and cipal stand for Will find that E: of students who Such a principal on. The sale Eo Ours activity. lay such stress
plino. Ruthlessn n|53 EiÖf 15 mal battlefield.
Fast to death by Tamil prisor
Forty five terrorist suspects in the Welikada Prison are now on a fast to death campaign demanding the release of the Boossa detainees and better conditions for them.
They have told the Prison authorities that the detainees in Boosa should either be charged in a court law or be released instead of being kept in detention indefinitely. They have also demanded that the detainees be given better food and facilitics.
An estimated 300 prisoners are said to be behind this move though only 45 are actually fasting, Prison authorities told The "snd ".
These sources fasting prisoners draw in thea Fc5 their campaign.
The fasting pri: given medica t Prison hospital. that if the fas Prisoners would h talised.
Meanwhile it some lawyers in boycotting court with the fastin; the B005 a detai'r

Mood
y matters most 5. Of the other Luthentic fighters Our critics point lessness towards it can we afford іп ошг ways Iп ruthless enemy? nnet, that's the know We mainrds of discipline
our practice.
fel a 5choo! With of discipline and baie wes in this, |uire a good edua|| in Ife. You are: there Te which are rated use the teachers rtant, the prindiscipline. You itches and batches
Studi ed urde do well later Principle applies That in why we O 1 StGIT. sciess in our orgalifested in the
he7"S
added that the Were trying to C too to Support
soners have been
"Eat men E: In the
An official said
it continued the
ave to be hospi
is stated that Jaffriä arte also ts in sympathy g prisoners and 1 5,
- Island
(An interview with
W. Prabakaran)
Q: Could you give us some
examples of this discipline?
A: What is this discipline? Consider this in ra latiom to anti-People, anti-Social actiwitics. When we keep a person in our organisation, he is by definition one who fights for the people. If he indulges in action inimical to the Interests of the people HLL S HLLSSL0LLLL LLLLLLL LLL LLL LL support it or put up with it, then be sure that this struggle will lose its way and will pushed in a quite different direction. Instead of standing out as a fighter for the people, he turns into the people's enemy. Consider also this aspect - the status of those under arms in society. Those who bear arms acquire and wield an extreme measure
of power. We believe that if thi 5 power is abused, it wil I. inevitably lead to dictatorship
That is why we keep our military organisation in such a strict state of discipline. But please note that we exercise our ruthiassness against the ruthless guys. OtherWise. We cannot win.
Q: But there hawa baem II - stances of innocent Sinhala civilians killed by your organisation. The Anura dhapura massacra....
A: "We Have de nie bility for that Condenned that. -
геsponsiand We haye
Special edge
Q: It has been reported that all your fighters carry cyanide capsules strung round t necks. ls this an exaggeration?
A: Yes, we hawe adopted this measure from the very start. As a consequence, many comrades
have sacrificed themselves. You won't find people from our movement in jail - at any rate,
not more than you can count on your fingers... perhaps two or three persons, but even then not

Page 14
those involved in the inner circle of our activity. That is to say our fighters, through laying down their lives, protect our sympathisers and contacts and the People who giwe us su PPort and assistance. Otherwise, the great mass of the people who support us and their families would be herded in to jail. But that is not the only reason for this practice.
It is this cyanide which has helped us develop our movement wery rapidly. Carrying cyanide on cine's Person is a symbolic expression of our commitment, our determination, our courage. For example, Kittu, our Jaffna area Commander has stated in an interview: "as long as we have this cyanide round our neck, we have no need to fear any force on earth!" In reality, this gives our fighters an extra measure of belief in the cause, a special edge; it has instilled in us a determination to sacrifice our lives and our everything for the cause. While attacking, our fighters don't count their lives. They will advance nonchalantly through an artillery attack of a hail of Bullets,
e: One final question. Could you give us an idea of your personal heroes in revolutionary struggles or liberation movements or in any sphere of life.... People and experiences that have inspired you? And Perhaps thereby give us some insight into your own political evolution from the time you were a schoolboy?
A: From my boyhood, the struggle that attracted me most was the Indian freedom struggle. The role of Netaji attracted me very much. I was brought up in är en Wironment Colf Strict discpline from childhood. I was not permitted to mingle freely with outsiders. I used to feel shy of girls. Great store was laid by personal rectitude and discipline. My father set an example through his own personal conduct: He Would noteven Chewbate ave5. modelled my conduct on his... he was a government officer, a
| frp |
district land straightforward ili - OLJIT : a.IT: he does not hu under his feet, SO..."" Ewell Whi they marvel at such a son was
He was also soft and pi own case, he than regimented Was that of a fr gi Ye me Cartain ad di SCUSS Ehi
said, I grew
especially in thi ling with girls.
The || fe of Sul
attracted me sp boy, I would del, books on exper on celibacy and attracted me even as a boy of spiritualism ar. of rec|LIse diss: (laughs). Yet re ated into spiritu ment of great d | followed hig stories With fasci my special hero orations gripped "l shall fight fa my land until | of bood."" Thess th Till me Whene
1. Til te Singh fascinated
In other Wor and histories back at the perpe th05 e Who Cou unjust foe) wer rite. Because | Sinhalese Behawe Wards Is We W about this and cruel acts in Boo
Ours was a godthe people were The widespread f priest like him why did wе поt Н to hit back ? Tha that made peop.
| 5 Luch mig examples and Indian freedom

officer. A very man. People say When he walks, rt even the grass but hi5 son i5 Ele criticising me, t the fact that
born to such a
strict, yes, bLE ersuasive. In my
reasoned rather
and Hi; att ELIdę end.... he would
pieces of advice gs with me. As up as a shy boy. e matter of ming
bhas Chandra Bose ecially. EWer1 l a5 3 fe into Gandhiji's ments with truth,
50 on. Subhas particularly since he Went in search id, finding the life tisfying, returned ဂြိုးဇုံဒို႔ he retre|alism during moificulty and crisis. history and these nation. He became and sold of his me. For example: ii r the freedom of shed my last drop e Words used to Iwer they came to story of Bhagat
T.
is, the biographics חוח החילו בו 5םךf thב Erators of injustice, ter attacked (the e my special favouո Ճur land, the !d so cruelly toould hear stories read about these ks and newspapers.
fearing society and religious-minded. eeling was: When a was burnt alwa, hawe the capability t Was one atrocity la think deeply.
nts, these heroic Todes from the struggle came to
me. Magazines retold these stories on special occasions such as India's Independence Day celebrations. this practice continues. Consider another example. Tiruppur Kumarán—in his ahli Tmsathere was a steely determination. If I was attracted by the experience of armed struggle against injustice, I was drawп by the moral force of a himsa as well. I was inspired by examples of grit and determination. I began to think along these lines early in life... why can't we follow their example? Why can't we start an armed struggle 2
| Lu5ed to read Ebooks on the Ti 5:2 of Napoleon and his exploits. this kind of history held special appeal in the Mahabharata, the roles of Bhima and Karna were specially attractive to me, the spirit of sacrifice appeared crucial. People respond to characters in the Mahabharata in various ways. | Walue the caracter and Tolle of Karna the most on account of his readiness to make the ultimate 5 acrifice || Teat 5ome of Wiwekananda's sayings and the urge grew in me to work towards a strong youth force. I plunged into this line of thinking. At what age These feelings and ideas began to take shape when I was 6 approximately. I used to listen to the religious discources of Kripananda Wariar...I used to go to all these C: Vents...those Connected With Tellgion... I would go and observe political meetings...attend dramatic performances in my place, they used to enact plays on Socrates and so on.
So quite early on, we absorbed all these influences and the feeling grew in us that we must do something! Looking at our historical background, we had to take up arms to fight for our rights. The lesson was that they could do all this because we were defenceless and disarmed. Why should We Temain so ? We should take up violence to counter and
overthrow their violence. Only after that did I engage in this
Weet.
a: The impression among outsiders who have observed the development of the LTTE is that you - as its leader - have only recen

Page 15
tly begun to take a deeper or more detailed interest in Politics... whereas earlier you used to live mainly in the realm of military |deas. (You were considered shy and did not meet people eas Ely, which would make it difficult in politics.) Now they find you speaking out on a number of Political
SELJEF, , ,
A: In reality, it has always been clear to me that an armed struggle takes shape only against
a political background. If I had been a man without political clarity. ... I went underground
around 1973 and you know that leading an underground life is a
very difficult proposition. I have led an underground life for a long time. . . between 1973 and
1983, it was a very difficult period for us, with the army on the rampage. . . to escape their net was very difficult. If we were able to go through this experience and are able to stand firm today, then surely you will concede that we could not have been political immo cent:5 or carred on Without a political background
But one thing is true, despite this political background. My natural inclination makes me lay less emphasis on Words. In serious politics, it won't do to concentrate on talking you must grow through action and then talk You Would have observed that only as we grew in our activities in the field did we come up to a position of meeting various people and explaining our ideas - only then did our words carry some value. Words must be matched and indeed preceded by content. This is cTLucial for ou Teatlons with our People. If people respect our fighter's more, it is because of this extra discipline. Certain exemplary personal attributes, a certain Personal rectitude - that is why our people are attracted to LTTE fighters. When you speak of a political outlook, people will resPegg you only if you prove yourself in action. Action gives your Programme a political content. When we say during this period, "they will use the army to attack us, We Will resist and counterattack
and we will prol We חly wheחס
We esta Eso bility and role.
That is why due attentio in our organis thic character In a situation W state feeds its and cha Lulwimi5Tm army and throl sation, tries to jugate us, only tion with mil capable of ef Look || āround real struggle h;
PLC
This peас Rising (a. Sї/Vered",
Алd dry
So if fr Scatterfпg WWfff ffe
Unreal ar. But With
Recas And Or
Though y Tigr rol G. r. And See
C/0L d'ess In this LVIII reāW är By the C Arld Cut OF CHINGre Вy wars
The War,
Like the
Eαρήηg tf Which, W Urprepare BLIf these Peace rin //7 WO/CES In Charts But this FYO My MWt

tect you', well. . . actually do it do Ir politica credi
we hawe gwen Eo military affairs ation. You know of our struggle. here the Sri Lankan
racism חם army and through that igh forced colonidisplace and subl political organisatary strength is Eli W TE5i5 til C. the world. . . any is had a military
background. Even if the Indian struggle was conducted on the basis of a himsa. Netaji's Indian National Army had a special place. . . there is definitely a place today in Indian history for SLEbhais i! I His was am action—oriented political approach.
And take the Indian state today. If India is able to stand up in the comity of nations, it is in To 55ma II measure due to the strength of the Indian armed forces. Else, the Chinese would bring their frontiers up to Delhi
THE HINDU: Thank you,
Mr. Prabaka ran.
RiMAGE in wartime
'a is gifty, so the Smoke zy fro 77 the fe/Med scrub Sigήίηg, in the αrought Wird, row faller, dying auf antic flowering grass " Seed that death mig fit pass wїnd апd this peace last
This Sheen, Wa Weike
Ebrif Weg. retac Cafter тоviлg аггтfes
peace will shatter We Scout the South in Shrines
a up into the holiday hills fer in these bloody times. g reat r77o u r7 ta ins har?g their heads
the sky that bares their shame :IS/7 fhať F70/ď5 eacf Scarle
ld unredeemed
'ual fires that flare quiet pines
hing hands in the temple squares 2n starving and displaced they do not understand renтептbered, f/ickers in the night saffron line of blood tongued light e charred slope. the troubled guns hite, this morning, flaunted silk soft trunks 'd for the fire and silent rape.
are only reminders of pillage 'es the ravines, holds the curdled might
and bells from the myriad chirping valleys , no cries of violence or of pain peace is guilty and the gulleys
saffron in the guilty brain.
U. Karunatilake

Page 16
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Page 17
M.A.M. 8
Nonaligned condemn “s and racism, appeal for
While the N.A.M. declaration after the 7th su contained 30 attacks' on the U.S., the resolutions 5-A, w rote Washington Post Correspondent, Allister the Zimbabwean capital. The highlights of the 6th Associated Press noted were the Onslaught on South , racist policies, the 'state terrorism' practised by the tration and an appear to the US and USSR to իճld :
agree on a permanent moratorium of nuclear tests."
made in identical letters addressed to President
Secretary Mikhail Gorbacheự.
RE
Why progress on such a
been blocked so far is explained in article by Town:
in the NYK Tīmes.
The author, US Air Force,
O former under. Se og member of the Committee for N. an independent US body specialising in defence
probler
Nonaligned Accuse U.S. of
HARARE, Zimbabwe
The IOI member Nomaligned Movement ended its weeklong me. eting early Sunday by accusing the United States of state terrorism' because of its air raids on Li biya in - Apri I and by appealing to super power leaders to SEקס the arms race.
The eighth such meeting mainly of Third World leaders from
Marxist and from capitalist coun.
tries also urged worldwide man
datory sanctions against South Africa.
At a news ct Minister Robert babwe described a great success: pccted 'substant from the Nona to South Afric neighbors.
"We are fu || from the Nໄ there is going te sidcrab Ee kind : hel Ping us in ffig Mr. Mugabe saidi.
U.S. Becomes a Clear Target
Allister Sparks
HARARE, Zimbabwe
The 10 members of the Nonaligned Movement holding their eighth summit meeting * In an atmosphere of intensified ant. American feeing.
The Third World leaders are debating two draft declarations, on Political and economic issues, that condemn U.S. policies in Southern Africa, the Middle East, the Mediterranern and Central America. The drafts have been endorsed by foreign ministers of the nomaligned contries.
The criticism Sharp deterior image of the U in the Third Contrast, ther muted Critici the Soviet Ur
The drafts con against the Untite pared with fewer last conference, w there years ago i

tate terrorism arms talks
imft In Delhi Higrdre had Sparks, from
5 LITT mist, the frica and its eagan adminissummit and he appeal was grid Generg TneôJSLIre I hld 5 end Hoopes retary of the tional Security, 1s. Excerpts:
Terror
nference Prima Mugabe of Zim
the meeting as ind said he exa || alid" to fo W gned Movement a's black-ruled
confident that gned Movement be sole conif a555 tanco in ting apar theid,"
The resolution on Libya, contained In a | 12-page Political declaration, said the April 15
bombing raid by U.S. warplanes on the Libyan cities of Tripoli and Benghazi was "an act of state terrorism.' t called on the United States to pay compensation and to end naval maneuvers in the disputed gulf of Sidra.
The Libyan leader, Moammar Gadhafi, had demanded that the raids be condemned. Washington has said the raids were in retaliation for Libya's support of terrorism.
Mr Mugabe succeeded Prime
Minister Rajiv Gandhi of India as chairman of the movement. The chairmanship change every three years.
Nicaragua's bid and a North Korean proposal that it be host of a foreign ministers' meeting in 1988 were opposed by proWestern countries.
: at Nonaligned Summit
is reflect a ation in the Tited State:S World. By e is опly Sm. Of
tion.
tain 54 attacks di States, com
than 30 at the 'hich was held in New Delhi.
The criticisms reflect a sharp deterioration in the image of the United States in the Third World as a result of the Reagan administration's foreign policies.
By contrast, the drafts contain only muted criticism of the Soviet Union. On Afghanistan, the drafts call for a political settlement "on the basis of the Withdrawal of foreign troops and full respect for the independence, sovereignty, territorial integrity and nomaligned status of Afghanistan."
5

Page 18
The conference, is being held on an ornate, S 100-million grou of gold-colored buildings wit purple furnishings that was built for the meeting. The center, which includes a luxury hotel, was built by Yugoslavs and is run on contract by the Sheraton .haimם
The elaborateness illustrates the effort of the Zimbabwean prime minister, Robert Mugabe, to use the conference to make a mark the international scene. Although Zimbabwe is one of the mos developed countries in black Africa, it is still what Mr. Mugabe calls in "toddler nation." having gained its independence only six years ago after a bitter guerrillia war to overthrow white-minority r"LI |3.
Mr. Mugabe, in his keynote ad. dress to the conference touched on all the criticisms of the United States that are contained in the
Reagan's Shuttered
Townsend Hoopes
Two significant, facts about U.S. Soviet relations today stand out. One is the abundant evidence that the Soviet leader ship wants to stabilize the relationship, wants to deal, wants specifically an arms control agreement that will halt the gathering arms race in space. The other is the Reagan administration's determined resistance on al II of these point5
The evidence on the Soviet side includes Mikhail Gorbachew's lengthy Interview with Time magazi1e la 5 t September; his comprehensive arms control proposals of Jan. 5; his offer this summer to reduce offensive missiles. In return for a renewed mutual commitment to a strict constructions of the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty, which would keep "star Wars" in the laboratory bottle for the next 5 years, and his four times extended unilatera moratorium con nuclear testing.
The administration, on the other hand, is making every effort to
16
draft declarations. Was more - restra ir
He became chairr ment on Monda) from the Indian Rally Gandhi.
Harare is 350
meters) from Sou thern border and shadow of South
and economic PoW that that power Cr 1חסOnly three m African command African National C in contral HararE
The Nonaligned O Thembers, in and 2 organizatio Liberation Organ South-West Afric: Ilization.
Washington is political declarati of "constructive e
View of
misrepresent th proposals and to purpose; to disma pieces of the air ture in order ti f0 till: LITTE.5 L riet ըarth and In 5բ:
Speaking at
Congress GårbäChow dữWE that national Saf be secured by . no matter how military forces an that multi Lual WLI irreriloyable cond that strategic st dance of wat ther recognition that share a problem :
But Mr. Reagan are not listening President rencour Lreaty сопtaiпіп,
rica|| ||mits on categories that continued to ob decision driver hians whose oni superiority, wh

But his language ed.
man of the Towe, taking over prime minister,
miles (565 kiloth Africa's norlives in the
African military T. The te 15 lor eates is palpable. :hs ago, South os raided two ongress facilities
Movement has luding 99 nations 15: the Palestine ization and the a People's Orga
denounced in the on for its polic ngagement" Wit
Pretoria, its insistence on the withdrawal of Cuban troops from Angola as a precondition for indicpendence of South-West Africa, or Namibia, and its military aid to the guerrillas fighting against the government of Angola.
The draft denounces the aid to the Insurgents as "an act of aggression against the Organization of African Unity and the entire movement of nona ligned countries.'
Mr. Mugabe described the U.S. aid to the rebels and the Anerican raids on Libya as "international bully ismı.
The economic draft declaration expresses concern at what it describes as growing pressure by developed countries on the World Bank and Intenational Monetary Fund to attach political strings to the granting of loans to Third World nations. The draft does not name the countries. (A. P.)
Arms Control
SC COGETLCiti We conceal its own In the all remaining
mS Contro StrUC
clear the decks ed ar5 Tace on
C.
the Communist in February, Mr. oped the theme ety can no longer nilateral means, much is spent on d new technology; Inerability is an tion of our age; ability and avoiefore depend upon the superpowers f Surt Wiya II.
and his entourage . In June, the ced SALT-2, the clear-cuE numeIl major weapons both Sides hawe erwe. This was a y Pentagon civiVision is nUggar se fascination Is
with the fine-tuning of nuclear war -fighting strategies and whose preferred method is to run the arms race to infinity. Defense Secretary Caspar Weinberger said the SALT renunciation Was mecca 5sary for America to "regain a modem, cffective deterrent to war."
In announcing the first extension. of the Soviat moratorium on nuclear testing, Mr. Gorbachev argued that, in the absence of a positive American response, Moscow has "every right to resume nuclear tests.' But he emphasized that his purpose was to avoid being trapped in the dreary, futile actionreaction syndrome that has so long frustrated progress in arms control. ""If one were to follow the usual "logic' of the arms race, that Presumably would have been the thing to do,' he said, adding:
"It is precisely that notorious logic that has to be resolutely repudiated. We are making yet another attempt in that direction.
Otherwise the process of military rivalry will become an avalanche."

Page 19
Part IIW
TULF memo 4
ANNEXURE — TITIA
MAHAWELI GANGA OEWELOPMENT
The Master plan envisages the development under irrigation of 900,000 acres of land. The said extent of 900,000 acres is said to be made up of 246,200 acres of existing lands and 653,800 acres of new lands. The lands to be benefited are grouped under fourteen irrigation systems designated A to M. The lands to be benefitted in the Eastern province are covered by systems B, A, and M and the land to be benefitted in the Northern Province are covered by systems J, K, L and part of I. Details of the above are as follows:
EASTERN PROVINCE
Madu au Oya (Batticaloa District)
(part of system B)
Kandakadu (Trincomitee 5.
Batticaloa Districts) (System A)
Yan Oya (Trincomalee District)
(part of system M)
From the above it would appear that the total new land available in the Eastern Province is 18,220
CS
Of the above around 9500 acres perhaps more, under system A (Kandakadu) is to be reserved for sugar-cane. This reduces the total catent of new land available to 108,720 acres. Portions of this land on the ground have already been occupied by members of the different ethnic groups - Sinhala, Tamil and Muslim mainly by Sinhala, and on the basis that the lands so occupied would be about 10% of the new and available, the balance extent available for alienation would be around 98,000 acres.
COf the abowe derable Work: Maduru Oya (pa and some work of system M). been commence (system A) Ali under the abo not yet comm CIn likely that preli alliernation Is irn alienation could t much delay, in schemes.
However, in and available in vince, through t ected in the M above, the follow need to be con
Existing Lands - New Lands Tota | La 15
Existing Lands - New Lands Total Lands
Existing Lands - New Lands Total Lands
| Both Madur
ahd Yan . Oy; TAGET WIT Why Prowice, ea independent On restorati these reserve of Mahawe gate substan Land — estir 40 to 50% of that would E irrigation w Mahaya || || Wat Ċar libt be from Mahay
2. Cartalı idi:
tank5 in the by reason o to the Madur

to Rajiv
schemes, consihas been done on rt of system B) Iп Yап Сya (part No work has yet di i Kandakidul |en|lation of land We projects has ced, though it is iminary Work for progress and that ake place whthout the completed
respect of the Lle E:5 L-IIl Prohe position reflea star Plan is as ing further points sidered.
9,280 acer. 43,720 acr: 53,000 acr:
| 4,000 acer. 56,000 acer 70,000 acer
| 500 acri | 8,500 acr. 20,000 ac
J Oya (system-B) a (system-M) are lithin the Eastern h With It's own Catch ment area сап, each one of pirs, Independent WoltGr" Li || ||Fiital extents of lated to be about f the total extern
e brought under ith the aid of er. Such extents, said to Benefit
water.
Pendent Willage Eastern Province f their vicinity J Oya (system-B)
hawe been incorporated wirh the Maudru Oya Scheme as part of the Mahavelli Project, and the eչ է ըnt cf land Independently irrigable under such tanks is now included in the total extent of land that will become irrigable under such MahavelII Praject. Instances of such tanks are (1) NMEYANKALLU KUULAM- OC an itemised work now deleted (2) OMADIAMADUKULAM - once an iterilised Work now deleted and (3) WALAMUNA on which further development work has been stopped - all of which are now treated as Part of the Maduru Oya Scheme (system-B) in the Batticaloa District. The extents of land that would have been irrigated independently by such village tanks, eam not be said to be benefited by Mahavelli water.
. The Land Use Survey Report
of the Irrigation Department has raised serious doubts, in regard to the su Itability for Paddy Cultivation, of a substantial extent of Land under Kandakadu (system-A)
The present indication is that a substantia | extent W III mot be suitable and therefore not awailable fet aliernation. This factor W III result II considerable reduction in the extent of land fit for alignation that would receive irrigation facilities, under Mahawe in the Eastern Province.
The extent of Land that may eventually be available for aliсnation under the Mahawe || Scheme in the Eastern Prowince, and that would benefit purely from Maha welli water, could be much le 55 than the estimated 100,000 acres.
(To be Continued)

Page 20
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Page 21
Doctorship and Patien The Nemesis of Heat
Rapier
he grant of adult franchise
after the Donoughmore Constitition made the uplift ment of the poor a necessary strategy for aspiring politicians and in election posters of the "thirties candidate5 5ādwettised themse w 25 as "friends of the poor'. For the poor constituted the bulk of the electorate and, though unorganized, could have a decisive impact on election results, as shown in the election of LSSP candidates to the first state council. In the process of competitive vote-bidding palliative incrementalism through subsidised food rations and social ser WiCeS Was imperati We in order to secure the political support of the masses. Distributive justice beyond the country's economic capacity received high priority, and prominent among the polulist measures evowed in colonial times was the free education scheme. Health Services were widely distributed, although according to some authorities three-fourthts of the population continued to patronize ayurveda, After World war Western health services came to be increasingly sophisticated specialized, and expensive. Cardiac and other a ilments required Costly personnal and equipment to the extent that on opthalmic Ward could afford a laser Unit, and the eye hospital declined an offer by WHO to gift one on the ground of inadequate water pressure for
cooling the equipment. Despite these limitations, the Colombo hospitals, public and private,
attracted patients from all over the country.
Clearly the demands for health servics provided by the Centre to the rural periphery were limited by the cost factor. Crowding at the Colombo hospitals led to deterioration of the services of fered, and the emergence of institutionalized corruption. If a patient was to ensure a place in the outpatient's queue for a few seconds examination, he had to
pay a low-level usual y an atte 5e, Lura li lowleaving those w пight on the s! For the lumper those on the F cla55, dhamista the "cիaորը|'' pri Walte pa tients
state medical Working hours "Seen" is the
since a speciali: give only 5 mi In a typical cast revealed that a Surgeon "saw" hours at a priv gross takings W. 1680, of which it Rs. 400 after to hi5 rnext ca cash accrues if is required. T cost of 5 days 2 Pri "Walte nursi| RS. 600 per day act Operation, ar entrance fee L by house offic Wisits, but called tion (Rs. 800) an theatre fee etc. dant" was afw: ап cxtra R5. 35
The reason W oPen Protest a is that the great ful doctorship a mystified ima, ге ППIECETE Of of triba soci in Wollwes am - LI in the mystique charismatic ski: intelligent Comm the doctor and LIrıwwritternıx TLD || 2 | :
Illness, especial cancer, should to him, increase of his kith and
powers of the
The channel Sy: to be the best

tship : h Policy
hospital employee, darit, a Tibe to numbered ticket, who had slept overtreet, far behind. bourgeoisie and ringe of the middle Policles ewolwed system, by which could be 'seer''' specialists after at Priwa te clinics. appropriate Word, st, as a rule could nites per pati ent. a random check I eat mos e throat 28 patients in 2 ate hospital. The rere 28 X 50 — R. 1e specialist netted which he proceeded ni ne | W en Lje, Morg further treatment 1 re 2 years ago the hospitalization at ng home was ower for a simple Catarid the b| included rsing, drugs, visits er (billed for 5 Only once) operaesthetist (R5.500), A ''special atten
lys at hand for
Per day.
"hy there is no
gainst the system secret of success5 the creation of ge of the healer he which doctor 2ties. Fattientship questioning faith of the doctor's 5, there being no Unication between
his client. The hat the patient's ly allments like not be disclosed is the dependence kin on the magical
octor.
tem 5 Considered possible even for
those who do not have the means, but can scrape together all they 踏 Selling Jewellery, mortgaging land, and borrowing from usurors, to ay all themselves of an elite Service. Some considerate surgeons have perfected a less expensive package for Cataract operations - 畿 2 days hospital - zation in a cubicle, local anesthesia administered himself etc. Doctorship demands a hearless unconcern for the travails of the fiancially hard pressed patients. It is assumed that everyone who chan. nels a specialist has un limited Cash flows for prolonged hospitalization in a private nursing home falthough It may cost R5. 1000 to 1500 per day. It is part of the role of patientship not to grunble at the cost for that would involve a los 5 of face, an important factor in the game of doctorship and patientship.
The social policy implicit in the dhar mista health policylis to proffer a minimal service for an importunate but impecUnious majority, a sizeable part that is, of about half the population, subsisting on food stamps, being virtually excluded from anything like adequate health care, though ostensibly provided with facilities in the state hospitals. Even here, espe
cially in the rural periphery, Corruption is rife. The peasant who is injured by a mammoty
while cultivating his fields, betakes himself to the nearest hospital, only to be told that the doctorgentleman has gone home where he sees patients for a fee, hawing removed the basic drugs and dressings, but leaving a chit with the peon stating that he has taken ill, in case a government official turns up. The haves' help the haves' to consolidate their position Wis a-wis the "have-nots." Social policy is oriented to the petrif
of the
cation Prevailing class structure, with small numbers becoming enbourgeoised from time to time. The only significant chal lenge to the established social order has been by rebels who
Lankapuyath calls separatist (alias Marxist-oriented) terrorists. The growing travails of the lower
(Continued on page 2.2)

Page 22
With the three chances of Lottery holds out your bright Which Carl be ower a Tillion ru
De welopment Lotter WTC President's Fund to promote of your Country. s Mahapola Scholarships, P graduate studies abroad, tube granting of relief to victims of activities financed by the Dew President"5 FLund.
!Ext 5репח uםy חwheםS Lottery ticket, remember tha the prospect of your own for
TOgeSS.
 
 
 
 

Development Lottery - the
lottery with the Midas touch, the pot of gold at the end of the
rainbow to tens of thousands of ordinary people - has be:
come a household Word in Sri Lanka.
winning that it offers, Development est chance of a personal for turne
DE ES
ceeds are channelled through the the development and prosperity
resident's Scholarships for post Wells to provide drinking water and
natural disasters are sorte of the elopment Lottery through the
Rs.10/- to buy a Develop Tent
you hold in your hand not just tune but the key to your country's
ur 3-way chance to a fortunecountry's promise of progress.

Page 23
SRW AWA
How Close to
Pran Chopra
C:": the
the negotiations for ending the ethnic conflict in Sri Lanka have made qui te remarkable progress in recent months. Credit goes for this to the flexibility I shown of late by the Sri Lanka
difficulties,
government, despite the opposition of the hard liners; the courage with which, brawing the
displeasure of the Tamil militants the moderate Tamil party, the Tamil United liberation Front (TULF), has explored compromises and the pushing and cajoling behind the scenes by the Government of India which has kept the negotiations going and at the same time has won back for India the trust of both the negotiating sides, which India had lost for a time in the eyes of the Sri Lanka government.
The greatest credit, however, should go to the change of mood which has taken place in Sri Lanka, and to all factors, internal and external, which hawe caused the change. This has created a large body of opinion among both the maior com Tulities ir Sri Lanka that the future will exact an unbearable price if through Sinhala obstinacy or through an excess of ambition on the part of the Tamils the country again misses, as it did in 1983, the present chance of a "reasonable" and "practical' settlement, and these words are now being defined by both sides With much
greater tolerance than Was the case before.
As a result, agreement has
been reached in principle with regard to two major issues inwolved in the negotiations, and in details as well with regard to some aspects. The issues are
Formerly Editor-in-Chief of the (Calcutta). Statesmen the writer is now Professor at the Centre for Policy Research, Delhi.
the powers to downwards by g0Wernment, E relating to the law and order air and the authori powers should There is also a staeding about is likely to be |55ue of the f Sri Lanka glower Parliament, In powers to be these authorities
POWET5 "|| || to Provincial lle' to district eye at Çne time p the Sri Lanka rejected by Tami although there that district cy also be set up, for further dow of powers relevar nance. This day handy for large dated a reas po F * חCommunity i which that substantial minor Will now bë the provincial therefore to th minister and his will be responsibl and W III not be 5 W TE to the provincia WilI b 3 a Tomi try's President. C
Powers will te -rסחWerםם
This i dewice h;
useful in finding
ferring certain po pole ower land. || Wests ir til P. ing it in authori him or those act Was Proving very Sa 153 LITC ii t W35 the provincial cour
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

Peace 2
be transferred the Sri Lanka pecially powers | maintenan Con i of |d land settlement lies to whom the be transferred. ni agreed Lunderwhat the situation On the ticklish Linction 5 of the "In ment, Including relation to the
transferred to
ow be transferred wel bodjes, not bodie 5 as was roposed by the government and | representat Ewes, S agree IT ent el bodes might where needed, Ward delegation it to local goverice might prove i nd I com soiLi lated by one a province in unity 15 aוחוחו ity. Most powers tails fore to
сошпсil. and e elected chief EE, Whichחtabi
e to the council transferred now,
time Pro Poseid, governor, who ge of tho courtOnly some limited Tian With tha
35 Proved Very
ways of transWers. For exa
5i Lākā sident, and westties other than ing in his narine difficult. At the
recognised that cis Would need
land for discharging some of their functions in relation to the powers to be transferred to then, for example over education, which Will call for building schools, and over aspects of agriculture, which will need even more land. If the Counci 5 had to saak sanction fort land from Colombo in every case there would not only be delays but a Whitling down of the status of the councils and the chief ministers. But it has now been agreed that authority over land Use Will be delegated to governors in respect of the functions transferred to the councils, and they Will exercise it on the advice of chief ministers.
The gap between the Sri Lanka government and TULF with regard to the transfer of powers for the maintenance of law and order has been largely bridged by making a conceptual distinction between the policing responsibility of the provincial authority and the security responsibility of the national government, and the functions of the law and order machinery with regard to these two responsibilities.
The trickiest problem at one time was the understandable apprehension in the minds of the Tamil negotiators that what the Sri Lanka government conceded to them today it might take back tomorrow. In the given political circumstārtes of Sr Lākā it ī5 no been possible to make the present unitary constitution formally a federal one, and it was feared that in a structure formally unitary Colombo would always be able to resume Powers transferred today to the provincial councils. While there has been no formal resolution of this problem, and in the given circumstances there cannot be, three new factors have helped the negotiators in by-passing the problem.
모|

Page 24
The first is the need felt all around to which reference Was made earlier, for bringing this dispute to an end. Any back tracking on the agreement b either side will be un Popular wit large segments in both major communities. The second is that under the systern of proportional representation which is being introduced now, no single party is expected to get the kind of majority it will need to un do the laws and constitutional changes which w II || hawe to be made now as part of the settlement. The third is the higher level of trust which each side now has in the intention of the other to end the dispute and not to subvert the settlement later.
Past history dose not suggest that this change of mood and the level of trust can be counted on to be durable enough as guarrantors of the settlement. But What can reinforce them is the growing belief in Sri Lanka now that it would go against the country's enlightened self-interest to earn blame in the eyes of other countries by wilfully violating today's agreements tomorrow. India has become a particular focus of this belief. It was surprising for me to see during a recent visit to Sri Lanka how readily how many people said, in Culding senior governmet ministers, that it would be necessary for India to help in ensuring that neither side went back upon the agreement. It is obvious that too much load should not be put on India's help because everyone, including India, regards this matter as a domestic affair of Sri Lanka. But if it is invited with circumspection and used with sin Cerity, and so used by India no less than by anyone 蘿。 it call underwrite other factors for peace. ful relationships in Sri Lanka thus en su ring time for bi-ethnic or even non-ethnic trends to grow in the island's politics.
A factor very relevant to such a Consummation is the rolle of the Tamilitans and the role of India
towards them. These role are Particularly Important in respect LL HLLL L S SLLLLSS S LLL a S LLL S S LS S S La0
thorny one of the relations between the Tamil majority northern prov
ince of Jaffna, and 1 Ince, in which th argest single con slightly over a thi
tion. " At Corne - tr Tams delaided two provinces would agree that majority slice of t ince Which 15 Co northern be merge No agreement h; om this eWen in warious propositi considered, Such in the Ta I i I slite province (a point on this being wh tendum should b the gover ment merger should cc to ratification rendum, as desir E side...) But a COI issue is not goin on the basis, as
Tilitants, that the of the eastern p Tamil majority is for making a " with the right c nation." That is by the other sid for Eelam by inst Lrary to the Ind Cite to : sistant With Sri Fortunately, the ment accepts thi ment to be ger now for the rii themselves to it :
Thc second is: thorny, and the tants (and India is ceyem Tore tele to cessation of as mutua || k || Ing will always bet negotiators Will centre stage wil the fighters on be and Intoler en Ce become Impossi wounds or bridge the two communi Will become am outcome of War thing that suits. T Sri Lanka ort ||ni Tamils even less Ending the violen
(Continued

the eastern prove Tamils are the lyחס lty butחuוחו rd of the populae a II morthern
merger of the But now TULF only the Tamil he eastern prowntiguous to the
d with the letter.
is been reached Principle, and oms arte being as a referendum i of the eastërn
of disagreement ether the refer
e held first, as suggests, or the me first subject ater in a Tefet2d by the Tamil npromise on this g to be possible demanded by the merger, whether row ince or of the lice, is needed Tam|| ha meland" if "self-determirightly regarded e as a strategy alment, and conian government's Sette et dLanka's integrity. Sri Lanka go wernsi Indial corIIIlitLine, and it is litants to adjust as best they may.
Le 5 DW I TOT
Toe of the mill's towards them) want. This relates Violence. So long s persist there he danger that the e sidelined. The be occupied by ith slides. Tempers will rise. It will ble to heall the : the gulf between ties, and the issue enable only to the ... This is the last annis or Sinhales, dia, but suits the than anyone else. Ce ITIUSt therefore
on page 24)
Doctorship . . .
(Continued from page 9)
orders can be a matter of calculated policy. The Singapore Prime Minister, described as a "beneWolent dictator', used the media and other resources at his command to implement a new eugenic policy for the intelligentsia, partlcularly male executives and bureaucrats with graduate wives, to be fruitful and multiply. Birth control, earlier advocated for all was now to be confined to the lower orders. The previous housing policy of the small nuclear family comprising parents, and one or two children, occupying a small apartment in a house owing democracy, was reversed in the case of the upper Stratum in savour of the Chinese ideal of a three-generation extended family. Apart from solving the problem of childcare for Working parents in view of the scarcity of domestic servants, it also eased the housing Problem by a re-definition of overcrowding. Singaporean socal policy thus openly revived the discredited nineteenth century philosophy of social Darwinism which postulated that the fittest survived in a competitive process of natural selection, and once an upper crust was consolidated it was bolstered by appropriate social policies.
Social policies covertly designed to restrict the expansion of the lower orders include selective birth control campaigns and denial of health care to the poor. The life span of the affluent was prolonged,
albeit expansively but the poor exposed to death, disease and decay. The thrust of Rapier's
account of the burdens imposed on patients by Colombo's privatenur sing homes will receive exten siwo documentation based on obserwations and experience of doctorship and patientship during the past three years, The nemes Is of health care and the quality of death (Which pays dividents to some) will be examined in detail.
This preamble will not be cornplete without some comments on the making of social policy. It has been a major concern of Rapier to establish an Institute of Policy Research which will analyse the forces, constraints and Predisposi
(Continued on page 23)

Page 25
Part II
A Prison Without Walls: A Review of a South African play
Asinamali !
As each man, in turn, swirls the audience in a tide of richly imagined characters and scenarios, We see in Very concrete terms how apartheid distorts both the oppressed and oppressors. Ngema's vision is not a black and white one. The Afrikaners who people the stage through the words and motions of the black prisoners are not so much evil as they absurd. Sometimes this absurdity is comic as when, in the slickly Performed court-room scene (that must be familar to so Папу blacks by now), the proceedings hawe to be laboriously translated and retranslated between the official language, Afrikaans, and English, the language shared by most blacks. Another time, the absurdity of the Afrikaner's actons are deadly: he can shoot into a crowd of unarmed demonstrators. Similarly, Ngema's black characters (the Prisoners as well as those friends and foes they invoke and Impersonate) are noi. ther Saints nor devils. We meet lot only the naive migrant labours but also the various black officials who are caught imitating white Power-games. This motley Crew of Prisoners are hardly heroes, or, for that matter, even political activists. Only one of the char. cers is in prison for a politically subversive activity. However, Asinamalil emphasises again, and again, Politics cannot be narrowly defined in South Africa. The Very fact that most of the cells ar. full of those who have been charged With some very trivial misdeinea nors, drtives homo the incontro
Yertible reality that in Black South Africa to strive to live like a human being is politically subversive.
If was surprising and also disappointing to discover that the only significant human beings in the play were men. Certainly women
WEF2 503.185 im Personated, - |i 4 Worke's fou wyw, doned when the the "tribal hom Work and ends utterly lascivious white pig-farmer employee in the tha latter charac Tora that chara "realistic" when Contex E., Unit II nation Was II lega speculate that se; about the forbiddle (for both sexes) fan this explanation co to the Portrayal of black women. any black women (referred to or the play a glaring reality that this South Africa certai and activist (blac ther they aroe in of anti-apr theid the late Lilian N Sisulu and Winni guishing in jails their families.
In spite of th
the production of as relevant today, regime has гепаw willingness to de as it was three a powerful play w the most (politic audience, with its 5 cath ing sa tire, pathos. As one cr
tively, o “Asinama
It is too episodic, close to reality." , that reality may from our own, te be real, we cann sense, however dim parallels, which m ovyn reality.

Tentioned, eyen a the migrant 5 Who aro aban
husband leaves
eland" to find in jail; or the wife of the
who seduces her plg-sty. Perhaps ter, a Cari Cature ter, is probably Considered in scently miscegeand we may ual stereotypes n were certainly Castic. However, | lapses if applied or lack thereof) There are hardly of consequence m personated) in contrast to the Play dramatises. nly boasts strong k) women whethe forefront protests (like goyoi, Albertina Mandela), lanor Supporting
is shortcoming, Asinama! is When the Botha ed forcefully its fend apartheid, years ago. It is hich moves even :ally) apathetic
ribald humour, exuberance and itic noted percelil is not drama. too raw and too And even though seem rather far O grotesque to bt help but also ly, some general ly speak to our
Doctorship . . .
(Continued from page 22)
tions contributing to the onunciation of social policy. There is always opposition to rational discourse on matters important to the public Interest in this country. In contrast, the Malaysian government gives financial support to an Institute of Policy Research at the University Sains Malaysia in Penang, where government policy is subject to analysis, usually at the request of a Department or Ministry. Here the politician prefers to live in a fool's paradise, imagining that his pontifical speeches and exhortations are acceptable to the People concerned whose views are congruent with his. There is no evidence to support this assumption, no public opinion research, and when a government goes to the polls and is routed, it is taken by surprise, trying to explain away what happened by postmortem analyses. To exhort the over worked and underpaid nurse that hers is a noble profession to which she must dedicate herself (despite ignoble salaries which negate any semblance of nobility or dignity) and to imagine that these utterances are taken seriously is to be guilty of misplaced romanticism, shattered only when un redressed grievances culminate in strike action. An important aspect of policy research is to determine the limits to the tollaration of frustration. The declaration of a strike clearly indicates that the limit ha 5 been reached. Research could hawe fores een this eventuality and enable advice on remedial policies, in the larger perspective of the social foundations of wage policy, and the context of budgetary constraints. It is not the opulent specialists who are in the forefront of GMOA agitation for wage hikes, improvement of accomodation, and provision of transport. It is the rank and file, the recently qualified doctor posted in mountain fastnesses for Whom channel practice is a chimera. In a low-income area, he has to compete with the wellentrenched RMP. His ambition is to escape from this constricted anWironment
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Simone de Beauvoir: l
Paul Webster
F. someone who created such an enormous international impact both through her political passions and her literaty output. Simone de Beauvoir led on oddy restricted life, Nearly all the dramatic events during her 78 years were experienced within a few hundred yards of her first and last homes, off the Boulevard Montparnasse.
There was something edging on the courageous in the way she determinedly led a controversial |ifestyle in spilte of the middle class Cathocic family made ill at ease by her feminist independence and her companionship with JeanPaul Sartre.
Until a good and understanding biography of de Beauvoir is written (and there are two in preparation) it will not be easy to Project a sympathetic portrait of a Woman who has been seen too often by her enemies - particularly men - as a humourless semire cluse. The end of her lie was marked by controversy over her editing of Sartre's love letters and diaries, making it seem that she was trying to fiddle history.
Most of de Bouyour's fa 15 are, li not surprisingly, Women as she favoured Women Writers rescatchers and activists who hawe cornered the Interview and biography market. But being a woman was not enough to protect anyone from the cutting scorn if they fell below her standards.
A biography was brought out last year by two French women äädemicswhich de Beauvoir reviewed herself. She tore two pages out of the book and covered them with biting comments denying a series of statements and revolutions she was supposed to hawe made. The writing was colourful but the scholarship was weak; that precision was a throw
back to her days as a Lycee teacher where she first tried out het ideas on Wycomen’s liberio.
She was certainly not the dragon, though, that her enemies
24
liked to portray Welt to See her
sharp staccato and forbidding tur away feeling the Hert.
In fact, her si rights make he figure of the 2 Jean-Pau | Sartre passions were u. passing rather causes. For him Were a bit of a jo even give de B Couragement Wł Sex was publish the horror of the minded group o resigned over p ideas from Säi Pressince the
Although she the French Le; Rights and the
sevaral other movements, Eh able to protect humous merging mory with Sa are both dead. to be one Pe
Tanife Station Political and CL. EWcT since tF When she was .
 

yal to the last
ಕಲ್
He is Ewen men Who afraid of her voice, cold eye ban, usually Carme y had misjudged
ght for women's r much more a }th century than whose political sually linked to than universal women's rights ke. He did not eauvoir an y el en The Second ed il 1949. Lo F supposed broadf men who had rogressive French n't Germain des
WELT
was leader of ague of Women's inspiration of oWeerful femini5t ay may not be her from a postin popular mertre. Now they they again seem rson a two-sided if French social, Iltural history. Iey met in 1929. 21, they supported
and challenged each other. Sartre wrote much of his work to impress Castor as he called her
ånd she in turn spent her Life both defying his influence and depending on his admiration.
The mutual influence on their literary work was striking from the very beginning
A few months ago the first Sartreotography was published, and that suggested that the Philosopher feĪi out with hiş life-long Companion just before he died.
She made things up with him by going to lie beside his body at the hospital and has lived the last six years watching over his grave and memory. Nobody can ever say that de Beauvoir was not loyal and faithful to the things that really counted in her life, both people and ideas.
(Guardசா)
How Close . . .
(Солtiпшеd from page 22)
be made a high priority goal by a sides, and especially by those who really have the future of the Tamils at heart. Past record in this respect is bad, both of the Tamils and the Sri Lanka army. But notwithstanding that fact, every chance of an effective cease -fire must be seized by everyons, and by India no less than by anyone else.
If either the army or the mill tants offer not to fire unless fired upon, which is the minimum step required for ending the violence, India must use all its influence with the other side to get a matching response from it, and must use all its influence with both sides to get from both faithful observance of their offers, It is only by the satisfactory performance of this role that India can earn for itself the trust of both sides in such sufficient measure that both may turn to it for help in ensuring faithful implmentation of any settlement that they may reach now.

Page 27
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