Page 1
S.L.F. P: pushed out of
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Vol. 9 No. 3 November 1, 1986 Price Rs. 4.(
VIJAYA LAND
- Day and night with the c Vijaya, the media and th P.L.O.T.'s Maheswaran on N
How free is our Press
7t/so. S.D.I. and Iceland Sun
p the return
 
 
 
 

the House to
htary arena - Mervyn de silva
)0 Registered at the GPO, Sri Lanka QJ/72/N/86
DS IN JAFFNA
SCENE:
yanide "boys” – Dexter cruesz e message - M. K. War and Peace — aadri Ismail
2
- F.E.E.R. reports
nmit, Rajiv's Technocrats and
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SECURITY SPENDING
The Defence Fofe has Tar been cut it has in fact been increased fror 8.5 billiori ro Kr. 10, (i hillion. There has a ro Beer art increase of 269 fillion in the votes of the new Ministry of Малдоиver МођіїiyaІІол итhich УшдегРїseї а тесигїїy-related operariori, a Hď d SFdľ rise iri fhe
10 ஆf the Mistry g Cr.
cial secrity, Bf the rare le spend ori security, the less secure everybody appears to Be - the 777 Gjority Sirhalese marid the r77 frofiries, the private citizen did the private sector, the governier (the recent arriedrier the Presider rial Corniirilissions Act 1775 clear evidence of that the Opposirior that is supporting the gover FP? Erir or r die P.C.’s (boFPE a tracks of Vijaya's meerings and the barrib inti Colvin's horrre) and the Osiri,
Androw the Ministry of ConFiercial Security has been seized by a fit of insecurity about Private Security Agencies, a post-77 Pierrorlero, like lost other developments in the sphere of Fecurity, Hohsch could be verfd so represer the "priation of Early under the regi of the UNP goverriraterir.
Ir the legir Ffrig 14 a 5 the Ministry of Defence, Not ever a fill-fledged finistry in fact, just a part of the Ministry of Defence rd Erter Aர், with one Minister (the Prime Minister) and drie Perrarier Secretary. That post-independence set-up was found lore than adequare from 1947 го 1977, including just before, durfrig 777 d yr er fire 797 7 ir
I'Te'''.
Tre Violerate, ferroris FF FF d. Et full-bilo 14'r separa rist ini surgercy confronted the preself reging Viri far rritore serio Luis, complex TPI d der Fariding problers. The Opposition would of course argue That Ich of the first Hours of izlerce yere directedar if, activists — і гидрогters. For aӀолg wїІh the Tale recurity ager 7 cies, profecng Eig business and the superFich, carne "mafias", associated With The Eerder world and (op polir - Carl II gs.
EIII Ig seer "security” mini நroliferator g" Filer நேர
FFTs for Chr. "defence' 'II, "Haria seri) seriy' r 14 lisation";
Lī iee Carring rcial Sear ference chaired
Dеллis Нариgal/t 2த ஒரிசtal Th decided to keep
απ ΡΓίνεπτε τεστ Γι' ודErrיומו: Prbf&r:T גfr Their Hiro rat li பிரmergeries e rao'. They resporid fa que Stie hijo The Ministro. Při Jared : "Ever. SEf IE (7 Seir ffiεrε 5 η ιατί ο για
POLICE AN
As riolence of a from1 г/ne capital LI FYad the Col Ffry', police don't fee Several riоплу arracked a police heart of the city the screar is of a custody. A police ser air fre, and fr Hifter, Jusce and fle Sr.
(Continued
LA MAFKA
(GUAR
Wo. 9 No. 3 No
PFICE R:
Published for
Lākā Guārdā P
No. 245, Ul
COLOMB
Editor: Mervy Telephone:

http:ாr g" 5f rfer, 5, 7 Fiat rig
Security-related REN DS silies sigrated ige, PVe had ETTERS
erra security" ''' ''']77FFEF"
faripolPer Mobi TEMPLE ENTRY
Dr. Wickramasuriya (letter, ie Mistry of September st) claims that it ri' held a col- is necessary to establish one's y Brigader credentials" (race, caste, reli2, the Ministry's gion etc.)" before entering a £ Ministry, has Hindu kovil. My experiences, a vigisarit eye based on 12 years extensive agencies fired travel in India and Sri Lanka, rierit eriterprises. are quite the reverse. I have | Ee Ff Fairfared. visited many Hindu places of re styled "ritish- Worship, often alone, and not rave failed to once has my presence been - questioned or objected to !נִII}ggtי И. Олe official my 'Caucasian' appearance notybody' yw'r rhif 5 i fod withstanding. When entering Fiy gey , , , the Sri Padmanabhaswamy tem}rey irl ir". ple — a Private foundation in
TTTT yandr LImı —- a few = words in
advance were necessary howD. PUBLIC eve, and Wag Gnico acco
I kirds spreads panied to the Wishwanath temris ple in Waranasi by a securityשושitThor Tלו מF Filade, ey'er the cofficer fto Til the Ba Taa5 Hindu a Secre. University solely as a precaugர ஈர் tion because of enhanced local station in the J.S.S. "activity" at the time. when they heard By contrast recall one 'inFriari Take FI sisa cident" during a visit withm Tar H7 , 7 MFF7F" family to the Dambulla Roc This För foo far temple in mid-1982. Upon the seat of leaving, a local endeavoured to Free Court. levy a tourist charge but my in page II) (Continued on page 24)
DAN C O N T E M T S
News Background Tig Sri Langian Mga ל vember I, 1986. Uma Mahevaram - Interview
Foreign News Rajiv Gandhi: AO O A Mid-term Report - II 1 Bgy's Cwm Both är 교| tnightly by TULF Propos als - WI 교표
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Page 5
The illusions o
Mervyn de Silva
he SLFP which has probably
about 40% of the electorate has only 8 MP's in a house of 68. If it has to demonstrate its power it just has to do so through extra-parliamentary means. The UNP, with its five-sixth majority is all-powerful in Parliament but is anxiously Wondering how, Illusory that omnipotence Could be.
How wickedly the past mocks the UNP The July 1977 election result - a famous UNP wictory, albeit through a quirk of an electoral system which has blessed both parties, UNP and SLFP - has determined the present composition of Parliament, helped by the highly controversal Referendum of Dec. 1982, and the total withdrawal of the TULF group from the House by the end of 1983, in the face of a constitutional amendment (the 6th) which required them to swear an cath гепошпclпg separatisп.
Today, our "" Long Parlament'' (1977-1989 2) of 168 MP's has one MEP MP, one CP member, one ind, and 8 SLFP'ers. The UN P has well-ower 40, though only I || 4 were Present to wote for the amendment to the SPCA (Special Presidential Commissions of Inquiry Act). The purpose of the Bill, said the National Security Minister, was "to Protect and strengthen the rights and privileges of MP's" - a bold leap across the credibility gap. The Parliamentary Privileges Act achi
ewes that qui te well. If not, there is the Penal Code. If that 15 not 5.Lfficient to deal With
anybody who tries to "overawe, coerce or influence an MP (or the government and President) the offender can be locked up under so many freely available Emergency regulations.
But the Same M|1|Ster W35 frank enough to inform the House (and the public) that "tape recordings' of speeches made at rallies organised to oppose the Provincial
Councis B1 || |րզ critics and agita on the people t. Heimg5 = F MP"5"' and when the di the PC's bill co
In presenting
P. Mister
out its real inte to enlarge the of Law No. addition of ano the imposition On the recon Commission'.
Already the decided to bring
епmergency| regul
by the U.F. In
ft IWF (ILIF" lar offenCes (W isment ministers, servants) death, Imprisonment a Property Were penalties.
Of course, th a post-77 UNE new class of of ted such as "a (Mrs. B., Felix B Jayawickrema et rights on such offences, hithert law, were bro a 'politica l' ch "crimes", it was punished by the ticlans, the Pao Felix atd Were punished.
These offences defingd a5 offen Criminal law. of Procedure fo Tission I Ot those which hai courts of law. general nature presented by th of law and just significance, as the State, Was of

f POWer
cate that some tors are calling "surround the presumably if ay for debating ITT1 .
the amendment Premadasa spelt int in these words scope of Section of 1978 by the ther ground for of civic disability endation of the
government had into force an ation introduced 1971 at the height ET FT 5; III-a-vis the governMP's and public 20 years rigorous di forfeiture of the prescribed
er SPCA. E.5ef W5 o innovato A ence5 Were creabuses of power" andaramike, Nihal
IgE: their ciw
grounds). These o Unknown to tha adly speaking of aracter Political
then argued, are | masters of polile. And Mrs. B. In fact severely
are not as strictly es know to the Further, the rules lowed by a ComaS rig0r0 US... a 5 fe to be used by That was the of the change ree SPCA in terms ice. Its political an instrument of course paramount.
terms of the present political situation апd
And it is in
the power-balance inside parliament and outside it that the meaning of the new amendment has to be understood.
At the Oct. 82 and Dec. 82 polls, the government's vote was about 53%. The anti-government vote of 47% included the solid Tamil vote of the north. Yet, it is a fair guess that the Oppostion could now count on alrything between 45-50%, may be even more if the ethnic conflict and the government's handling of It has led to a much greater slippage of the traditional UNP WOTE
SINHALA OPINION
The actual strength of Sinhala opinion on the PC's issue cannot bë quantified right now. Nobody is in a position to go through that exercise until a poli is held. But It is su rely fair to say that Sinhala opinion, now being roused by the SLFP and the Sangha, and a those assorted groups and personalities in the MDN is bøund to have had a strøng impact on UNP MP's, especially those in the rura area 5. How much? Strongly enough to make them place "nation, and religion", the MDN'S fervent appeal, before party'' 2 Strongly enough to make some MP's vote against the PC's bil I, which requires a 2/3rds majority, or simply stay at home on the appointed day 2 These thoughts must trcuble any regime trapped in a situation where its "peace offer' is too much of a concession in the eyes of a great many Sinhalese and far too little in the eyes of even the TULF, et alone the militants. The amendment is pre-emptive, it is psychological (a threat to potential agitators) and it is self-protective in regard to its exposed rearguard and rankand-file, the backbench MP.
(Continued on page I9)

Page 6
The Wijaya Mission and the med
Hefty Hole in the
VER has landed in Jaffna -
the news flashed by TW and radio. Then things went awry. Lack of preparation for a task that would hawe tested the skills of a professional negotiator. A volte-face by the "boys' resulting from rank-and-file pressure for a prisoner exchange 2 Contradictory official signals to the Colonel in Jaffna, reflecting diverse views in the UNP leadership 2 Or was it from the start "mission impossible", a bridge too far 2
How did Sinhala opinion respond to the project and its failure. An opinion survey conducted on scientific lines would have helped
us to know answ Would hawe thro on a much W popular Sinhala
et 55 Opinion anyway ded in the govern in parliament d (23/10) оп SPC.
Mr. Anura Bal Leader): The gowl the foo, like se Jaffna. It was a
Mr. Alt Ple go to Jaffna the fool.
Prime Ministear
The hearts and mind
M. K.
he minor "contradictions of
capitalism' express themselves In singularly interesting ways in specific historical and dramatic Contexts With their special characteristics and nuances. It was, after all, Professor Ediriweera Sarach. chandra, the gifted revivalist of Sinhala folk drama and eminent Si fiha la academic who wrote that provocative latter on "Facing the Truth" which was published in
your journal. (The letter was addressed to the Jaffna-based 'Saturday Review' and re-published
by the L. G. on 15386. See Box
Facing the Truth'' - Ed.)
Do the Sinhala people know what's really happening here in Jaffna 2 That was Sarachchandra's pointed question. And Sarachchandra is the most Plungent critic of the debas ing vulgarity of the "new consumerism' bred by the 'open economy', and its disruptive impact on traditional values. But the 'open economy' has also brought CCLLL LLLLHHHHHHH LLLHHLS HaaaLS DSLL communications technology. The mainstream, official communications media may be controlled, semicontrolled or 'guided" but there are other parallel, unofficial and
hidden (subvers tՃmmumitatiDr15 : these recent 'op
The private Jaffna present t
"Facing It is the misfor being that githd ultimate good, Truth das not happiness. Ignor Worder y South - rese sufferings that TamII people oft been undergoing moment. People spoken do not Or they do not SerSe5 i dre due t: 1515 di scores of the cric baila 5 broadcas drid the Nandidir on T. W. They | апуthIпg шпtiІ t| touched by this E | the Country ...
-- Ediriwwira

Cadjan Curtain
W T5, which I ELIT 5wn much light wider subjectthe חס חסiחplס ld what to do. was sharply divimont's frontbench uring the debate A irlandment.
Til dara laikea PP 2rnment is playing Inding people to | flasco.
hudali: Some Peoand then play
Premadasa how". Kumaranatunge
as a man of Courage and suspects that the SLFP is worried of the S.L.M.P.'s popularity.
Prime Minister: It is not far
to say that Mr. Kumaranatunge is selling the country. He made an attempt. We must appreciate
tha fact that the made an at tempt.
The English language press has ridiculed and savaged him but the Sinhala papers, with the fate of the two Sinhala soldiers as their primary consideration, have been more sympathetic to Mr. Kumaranatunge. His wis it achlewed one thing, anyway - media exposure, a hole in the cadjan curtain.
is battle
we) channels of wailable thatik 5 Eo en ing up" changes.
T. W. stations in ."W5םח" חWס חEIח
he Truth"
tune of the human பgh Truth Is 0ா knowledge of the always bring him Ince is often bliss. тапу people in the he extent of the i Lir breithren, the his COLUntry, ha ve at the present
to whom I have believe what say,
Wdrt to. Their |d by the sound of round then, the ket matches, the t by State radio Wildcard Comedie:5
WIII flot realise 1ey are thermselves will that is stalking
Sarachhandra
Thc, wideo film5 take the "now5" (actualites) to the Tamil liberation moyement and the Tam|| dľa spora, to Tamillnadu and India and to the world, including the world Press. The top brass in Colombo possess even greater resource 5 but access to "actualite" is limited for logistical reasons. However, the top brass in Colombo Take their own films of what's going on here, if only from helicopters howering high in the sky. So decision-making coteries can see what is really going on in this the liberated zona' in the idiom of the vanguard fighters. That cotere cari see the "truth". But not, sad to say, the Sinhala masses, as Dr. Sarachchandra percePtively noted. Perhaps the Wijaya KLITaranatunge press Conference, where firls were shown and pictures distributed, marks a breakthrough, a hole in the curtain?
When Victor's body was brought to Jaffna a long service was held at the Jaffna (Catholic). Cathedral. All that is on film. So was the scene at Nallur Kandasamy Kovil Where the bodies of the lira Sinha a Goldiers, dresse di and w Teathed, were placed on a stage.

Page 7
On the stage were the two captured soldiers. They were sipping "Coke", and biscuits were served. Their wounds had been treated, by medica|| personnel.
Wictor was given a hero-martyr's funeral in Jaffna. Queues winding in different directions were more than a mile long. A shops and schools were closed. Loudspeakers blared forth waledictory versos, and emotionally stirring pledges that the 'struggle" will go on until the brave liberation fighter's name was inscribed in the history books in letters of silver, etc. etc.
The helicopters marked the State's presence overhead. The scenes were being filmed. Ground fire from the "boys' Chased them away Sogn. So a Select, privileged group of WWIP's will see them in Colombo. But they won't be shown on Rupavahini, I bet
The crowd, W dead soldiers, th arms and new
Eha M aid out for the and of course That
The mediul and wice Wersa.
But the audi |afla 獻 Ofi was backing up "victory" In Mai that it's own
comparatively in 5 dly, it was Pro' successfully brou, its own fighters, and the two sold from Maria" to
the face of 74. H heavy concentrat With reinfar-EmE thio State medii press announced. the Manar-Way.
Quick change in day a
by Dexter Cruesz in Jaffna
S黜 Jaffna the island's most troubled town is busy
as a beehive during day. There are certainly many shell-hit buildings which bear scars of the fighting, but civilians now accustorned to the battles go about their routines with only a casual glance at the sound of gunfire or loud explosions which would normally scare anybody out of his Wits.
At night however this town takes the appearance of a ghost city with only the Tamil militants armed to ther teeth with an impressive assortment of weaponry, manning checkpoints behind heavily Sandbagged bunkers or going on foot-patrols. The sound of explosions or the stacat to rattle of machine-gun fire echoes strongly, while the town sleeps.
This quick day-and-night life of == =fna change in town is now as cal as a casual sip of palmyrah toddy by the thirsty. The city's populace has become almost immune to violence which has taken such a heavy toll of human lives
and ta L5e so IT ing to so many time.
BLI L on Octob to Jaffna by Wijay movie-hero turne of the SLMP on and abor two me the Jaffna popula forget their wae film actor playing does on the Silwer type-mission (alb. rescue tyyо 51пНа captive in the T
Unfortunately. Kt Back to Colomb and the Jaffna pe to their holds an |}ựas behind wh Caled the ""Cad life of gunfire, sudden death.
""We reyer sk there will be town' said the leading hotel in hawe to continue Order to eat a referring to his hic
 

Stor's body, the huge quantity of eapons captured attes II W Eric ||
people to see, r|al for the Wideo,
is the message,
İlçe ? First the Lurse. The LTTE its claim of a nar, li principally casualties were gnificant. Secon"ing that it had ht the bodies of the dead soldiers ers taken captive Jaffna. How In our curfews and ons of the army, 15, 5: : () L L 5 and Colombo In other Words, In liya area Wa 5
their 'turf" where they enjoyed far freer mobility than the forces. Policy makers and negotiators in Delhi and Madras would be able to judgethe 'situation on the ground'.
The most "human touch' of a in this "drama" - and it is drama as Vijaya Kumaranatunge was the first to grasp instinctively - was the Capta in Kotellawela — Rahim/Kit. Eu exchanges and intimacies which the Wijaya press conference brought home no doubt to the large gathering of media persons. With the help of the G. A., arrangements were made for returning the bodies of the soldiers to the Fort. This too was filmed. Kittu and one other LTTE man drove the truck with the bodies. Captain Kotelawela came out. He could see the bodies cleanly clothed, placed in coffins full of Wreaths. Salutes, a firm hand-clasp, a War II embrace.
nd night life of Jaffna
luch human 5 Luffer| 5o 5 hort a
er 2. I the Wisit a Kumaranatunga, d political leader his controversial rcy mission SaW tion temporarily 5. Here was a what he normally screen, a Rambo elit peacefully) to lese soldiers held liger lair.
maranatunga flew empty-handed 2ople want back their 'routine'
at is popularly jan Curtain,' a explosions and
OW What time shelling on the manager of a Jaffna. "But we our Work, 1 fin living" he sald
tel, more empty
than any four-star place in Colombo !
"The only possible solution to this ethnic conflict which has seen this once peaceful land being ripped apart is the establishment of the Tamil separate state "Eela fin" covering the northern, eastern and north-western provinces where the Tamils are concentrated, Kittu the LTTE field-commander of the Jaffna peninsula said in an interWie W.
"We will never settle for anything less' he was emphatic whilst adding the TULF and its predeccessors have been talking for the past 30 years on the legitimate rights of the Tamils without any SLICCC 55.
When Kumaranatunga not only took up a militant's machinegun but fired at a target he created quite a "bang" among the crowding militants The Sinhalase film star was shooting at the same target the militants used for practice firing. What impact Kumaranatunga's shots had on the minds of a people fighting and dying
5

Page 8
for ""Eelam"", to gue 55.
it is only possible
Jaffna has been something of a "mystery" city eyer since the ethnic violence worsened in July | 983. "Yalpanam"' became Sri Lanka's forbidden city lewer since. Boys as young as 12 years of age sprawl on the ground, row after row, in what was orice a recreation centre aiming wooden guns in combat training. Watch in and training them is a Tami militant group commander toteing a Chinese made T-56 assault rifle.
A three inch long cyanide capsule dangles round the sweat-covered neck of a grim locking militant cradling a Soviet made AK-47 assault rifle keeping a watchful eye on the 280-year old Dutch built Fort where the security forces are holed up. The cyanide will ensure a seven second trip to the Happy Hunting Grounds, the militants proudly proclaim in case they are threatened with
capture. The W2 the death ever-pr neck is as morn speaking about a ing to 5to P a SLI
A handsome educated youth type of assault colleagues aboard roaming the st Also on board 50-milimetre an pointing skyward
A little boy, suddenly out of ling a mortar of a munition capacity to prod and 100 grenade:
Today Jaffna c Ott-Col. turning out all products ranging Palmyrah sauces economy of the Young Jaffna girl industries gra EIS.
ARISTONS TOURS No. 5, Gower Street, COLOMBO 5.
Cable; : 'TURNTIDE'
Fիլյրը :
FOR WELL OVER A.
ARISTONS I
GLOBAL REPUTATION IN THE FIELD
ARISTONS HAWE OPENED OUT NI
EXPORTS IN AN ENDEAVOUR TO CON
FHEALL) {
ARISTON
5, Gower
Colom
5 B B 43 5, 5 B

ly they talk about esent round their hal as a person
pill he is carryHden Fleart attack.
Colombo college holding another weapon joins his a pick-up truck
Tegts of Jafna. He whicle is a ti-aircraft piece
S.
hardly 15, steps al door way Cradust cooked out factory with a uce 25 Tortar5 5 a day.
ity has more than Geddu5 e 5
assortment of from Caldes to to bolster the separatist cause. 5 work in the The Industries
for T the backbone of what thic militants firmly believe will someday be the national economy of "Eelar".
A young 12 year old boy speaking fluent English interwiewed by this writer said he was going to
school. "Will you be joining the movement 2'. The question was answered in a wink. "Yes. It is
Cour tradition: now".
WiH Yalpaanam continue to be city bristling with guns 2 it will
depend on the on-going peace talks. "The government must talk with us in India. We are Willing to negotiate a peace with the government in India. It is We who matter' said Kittu.
But from what Jaffna looked
like when this writer freely roamed its streets, this once qui et and proud city presented itself to my іпеxperienced eye as рагt of a scenario from some Wolent Towia or T.W. images of some international trouble-spot.
AFWAALF A CELMUTTAJVARY
HAWE BUILT UP
OF EXPORTS AS WELL ASMPORTS
IN NON-TRADITIONAL
TRIBUTING FOR NATIONAL GROWTH
EW WISTAS
OFFICE
NS LTO.
Street, ԵՃ 5:
EXPORT DEPARTMENT
40. Front Street,
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2 O2, 58 IC 36
Teleg:
II.
2302 RUWANI

Page 9
The Sri Lanka an outsider's
Many an educated Sri Lankan, indignant ove coverage of the ethnic conflict and the Tam joins the government in abusing the internati gnashing his teeth silently over "our tarni But how does the foreign media see our ow demand accuracy, balance and "constructive" or criticism from the world press. How do ot stand up to these tests
The Far Eastern Economic Review, the best of regional affairs, has been publishing a seri on the “Asian Press" with the national m country in this area as the subject of a st The spotlight last month was turned on Sri
Government gets wha the government want
By W. G. Kulkarni in Colombo
At the newsstands in downtown Colombo pornographic periodicals vie for space with a host of Sports and Women's magazines. At least nine different organs of Politica parties with their Contending points of view strive for the readers' attention. And the banner headlines of more than a dozen dailies in three languages range from the latest om the non-aligned movement to superpower rivalry and the casualties In the Tami Insurgency to bombings in the Middle East.
To a casual visitor this varied fare in news and views gives the impression of a vibrant and thriving press in Sri Lanka. But a closer look unweils an unsavoury reality. The party organs have at besta combined circulation of a few thousand. At least twothirds of the dailios" and a sizeable part of the magazines' circulations come from the government-controlled publishing group.
The rest of the press tamely follows the officia | line on almost
all issues, for tha Lutho Title5 With a set of . rein in the pre: of patronage in la 52ëtar ad Wert5 ז חם nsםregulati an additional res. on the Press. TW also in off government has tTO oya Hill situation which h; the 19705:
When Preside dere's United NE SWePE LO POWer was considerable the press would breath more fr Lin did the state of permits and predecessor regist and opened the ci forces. But econd did not bring at financially health
Desp|te paying press freedom wh

in media:
view
r world Press || lпsшгgeпcy, om media Gr. shed image', n press? We "responsible' Ir OW Il Thedia
known journal es of articles edia of each ecial survey, Lanka.
t
Fear of : who are arme Tacom.jar a W 5 to is. State power rge-scale publicng and import 1eW5 print act a5 training influence With radio and cal hands, the Tost total Comational media, a as prevailed since
t Junius Jayewaronal Party (UNP) in 1977, there expectation that be a lowed to eely. The UNP capitalist system cente: Which it.5 Chad in trenched onomy to market Tiiberasation ou E a free and W PC.55.
lip service to ten in opposition,
the UNP once back in power found in convenient to continue the government's hold over the country's largest publishing house - Associated Newspapers of Ceylon Ltd or the Lake House group - which was nationalised by then prime minister Sirima Bandaranāk in 973, The ti urēt in 1981 and 1983 and the ensuing Tamil insurgency which led to emergency rule have also come in handy for the UNP as an excuse to ignore demands for relaxing press controls.
That both right|st as well as leftist governments in Sri Lanka have preferred to control the press has its roots in the country's colonial past and the espoused goals of a post-colonial developing country. The role of the press has been a matter of intense debate in the country since at east the 1960s. The Western approach to the press as a free marketplace of ideas and a watchdog on government and society has come under question in many parts of the Third World. Sri Lankan leaders have sided with the view of many of their Third World counterparts that socioeconomic development was of the highest priority and that the press should be an effective instrument in communicating developmental goals. These, needless to say, are fra med by those in power.
The пехшs between the press and the government had along colonial past. The first newspaper in what was then Ceylon was the Government Gazette, started in 1802 by the British administration.
Others that followed were also in the English language, published by and for English mėn. The colonial press was essentially a lobby for British planters and merchants, which always strove to hold back the government's Welfare policies for the native inhabitants.

Page 10
New Magazines - Далka Guardiал а
The editor of one of Sri Lanka's most popular Women's magazines planned a feature on the rash of Sinhalese pornographic publications that appear and disappear on Colombo's pavements. She walked up to a downtown city newsstand recently and asked for some of the "sex stuff." The vendor, who knew her well, said: "They're all gone lady. They're snapped up before you can say 'bak'."
"The mushrooming of porno
graphy in Sinhalese is becoming
very bad,' Sumana Sapra madu, the editor of the Three (Young Woman) told the REVIEW. *"It's a II raw, dirty stuff which even the non-prudish would Bb|LIsh at. "" Most of i t Was printed |ပိုငal|{ with pirated illustrations, she said.
But the surge of pornography has in no way diminished the
vigour of Sri Lanka's mainstream
periodicals, many of which are run with very small staffs. Thar Linee, for example, is put out by the editor and four journalists. The industry is flourishing thanks both to the country's very high literacy rate the number of young Sri Lankans who do not read or write is negligible - and the thirst for reading matter in the two indigenous languages, Sinha lese and Tamil. The stri P Picture story and cartoon publications are doing particularly well, as are the Women's and children's magazines. At least three Weeklies hawe circulations of 70,000 and morte.
Associated Newspapers of Ceylon Ltd, or Lake House, as the country's biggest publisher is known, has a string of nine Weeklies in Sinhale5e. Sarasaviya, dealing with films is very popular, as are Madhura (cartoons), Thar Linee (Women's) and Mihira (for children). Lake House also brings out a Buddist Weekly called Bud LSOrdrid, Sudgeth Ke dels With 5trology and indigenous medicine, Kreeda, a sporting publication, Yoyun Janatha for youth and the weekly, Na wa Yugaya, mainly de Wooted to literat Ure,
By. Manik de Sil
The latest ad Lake House stab mational new's W Today, an Engli using a lot of th stories that til dailles Cam moti ta' of space. The Considerad to due to the high better-known for but the circulat been disappoint
Lake House an English digest doministic reWS ca od Sri LaTrikT Sri Lankans li Wing Newspapers, an newspaper grou similar weekly a slice of this sii
Most of the : cals published have problems na ble wolum C
while Lake H. Ranapala Bodiր: company could
advertising for
''The trouba is o' Walt to 'We had to p release advertis
Although Bodi figures he εaid periodicals were is the case W. English newspapէ language Perio
LICE TOT 2 3 Simhalese or Tart
TrLinee , editor her magazines at and hՃme" a toiletries, hous children's health
Ranjit Wii jew: of Lake House Richard Wijewar a stable of Sin English) period: family-owned c Publications Lt. House, Wijaya pr for children an cartoon periodi zine for young

the bright spot lively fortnightly'
մը In Cցիցmեց
dition to the a 5 atweekly, World sh publication ge W. Te-52, 'Wicle 5"panyוחסe Cו ke for reasons
magazine is hawe promise, price of the algn magazine5, on so far has
미g.
also produces of the country's of the week, News, sold to ! abroad. Upali other natoria 5, produces a in a bid to Win eable business.
maller periodi
in Sri Lanka getting a reasoof advertising, ou 53 chai Tman goda says his
obtain more its periodicals, that the editors incede space ... ush them Eo ing space."
臺
nagoda gawe no the Lake House
profitable. As th the daily rs, the English|ica 15 tend to vertising than it publications.
Sapra madu sajd racted "worthan vertising: for hold goods and -care products.
rdene, the son
fou der Don dare also runs talese (and two ials through a mpany, Wijaya ... Like Lake dLices Weekles strip , חmeסI W als and a magamon Which the
publishers admit is no match for Playboy.
The Lankan Woman, an English -language women's magazine, does best on advertising, WijeWarden said. White he did not give figures, the publisher is not complaining about the bottom line, Wijaya, like Lake House, has production advantages flowing from the printing and publishing interests of associate companies, though Wijewardene agrees he lacks the infrastructure his family built for Lake House.
"We can do more on periodicals. We have a literate popu
lation. I think one of the problems we face is that we are too bound to formula
Presentations. We should break out of that" Wijewardene said.
Editor S. P. Amarasingham founded in 1954 a political weekly called the Tribune which ceased publication early this year. But he hopes that his periodical, which also had a 5 ix -month break in publication soon after the communal riots of 1958 and another during the 1971 youth insurgency period, will Be back on the newsstands soon. He told the REWIEW there had been periods when
the Tribune was profitable, other
times it broke even and occasions "when I had to subsidise it with my earnings from elsewhere.'
His interest in politics and agriculture was reflected in the publication, which included a great deal of political comment and tended to be generally anti-establishment.
More recently, the Lanka Guardian, a lively fortnightly edited by Mervyn de Silva, a Well-known name in Sri Lanka journalism, has appeared on the newsstands. Modestly priced, the publication is aimed at the intelligentsia and often provides a platform for view points that are not reflected in the national daily press.

Page 11
The resurgence of a pre-colonial traditional Buddhist culture - a strong emotive plank for all Sinhalese Politicians - played its part in the government's attack on the Westernised elite Who Controlled the media until the early 1970s. While the leftists, when in opposition, found a free press essential to propagate their views, after ach lewing power they made the Private monopoly press their prime target. The leftists were also resentful of the close links between the Lake House group and the right-of-centre regimes of the 1950s.
靛
Although Ceylonese also began publishing their own newspapers in colonial times, these - unlike their Indian counterparts - played a very minor role in the independence movement. While the press in India carne in for several har sh clampdowns by the British. The press in Ceylon posed no major problems and the only strictures applied to it were during World War II for security reasons. At the time of independence the British had sold their interests in Ceylon's publications and D. R. Wije Wardene, who by then controlled the Lake House group, emerged as the premier media magnate with strong links to the
UNP. In the early 19505, Lake House was commonly considered a member of the UNP's "innar
cabinet."
In the 1956 general election, the Lake House organs did their best to support the UNP, but the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) strode to power and attacks on the "monopoly press' began. The SLFP retained power in the 1960 election and announced its intention to regulate the press and nationalise the Lake House group. As intra-cabinet divisions delayed the drafting of legislation, a press commission was appointed to investigate the media scene. The Commission recommended severa restrictive measures, but the legislation was defeated by parliamentary bungling and divisions within the SLFP.
With the active help of the press the UNP defeated the SLFP
in the 1565 get the press heave The electoral W էր 1970 and էի Power voWing the press. A le in 1971 shook
and delayed th the press, but
parliament passe cill Law, giving
appointed coun function ower the alse, restricted t of cabinet discus plated fiscal me law was passed
put 75% of group's shares i public trustee a government - W. run the publicat
The nationalisa House group sa senior and qualifie the country. T government start litical loyalists editors not Will |Пe Ware ШПCare out. The retur regime in 1977 st taken against so appointees of the
thent.
In 1981, the Jay facilitated the bi Newspapers, fou Sinhale 5e entrepr wardene, a close president. The ched its EnglishThe Island and its Dying the same
Upali's strong UN Phi5 own con: wealth and his presidential amb uP5 Ear" t. g FOLIP t rivals. For a The Island could comatose Column Pa Per S.
Upall Newspap in the UNP wyer Ranasinghe Prem: Minister Ronnie
cularly the for spared no effo the two, while
to involve the UNP in general

oral election and a sigh of relief. heel turned again C. SLFP care to Crgeance against ftwing insurgency the government e a mo Wes against by early 1973 the Press Counthe governmentcil a watch dog : Press. The law he Press coverage Si C15 and contemasures. Another in July 1973 tg the Lake House in the hands of a PPointed by the hich would also .5חםi
tion of the Lake W an exodus of ld journalists from The Bandaranalike -סg pחintIסadapp In key jobs, and ing to toe the imoniously eased n of the UNP W GET I lär action me "Unreliable" previous govern
'ewardene regime rth of the Upall ided by dynamic пешr. Upali WijeIrelative of the Jipali group launlanguage flagship, Sinha lese sibiling
yeaГ.
links With the iderable personal arely concealed tions made the he envy of its while it seemed
Te5u5 i Ed Ee the of other news
irs' prime targets Prie Mister da sa and Finance de Mel, Parti
T 5 ts in attacking taking care not resident and the in its forays.
轟 韓
Premadasa sued the Upal group for damages over a story about his personal wealth in 1982, and the long drawn-out court proceedings were watched with interest by the public. In 1984 the two sidos settled out of court-Sources say at the president's behestwith the daily paying Rs 1 million (USS35,700) to Premadasa, the highest defamation payment in the country so far. However, since the mysterious disappearance of Upali in a private aircraft over the South China Sea in 1983, The Island has lost what clout it had.
Currently, there are three major publishing groups in Colombo: the Lake House group, Independent Newspapers, which resumed publlcation in 1977 after a three-year closure by the Bandaranalike regíme, and the Upali group. Express Newspapers, which Publishes in Tamil only, comes a poor fourth. None of these groups claims to lose money, but nor do they seem able to invest more in improving and expanding editorial coverage. Not that it would be an easy task even if resources were available given the political and legal constraints under which newspapers operate in the country.
The daily fare of Colombo's newspapers consists of stories that read the same, most amanating from the same official sources. In the absence of correspondents abroad, foreign news is limited to copy from international newsagencies and syndicated features. During Bandara na like's rule In the 1970s, development news from the Third World was favoured, but under the pro-Western Jayewardene government the Third World no longer gets extensive coverage.
Colombo's new-found relationship with Israel, which is providing aid, weapons and training to help the government combat the Tamil insurgency, translates into a total absence of editorial criticism of the Jewish state, and its economic and technical achievements are praised. On the other hand, the sizeable employment opportunities for Sri Lankans in the Middle East and the favoured position

Page 12
of the Muslim minority at home results in the press limiting its comments on Arab affairs.
News about India, mainly Culled from Indian Wire services, radio and newspapers, figures rather prominently but is largely focused on Indian insurgencies, political strife and natura I Calamites. Editorial comment on India reflects the mood of the Colombo government line of the moment. One cannot fault the Colombo Press for not having on-the-spot coverage of the activites of Sri Lankan Tam II militants in India" 5 Tami|| Nadu state. Any contact with them could be construed by authorites as consorting with terrorist separatists, an activity forbidden by the anti-terrorism and emergency rules.
+ 轟 量
News of the Tamil insurgency and the military's counter-moves come mainly via the Ministry of National Security and the Joint Operations Command of the Sri Lankan forces. Although local journalists keep in telephonic contact With the Tamil-dominated areas of the country, it would be a brawe editor who would dare to dwell at length on the Tamil side of the story.
The government-controlled newsagency, Lanka puvath, adds to the already formidable state publicity network. Launched in 1978, the
agency has only four full-time journalists and one part-timer, a based in Colombo, Located
in a government ri it has al annual
rilIllion, half of M government grant com ing mainly fron grou P and State
Lankapuwath's d about 500 Wor years consisted military's activiti lian ki | lings by agency also circu mation abroad pro-insurgent Pro Geaa 5 STi La kan
With the in Gf the Ethnic CC1 1983, the prev։ bias of the Cold strengthened. Ew Cations which hila liberal on lost taken a hard in problem. The S newspapers in p: each other IF ta majority-chau Wini: Tamil press is t timid to upset FEI 5.
TCC for Media, a Woluntar Sri Lanka || C. content analysis of the ethnic issu press during Ju when the polic; Jaffna with the politiclans and t CCL Inter"-wicience
The long arm of the la
W. G. Ku karni
In early 1978, the Observer, a Colombo afternoon daily carried a frontpage picture of a man relaxing in a boat with a young
woman. By some quirk of carelessness, the caption identified the man in the picture as the
country's foreign minister though it boro no resemblance to that Worthy politician.
In other democracies a public official, not unlike a private citizen
O
in sin af EFEl seek redress f. But rot || Si
nant parliament editors of the Pa Per and fined of Parliamentary
Some promine yer's have mai action of defamat minister against court of a WW

inistry building, budget of Rs 2. high is a direct With the balance in the Lake House Wned radio) and
aily output of 5 has is teet
mainly of the es and the CWinsurgents. The lates this inforto counter the paganda by owerTa Tils.
reasing Wicidence nflict since late alent anti-Tam|| imbo press was "en those publlwe been usually other issues hawe on the ethnic Inhalese-language rticular we with king a decidedly st line, while the too small and too the Sinhala autho
Harmony through y group of liberal lectuals, did a of the coverage in the Sinhalese ne-August 98.
ra Tiok | backing of UNP he carnage led to by Tamil youth.
W Stalks
m5tarc:5. Would For the Courts, Lanka. An indigsummoned the offending newsther for Breach
privilege.
mE CölömHö |äWEa a that an
ion by the foreign the Obsčrwer if a ou di Probably not
The analysis found that the Sinhalese press distorted facts, doctored age-old proverbs to suit
its biased reporting and wrote Iingoistic editorials agal inst the Tamils. The thrust of the reports
was that there was no basis for Tamil grievances and in fact it was the Sinhalese community that was threatened. The analysis regretted that the press did not discuss the underlying causes of the ethnic conflict and added that it was full of "anti-Tarmil Pro Pāganda, which goes against attempt 5, at communal harmony.
The anti-Tami tirade has grown more strident, since then. The government"s paranoia about radical dissent is such that the press rarely mentions those - Tamils and Sinhalese alike - detained under emergency regulations, except when the government itself puts out a release. Earlier this year a citizens group campaigning for the release of political prlsoners issued a statement which was totally ignored by the press. Later, no newspaper was Willing to print even a paid advertisement by the group.
Even if the ethnic issue is resowed through the Continu ling negotiations between Colombo and moderate Tamil politicians and the arceiwed threat fram radical Sina 35e di 55 ent is o Wercorme, It i5 doubtful whether the Sri Lankan Government, armed with restrictive press laws and commanding a Comfortable majority In parlament, would allow Press freedom.
the newsrooms
hawe succeeded. The case II || Lustrates the excessive powers successive Sri Lankan parliaments with overwhelming majorities hawe amassed for the Tiselweis: impugning the integrity of an elected official even when legislative functions are mot inwowed can be considered a breach of privilege.
As a latter of Interest it should He nated that + the Observer is government-owned.

Page 13
Extraordinary parlamentary pri
wilege is only one among the many constraints the country's press faces. In Sri Lanka, the
Press has the same rights as an individual citizen, but does not enjoy the added protection of judicial principles evolved through case law as in the US or Britain.
Fundamental rights of individual LLLCH S LLLL S LaL S CKLaLL S LLLLLLLLS rated in the 1948 constitution - the first one for independent Ceylon. It was felt then that a dynamic body of case law would develop as had happened in Britain. The 1972 constitution fied the gap by including a bill of rights, but Stymfed II by includIng general overiding Princi Ples of State policy which included 'distribution of social product and development of collective forms of property.' These general restrictions, copied from socialist countries, effectively negated the rights granted by the constitution.
The I978 colst this somewhat by restrictions of r the fundamental of expression
number of enu tion 5. Moreower titution brought
curtament of
parliament to m iпterests of radi harmony, or in
lia mentary - pri Wii | Court defa Tatic to an offence, a fare of society.'
The constitutic President to di emergency when ergency decrees of Haw in curbi Since 1971, the has been under has added up t years, and emer, are in place no Tamil insurgency
TRENDS
(Contiாபed from page )
Recently, a Police Party (a Sergears arid 5 constables) was விாாked by "0" துரி ரசாEr For TWorKer. The SUN WHFC reported the fiefder said I was the third such attack in 4 days. A police raid or a group of "ificit gerriers", the Island reported, was also thwarted by a crowd. Jisr a few days later, Maaveli Minister, Mr. Griri Disanayake, deir iarrded thar a D. I. G. Ehe approriseal fra o “farke exclusive charge of the farestry Fec"for" beca e "“fir Eber rackereers" (the illegal selling of finiber) were working "hard in glove" with "law enforcernet Perso Fire" |
Political violence, high-level Corr Epiflor, crirfe, proferriar rackers ("political' protect for and "Police Protect for the Breakdri of a Trīd order, tie loss of public confidence in la W– erforcement agencies and in the in partial dispensation of justice,
lead to derioralisation and the spread of "insecurity", the new Falaise of a society in the
grip of tпрага) е Liricontrollable, III
CIWILIAN
Waret'Er Irg ודrיון והיווטי" f rheiם Ce FIFFE FETS 5 Core Lig i "If I, press, local anId
שיון !j - יerיו:gיוןםIT. appreciated by a cerried especialy Cer tre i herë : from the Seriy ing the பிரீ ஆரி
This is for tw. ויוו שטייע ל reץ:T Hirl Sg.
(7). The Secur fheir Cofffffffffler'; "if y ffe fa 57k 7ra dirg his col Terroris fo. TH75 falsk requiring rri ரேEritre gf difficers ha ye ir a de que sfior5 from t. sole objective pi
paired.
(2) и е наие til (Cill I'll litir Cairgirr Fisch als reis
relating to Ter еталаІe from a cї

It Li LiC Eftede detailing specific ights. And of all rights, freedom had the largest merated restricthe new consin a catchrights allowing a ke laws " "ithe Cal and religious relation to parege, Contempt of էր Լյr IIIt| Le Tile:Tլ է ind for the Wei
Jin empowers the eclara a 5 tale of
needed and eminave the sta EU5 ng basic rights.
time the country
emergency rule : 1 TEe th II) gency regulations W because of the . Regulations in
'load, 7 rial Writis Frail.
WICTORY
ľF75 777ď ďa H"F75 "" , Iiε Μεία a victory for Circliff ; l’o IIIe foreigri, states:
Ild be greaty Il parties contthe Media Tre rig Eftfries Force, ircratthe W. O. C.
registry is vu!ad apprecia re.
fry Forces arid 7 rég er Fife dy f defer"y fголі "Ле
is 7 derra ridirig || "ch thought and irre. If these ssor fs Fer e Prelig er I'll be seriously
ir Sri Līks
ff F 75 frcluding those "ri di "yffar SCsrce.
earlier emergencies have included press censorship.
Even after an emergency is lifted, some of its de croes hawe been enacted into laws by parlīment. The Preyntion of Tertrorism Act of 1979 made permanent the earlier emergency edicts relating to Under the act, the government by a simple gazette notification can order the press not to print neWS about tert Tortist actiwities without prior official clearance. News which is "likely to cause religious, racial or communal disharmony" could also come under Such a bari.
轟 轟 壘
Of late the authorlitle5 ha. We not needed to invoke their power of censorship. The fear of transgressing the repressive laws is so great among editors that they Willingly indulge in excessive caution bordering on self-censorship, particularly when the news concerns the Tamil insurgency.
Editors Want to play safe, and routinely soft-pedal or even ignore Tamil grievances, knowing that to report them could make them subject to the terrorism act and a jail term of up to five years. However, the same Self-restraint does not appear applicable to majority. Sinhalese views. Sinhalese politicians and clergy have often, especially since the late 1970s, made jingolstic anti-Tamil speeches which are reported as straight news.
The Centrepiece of press regulation by the authorities is the 1973 Press Council Law under which a government-appointed council supervises the media. The law forbids the publication of Intra-cabinet discussions and documents. News about monetary,
which might be under consideration by a ministry or the country's central bank is also specifically barred to the press. Yet another item in the prohibited category is information relating to police or military matters, unless officially made public.
The composition of the seven member press council, which has

Page 14
five officially appointed members and two working journalists, is al 5o a matter of Sorme controversy. In contrast, neighbouriug India's - press Counci | has 26 members, 13 of whom are working journalists and the rest represent media owners, artists and MPs. While the Sri Lankan body is appointed by the government, the nominating committee of the Indian members consists of the chief justice and the Presiding officers of the two houses of Parliament. The Sri Lankan press council also has to comply with directions from a Tlister.
The Council ac from the aggrew newspapers and investigation. It SLT 10. W LIEESC: a lists and to a Id fin 25 which Tiad i CCL rit lists can be com duce document:5 notes in a press
Any one found the council 5 Supreme Court the case as a co and punish the in
Dominance of drama an
Manik de Silva
Despite the progress which came to Sri Lanka seven years ago, radio remains the country's most potent medium. There are now an estimated half a million TW receivers serving a Population of 6 million, while an estimated 4 milion radio Teceivers reach a national audience of 10 million. But paradoxically, despite radio's admitted reach and usefulness, it has been totally upstaged with politicians, in particular, preferring to get on the more glamorous small screen.
of TW,
Daily broadcasts in what was then Radio Ceylon began on 6 December 1925. Over the years the station, later converted into the more flexible and less regu|lation-bound Sri Lanka Boardcastng Corp. (SLBC) - with the government retaining sole ownership - was developed into a vigorous en tartainment, information and educational medium which officials said was profitable.
"We focus on entertainment, Information and education,' Livy Wijermanne, chairman of the SLBC, told the REVIEW. "Naturally We've got to broadcast what the listeners enjoy. People like to tune into a station that is pleaSant to || Site to. Music is tha con Weyer belt for our commercials." The corporation had not gone to the Treasury for money since being set up, he said.
2
SLB C and its always been gos Unti | 1973, wh
Bandaranaike gow included commun the country's mo lishing house, A papers of Ceylon the one The di Lu Ti group had at its mand. Despite Within and outside the station shou pendent entity most people have papers to be me than radio. A official hadots, that has been it. imaginiati We and clination to cha: Would interest pe in dull news re.
However, tha : different during nary events as I cies and elector Has almost new F5. Wyt TH || country wide haw earn what was side Colombo as daily newscasts — English, Sinha have a very Wid ence as radio IgE
E"E. t
5torie:5 beforte e m155igris and thE

cepts complaints ed public against Carl Carry Out has powers to 5 including jourWTC Stric ELITc5 cannot be quesof law, Jo Lurapelled to proand reporters' council inquiry.
in contempt of eferred to the which an Ergät in tempt of court dividual. In the
d music
predecessor have Y term Then t-OWnead.
31 THE SITT הם וחיילי סוחם וחחחם ists, took over
st powerful pub5 sociated NewsI, the radio was the then ruling absolute comontification both a parliament that ld be ar1 |rda(like the BBC), considerad newsre authoritative dependence on a mew diwi51cm thargic and una general disinise Stories that tople has resulted 1Ճrting.
situation has been such extraordlational emergen5. Than radio tably been the test, and people e tuned to happening. Outecially, the four in three languages - 11תחd TaוחE5E B| e listening audiinerally has the the big ening TW trans+ next morning's
Supreme Court, a certificate signed by the council is de e med as conclusive eWidence of the facts of the case determined by the Council. Tha CoLInci|'s members ära immune from the process in the Supreme Court and many not be summoned as witnesses. Although LLLLLS S LL S LLK S S L LLLHSLLLL LLSS LLLLLLaL L S S L0 Counci | since its inception hawe concerned petty personal grievances of members of the public, the semi-judicial powers given to this government-countrolled body and its immunity in the courts of law hawe been criticised by at vocates of civil liberty.
in broadcasting
量 轟
Despite weaknesses in its newscasting, SLBC and its predecessor have produced some fine broadcasters and programmes during its 60-year history. Many of its informational and educational programmes have been of a high quality. A daily sports roundup and regular commentaries on sporting events abroad command wide audiences, while pop music beamed On the COTTercia service continues to be popular in India, carning considerable advertising Tey eru e5, there.
TW came late to Sri Lanka, with the originally privately owned International Television Network (ITN) being commissioned in 1979. The station was taken over by government a few months after start-up as a dispute among its owners saw the service 5 USpended, and many thousand homes
that had in Wested in receivers were left in the lurch. By the time national TV, Rupawahini,
established with Japanese assistance technically near-countrywide reach, began in February 1982, an estimated 200,000 receivers had been purchased.
ITN has remained an a Tost exclusively entertainment-oriented commercially financed station, beaming mostly imported programmes and repeating Rupawahini's
(23 ge שpחטContinued)

Page 15
An encounter
Qadri Ismai I
Tamil speaker answers the
telephone and, after you say 醬 can't com Tumitate Wye || ||
amil an English Speaker Comes on. "I'm Skanda" says the voice. An interview with the SecretaryGeneral of the People's Liberation Organisation of Tamileelam (PLOT)
is requested. Skanda says he will ca| back. Some Hour 5 later" | hig does 5. ""Costade Muhu da Will
see you at twelve tomorrow. If that is all right by you." Ilt is. Then, an address in a middle lower middle class area of Madras Wadap alani, for those who know the city) is mentioned.
We get there a little late. It does not matter, says Skanda, Comrade Muhundan -his members refer to him by his code name - w III be a little late himself. We go from there to another house, a couple of hundred yards away. A few minutes later. Uma Maheswaran Walks in. You recognise him easily from the photographs. He said he is 38 years O
He speaks good English, is very soft spoken, and hardly raises his voice throughout the interview. His face i 5 no sett Ed; the TECE EN E breakaway from his Party of almost half the cade must hawe taken its to. He dismisses the breakaway faction as insignificant. Dismisses also the allegations of financial corruption, lack of democracy in the party, drug running and mass internal killings. Throughout he defends his original stand of not attacking the forces at this point of time. But also points out that a full party con gress is scheduled to be held soon to discuss all these things.
Here are the Il te We Wa:
G. How does PLOT see the current political and military situation
A. Whatever happens, the final decision on the problem would be a political matter. We are fighting to achieve our political aims. Presently, we are unable to implement our aims and objectives becausa of Certain events in Jaffna and other areas where
excerpts from
with
QUr Struggle has diyerte.
Q. You wou Struggle is for P1. CũTit=}{t. MựFlẽTẽ 11 et Has GEA that it Will no A. The India nothing to decid pendence.
Ga. Do you achieve a separt their help?
A. Wo hawe ra te Stata and to fight. There Very careful how struggle. We F Tidiān Wiew an: this we hawa For that w nie Progressiwe " colu asking for help It is up to the Q. One of strategy has be not to indulge attacks. But, of view of a LTTE Hlas come control of Jaffna Jaffna. In that you think of y. of waiting ins
15 Lurrection?
A. We can is controlling Jaffna, government War they can count LI IT sitt LI ti I: been trapped. M outside the pen driven away and In Jaffna the arm and so are the army is Luna ble the militants are the camps. But םקקסW_StסrTסוחסם and foodstuffs, can't stay in the They w III beg, fc politically, who
G. What are tegies to comb: A. At the E Our Strategy Is struggle, it has to Wārd 5 tha com to free the p Communa ideale

Uma Maheswaram
become completely
ld say that your
Eelam? Eye il the Indian governEed categorically t Support Eelam?
ni go Wernment has e about our inde.
think you can te state WithoLIt
to achieve a sepafor that We Hawa
We hawe to be to continue that We to know the once we know to plan it out. nחסed Support fr rhtries. We are from India also, m to decide.
Ehe keys of your en the decision
in hit and run from the point ut of people, the this and hawe 1 and are running
CO text Walt DUIT OW'n Strategy tead, a general
ay that they are but if the Indian
its at any time er them. Really that we hawe
lost of our people | 15 LU la have been become refugees. camps are there militants. To tՃ Comt: Ճut and Li na ble to attack if Jayewardene d fuel, electricity the Jaffna people Іг геfugeе сапрs. or a solution. So
|5 Winning:
your OW’ı Straat this
TE5E St Lat. O
to di Wert the been diverted 1T1unal. We Haye eople from this gy.
Q. The Tamil people or Sinhala people?
A. Both. We don't Want to
create communal feelings in any part of the world. It is our idea to do more propaganda among the Sinhalese and Tamils. At the same time, to strengthen our organisation.
G. Would you describe the Sinhalese People e as being essentially chauvinistic ?
A. I don't accept that the People are chauvinistic. It is the olitas Who Teate t. This
as been practised since independenice. They hawe been trying to di Wert the Con Cens of the People. Their aim and the people's aims are differet. To di Wet the people they use communal tactics.
Gl, Yoш аre one of two orgalisations that hawe links with Organisations in the South. Given the present animosity towards yolu all in the South and a 150 the fact that the leadership of the organisations you have links With has been arrested, how do you read the political situation in the South as far as you are Coller med?
A. I would say chauvinism is reducing, not increasing. The sound may be very high because the slogan has been put up by the capitalists. But at the low level I don't think it exists. The Sinhalese people have the fear that with foreign support the militants Will come and massacre them. It is our duty to create the feeling that we will not act for foreign interests. We are only interested in liberating our own people. If all the organisations clearly take up this stand it will be easy to convince the broad masses.
G. What kind of support do you think you'll have from the Tamil people in a context in which yош"II have beеп active in the guerrilla field?
A. It is a struggle. Our duty is to convince the massas how We have to fight. The masses want O Wernight change. We hawc Eo Politically educate them. To make them emotional, we can do it
3.

Page 16
overnight. We have to campaign and educate the people. Then only they will come behind us. At the sametimethere will be diverson 5, We have to overcome all that. It is a long struggle.
Q. But what do you think is the mood of the Tamil people? Do you think they want Eelam ?
A. The mood of the Tamil people is that they want to solve their own problems. In the North and East their problems are different. Outside Jaffna peninsula, they are dependent on lands. Jaffna people are dependent on employment, mostly out of the Tamil areas. The money order economy. Their interest is to get back this with dignity. But outside they want to get back their lands. So they have to fight for their rights. If they want to live, they have to live on the land. If the and is occupied they have to fight.
c. Do you think they will fight up to Eelam? Do yo all stand for Eela 2.
A. We are fighting for the right of self-determination. If we Cafn, we w|| || very wel settle within the whole island as a Unit.
c. There are several a legations against you that while you say you are fighting you are indulging in drug trafficking and are also corrupt?
A. Corruption in what sense
G. Financial corruption. Taking money and is investing it abroad, instead of fighting
A. It 15. We Who tralfied more cadres than any other organisation.
We spent a lot of money on that,
We bought a lot of armscaptured by the Indian government - there also we invested a lot. These charges, we deny. We are concentrating on building the army
on one side and on the other side to politicalise the masses. Tomorrow if we ach lewe Tamil
Eelam, or if we achieve the whole island, the people should know and be happy. They should enjoy this freedom. If we achewa tomorow, with a group of the military, the people will not enjoy freedom. We want a people's democracy where each and avery person will live with equal right.
|
A. What is t will use in the im Have you decided attacks
A. We hawe a every time we h due to fareign interest. On botl de and Sri Lak Their idea is to a common market adjust our Strate G. At this the military opti nant in the thin is iE?
A. Now ther actions going on going a ste P for' G. is the c. Situato in aff ward for the T A. No. To a step forward, we are in dange
Q. Why? A. The army i the camps are time they can massacre the mas ations don't haw capture the cam
c. So your is to prepare t
A. To prepart to fight against to fight. Our against the Sinhal the present r military.
e. The other against PLOT killing. That y fought the army own trained Ca
A. We hawn We hawe assassi cade What y The Island' by is wrong. We about 36. This been created by their own benefit where you got it is Wrong.
G. Why did these 36 peopl
A. Because it cause. In many who leave the Informers. The who are suP por use of them;

1e strategy you Thediate future? to use military
strategy, but ave to change it infiltration and |iוחSides - Ta וך kan government, make Sri Lanka ... We have to gies to this, point of time on is not domiking of PLOT,
е аге militaгу BLI E are we Wård ? irrent military na a step forami I people ? he word it is
but in reality
s powerful. Still there. At any Come out and ses. The organise the capacity to PS.
answer to this he people, is it? : the people and whom we hawa struggle is not 25e. It is against egime and the
major criticism as been internal tםח טu"II havם but fought your
re. it killed anybody. lated some of our as reported in
you of 365 is hawe assa 55 inated
large figure has the capitalists for ... I do not know the figures, but
ou ffassassimate”"
ey betrayed the ways. Not those 1rganisation, but may be people ing Lus; we make It they are not
our cadre. If one of our people give away information then they
"ā5. G. One of the main features of the Tamil movement is the lack of unity among the groups. What is the reason for this
A. This is an absurd question. In the am 95% are agreed. The
unity is there. The Tamils are United and accepted that they want a separate state. To ach lewe
the ideology is the difference. This difference 15 duc to cla55. All over the world it is there,
the ideology is different.
Q. What is the basic ideological difference between you and the LTTE 2
A. That you must be knowing What the Tigers have been doing we hawe condemned. Na III ||Watte and Anura dhapur a we condemned. Your paper said the EPRLF condemned but they supported and appreciated it. This is betraying the working class. Killing, without an ideology they do. This is a wrong thing. But supporting it is Worse. It is a betrayal of the cause.
C), At Thimphu, ail five major groups had a common platform. If there is a fresh round of talks do you see this coming together again?
A. Finally there must be a political solution. We are for it. But so far We don't know What the proposals are. They are discussing with the TULF. But we don't know how far the TULF has the capacity of signing something or accepting it. We feel that talking with the TULF is pointless. They can do only one thing - talk. They can't take a decision. If they take a decision, they can't Implement it.
Q. But can one Tamil organisation take a decision either
A. We are fighting for the people's rights. It is left to the people to decide. We have a
particular ideology. The talks will not disturb L5.
Q, if the Indian government asks you to go for talks will you go ?
A. That depends on the basis.
(Continued on page 2)

Page 17
Colid War in Iceland
Reagan's Empir strikes back
oon after Mr. Reagan moved S; thr White House, the M. l. T.'s Prof. Noam Chomsky, the internationally known American scholar, put together a collection of essays under the general title of Towards A New Cold War", the title in fact of the major piece in this brilliant study of US politics and ideas at the turn of the decade. It was subtitled' essays on the current crisis and how we go there'.
The 'new' Cold war caught an icy ch || at Reykjavik last month when the US leader rejected what the diplomatic correspondent Gf US TW network A.B.C. calleg the arms deal of the decade', a referemce to M. Gorbachow's sweeping across-the-board offer of arms control agreements.
Secretary of State George Schultz whose influence within the usually faction-ridden and bickering Personality-dominated US colicy-making establish ment has een steadilly rising is a stout fella, a loyalist to the marrow. The President he said was "magnificent". He had never been so "proud of my President". But George Schultz is an intelligent, worldly -wise man who knew the score. When he addressed the press corps, he was described by Stewart Fleming, the Washington correspondent of the Financial Times as "grim-faced'. In the face of specific questions, he had to concede that the two leaders had reached "the brink of a historic breakthrough'. But the 'summit" collapsed. Why? The US press and Public, and the world outside soon knew the reason Mr. Reagan's obsession about his pet project "S. D. I." See US Press on Sumit.
Unlike Mr. Schultz, Mr. Ronald Reagan, twice President with a
popularity rating Preside Roose, seemingly simple-r awerage Armericam the hearts and ordinary US wol prejudices, patri and wanties. The of his phenomer pure politician, intuitive grasp ( mospherics.
His winning 5 (''America No. 1''' Standing Tal'') testimony to botl substance of h| 5 Tore seri Cu5 i di 0 this translated Itse pledge to liberat people from heit drome", the hum an American that global power and Аппеaica exposed almost impotent.
 

e
as high as relէ "s, is the minded Tan, the
filey tuled
Timd5 of the ter his fears
til 5. El till E15 it is the secret a success as a gifted with an of electoral at
logans in 1980 | and "America beat the best the style and politics. In the m of US analysts :lf to Mr. Reagan the Allerican * "Wistnam synbling notion of |lid |ost t:5 5LIPTETT1zlCY, 2Tl as weak and
FOREIGN NEWS
That painful experience Particularly abrasive to a nation which had enjoyed a nearly unchallenged leadership role in the post-war decades was identified by the vast majority of American with the last years of Mr. Carter - the Nicaraguan revolution and the do Wolf IE of the US-backed Somoza dynasty, and the distant but even more ha trowing ewents in Iran, the fall of the mighty Shah, and the US hostage crisis personalised and dramatised by US TV.
Reagan's basic pledge to restore America to its previous status of No. 1 was best explained by Prof. Samuel Huntington, a representative Voice of the American "hard Right' which provides the Ideological ပြိုး-!စ္စ support, along with corporata bodies like the
Heritage Foundation and American Enterprise, as "the US hegemonic power in a system of world order'. Chomsky notes that from

Page 18
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Page 19
time to time such authoritative intellectual and academic voices articulato the dominant ideas of the period and play the part of path-finders. Immediately after the War, it was George Kennan, the *1T, X. of the farmış article or * Col. Eläinligt". Lit|| Thea Sources of Soviet Conduct" in Foreign Affairs, the mouthpiece of US Policy-planning Establish ment. In 1968, at the height of the Vietnam War, it wag. Huntington's "The Bases of Accommodation", in the sa me journal, advocating a brutal "forced-draft Lurbanisation and modernisation program" in Wietnant to Lunderming F Ft Lura | TelWolution" im. Wietnam and 0,5 chore in the Third World, through in effect, 'mass murder and physical destruction" and a massive migration' from countryside to city.
Third turning point
And then came Prof. Robert Tucker's essay on "The Purposes of American Power" again in the sarme journal, in Its 1980-8 Winter issue, coinciding with Mr. Reagan's arrival at the White House. Tucker argues that a "third major turning point' in US policy is at hand, and on this, at least, there is is widespread agreement'. The first post-war turning point was "Containment" of the Sowiat Union (and later China); the second was "d conte" or what Moscow
called "peaceful ded on an acce systems and an a in military tapa E time had como f ta'' - Li War America''. What Americ:1 Would becam clear. E two years later York Times pub complete defenc Reagan administ 12é page docLIT DeafenCC SCCTC. La his "highest mi advisers". Tom the paper's most nists, spelt its these terms:
A blue prin пехt five yeal un easy Soviet-A into an unrele death".
The new" C. om a "new". Il what many ra Call the m1||L economy'. But George Kennan all-perwasiwe cor Po5t-Reaga FN tre the militaristic discourse" In th blishment.
The ideology Ilitat America global policy ot
In the US press, which will play a key role in shiping public opinion in the coming days, reaction was gloomy with headlimes and ceann mentary using Words s Luch as céllapse, stalgLLLLLL H HL LLLLHHCLL LLLL LLLLLLa aLaaK result of the Reykjavik Incating.
Criticism was also energing about the way the President had allowed his talks with Mr. Mikhail Gorbachey, the Soviet leader, to turn into a freewheeling bargaining session in which the largest arms control is SLe was suddenly on the table in an all-or-nothing package.
In an editorlal head|Ined Cold In Iceland, the Washington Post said the President would probably hawa done better to have stuck to a more mo dost meeting devoted to making plans for a later, more a Tibitio LI: summit.
"He accepted Mr Gorbachev's chancy invitation to high stakes
U. S. PRESS OPINIC
חםes hוחםם d חker aסק ind having to expla Thi Nyoy Ft TI e ditoriu that bath bably partly to blam tailot." The US beliew e th ; irgi yiriLI issues were separabli 5İın5 had cause to : 5 W LI d Ebe Timorra SCO.
Referring to the Pre address to the latio Times said Mr. Renga til tC LE || the LI : next and Fo
3. ck In the i rails.
Yesterday, TW re the necting in star ABC diplomatic corr Mr. Gorbachay had is ganda victory o war 羅 Elaiming the Sc" Offeg Ted "the ar dä

:o-existence" fou nptance of different PProximate parity ilities . Now the Or a rew "activi;t "ld for a ""resurgent Reagan's resurgent
do in practice the public only * WHAT - Ney lished the first e guidance' of the ration (30.5.82), a ent prepared by y Weinberger and litary and civilian
Wicker, one of respected colum
meaning out in
it (at least in the rs) for turning merical relations nting war to the
old Wat i 5 based ilitaris III and gri dical US analysts arisation of the it is Ironic that Iself saw the sequences of the lds. He wrote of in of thought and e American Esta
of a resurgent and and i Es nationaljectives took final
BN
mea erInFlity handed in why."
The still ši dags weite prgfor the It. had reason to all (arms control) while the Rus. Eier that EH farth Caming om
sident's planned in tՃnight, thը in had an obligantry What hapW to get talks
porters painted - Erk "spondent said Cored i propa
the President הבh חםiחJ|י שIB+
of the decade."
Hmmmmmmmmmmmmmm"
shape in the first years of Reagan while its operational instruments objective and subjective, were perfected soon after - a determined bid for military supremacy (Weinberger and the Pentagon), and an aggressive foreign policy and diplomacy, especially in the
ThIrd Wor | and against its radical' states, (Kirkpan rick and Walters in the U. N.) and an
equally single-minded "America first' economic policy (budgets, interest rates, trade, Third World debt, IMF, UNCTAD) together with an aggressive policy in the sphere of culture and ideology (Woice of America, UNESCO, Radio Liberty).
Internal Charge
Given the character of American democracy, the specifities mainly of the electoral Congressional and presidential systems, Mr. Reagan a little known Hollywood actor and governor of California, was the ideal vote catching candidate just when major internal changes Were taking Place. The Tost important of these was the gradual shift of economic influence to the resource-rich "open" frontier of the West and what American sociologists term "the circulation of elites. The traditional hegemony of the Eastern establishment, the highly Anglicised elite, was bein steadily eroded by the advent 器 the Johnsons, the Nixons and Carters, The Pacific, not the Atlantic, was the new frontier of the emerging elite, and the east coa 5 t - the now economicpolitical power centro Thus, the new Pacific basin strategy, the shift in emphasis from Western Europe to Japan, Korea, the Pacific basin and A.S.E.A.N., a change marked in the new pattern of investment, trade and military interests.
With the banks, the big corporations, the scientific institutes and the high-tech industry opening up in the east, Ronald Reagan was a 'natural' choice. An accomplished master of his constituency, not just the voters but the voting banks, the pressure group and the lobbies, Mr. Reagan was also "the great communicator' to middle America, with a proven capacity to cut across party lines.
(Continued on page 19)

Page 20
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Page 21
The barbarians of South Africa may Cr may mot hawe killed Samora Machel but they had already half destroyed his dream of leading his people from national independence to a new Mozambique, in his own words
El 5 singularly unkind fate that has denied him the ultimate comsummation of his even grander dream - the collapse of the racism and black
free, just and proud.
bastion of Africa's total liberation.
The revolutionary hero brave, brilliant and, most of a II, restolute in his dedication to the cause he had chosen so early
in his life was soon to assure the role of a tragic figure on the African stage.
olitical ised by the Nkomati. Accords, paid homage to a cruel truism: L S 0LL0HLLLLLLL L L0LL LLL LLL LLLLLaLLS tha revolution than to protect it.
For eight harsh years Samora Machel laboured with truly he
In escapable -סromises SymbקוחסC
SAMORA
roic tena city purity of the IШtion, the II the integrity The Odd5, a las
Portugal, t the most para powers, robbet. mothing. Whi| the demanding a nation from Machel's gover ged into a ciwi|| by South Africa the West. TH compelled him in the hope t Would cut its right wing rebe would give hi assistance whic El con 5 own videסately prח bique's enormi promised to clo National Cong Country in exc ria's pledges of tage and a resto CCGITOT"|C t|G.
Reagan's . . .
(Coாாபed from page 17)
Two considerations outweigh everything else including international opinion and the reaction of his European allies, world peace and the reduction of tensions. The demands of the electorate, the popular constituency, and the vested interests of his powerful political and financial backers. With Senate elections coming up he will use S.D.I. as a patriotic rallying cry, drowning oppositional vioces shouting about othermore down -to-earth issues. "Star Wars" is a bonanza for big-time contractors and a classic example of what President Eisenhower styled "the military-industrial complex". He is not too troubled by what the elite US press says nor by the fact that most western analysts and Third World commentators have spoken of the summit as a "Propaganda Victory" for Moscow (Gorbachev gains high ground).
Mr. Gorbachey he recognised th "military" but " POWest tensions a for others, first then in the rest Third World Cou Nace ard stabli ecome the first casualties of gol intruding into Weaken national TIC reconstructo diplomatic row diplomats is the COThe Of the sur
(Next - issu politics)
The illusion
(Continued fr
BLI C Where doe SLFP There is a the UNP's parliar
 

MACHEL
to preserve the |ozambican rewodependence and
of his nation, were too heavy.
e poorest and Eitt of co||comia
everything left e Immersed in tasks of building nearly nothing, nment was dragWar promoted and assisted by Es was Ling War to ComproT15 e, at South Africa links with the s, and the West Til the economi h the socialist could not adequto meet Moza Tou 5 needs. He se down African -ess bases in his hange for Pretoan end to Saboration of normal But Pretoria,
increasingly frightened by the fires of black rebellion inside it its own fortress, stepped up the war against both Angola and Mozambique, and later Zimbabwe, the front-line states supporting the A.N.C.'s struggle against apartheid.
A peasant's son who became a hospital attendant because he could not afford to complete his 5 Eudies, Samora“lachel found his inspiration in the writings of Amilcar Cabra, the Simon Boliwar of Africa. He joined Frelimo, just a year after it was established by Eduardo Mondane, went to Algeria for guerrilla training, and came back to Tanzania where he set up training camps for those armed units that finally accompanied him home to achieve his lifelong ambition, freedom from Portuguse rule.
Mozambique has lost its nobl'est son; African liberation, a courageous fighter, and the
Third World an able champion.
ኵኅ.
was right when te Issue not BS political'. Superggravate problems in Europe and of the world. ntries which need ity most of all, and the Worst El conflict which domestic affairs efforts at econd1. The tit-for-tat ower US-Sowiet immediate out1mt's flura.
a: SDI and US
S. . . .
om page 3)
5 i, ea We the
big gap between nentary strength
and its mass, voter support which makes its overwhelming mojority misileading and deceptive, UNP power in that sense is an illusion. It is the SLFP's great misfortune
that its numbers in Parliament in no Way reflect its strength outside. So if it is to force the
government to withdraw the PC's proposal or, better still, to compel the UNP to go to the polls the SLFP must mobilise the dorment strength which lies outside parliament, Can it 2 Four SLFP MP's were carried out of the House on Oct 23 the first such incident in the new Parliament. is the SLFP waking up 2 is it showing new signs of life? Is it ready for extra-parliamentary activism, its only option, given circumstances it cannot change through parliamentary means ?
is Sri Lanka in fact joining South Asia (SAARC) in spirit and just in form? Will we have a taste of Pakistan and Bangladesh in the island's South?
9.

Page 22
Part II
RAjiv GANDHI: a
Bhabani Sen Gupta
f Rajiv Gandhi's economic policy won virtual national approval, what actually went Wrong? Could he modernise the economy In the Tids C of multiple conflicts between New Delhi and the "regonal forces?" As his mother's chef political alde, RajiY Gandի saw for himself how Mrs Indira Gandhi was close to los ing her Lok Sabha majority in the event of a mid-term Pol in 1984. His own massive majority in December 1984 was the last gift of his assassinated nother, Could he pursue her political tactic of conflict, confrontation, manipulation and hegemony and still lead his party to a thшпіріпg Victory in the next Lok Sabha poll
Rajiv Gandhi had to adopt a new political strategy of concilation, accommodation and rectification of the distortions that had occurred in the political process since 1972. This is what his sound political instincts i told him Correctly. Instinct, however, has to be translated into dynamic political strategy and tactics, and this is where Rajiv Gandhi appears to have failed. He has given no evidence of a political Thind, of clear political vision, nor of a flair of speculative, architectural political thinking. By uթեringing and education, he is solated from the seething humanity of the Indian poor. His advisers are technocrats and managerial experts. They hawe no sense of politics.
Technologies have a limited reach in a country of India's political demography. A majority of the population is too poor to reach even the fringe of a technological frame of change. A soft and fragile democracy ||arded with feudalism, a vastly un even geography of de velopment, an ancient deep-rooted culture that is strongly resistant
(The writer is a professor at the Centre for Policy Research, Delhi).
O
to technological and other Factor impose 5ewere Li5 Otello ta f dar rationally desira tically impossib masses cxisting of technological Who Wi || Tule
Politics easil whether the dew is industrial, agri nising. Raji w G failed to conce frame of Tode Modernisation n greater perform as the economy technological and Modernisation a democracy and a that can elect Ewen the SW th15: Gorbachow cialist self-gowe the transfer to: power to industr Lumi L5 and cons lisation of plani two main slogar tion drive, the eration'. India moderi5atio di wing internal cli the nation and d Nor without g within the poli With centralised sion-making. N policy of confron with neighbours powers whose c. ed for obtairin puts.
Rajiv Gandhi to find the Pol a new regime o accommodation, velopment drive He did not rէ:
the accord he Longowal; if tre he did not ever Nor did he
olitical Camp: Pսոjab and Ass:

mid-term report
intrusions; these specular to India ಟ್ವಕ್ಗಿ! 驚 }gy as the principa isation. What is ble bgcolmes polibecause the Wast outside the pale change determine the country.
y take command, elopment Strategy itu Lita o moderGandhi has go far ptualise a political rnisation in India. heans not merely ance and efficiency is feld oss Contia | managerial inputs. Iso raquires mora political ideology rify the masses. G hawe Tealised has adopted 'soment", meaningחr f decision-making lia | and - agricult LI ral վarable dբբըntraning, one of the is of his modernisother being accea not ambark om a
We Without Tego - eavages that divide issipate its Vitality. greater democracy tical system. Nor planning and decilor with a foreign station and hostility and other external operation is needg modernis ing in
has not been able itical language of recoration and nor of a new deof modernisation. ly his party for signed with Sant PO TEIS ITE CoroCt Consult his Cabinet. lõult 55ted sign to sell the m accords to the
people of Northern India. He failed to inject a sense of urgency into the jaded arteries of the Home ministry to implement the accord on time. There is reason to believe that he did not get the full cooperation of Arun Nehru who seems to share many Congressman's fear that implementation of the Punjab accord might cost the party Haryana in 1987 and Uttar Pradesh a year there
fET,
Even on the económic front, the prime minister's failure is politica, It Was politically un Wise to give the people in the first year only candies and lollipops of his пеw economic policy - tax cuts and corporate concessions - and then to come down heavily in the second year with the bitter pills: the Price hikes. No effort was made to prepare the people in adyance for the hikes, mor to explaiп, even to economic WriteГ5, why price hikes were an unavoidable, even essential, part of the new economic policy package.
In short, Rajiv Gandhi has so far not been able to build a political constituency of his own. He has kept the intellectuals at a distance, excepton economic matters on which he is advised by some of the best brains in the country. What he lacks is a sound, innovative creative and aggressive political strategy, rich in concepts and visions as well as in language. His language is too laconic, it has no spark, it does not inspire people. His understatements may be good meat for a sophisticated Western audience, but they are deadpan for a Wolatile, restless vision-begging politicalised mass of Poor ånd deprived humanity.
Far wor52 that the di Starče he has kept from his party satraps and intellectuals, Is the long and costly distance that separates him from the ma 55 es. They cannot identify themselves with him. Jawahara Nehru was their father
(Continued on page 2)

Page 23
Boy's
Own Botham
Frank Keating on a triumphant return
prodigal returned in quite sensational fashion and, in doing
so, became the most successful bowler in Test Match history.
After his enforced absence for three months following his springtime admission to smoking pot, lan Botham set the Oval alight on the first day of the final game against New Zealand last week by taking a wicket with the first bal He bo Wled.
By the end of his second over he had another and at lunch, as the team pushed him to lead them back through the pavilion gate, sweater twirled nonchalantly over a massive shoulder, he seemed to throw a glance up to the full complement of selectors looking down in a huddle from their firstfloor balcony. I was unable to
An encounter . . .
(Continued from page |4)
Gl. Could you expand on that
A. So far we don't know anything about these proposals arid developments. First we Yust study them. If the reason is only for Luis Eo ay down arms, we won't accept it.
We must know how far the southern Political parties accept it. That is an important factor. It is not for Jayewardene and Amirthalingam to accept.
It is matter for all the political parties in the South and also the Tamil underground organisations and Political organisations. They should consult the political parties and get their support and come with proposals to satisfy the Tamil. el" Would you say there was a politica alternative to Eelam? A. We are fighting for the right of self-determination. Q. Short of that? It you were given some sort of federal alternative A. Self-determination is for the people to decide. We Will con tinue our struggle. Temporary settlemants will not affect us.
— Courtesy ISLAND
discover whethe pared inside fo Pink gins.
Botham is no Consecutive year
Tani. La 5 L THUT ! as if it was his
With Hi5 502 co
the Australian D til T-55 Elwy Wicket 5.
Both IT saidi : nis w III always b better than IE records say. W O WE || Wig Wye difference that will be paying!"
Ewen he had Such a first-ba || d know my loosen four." Howe Wer that anger at t him of as a bi match had been a
The editor of Wa,5 lta Waile has another excl
Matthew Engel י eוחEa וחy EGaחa a sub-plot as t
Play had start ing owers had prc enough, it was t Change. Up tri lo 05 T W 5 i hardly more than Bruce Edgar, tra erld Tore than th just al XIOLIIS EO history, waved h it to second si
The crowd
erupted, made a that indicated he With himself and as though they w brothers, which Amid the serum äsked: “"Who II W script then?" If Comic strip, it is an of to Cich of Ego.
For pointless Botham bowed

r they then restiff of
w past his 10th as a Test Match sday he danced in 1 debutant day.
d Wicket he beat } els 5 LI || ee '5 || - ir's record of 355
fter Wärd5: "Dene the best always , Whatever the e la e a botte next meet - only :I5 time Deli 5
een surprised at
|ranna. "Well, you
er's usually go for
", he riñā iritained
het media writing
wer before the factor.
Boy's Own Paper for corrent. He Lu 5 I We La lo to te || .
dids, Nen it ever produce such his ed late, the openceeded peacefully ime for a bowling
5ts Botham. His intended as such, a long-hop. But
nsfixed by the legLe ball, or perhap5 play a bit-part in is bat and helped P. erupted. Botham series of gestures was quite pleased e Tibraced Gatting ere long-lost twin in a way they are. of players Gooch rites your bloody it coes from a from a new one: Es DF Es W.
hours in Antigua. and bowled in an
attempt to get that wicket. Now one suspension, four months and a million column inches later he had done it at the first attempt.
He almost broke the record next ball. It was a beauty, which Jeff Crowe had to play though it slithered off the edge boot-high to : at third slip, who was just a fraction too slow.
Botham's third ball was a good bouncer; his eighth almost sliced back on to Crowe's stumps: his twelfth caught Crowe square, slipped past a half-cock defensive shot and took him on the pad. Some thought it might have missed leg stump, but umpire Shepherd's hesitation may have come simply beca L5C Hic did not beliewe i Lei Ehler. That was thic rocord.
O. After numerous in terruptions of play through rain the match was poised at the close on Saturday evening with England on 28 for 3 In reply to New Zealand's first innings total of 287.
Rajiv . . .
(Continued from page 20)
figure. Indira Gandhi was amma. Rajiv Gandhi is still to be accepted as bhaiya by the people who voted 1984 wer In Decemberםק סt וחhi He has so far given them but little, neither a televant radical ideology (although, in his very first press interview after being chosen as prime minister, he had recognised the importance of an ideology to enthuse the people) nor bread with butter or even Without.
He has attempted to do too many things at the same time, as if the is a yoшпE man iп desperate hurry, without doing adequate home work on the politics of his actions. What he needs is a clear political design for India based on a realignment of political and social forces. A design of democratic spread of frontal attack on mass Poverty politically as well as technologically, and an agenda of selective priority. He has to widen and sharpen his political visions which appear at this stage to be hazy; even his economic policy is wrapped in fogs of vague political thinking,
교|

Page 24
With the three charcas of W. Lottery holds out your brightes Which can be ower a million rupe
Development Lotter y proc President's Fund to promote th :tryחuסur Eםf Wם
Mahapola Scholarships, Pre graduate studies abroad, tube W. granting of relief to victims of n activities financed by the Devel Presidt's Fund.
So when you next spend R Lottery ticket, remember that y the prospect of your own fortu
progreSS.
 
 

Development Lottery - the
ottery With the Midas touch, the pot of gold at the end of the
rainbow to tens of thousands of ordinary people - has be: COITle a household WOrdin ri Lanka.
inning that it offers, Development
chance of a personal fortune
5. +"=ق
tad5 are tharinalled through tha development and prosperity,
sident's Scholarships for post els to provide drinking Water and atural di 5ästers are Some of the opment Lottery through the
5, 10. to buy a Development
Du hold in your hand not just me but the key to your country's
"3-way chance to a fortuneDuntry's promise of progress.

Page 25
Pat WI
TULF memo to Raji
DE "ÇE the 37,000 acres or more correctly, perhaps
60,500 acres of new and said to be available in the Northern Province and the 8,220 acres
said to be available in the Eastern Province (in fact about 100,000 acres on the ground) of which 56,000 acres falls Within Kandakadu (System A) on which no work has been commenced as yet: (the extent available in the Eastern Province could ultimately be much less) there would yet be a balance of 398,580 acres to 475,000 acres of new land available for alienation in the part of the country. It is believed that substantial Portions of the developmental
Programme that that extent, has or is well in pr
CD ther" major irIII ent programme of the country pleted during th of the present are in progress. noted that under schemes complet tenure of office Government in
yince, land ha5 E the Sinhalese dr basis : — exampli
WEWA, oF PERI in Tricomalee C
Dominance of...
(Continued from Þage ||2)
even Ing news. According to ITN official Thevs Guruge, the Stat has earned a surplus of about Rs. 5 million (US S I77,304) a year during the Past two years, and has paid Income tax and generated its own resources for expansion without turning to the Treasury or depending on foreign ald.
Rupawahini's chairman M. J. Perera said that at the end of last year there were 450,000 licensed receivers in the country. Ha estimated there were about 10% more un censed TW sets and said the market was nowhere near Saturation, with increasing rural electrification likely to help boost the figure. Perera estimated that between fwe to 0 wie Wers utilise a single receiver while many homes without electricit had TV sets which operated wit Car batteri5.
According to the chairman, the most popular programme on Rupawahini is Sinhala News. But a recent, superbly acted teledrama Yasarayaya, with a compelling story of middle-cla55 mores, attracted huge audiences and a possibly greater number of viewers. While Rupawahini produces its own local
new5 Programme foreign news fror cost of Rs. 900,00
During the earl ātinā stāti, Jayawardona was E. political figure to but other minist Cian 5 iha Woon 5 in C3 Eo During the 198 election campaigr and Rupawahini g; to the riva conti
While there ha expectations about and English Via E the resus have Ing. The state e provided TV rece but the highly fo tional programmes little interest. follows these pro mitted a Rupa wahi national station series of iriformi not geared to syl hopes to put ed rial In other pr year, a spokesman
Rupawahih has tionally profitable Said it wā5 mot d financially though counts have yet A second channel planned.

Would benefit
been completed,
QgrC55.
rigation developi in other parts |awo : been com* toen Ura of office GGW CF1101: Or It mus be also major irrigation ed during the of the present he Eastern Probeen alienated to | a preferential e — MA, HADIULYA WILANKULAM Yistrict:
5, it buys its m Wisnaws at: 3
annually.
ly stages of the President Junius he only national
appear on TW,
:rs and politiegun to a PPearl. 82 Presidential I, both SLB C we equal time amda 5.
we been great teaching science ducational TV, 3een disappointducation system iwe T5 to schools rralised educa
generated very Hardly anybody grammes," adni official. The opes to hawe a ll programmes labuses and also Icational Tatetogrammes this
said.
been operaand officials loing too badly the 1985 ac::- to be released. w beingסח 15
Sinhala - 372 allotments
Tamil - 62 allotments Muslim (Tamil
speaking) - 38 allotments
This alienation by Government was not in keeping with the demographic composition of the Province or the District, and was executed despite strong protests on behalf of the Tamils and Muslims.
The Government cannot point to any instance where under a major irrigation scheme the Tamils or Muslims have been treated on a just basis.
In the context of the above, the Tamils and Muslims (one-third the entire Muslim population in the country live in the Northern and Eastern provinces) claim with justification, that the entire extent of approximately 100,000 acres (perhaps, ultimately much less) that would receive irrigation facilities in the Eastern Province in the near future should be a Tesar wedi for the Tam is and the Muslims. This claim is further buttressed by the fact that past experience has conclusively proved that Tamils cannot hold land in any other part of the country. Tamils who hold land in colonization schemes in other parts of the country, for instance, in the North Central Province have been murdered massacred, or driven out, it is common ground now that Tamils do not apply for land in other parts of the country.
Mr. S. Thonda man, Leader of the Ceylon Workers Congress, on behalf of the Tamils of recent indian origin has indicated to the Government that the percentage of land due to the Tamils of recent Indian origin should be given to them in the Eastern or Northern Provinces.
The total population in the Eastern Province when the country became independent, in terms of the 1946 census was as follows:-
Trincomallee District - 75,926
Batticaloa District
(this includes the present Batticaloa & Amparai Dists) - 203, 186 Total population - 27만,| 12

Page 26
The break-up was as follows :-
T a n i l 5 Trincomalee district
Batticaloa district (this
includes the present Batticaloa &
Amparal Districts) -
Total Tamil population -
Moors
Trincomac District
Batticaloa District (this includes the present Batticaloa & Amparai Districts)
Total Moor population
Si no h a es e Trincomelee District
Batticaloa District (this includes the present Batticaloa & Ampara Districts)
Total Sinhalese population
The position in the Eastern Province in terms census is as follows. When this census took plac Batticaloa district had been divided into the Pres and Amparal districts.
Trincolla | ee district - Batticaloa district Amparai district Total Population -
The break-up is as follows :-
Ta. This
Trin Cola Tea district - Batticaloa district - Amparai district Total Tamil population
Moors
Trincoma Ice district - Battica loa district - Amparai district -
Total Moor population
S і - п. h a 1. e s e Trincomalee district - Batticaloa district
Amparai district - Total Sinhala population -
-

33,795
O2,264
36,059
23,219
85,805
109,024
5,706
II,850
27,555
on the 98. a, the original enti Batticalioa
256,790 330,899 388,786 976,475
93,50 238,26
79,725 4|| 1,451 -
74,403 7937 648 315,20
86,34
|0,646 46,37 243,358
From the above figures, botween 1946 and 198 || Tamil popu" lation has increased from 36,059 to 445 a 3.02 times increase: the Moors population has increased from 109,024 to 35,20 a 2.839 times crease; the Sinhalese population has increased from 27,556 to 243,358 a 8.83 times increase. The All Island increase in the Sinhala population in the said period has been 2.38 times.
This phenomenal increase in the Sinhala population has been as the result of State-aided Sinhala colonization under major irrigation schemes such as the Gal-Oya scheme in the Amparai district, the Kantalari scheime, the Allai scheme, the Moravewa/Muthalikulem scheme, the Padawiya schemie (part), the Mahadulveway Muthakulam scheme in the Trincomalee district.
Qui te apart from grawe alterations, in the demographic composition of the Province, the indegeneous Tamils and Muslims of the Province strongly contend, that they hawe been depriwed of valuable land, in a Province which they have inhabited for many centuries. Likewise, the Tamills and Muslims of the Northern Province and other parts of the country contend that by reason of the Sinhalese being given preferential treatment in the matter of State-aided colonization, even In the Eastern Province, they have been deprived of the opportunity of receiving valuable land for cu tiyation.
The above facts strangely support the contention of the Tamils and Muslims that the land that would become available for alienation in the Eastern Province under the Mahaweli Development Scheme should be reserved for the Tamils and Muslims,
(Concluded)
Letter. . .
(Continued from page I ) oung son, who is conscious of is rights, administered a severa shelling. That settled the
TALECT
D. R. M. Walto
University of Sussex

Page 27
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