Page 1
Vol. 17 No. 22 March 15, 1995 Price RS
AFTER RA
PRABHAKARA
THE WOR]
Lakshma,
Gama
ΡΑΤΗ Τ
Why Goodwill
J. R.S 19
A. Jeyara
SRI LANKA
Humay
INDIA-PAKISTA
Nirn
PRIVATSAT
воокs Shelton Kodikar
 

سے 2 ستبرک
Registered at GPO, Sri Lanka QD/33/NEWS/94
D'S DEFEATS
N: SONIAS TARGET2
- Mervyn de Silva
LD IN 1990ʻS
n, Kadirgamar
Tani Corea
O PEACE
lis Not Enough
82 LETTER
tnam, Vilson
'S SECURITY
um Kabir
NI PEACE FORUM
Lal Mukcarji
ON - K. S. Chalam
as David Little

Page 2

| OVES

Page 3
WEWS BACKGROUND
PRABHAKARAN’s “
Mervyn de Silva ".
A. 80,000 strong Indian Peace-keeping force (IPKF), invited by the Sri Lankan government, failed to wipe out some 3,000 separatist Tamil "Tigers" in a full-scale three-year war. Can the international Community led by the sole superpower succeed where the regional superpower failed?
The United States, supported wholeheartedly by the island's all-important World Bank-sponsored donor consortium, is engaged in a new conflict-resolution exercise which last Weeksaw a dozen Colombo-based diplomats wisit Jaffna, the LTTE stronghold. They did not meet Mr. Velupillai Prabhakaran, the "Tiger" SUpresto.
The LTTE which runs an international media network that is probably the envy of Tanya government which commands far greater resources, had meanwhile issued a press statement in Copenhagen, the Wenue of one of the largest U.N.- sponsored international Conferences "The Social Develop tent Summit".
"The LT TE Clairled that "Presidert Chandrika Bandaranalike Kumaratunga has lost Seriousness about peace talks as she is now yielding to pressures from the Sri Lankan army and Warious Sinhalachauwrist elements".
The same issue of the ISLAND had the LTTE's clearest statement on the stalled peace negotiations. "The problem of the Tamils should be accepted as a national iSSue".
i) The Tamil people should be accepted
as a national entity.
ii) - The traditional horTrelands of the
Tamils should be accepted.
iii) The rights and Sovereignty of the
Tamils should be accepted,
Though nothing the LTTE decided into our (presumat
"The proposals: fundamentals of r and self-rule".
trils of
strength, the Sri L: nger than the LTTI And yet the nature intensity conflict" nger" could be as its puny adversar 80,000 troops); a state recognised b and a member of th 3rd SAARC, Chall Front, not recogni
TEt.
The Sri Lanka g to SerioLus pressure
det. The tre it so; an import-ex ald-dependent COU and coconut, only Tot a rember Of C uranium. Apart fron see that the diplor been served is excE the geo-political f important- to on the region's larges populous democr century SuperpoWE
But this same ge the northern prow LTTE a "security" contained a burger WEfflèst in TäITillé Indian Costitutioni foLIrlLder of Tode Nehru spelt out ind nal Security concer
 

HERE ISTAND''
could be more explicit to fire one more shot bly) thick heads:
should include the three lationality, motherland
conventional military ankan army is far stroE can ever hope to be. ! of this so-called "lowis Such that the "StroWeak or Wulnerable as y (4,000 guerrillas to independent nationy the World community elJN, Commonwealth enged by a Liberation Sed by a single gove
Overti Tient is exposed because it isso depeof its economy makes port economy, and an ntry. Of the tea, rubber "uber matters. We are PEC nor do We export in these "givens" which matic "had" We hawe aptionally poor, it is only actor that Takes us Ie Tajor power, India, it and the Worlds most асу, регіhaps , a - 21st
T.
o-political factor Takes ince-based separatist Iroblem for India, which Jning SeCeSSionist modu-by amendimg the in the early sixties. The rt India, Jawaharlal sependent India's regions rather bluntly:
"Much as Weappreciate the independence of Nepal We cannot allow anything to go Wrong or permit that barrier to be Crossed or weakened because that would also be a risk to our security". Hence the Indo-Nepalitreaty - and the Indo-Sri Lankar "Peace accords".
Mr.Prabhakaran has included this axiomatic factor into his own strategic equation. He is aware that the Indian state Cannot possibly ignore the assasination
-
GUARDIAN
Wol. 17 = No. 22 March 15, 1995
Price R5. 10.00
Published fortnightly by Lanka Guardian Publishing Co. Ltd. No. 246, Union Place Colombo -2.
Editor: Mervyn de Silva Telephone: -447584
Printed by Ananda Press 825, Sir Ratnajoth Saravanamuttu Mawatha, Colombo 13. Telephone: 435975
CONTENTS
Trends & Briefly J. R. and the Sri Lanka Tamils 3. The Nirees
Laksman Kadirgamar Gamini Coreä 5 Eight-Fold Path to Peace (3) 9
The di FOTi
Sri Lanka's Foreign Policy (2): 11
Friyaisator 15
Fodd to Peace Between
Pakistar and Iridia
Books 8

Page 4
of Rajiv Gandhi, the grandson of the founding father of modern India. He has kept the peace talks going and the Sri Lanka army in barracks. The whole World, with the U.S. President himself blessing the P.A.'s peace initiative, has Unequivocally Supported President Chandrika's effort to resolve the conflict through negotiations. The monitors from Canada, Norway and Netherlands, last week's visit to Jaffna by Colombo-based diplomats and the Pope'sformal blessing of the government's path-breaking special "peace mission" to Jaffna were all part of a deliberate build-up of international pressure.
The pressure takes anotherform tooELIropean gowernments in particLular are tightening the screws on expatriates and refugees. When Norway which has been most accommodating to Tamil asylumseekers shut the door to 300 Tamils after along and bitterfight through the courts, the signal, was clear. Opinion-making Sri Lärkar SG WOuld hawe read With interestam
ܒܝܬܐ
that."
Rajiv amarrahel
Sonia Gandhi desh, chalaiye
Sonia Gandhi Zildabad
article in the Daily Inugaratnam who h in a state-Supporte Norway. He is now
リ Ett LTTEEE Vitally important a r isin the P.A.'s "grani diWider" that DT
Economic adviser been canvassings Mertorial Lecture |MF-World Bank, tł the P.A. strategists
Knowing how Cr "peace divided" seemingly WeakE negotiations, can in from a : position ol precisely is What he the long spell of "n Take the army res hÖStil. The FA Cär army that is trapped situation for long.
"Thereislittle doubt thather overriding concern tod and perpetuate her husband's memory. She will d.
-Zafar Agh
"Narasimaha Rao could not believe it. Each tile mouth to speak at the podium, the sloganeering wou
After five minutes of this, Rao's formerly conf dissolved. into a sulky pout. Congress leaders saille the crowd-to no avail....." (TErnes of India).
Prime Minister Rao's Congress has taken quite a
state polls. This could weaken his position vis-a- extremist B.J.P., and more significantly for Sri Lank to stand up to pressure from Sonia Gandhi and the in the governing party. Sonia Gandhi is quite per demands for justice" in the Rajiv Gandhi case whe Investigation Team (SIT) has piled up evidence again Prabhakaran and his intelligence chief Pottu Ammar

News by Dr. Shan
olds a high-level post direSearchir Stitute in at Peradeniya.
der also KIDWS hOW negotiated settlement ddesign". The "peace Lal Jayawardena, :o the President, has TCe his Bandaranaike is what brings the he major donors and together.
LIcially important this S. Prabhakaran, the er party to the fact discuss the issue f strength. And that is doing, hoping that o War, no peace"Will stive, if not Sour and mot älfford to hawe ar linano War-nopeace
ay is to protect anything for
a, India. Today
he opened his ld begim.
delt features dout to pacify
beating at the Wi:S the HIL a his capacity Rajiv caucus" SiStellt. I HEIT ire the Special St. LTTE EE"
嵩 ്
TRENDs
- .
Only one against
Only die, against the Emergency when it came up for renewal in parliament on March 6. He was the Hambantota District MP Nihal Galappafly, the sole representative of the Sri Lanka Progressive Front which represents the JVP.
The UNP, the CWC and the other Tarmi parfes Woofed With ffe GOWET TITETf TF7E9 COLUlf WS 7 EC) foi 7.
BRIEFLY. . .
Well looked after
Citizens of the North had been Well looked after since peace talks with the LTTE began, the Government said, releasing a list of essential goods sent up North by the state. Among them: drugs, dressings and X-rays Worth Rs 33.3 million and surgical equipment and other medical goods Worth Rs 2.2 million; 37,090 metric tons of rice, flour, sugar, and other food items; 101,423 barrels of keroSerie 1067 barTes of diesel and 89 barrels of petrol,
The Presidential Secretariat said that President Chandrika Bandaranaika Kumaratunga had written to LTTE Supremio Welupillai Prabhakaran indicating the government's willingness to commence immediately reconstruction Work in Jaffna if the Tigers Would signal their readiness to co-operate.
Japan too
According to informed sources Japan too has been operating radio transmission facilities in Sri Lanka, side by side with the Voice of America,
Japan has been operating two 300 kilowatt transmitters from | Ekala, the present WOA site. Meanwhile the new expanded WOA site at Iranawila now Under Construction is continuing to attract opposition from the local
populaсв.

Page 5
President J.R. Jayewardene
A. Jeyaratnam Wilson
elow is the relevant text of President
Jayewardene's letter to me dated 19 April 1982. It raises questions about his attitude to the Tamil question. Secondly a background to this letterisprovided to clarify matters relating to the unfortunate events of the burning of the Jaffna library.
The President refers to the recruitment of "HomB' GLJärls". He dis{:LISSE{dthis with mẽ. My impression was that he thought the guards would be a protection againstrioting by lumpen elements. He was thinking of the home guards in Colombo during World War II. His thinking on matters such as these was always a return to the past. But nonetheless there Were instances when he wentured daringly into two modern phenomena. These were the Gaullist style presidency and the open economy. The point here is that he had not intended the home guards to be fascismos. In the end they turned out to be so. Much of the blame for this perversion of his intentions lies at the doorstep of his chief Tamil balter and cabinet minister, Cyril Mathew. The President was years too late in dismissing this cruel man. It was one more instance of his monumental blunders. His unconvincing excuse was that he was using Mathew to counter the propaganda of the
anti-Tamil elements suggested that he Sinhalesa-Tamil relat
The third paragrap the riot Wictims in Jal the bur Tit Jaffna librar in Vavuniya.
On the library, the de the compensatior Ilion rupees). Possibl in his government obs he told me, there W mmural Wolwes in h sheep's clothing (not mcg but he USed the t brother, H.W.J. toldm he took a subscriptio a request for contrib -building of the librar that not a single of frields in Hultsdorfs
The incidents relat library throw interesti nayake (it may have request) explained to happened. However hawe Woluntered to good friend of my
My dear Wilson,
Wavuniya will be solved soon.
are doing as best as we can.
pursued relentlessly.
Prof. A.J.Wilson
PRESIDENT OF SRI LANKA
This letter refers especially to your letter of the 25th of Feh Home Guards are now being recruited.
The compensation for the Jaffnariot victims has been decide will be rebuilt and Government from the President's Fundy Rs 10 million which will be sufficient for this purpose. The
Re the Development Councils, the Government has decid and manner of the devolution and the TULF has agreed.
There is nothing more to say about the above problems just your arrival to discuss the next step or steps.
Politically it is quiet here as the Opposition SLFP-LSSP It is the rising cost of living that worries me for I can fini than creating employment opportunities and giving adequal
The terrorists are still active and a Tamil policeman was day light in Jaffna near his home a few weeks ago. They
Mrs. Jayewardene and I send all of you our very good wish
J.

and the Sri Lanka Tamils
i te SLFP: WE | dismiss him so that ons could ir TıprOW9.
of this letter refers to fna, compensation for and a Buddha statue
resident did not provi
he promised (teп піy the anti-Tamil forces tructed in. From what are many Sinhala cois Cabiringit drESSE irn is words but my infereerm "communal"). His e during this phase that 1 iSttO higfriendS With utions towards the re, in despair, he added his Sinhalese lawyer LubSCribied.
ng to the burning of the ng light Gamini DissaJeer at the President's me on the phone what : Garnini himself may do this, for hĒ WāS a Jľother-in-laW, SaľThLIBl
April 19, 1982
гuary.
d upon; the Library will be contributing statue problem at
ed upon the extent
now. I am awaiting
are all in disarray. no solution other a wages, which we
1 shot and killed in are, however, being
|EE
Yours gracerely R. Jayewaardene
Pregideriť
Chelwanayakam Chandrahasar with whom he developed a lasting friendship commeincing from their Law College days. All know is that While Garnini talked to me. On the phone, the President was by his side. I heard him whispering details which probably escaped Gamini's memory.
Garnini told me that the police were "enraged at the killing of their comrades". On the night of the burning, they, the police, had gone"mad with anger" and were determined to wreakwengeance. He did not explain the reason for Mathew's intervention at the election. He only said that when the President learned of Mathew's plans to go to Jaffna with his fleet of CTB buses, he told Garnini "have an eye on Cyril". I cannot understand why he did not order Mathew to remain in ClOTO.
Gamini said that the police and some in the army had that night "looted liquor stores" and boozed themselves to afury. He, Gamini, was in the frontline with the security personnel both alongside and behind him, straining at the leash. He tried to restrain the policemen. These were his words: "they were full of rage". He tried to stop them and failed. For the first time in "my life", he said "I was never so close to death as on this occasion". He instinctively felt that if "uttered one more World of caution to these men, they would have Lumed on ne and done me to death without any hesitation". He had no option but to let thern Tove forward. He never expected that they would commit the horreIndous act of incineration. He concluded by saying that what he said Was the truth. The President who met me the next day, Confirted that what Gamini had said was exactly as it happened.
Earlier cautioned the President not to let his UNP contest the elections, Wainly he believed from Tamil sycophants that his party had some chance to obtain a few seats. countered, "let them fight it out among themselves. Don't step in there (the Jaffna peninsula)". After the calamitous events, he admitted that he had made "artistake", adding, Thondaman had given him the same advise as I had.
The reference to "the statue problem at Vavuniya" was to a Buddha statue that had been planted at a junction. There was worry if not fear that if the statue was removed, there would be adverse reactions from the Sinhalese of Wavuniya. The TULF were insstent and made known to the President their objections. I don't know what happened in the end. I think the statue was removed to another location but I am not certain.
(Сопtїпшеd олpage 20)

Page 6
The subject of the Seminar inaugurated
THE NINETIES
Multilateral Institutions
Lakshman Kadirgamar (Minister of Foreign Affairs)
t is with much pleasure that
accepted the invitation from the Bandaranaike Centre for international Studies to deliver the Inaugural Address this evening. The BCIS is a pioneer in the study of international relations in Sri Lanka, a. field of study whose origins are relatively new in the country. Additionally this field of study has become more complex as the issues it deals With become Tore intractable. No longer is it possible to determine new developments in the international theatre at face Value, for it requires close dissection and study. The great advances in the field of COTTunication has made quicker decision making an imperative. Taking these factors into consideration the role of the BCIS in promoting the study and understanding of intertational relations is indeed laudable.
today "The World of the 1990s: its impact on Multilateral Institutions and Movements" is very timely considering that we have just reached the half-waypoint of the 1990s - a decade that is definitely a watershed in modern history. Precipitated priincipally by the end of the Cold War, changes during these five years have come about with a remarkable degree of rapidity, sweeping away Institutions and even countries that once appeared to be permanent features.
One of the greatest challenges posed by developments in the 1990s is its impact on the United Nations System. The UN has rapidly expanded its role particularly in its peace-keeping and conflict resolution activities albeit with a static and sometimes dwindling financial resource base. Therefore the broad basing of its funding system is an urgent imperative if it is to effectively deal with increased responsibilities, it is now called upon to shoulder. Democracy being a key word today, it is appropriate that high office in U.N. bodies be fairly shared by member states. It Would then give more meaning to the preamble of the institution that begins with the lofty words "We the peoples of the United Nations". This year being the 50th anniversary of its founding it is indeed a good point at which the United Nations could look back at its past, take stock and plan for the future.
The Uruguay гоu been completed, an the World Trade O. established. Howev ry to the GAT T conci system we witnes: different economicg of European unity NAFIA is a reality ar. shape. It is necessa trends considering of developing natio mbership in these b running the risk of degree of favoured t Tarkets. For us in S underlying need to unity and give high link up with these APECin particular. C one of the most pop world which depend for Survival, runs th denied access to th Spanisthē Asia-Pacif
Third-World debt is the developing World tieS. HOW We|| Cân goals of this group those of multilateral ad donormations?
 
 

nd MOVementS
nd of GATT has just i beginning this year, ganization has been ir, SOTmewhat contrapt of a unified trading the emergence of oupings. The forging is almost Complete. dAPEC is fast taking y that We study these he strong possibility is being denied meOcks Or, even WOTSe, not obtaining some "eatment Within these outh Asia there is an strengthen I SAARC priority to effectively conomic groupings, therwiseSouth Asia, Julous regions of the is greatly on exports le high-risk of been is huge market that fic region,
s of great concern to
in the nineteen nine
the aspirations and
be reconciled With financial institutions he time is opportune
to rationalise concepts Such as structural adjustments and “aid conditionalities", talking into consideration the specific needs and unique social and economic conditions that vary from one nation to another. Development assistance would then become more meaningful to both the donor and the donee alike. Otherwise there is a high possibility of "aid conditionality", having an adverse Impact on the macroeconoTnic policies andevem socialpolicles of developing nations.
The Non-Aligned Movementhas come a full circle since its origins in the 1960s, It is sometimes argued the NAM was a product of the cold-War and that it has outlived its purpose. But what is the alternative? It is my view that NAM has the potential but to be effective in today's context a change in its agenda and priorities is necessry. It is only then that the Tovement could continue to be the effecti We voice of the Voiceless millions that constitute fore than half of the World population.
Your Excellencies, Ladies & Gentlemen, these are some ideas that thought of sharing with you this evening. I am sure that the seninar that follows Will focus on these trends in greater detail.
Clowns Canto S -11
Taking the Salute
his is out Poff brea.L. Lurviving, though bugseted y the Leering Linds of Reforn eather beater in reign and interregrun fReuisionism form Nikita to Boris the privatized Kremlin Shou-biz
ike read Marx backudards
rt the Nobel Site
uit thuis Politbureau is still Red Square ley have combined Das Kapital LLUlith the Market Id du Lucit bids LtALuctiorill curld Far
or land for Workers housing aising cleruched sist for Market Wesare.
Rocketing Real Estate
quisition is simply Urfair
J. Karunatake

Page 7
THENINETIES
Multilateral Institutions a
Gamani Corea
want to say how pleased and satisfied
I am that the BCIS has organised this Seminar, giving an opportunity for those of us in Sri Lanka to focus upon and reflect on many of the changes that have been taking place in the World around us and to look to the challenges that arise out of these changes. I want also to say that I feel greatly encouraged that this Seminar has succeeded insecuring the participation of a number of very distinguished wisitors from abroad. Each of them has been a Tajor actor in the processes that we have decided to reflect upon and examine over the next two days, On behalf of the Council and Tyself extend to them a very warm and sincere Welcome,
The theme of the Serinar is "The World of the Nineteen Nineties. Its impact on Multilateral Institutions and Movements". Would like to start these remarks of mine by offering a few thoughts On What Seems to Te to be some of the major, the pertinent, developments that characterise the World of the '95.
The first thought that strikesme, and would strike all of you, is that the '90s haWe already become a decade wery different to any of the previous decades since the conclusion of the Second World War. We are living in a different international environment, a wastly changed climate, and it is from this changed environment that We need to draw conclusions about where. We go in respect of the international CoriniTurnity, ir reSpect of mmultilateral Institutions, and of the several Towements that are part of the process of global dialogue and discourse. The changes that We hawe, WitresSed in the '90S, by the Eerd of the '80s in fact, are primarily, of course, political. The overriding factor underlying these changes has been the Wastly transfor rmed international political climate arising out of the end of the Superpower confrontation, the end of the so-called Cold War. This has Created new paramaters for the COirdLicet of international relations, and has enger dered new hopes for the future of the international community. It was felt, for example, that the new scenario Would ensure a World of peace and stability; a World that could now harless and direct its attention to Some of the crying problems of international development and poverty; a World that can give attention to the needs of the vast Tasses of its population. There were also hopes that as a result of the changing political bar ckground there could be a major relaxation in the arms race, resulting im a "peace divi
dend", a Substantial diverted and appliedt
There were also ho ronment Would given Nations, and to the in which had hitherto be conflicts arTong the exercise of Wetoes a hoped also that, Cons would be a neW rewi called the "dialogue" and developing COLIn dialogue, intended to problems of growth,
sformation in the Th
It is too early to say have proved to be fant in Which We TOW liWE the World We hawe ho been positive develop the '90s, There has be or another, of the CO between Israel and been an Agreеппепt, lties ard Still to be C. With Success. But a sig been made, which ha that part of the World decades that preced been the transfor That erd of "apartheid" ; Government of Nation again the end of a Co the attention of their for decades past.
These certainly pments. But, we are hawe ben, at the Sar lopments since the E new equation in inti Come into being. For the continLJation, Ewe nflicts of Wariouskin. sortle of the region: heavy toll of life and
There is no prospel disturbing developm What Tore here is a fact that the WW the new World free of tion, has yet to succ ending local and reg
We are seeing also COL"trie:S of EasterT what has been called There weгe hopes in

and Movements
art of which could be o world development.
pes that the new erwiaw vigour to the United terTational Institutions en constrained by the major powers by the di so on, And it was equent to all this, there wal of What has been etween the developed tries, the North/South
draw attention to the dgVelopTignt, and traird World.
hatthEssexpSctations asles, or that the World is very different from Od tOSÉē.There ha WB ments in the course of en the erd, in Ore Way flict in thig Middle East Palestine. There has still with many difficuImpleted and Crowned gnificant beginning has IS Tada a differenСЕ О Tellative Lo Lur Offii:Wt9o edus. There has also ion in South Africa, the and the creation of a al Unity, marking orice nflict that had engaged Iternational community
are positive develoalso aware that there etime, negative deveind of the Cold War, A erational politics has xmething, we hawe seem nintensification of Cos, mamy of them local, al, but all of them taking human suffering.
ct yet of the end of these ents. We do not knoW store for us. But it is world of renewed hope, Superpower confrontaseed in controlling and ional conflicts.
difficultiS ir the for Tigr Europe, ergaged irn a process of transition, itially that this transition
would be relatively rapid and relatively SrTooth. But I think that these hopes haWe been belied. The problem of transition has been more complex than many had imagned and there are many parts in Central and Eastern Europe that are grappling to this day with serious problems of social, economic and even political uncertainty.
The World of the '90s has also seen a continued deadlock in the area of the NOrth/South dialogue. There hawe bEEn practically no international conferences on traditional issues such as resource flows, the terms of trade, commodity prices, debt and so on. There has been perhaps a dialogue of the deaf in respect of these Very Crucial matters.
Reflecting all these things, we hawe also seen changes in the UN. Some Of these are good, but some have given cause for anxiety. Many have appreciated the renewed effectiveness of the UN in the political arena, the arena of peace-keeping, and its ability to contribute to the ending of conflicts. But there has, at the same title beer a feeling that the process of decision-making in the United Nations has become less democratic than in the past-partly because of the disappeara: nce from the scene the former Communist countries and the consequentinability of the developing countries to asserta Voice of their own, taking advantage of the tensions be: tween the superpowers.
There has been some disquiet that the enhanced political role of the Security Council has been at the experse of a dilution or dimunition of the economic and Social role of the United Nations. There has been Cocert that the increased resources devoted to military operations and peace-keeping have been at the expense of the resources available for the economic and Social Work of the UN and its - Secretariat. There ha WE been Curtailments of funds, retrenchment of posts, and a visible thinning down of the
cadres of the United Nations engaged in
economic and social affairs. There is also anxiety that some of the issues that Were traditionally dealt with within the UN have been taken out of that forum to be dealt with in other ways, some of them bilaterally, SOThe of them in more specialised, more exclusive, fora.
So the picture that We have of the World of the '90s in the political setting is certainly a mixed one,
There hawe been Corresponding changes,
5

Page 8
Some good, SOThe bad, in the economic field as well. On the negative side, the '90s has seen the persistence of relatively sluggish, relatively slow, growth in the major industrialised countries of the world. The growth rates of the major economic powers have declined considerably relative to what they were in the 50's, '60s, and even the '70s. The Industrialsed Courtries did mot show Tuch economic dynamismin the '80s and in what has gone by in the '90s. And all the projections that We have from the World Bank and other specialistinternational organizations Suggest that this scenario of relatively restrained growth will, very likely, continue over the rest of the decade,
We hawe seem also, partly as a reflection of all this, a severe crisis affecting many parts of the developing World itself. The countries of Africa, the poorest and the least advantaged COLIntries, and Some of the countries in Latin America and of Asia have gone through the '80s, experiencing extremes of economic distress and difficulty. Growth rates in many of these countries were negative, certainly in per capita terms but for some even in absolute terms. Commodity prices declined to unprecedented levels, debt problems escalated, protectionist trends increased, new Constraints affected the mobilisation and distribution of interTationalaid ar då host of other limitations surfaced as well. It is for this reason that the "BOS have beër described as the "lost decade' for most of the developing World and this despite the launching by the United Nations, of Decades of Development, supported by vast documents the latest of which myself had a hand in preparing. But despite this record the predictions and the projections from the specialist ageIncies is that the rest of the '90s will, by and large, be a replay of the '80s in so far as the Weakest and poorest of the developing Countries are concerned. So that again is a negative factor that is a cause for concern, a cause for anxiety and disquiet.
But there hawe also been positive developments on the economic side. We have Seen, notwithstanding the lost decade for the poorest countries, a remarkable resurgence of growth in the Asian region, particularly in the countries of East Asia and South-East Asia. Asia is now being described as the potential growth pole of the 21st century. There are hopes that these Waves of developriment and transformation that reached Out to East Asia first, and then to South-East Asia, may eventually reach out to South Asia and take us also on an upward path of ့််နှီးမြို့ဠိ and transformation. I hope that would
materialise. But it is too early to say,
There hawe also been other developments in the intermational economic field, some of which are a cause for anxiety. There has been, of course, the successful conclusion, and that is a positive feature by and large,
of the Uruguay Rour establishment of a World trade and to th forTTIgGAT Tinto a tla.
Buthere again itin Tair thrust of the Ur principal issues that tors, Were largely th initiative of the deve cting some of theirco tions. The developed to introduce into the 1 new regime of rules a the conduct of intern tions in Such new are: rty and trade relatec which the developed major actors, enjoying Wis a Wis the Test oft desire also, realised Agriculture within the rules, a sector that h; remaired out.
On the positive sic made in bringing dow COWEntrāltriff wing a World in which: below what they Wêr It Has Heer a solid s POTOCESS Of Successiv tions GAT THlas succe tariffs in an impressiv this success has no developing Countries it did for the develope oping Countries still barriers, tariff and no to the export of proce ssed goods. There is tariffs in the markets COUntries wis a Wis although the Urugua did make some prog progress falls short o the Uruguay Round general reduction oft; that the benefits to the from the negotiations though positive, are st benefits to the develo
Then again, in the E a trend, in a sense a C the ÉStablish Tert of nali blocs. Today, regie are al IIIB LIniversal. | Country, developed or Way or another, doesn of regional or sub-re can be a good thingl tion groupings of dew intended to give a fili at economic growth. E are seeing also a nev that results in the cr powerful trading bloc

d which had led to the new regime to govem e transfor Tlation of the World Trade Organiza
eeds to be said that the uguay Round, and the engaged the negotiaDSE introduced on the loped countries, reflencerns and preoccupaCOLUtrieS Wêre axious World trading systern a nd regulations to guide Eatioral ECÓTÓTic relaAsasintellectual propeinvestment, areas in countries were already Some kind of a surplus Te World. There WBS B in large part, to bring ambit of international ad for various reasons
le there Was progress 'n barriers to trade, the non-tariff barriers, leasuch barriers are much e 2 or 3 decades ago. Ichievement that by a a global trade negitiaeded in bringing down e Way. But here again it reached out to the to the same extent as dCOUltrie.S. The deveenCounter significånt -lariff, when it comes ssed and semi-procestill an escalation of of the major importing these products. And y Round negotiations ress in that area, this f the achievements of When it. Cortles to the ariffs. It has been said a developing Countries of the Uruguay Round, TheWhatless than the led Countries,
conomic field there is Ontrary trend, towards 2gional and sub-regioorial economic groups can think of hardly any developing, that in one otbelong to some kind gional grouping. This he regional cooperaeloping Countries are to their endeavours ut parallel to that, we W kind of regionalism eation of immensely S, "mega" blocs, as
they have been called involving the most powerful economies in the World. We have the European Unior which has established an impressive free trade system among its members. This has been followed by the emergence of NAFTA, initially between the USA and Canada. What is significantis that these vast groupings of developed countries are now beginning to establish special links with selected, rather than with all, developing Countries. The European Union has special arrangerents with the Countries of Africa. It Will probably develop special arrangements With Central and Eastern Europe and with Countries of North Africa. NAFTA has already brolLught in Mexico within its ambit, and is to reach out to the other Countries of Central and South America. And then We hawe APEC, the Asia Pacific: Economic Community, made up of some of the most dynamic and powerful economies of the world, committed to establishing a free trade area, that Will include not just the developed countries but also the developing countries of East Asia and South-East Asia.
Now we have to ask: what are the implications, what is the message, for countries such as ours, the countries of South Asia, that do not belong to any of these groupings and, therefore, do not share in the benefits they are expected to generate? As long ago as 1964, when UNCTAD-convened, there was a vigorous insistence on the part of developing countries that any preferences exteInded to then by developed countries should be on a "generalised" basis. They did not want special patron-client relationships between some developed countries and some developing countries, the grouping of countries each under a "rich uncle". So out of that came the Generalised System of Trade Preferences. The GSP system of Trade Preferences still exists, but one has to ask what is its relevance, what is its future, in the context of all these new developments when special privileges and preferences are exteinded to some but not to all developing Countries? The trend towards regionalism is in a Way contrary to the trend towards universalistmas embodied in the GATT and the WTO. Weseem to behaving two international trade systems in fact: one the universal system of the Uruguay Round and the World Trade Organisation and the other the system of massive trade blocs with their own rules and preferential arrangements. It is a Federal rather than an Universal Trading System, and this too has its implications for us.
There hawe also been changes in other areas and particularly in the social area. There has been a welcome concentration of attention on new issues that had hitherto received scant attention from the International community. Issues such as the Human Environment, Human Rights, Social Justice, Population, Powerty Alleviation, Women and Development, Democracy, Demilitarizatiоп,

Page 9
all these and a host of other subjects, are now getting a certain visibility on the international scene, engaging the attention of governments and becoming the subject of international conferences. The United Nations has organized a number of Global Conferences on these themes; Environment, Population, the Social Summitto Come, and the Conference on Women and Develop Tent to be held in Beijing. AroLund these new issues hawe also emerged a relatively new phenomenon. AlargenLumber of non-govemmental organisations and unofficial actors committed to these questions, are organizing themselves, mobilising their energies and entering into interactions with their counterparts in other parts of the world. This again is one of the phenomena of the changed world of the '90s and I think that these developments are largely positive and to be Welcomed.
But I hawe some anxieties and Would like to strike a note of caution. It is important that the new emphasis on such issues as environiment, social justice, hur|Tnan rights and so on are not put in juxtaposition and made antithetical to the other imperative of our times - theirTiperative of economic development, growth and transformation. We must not see economic growth and environment, or growth and social justice, as alternatives. We have to find away to ensure that attention to these new issues interacts positively with the dynamism of the processes of economic change and transformation. Otherwise there would be conflict where the gains in one area are at the expense of losses in the othersome kind of "zero-sum" game. This is why the concentration on new issues should not be at the expense of a focus on some of the traditional issues. We should not dispense with paying attention to the hardcore issues of money, finance and trade. Today, it is hardly possible to organise a global Conference. Om Such issues; it is much easierto organise global conferences on the energing social issues. I do not think that this is a healthy sign.
The emphasis on new issues should not be a kind of escapism from the more difficult issues of money, trade and finance, The new issues may not touch on the "raw nerves" of international economic relations. But even their success, in the long run, is dependent on a world in which growth and development, economic progress and stability, move and advance steadily and consistently. Without that the Social goals themselves will turnout to be elusive and difficult to reach. So While We applaud the focus on new issues We should not allow this to divert attention away from so The of the old issues which still make up the hardcore of international economic relations.
Welladies and gentlemen, I have touched on some developments in regard to the World of the '90s. It is your task in the next 2 days
to assess what signif changes have for tr subject of your forum: on the one hand, and On the other.
Orrmultilateral inst WOT to OffsBT. I thiriki at the Way multilateral dy been affected by described. We Thusts processes thatare po reW9rSeth OSEe that år We are under the illu enhanced political rol is an expression oft of what is called the nity" in world affairs states. But listening thatČÕme ower the int that the WOrd"interna TheS as a Code Word those with the power nal processesandev identify with the "inte the vast and passive Countries of Africa, of is a situation that We need to make the Cor. community itself more
A few days ago, the by a Commission of called "Our Global N many good intentions But it is seeking to esta this international Co greater control of Wol cess they have -- h pages, and not raad made recommendatic squieting. They have mple, that an Economi the United Nations be the present Economi In the meantime, inst UNIDO, ESCAP an Commissions should name of "Global Gow first glance, a very str; because these hawe tions that hawe, up to development and on TO abolish them atas World is anything bu I, for one atleast, find
One Word on the N (NAM). Youwery righ inted out that NAM ( relevance despite the Many ask: since the what is now the CO NAM? They do not hOWever, NATO Was the Cold War. Yet N. being transformed to of NAM We are asl

ance these and other a two topics that are multilateral Institutions ultilateral Towerments
tutions have just one we need to take a look institutions have alreathe changes have tektostrengthen those itive and to arrestand negative. Sometimes sion that the recently } of the United Nations e growing dominance "international COITirthUin Contrast bo nation to the NeWS Bulletins arnational media, feel tional" is usėdsorTetifor the big powers, for o influence internatioents. I find it difficult to rnational community", masses of the poor Asia, and so on. That need to change. We ept of the intemational * representative.
rewas issued a Report Global Governance eighbourhood". It has many high principles. blish a regime in which mmunity would take rld affairs. In that proave just scanned the the Report carefully - bris that || find quite di! suggested, for exalic Security Council of established to replace : and Social Council. itutions like UNCTAD is the other Regional
be abolished in the arrance". find this, at ange recommendation been the very institunow, put the focus on shird World problems. age in which the Third strong is an act that questionable.
on-aligned Movement ly, Hon. Minister poiÖlbin Lues to retain its changed global scene. Cold War has ended htinuing relevance of sk : this ab OL ut NATO nothing but a child of TO continues, and is play a new role. But ed: why should you
continue? What is your relevance? I think the answer is that NAM is an association of developing countries devoted to identifying and pursuing their common interests. They seek to do this in dialogue with their partners in the rest of the World. As long as that need is there, there is a need for a Non-aligned Movement. The developing countries certainly have differences. When one talks of the Group of 77, when one talks of the Non-aligned Movement, critics ask how canthese developing countries that are so divergent Work in cornton? One does not-hear this same focus Om divergence and differentiation when one speaks of the global community, of the global neighbourhood, of global goveThance and soon. But when itcomes to Third World cooperation people flag this question of difference and divergence. My answer is that there is differentiation. Within the Third World; there always was; and it is probbly growing. But there are also common interests. All developing countries need an intenational economic framework that is supportive of development. They need better terms of trade, more resource flows, better access to markets. These have to be achieved through multilateral negotiations and in those negotiations individual developing countries hawe but little leverage. They can be only effective if they combine and mobilise their strength. That, I think, is the essential rationale for the continuation of Third World groupings-the Group of 77 and the Non-aligned Movement - in the nultilateral Context.
One last Word and have finished. I feel that the World of the '90s would need to pay. greater attention to the dynamism and success of global development. This after all reflects the need of the Wastmass of humanity. But this global discourse will not succeed if in the developed countries, partners in the negotiations, do not recognise that they too have a stake in a World systern in which the development process is prospering in which the Wast continents of Asia, Africa and Latin America are victims of the processes of destablization and turnoi. Such processes will surely reach out to the North, no matter what protective walls the North might seek to establish. So I would like to see the North-South Dialogue revived, but not as a conference or discourse between those who ask and those who give, not as a dialogue between those who make demands and those who make responses. I Would like to see it as a genuine dialogue within the whole international community signifying the will to Create a World of stability, dynamisrn and progress which is in the interest of all countries. I hope these and other thoughts will be the subject of attention in this Seminar.
One again, I want to thank you most sincerely for having given methis opportunity and to say how much look forward to the discussions in the days that follow.

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PART 3
Eight-Fold Path to F
Exterial Factors
The importance and value of the Solidarity of the international Community hasto be recognised.
The primary responsibility of Working for peace and making decisions in the peacemaking process lies, undoubtedly, with the Government and peoples of Sri Lanka. The preservation of national sovereignty, self-respect and dignity is paramount.
However, Sri Lanka is part of the community of nations and there are certain relities involved in this that hawe to be taken into account. There are both exterimal as Well, äs interrial factors that haWe to be considered in understanding the issues of War and peace in Sri Lanka. There are many external factors that haWe a determining effection conditions Ingeneral im Sri Lanka and therefore On the causes of the war itself and its continuance - the dominant World economic system with its open-market, multi-nationals, arms-industrial complexandaid-procedures, affecting the daily subsistence of the people as well as the political processes, and the cultural repercussions, affecting the values of the religious and Social establishments as well as the values of the peoples of Sri Lanka.
Wigilance
So in actionsfor peace in Sri Lanka the solidarity of the international community is vital. Certain people in Sri Lanka are particularly apprehensive about foreign influences that are partial to one side of the other. Also there are the influences of foreign power blocs that seek to adva nce their Own Wested interestS. SLICh influences must be resisted so there has to be vigilance. But there are also impartial, committed progressive forces in many parts of the World. Sri Lanka, especially sinceshe is a small country, will need the solidarity support of the progressive forces in the international Community to exercise all possible pressure on those Who hawe the responsibility to bring about a just peace for all in Sri Lanka,
Solidarity Actions
WSFISL is intouchWith other branches of WSF in different parts of the World, which hawe been trying to develop understanding of the issues of war and peace in Sri Lanka and act in solidarity. There are innumerable i Organisations throughout the world that are in touch with and
irnWollwed in WariOLIS W Then thėrė are Sri LE nities living abroad Sri Lanka. The Tor and Organisations issues of War and and actin Solidarity Torg ChaCether They can influenc rTiments to actin Soli as Well as directly aC Government and pE The solidarity actic concermed group! throughout the W period- had a tre impact on the peac Africa. The Sate some extentin Sri L. Continue.
For instance, ex. been a powerful inf ti ir Šri Laikā. a positive impact. li been a negative imp of a true understan War and peace in specific offers of de the Government of by progressive forC would greatly incre: positive response of as in Sri Lanka. Thi emphasized in this r
The actionS , Cof groups and individu. tation with the Gow SSiWe forCeS ir Sri L. have a powerful p peace-proceSS in SI
STRATEGY, M
MONI
Lessons from the
It is absolutely es the lessons that he the past. So many failedad, ewên Wh4 ngernents have bé beern failures irħi irrpol is not enough. The thinking, planning, forces Working toge ctive and inter-relate importance of stra monitoring,
The Government

Peace
Ways With Sri Lanka. nkans of all CommuWho have links with e such individuals Understand the peace in Sri Lanka f with Sri Lanka, the a will be of peace. a their own govedarity with Sri Lanka, tin solidarity with the oples of Sri Lanka. ons of innumerable S and individuals Forld over a long mendous positive :e process in South
has happened to anka and this must
patriate Tamils have luence On the situaSome Ways, this been 1 other ways, it has Iact. DisserTrTination iing of the issues of carefully thought-out olution are made by Sri Lanka, supported es in Sri Lanka, this se the likelihood of Tamils abroad as Well Shas been specially
TorandUIT,
other communities, als abroad, in Consuernment and progreanka, Could like Wise isitive impact. On the iLanka.
B EDIATION AND "ORING
Past
iSential that We learn We to be learnt from
peace efforts have in certain peace arrain made, there have ormentation. G00d-Will rehas to be careful nd action by several her. Peace is a Colledi prOCESS. Hence the tegy, mediation and
of Sri Lanka and the
LTTE, in consultation with other parties and authorities in this country, should agree to mutually acceptable mediating and monitoring bodies, while at the same timepreserving national sovereignty, self
respect and dignity. The help of distingulshed citizens from different groups and sectors in this country and the help of international mediation Would be invaluable in participation with the Government and Opposition regarding effective formulation and implementation of promises and arrangements to be made regarding cease-fire, demilitarization, protection of human rights, restoration of democratic processes, including multiparty system and elections, devolution of power and autonomy, with co-existence and mutual
dependence. A peace-keeping force whose impartiality Would be guaranteed through supervision by distinguished citizens in participation with the Government and Opposition Would also be invaluable.
There are some simple, plain truths that hawe to be faced by Usall, especially those who hold the reigns of power at the various power centres. These truths are so unpleasant that some people find it difficult to face them or acknowledge them. There has to be a change in attitudes and approach. It is because We are not prepared to face certain truths and change our attitudes and actions that the destruction and the carnage go on.
As this is being written there has been another bomb explosion (at mid-night on October 23rd), killing the Leader of the Opposition and over 50 others and injuring over 75 others. The usual responses have poured forth: "Cowardly and dastardly", "shocking and revolting" and the finger of accusation is being turned on the "terrorists!"But that is not enoughlThe question must be asked: "Why do these things happen?" and the answer must be given: "It is because - all these long years - no Solution has been found, no reasonable and acceptable formula for peace has been worked out by responsible." Then, the finger of accusation Will have to be turned on ourselves, especially those in the seats of the various power-centres, both secular and religious, and we shall have to see ourselves as we reallythose who have failed the masses, those who have failed our youth and thus equally worthy, in fact more Worthy, of condemnation, though, perhaps, somewhat different epithets may have to be used: "Smug and complacent", "callousand disregarding!"
9.

Page 12
No doubt, all are not equally responsible. Some have seriously searched for alternatives, But, as a society, there is a certain common responsibility. We all have to bear.
There are other questions that hawe to be asked. Elders in the South hawe been shocked beyond measure when some of our young people first took to the shot-gun in 1971 and then the T-56 in 1988. The Campaign of intimidation, arbitrary use of force and assassination that they lauinched and the counter-campaign of even greaterferocity of the Government security forces had the most fearful and horreIndous effects. The same epithets tentioned earlier poured forth. But how nuch did we stop to think what drove them to it? What were they led to expect and what did they get? What remedial meaSures, at any Cost to ourSelves, have We taken as a society? Is it not true that the elite groups, both religious and secular, by and large, have wallowed in more luxury than ever before and throWr a few crumbs to the masses and our youth?
Then some of our youth in the North and East have gone even further. Why have they taken to the cyanide tablet and the high-explosive suicide bombing? Even young Women are now right up in the front. Does it not say something not only about their devotion to a cause, whether mistakem or mot, but also about their lack of hope or security in the future? ls it not because as a minority the Tamil youth in the North and East are in an even more alienated, disillusioned and desperate condition than our youth in the South?
Atthis point, it must besaid categorically that WSFISL does not justify or Condone either the WP or the LTTE. We hawe made our position clear on this much earlier: "It is important that a correct Strategy has to be Worked out in consultation with the masses. Unwise short-cuts are counter-productive and help the anti-people forces in their work of repression and discredit revolutionary forces in the eyes of the people. So campaigns of intimidation, arbitrary use of force and assassination, howe Wermuch they may have been provoked by g0vernment repression, and Tay bring certain successes in the short-run, will not succeed in the longrun. Ultimately, extreme left methods becorne indistinguishable from those of the extreme right. They both serve the cause of reaction and are inimical to the progressive people's movement." (Fron World Solidarity Forum Report of Inauguration Programme in Sri Lanka and Thailand, May 1990, p. 53)
O
However, it is ime people in Society wi in different ways, de ckground, educatior The JWP and the according to their others - liberals, rties, both of the Nort knew orought to has hawe to ādmit is thi the repressions of n tirTe2 -- Whether di strategy, sufficient Other reason - Wer the initiative passed
In the South the UN, апсi insurтеction bro! the second time in tw for the present, has f for a time, they shi aWareness of Certa the basic problemsc youth in the South and solutions Worke dead. It came up with of votes (250,000) at Election. And at the CtIOlá Cáldidateelected from Hamba Surface for a third ti future.
In the North, it is p Prabhakaran may bị as Rohana Wijewee military victory may government at great issues of the North a and a reasonable p Worked out, there W conflict. But, ofcour: Frabhakaran and the strong. They are the ir the Nort. 5SOTT others, both in Sri believe that it is there Whatever its faults, Tamils from slaveryt and that if the LT tomorrow, Tamils W. the terrorisri of the , Would be Worse tha the LTTE. Soithgi a certain legitimacy achieved by conside Se sacrifica and her
dous Odds.
Ofcourse, the rear both here and abroa ntly and some of the independent wiews W languishing in LTTE are Tails Who do one category orthet they are in is sucht it very difficult to com

Witable that different react to oppression pending on their baand understanding.
LTTE have reacted
perceptions. What Drogressives, left pahand the South, who e known better, may at their responses to EO-Colorialis åt the
3 tack Of COTECt commitment or any e inadequate and so to the Tilitiants,
"PlėåderS WEBrekilled Jght undercontrol for enty years. The JVP, alled, though, at least ocked many into an basic realities. But if the masses and the Tawe mot bēr faCed d Out, The JWP is not htwo anda halflakhs the 1982 Presidential recent General EleElate[] t0 them was intola. So it may well rime SorTeatinTe irnl the
ossible that Velupillai a betrayed and killed a Was, or Some great be achieved by the Cost, but if the basic rid East are not faced ieaCe Settle Tert Tot vill benoemd to the se, the reality is that a LTTE are still going defacto Govellent amilSande Wen, SOrne Lanka and abroad, sistance of the LTTE, that has saved the O Sinhala domination TE Were Wiped out ould be subjected to Sinhala army, which the domination of eyes the LTTE hawe W, Which has been able skill, With immeoism, against treme
e sorTeother Tamls, Id, who think differem have pald for their With their ||Wes Ort are prisons. Then there hot strictly belong to Wo, But the Situation That Tamils ofte find в out opепly, though
Some have doneso, for peace and against War and acts of violence, in the absence of reliable guarantees from the South of a just peace settlement. Tamils have been solet downtime and again that they find it difficult to raise their voices against War and for peace. They need assurance that their rights will be given them. The Sinhala people have to underStard this.
Progressive Movement
Now it has been said earlier that the responses of the liberals, the progressives and the left parties proved at one time to be inadequate and the initiative passed to the militants. However, after the Collapse of the militants in the South, the progressive movement surfaced again. For instance, om the peace front, a considerable amount of Work has been done in many parts of the country through discussions, seminars, workshops and peacewalks to prepare the people to understand the issues of War and peace and be ready to Support solutions for peace. Now, with the coming into power of the People's Alliance, there is hope there will be a real break-through. The People's Alliance had put down racist forces within its ranks at Some considerable risk to its electoral Chances. It Tlalde it clearthat it had serious intentions to settle the ethnic issues fairly. For this it received a clear mandate at the Elections. After the Elections, it started to translate those intentions into reality,
Review initiatives?
Now, after the last bomb explosion, the question is being asked again: "Will the peace initiatives have to be reviewed? If the LTTE is not serious about peace, then Willit not be necessary to revertito military action? (Some hard-liners in the Army high command say the price of 10,000 lives to launch a full-scale assault on the peninsula to smash the LTTE is worth paying in the long term). But there is nothing new about this line of thinking. It has not brought peace so far and the possibility of it bringing peace in the future is extremely remote. Several attempts to crush the militants in the North by War hawe failed, since J. R. Jayawardena first gave his nephew Brigadier Weeratunga carte blanche in July 1979 to wipe out terrorism by the end of the year. In the South, 60,000 lives were sacrificed to crush the JVP in 1988 to 1990. What good has it brought and to whom?
So the bomb explosion and whatever other provocation there may be should make usall the Tore determined to continLe the Search for peace as a matter of the utmost urgency, realistically facing the difficulties and evolving strategies for peaCe accordingly.

Page 13
PART 2
王。
The India Factor i Security Policy, 1948-94
Humayun Kabir
1. Determinants of Sri Lanka's Foreign and Security Policy
The foreign policy of a country is to be LurderstCodirl terTIS Of lltS OUIDOSes Or. goals and objectives that it seeks to achiewe, its determinants, the means of Serving the set purposes and the process of policy-making. All these four variables interact with and modify each other. Broadly, the core functions of the foregnand security policy of a country are to ensure its security, to enhance the Welfare of its citizens and to preserve and promote its national values. The main purpose of Sri Lanka's foreign policy since its indepeindence in 1948 has been to safeguard its security and to advance the economic
Welfare of its population. This section is devoted to discussing the determinants of
Sri Lanka's foreign policy.
The foreign policy decision-makers are constrained in their action by Certain factors which are both domestic and international by origin. Reynolds has identified ther as a state's geography, itseconomy, its demography, its political structure, CLI
ture and tradition, its military-strategic situation, the norms and institutional structure of International society, and the policies and actions of other internationallyacting bodies, of which the other states are usually the most important. Luxman Sir Wardena and Gamini Keera Wella hawe simplified them putting them in three-categories: the national attributes, the Sociopolitical systems, and the international environment. National attributes include the size of the country, its ethnic composition, its stage of socio-economic development and resource availability for defence. The Socio-political factors are economicorganisation, economicpolicy Orientation, nature and political orientation of the regime, class composition and their relationship to the state power, public opinion and pressure groups, change and continuity of political structures and processes. And the international environment Waria
ni Sri Lan
boles are identified : levels. For Sri Lank: mear SOuth ASia 29 For the purpose oft Consider Sri La system, its ethnic cc decision-makingp system/circumstan setting, and its stra
The structure of S cal system and thE the two major dom had a determining foreign policy and Si Lanka has been a polity since its inder UNPOf D.S. Sea of S.W.R.D. Bard: by their leaders to parties, although base essentially a lese community. T ted power from the country until 1956, indigenous capital class professional rural gentry and th establishments. It, status quo to ch: domestic realm. attitude, ideology large reasure, pr tior Which had a di Lahka"Sforeliga SLFP, on the othe party of the less p sperous sections ( tion, essentially re. Se interestSaldas of the Social dest such had a "progr a "liberal'approach relatio S.
The Tails of S political parties. Tr and the Federal P to represent-excl. the Sri Lanka Ta
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

.
at regional and global a, regional setting may ind the Indian Ocean. epresent study shall nka's party/political inflict, its foreign policy rocess, its economic :ces, its international tegic significance.
Sri Lanka's ethno-politieconomy have been Eestic factors that haWe mpact on the country's ecurity perspective. Sri multi-party democratic bendence in 1948. The nayake and the SLFP aramaike Were clair ned hawe beer "rational' their ultimate support y in the majority. Sinhahe UNP, which inheria British and ruled the
was supported by the ist class, Lipper middle s, the Catholic Church, epowerful newspaper therefore, preferred the ange in the Country's she UNP leadership's and interests Were, in O-Western, 2an - Orientaetermining effect on Sri d security policy. The ir hand, WaS formed as rivileged and less proof the country's popular resenting the Sinhalepirations. It was a party ocratic variety and as essive" Worldwiew and to Sri Larka"Sextertal
ri Lanka hawe their ÓWml le Tamil Congress (TC) arty (FP) were founded Jsively the interests of Tils while the Ceylon
Workers' Congress (CWC) and the Democratic Workers' Congress (DWC) represented the Indian Tamils. Subsequently, there were, of course, mergers, splits and emergence of new Tamilparties, especially after some of the Tamil parties turned secessionist in the 1970s. As most of these parties have always had frequent contacts of various nature. With
New Delhi and with their counterparts in Tamil Nadu, the Sinhalese majority have
tended to suspect the bonafides of their Tamil compatriots occasionally creating tension in inter-state relations between Sri Lanka and India. Although the Muslims of Sri Lanka hawe their own party, Sri Lanka Muslim Congress (SLMC), most of them have tended to identify themselves with the majority Sinhalese mainstream par rties. The electoral significance of the Muslim vote bank has been reflected, for example, in Sri Lanka's generally proArab stance in its Middle East policy.
Sri Lanka has had many Marxist political parties, but the principal two are the Lanka Sama Samaja Party (LSSP) and the Communist Party. The radical views of these parties on domestic issues and their international linkages maintained through their devotion to the principle of proletarian internationalism and the Communist International (Comintern) Were incompatible with what the UNP had stood for in its approach to foreign and security policy as well as in the realm of domestic policy. The SLFP, while in the government, was influenced in its internal and external policies by the LSSP and CP not only as coalition partners, but by their backing from the opposition benches as well. The leftist Coalition partners in the present ruling PA government are also exerting influence on policies having bearing on the country's foreign policy. This Will be dealt with later on in the present analysis.
One of the central Characteristics of Sri Lanka's post-independence socio-politi

Page 14
cal system has been that there emerged two internationally significant divisions between the political parties. First, there was a division between the right-wing-forces led by the UNP and the left-wing forces led by the Marxist left, particularly by the LSSP, during the period, 1948-1955. Its prominent reflection could be observed in the UNP governments' strident anti-communist bias in the country's foreign policy. Second was the division between the UNP and SLFP from the mid-1950s onwards. The foreign policy manifestation of this division Was, however, not SO starkly contrasting, because of the fact that the ideological stridency of the UNP and SLFP was gradually sobered by the country's deteriorating economic conditions as well as the relatively relaxed Interational Situation. Another Characteristic of Sri Lanka's ethno-political system has been the Sinhala-Tamil communal polarization since the mid-1970s, which snowballed into a crisis following the July 1983 communal violence severely stralning Indo-Sri Lanka relations until recently.
Foreign policy decision-making process has also had an irportant effect on Sri Lanka's external relations and Security perspective. Under the Ceylon (Constitution) Order in Council 1946, the Prime Minister was required to hold the portfolios of Defence and Foreign Affairs. The coinduct of foreign and defence policy Was thus brought within the very epicentre of the government. In the Republican Coinstitution of 1972 no explicit provision was made for the attachment of the foreign affairsportfolio to the Prime Minister, but the head of government did continue to hold it until 1977. Since 1977, there has been a separate Foreign Affairsportfolio under a Foreign Minister. However, Sri Lanka's head of government has never relinquished the defence portfolio. In the absence of effective collective responsibility of the Cabinet, it rarely has been able to play a significant role in the making of foreign policy of Sri Lanka. The Chief Executive, whether Prime Minister or President, has been relatively free from effective parliamentary control as there were either no Standing Committees in the legislative organ of government or these were weak as institutions. The successive Heads of Government, therefore, hawe tended to exercise a personal controland direction over the conduct of foreign
1ኃ
affairs. HOWEVer, it : Sir CE the 19805. C8 sters, the media, pu pressure groups, an and its relevant-Con buted to foreign poli squabbling and pow ruling party and the tion partners at time t9 COtgrta dirÈ foreign policy.
Sri Lanka's foreigr greatly determined b mstances. Sri Larki economy. Until the traditional "tripod' or her economy, tea, were the principalso foreigп exchange є manpower and garri become export CC more foreign exchar any other export Cor nation has to import large Volumes of r raw materials and fl. rted COOric struc om foreign ald has Sri Lanka''S ECOTIOT Imerable to the Wag market, a situation rulers hawe Wery litt tions in the prices o COTTÖditiShaWeh Sri Lanka's balaric |ting in her increa: foreign aid for econ velopment. The sit mplicated by her gr the continuing SOC These economic fa strategic and diplo with regard to main pplies and markets concerned with for hawe had to taketh into account.
Sri Lanka haS pLJI development. Thes needs strategy, ope policies, growth with tory development. had its OWSUCCESS stically, but it also the country's relat ntries. The ruling P. Trent of Preside naikB KLITlaratung

should be noted that rtain individual Mimiblic opinion makers, i even the Parliament "mittaes have Coltricy: making. Factional "er struggles Within a influence of its Coalis hawe also affected ction of Sri Larkas
policy has also been y her economic circua is an export-import end of 1970s, the "three shaky legs' of rubber and COCOrut, urces of the country's arrings. Since then tsiteShaWeas) immodities, fetching ge to the country than modities. The island foodstuffs as Well as manufactured goods, Jels. The export-orieturEand dependerC8 been the bedrock of ly. Its economy is Wuaries of international O which Sri Lanka's le influenc8: Fluctua= * a few primary export had a major effect on a of payments, resusing dependence on oric Survival and deuation has been CoDwing population and ial Welfare 56rwiC65. LCctS did arhd d0 raiSB Tatic ColŠidérationS taining access to SuSri Lakasleader:S algn policy, therefore, esse economic factOTS
sued several paths of eare the basic human In economic and trade equity, and participaEach strategy has ses and failures domeħad its irtinplications for ions With other COUeople's Alliance gQWet Chandrika Bandaraa is also facing the
same problem, Her government's economic philosophy and policy appear to be in conflict with the post-Cold War reality - the triumph and enlargenment of market economies. This has obvious implications for Sri Lanka's foreign policy and its relations with a number of important couIntrieS,
The strategic significance of Sri Lanka has been another contributing factorin its relationship with the outside World. The mid-pointlocation of the island-state in the Indian Ocean accords it strategic importarice in terms of naval and air traffic from the West to the Far East, Australia and New Zealand. The main strategic significance of the island, however, comes from its Trini Coralee harbour, one of the finest natural harbours in the World. It is, therefore, not in the interest of great powers to see Sri Lanka in control of hostile powers orforces. However, strategically Sri Larika is much more important to India. Firstly, because Sri Lanka falls Within the Security perimeter as defined by India; and Secondly, because of India's strategic ambition in the Indian Ocean area. With adversary control in Sri Lanka, India's island possessions, such as the Andaman and Nicobar islands, would be vulnerable, offshore installations would be destroyed, sea trade disrupted or a direct attack
ārlidot diā. Tālād.
Although the end of the Cold War has shifted the focus of global and regional debate from geo-strategy to geo-econdTics, it does not meam the ed of the struggle for power and influence among mations. Therefore, Sri Lanka's strategic significance has not diminished permanently, and surely not for India. The rulers in Colombo have to always take this factor into account in their foreign and security policy conception, formulation and imple
Tentation.
Sri Lanka's Foreign and security policy has been, of course, influenced by the global and regional settings. When Sri Lanka emerged as an independent state in 1948, the central balance of power was already experiencing the traumas of Cold War division, soon afterwards fortalised by the creation of East and West power blocs. Subsequently, the Cold War wirus crept into the peripheries of the international system through regional security orga nisations, such as the Baghdad Pact (later

Page 15
the CENTO) and the South-East Asia Treaty Organisation (SEATO), and through communist infiltration and insuTection. Most of the Countries of the de Wesoping World Were thus caught up in the high tide of external influence. Although Sri Lanka was not a member of any Security organisation, she had granted Om her soil military bases to Great Britain Which Ware there Lur til 1957.
Although the Marxist LSSP and CPsat in Parliament, thelrinkages with the Soviet Union and China and the non-recognitiom of Sri Lanka by the USSR until 1955 gawe rise to Serious misgivings in the Tinds of the island's rulers, the UNP administrations. A Communist goveTent in the state of Kerala India in the 1950s, the Communist insurgency further afield in Malaya, the Koream War, and the do-Chinese Conflict de Torstra ted the tug of War between the Communist spectre and the imperialist West for gaining as well as maintaining spheres of influence.
Ir the 19ESOS and 197OS the Cerntral balance had become less tense (barring the Berlin and the Cuban Crises) while the peripheral security organisations had remained intact before they collapsed in the late 1970s. In the late 1970s the East-Westdete te broke doW må Sa Tsult
of, inter alia, wars in the Horn of Africa i
and Afghanistan until Superpower relationship again began to improve from the ITid-19EOS WB 1 Miklä| GcJächBW came topowerin Moscow. Now the breakup of the bipolar global power structure presents new challenges before the small states. Thus, Sri Lanka has had to tread a difficult course during all these years, given her commitments to democracy, Social Welfare services, economic developriment, and her dependence on foreign aid and external insurance for her perceived security threats,
Since the late 1940s Pakista has been a challenge to India's predominance in SOLuth Asia While Chira has been a Serious and more powerful contender with India for leadership in Asia since the 1960s. Since the late 1960s the Indian Ocean had becote another area of great power competition, contributing to the sense of Wulnerability of the littoral states like Sri Lanka.All this posed serious challenges in terms of her foreign and
security policy. With
War, the US and oth apparently not active how long will it be
benefit from Such si has to tirk Hardan strategies for that.
The most importan foreign and security p Sri Lanka is a Sriral Indian Ocean, sepal India only by a narro
Jf E FSK St. neighbour, the other far too far away. Inc of about sixty millior natural sympathy an the fate of their eth island. For Sri Lanka, and the ethnic and i betweer the two Ci cause a deep sensE sons may be attribute ption: the historical IT invasions of the islar attitudes, the pror Indian policy making is intégralto India's : that the SinhaleSE SI curious 'minority Cor xtapose themselves population in the IrE state boundaries. T determinism" has be shaping Sri Lanka's and patterms of exter [To be C:
Notes
6. For a fullar axpositio P.A. Reynolds, An in Relations, op. Git. 7. J.R. Jayawardene, fr Inka, poLIt it i slightly i m8aming hB sarm8 th Edit te SGEWEC
Ēikā Cērtē ir lrib EMICHOfCl so of any foreign p preservation of its in defence. The Secord the preservation of its trade, both export a ObserWer, ColorTO, B. P.A. Reynolds, An In Relations, op. cit, pp.
9. LLUITE Siriyadea "Internal Dynamics i kL DgfgCG - Poli Paper presented at E mbo, p.2. ThBSG Sch NBLiman Who defini "those geographic, h

the end of the Cold er great powers are in the area. But for SO ard Who Would tuations? Sri Låkå
devise appropriate
t factorin Sri Larkas Iolicy has been India. island state in the ated from mainland W stretch of 22 miles ridia is her nearest
land masses being ia is also the ho The Tamils, Who hawe d even concerns for mic breathrBrill ir the its proximity to India nguistic overlapping ountries do tend to of fear. Three readito this threat percelemories of repeated ld for India, India's ouncerTents of the | elite that Sri Lanka SeCLUrity, and tha fact eem to Suffer from a mplex when they ju
tOt WOSTI -gion, regardless of hus, this "locational en a major factor in security perceptions mål félatiÕTS.
пtlпшed)
northase Wariables see troduction tOrtogrnational
Ter President Of Sri Ladifferenity blt Gssentially ing. In hisädcdreass daliveInvocalon of the Bandaraentational Studies all the estated: "The mainpurpor olicy of a country is the dependence and Lhus ils important factor Would be 3 food supplies. Thirdly, its ind import". The Sunday 25 October 1987,
troductiоп и пtспајопа|| 1.597.
ald Gamlrl Koera Wella. the EWolution of Sri Lay; SorTog i Obserwalions", 3, 5emirhBT x1,... lri,..., Col0ാl8 ! Stephal G. Eks IFibral Etribules EE LTlallad TlatEiElfas
O.
11.
that affect the amount and quality of resources a state has at its disposal and its ability to use them". Stephanie G. Neuman (ed.), Defence Planning in Less-Industrialized States: The Middle East and So Luth Asia, Lexington Books, TOTOıt, 1984.
For details of these four development strategies see Patrick Mendis, "The Role of Indigenous Cultura and Evolving Development Strataglas: Is There a Right Policy Mix for Sri Lanka?", Marga Quarterly-Journal, Marga Institute, ColoTıbo, Wol. 13, No, 1, 1994, pp. 1-32.
ŠāmLHurītirgin vrēlnrēšpēFrancis Fukuyama's "End of History thesis that "the end
za LLeLL LLL LL00L L LLL0LLL LLaT L political, ideological, diplomatic, economic, lechnological or even military rivalry arTong lalioms. It doğS mot mēbām, thẻ &nd of the Struggle frp Wrand infic. tvery probablyds mgan incroasgdinstability, unpredictability and
OLLLLLLL L LLMLMLuL LLLLLCS LLLLL GC lhữ ữnd af thẽ lăng Piñāta." SäITIUg| F. HUnllgton, "No Exit-The Error of Endis", The National Ingrgst, NO, 17, Fall 199.
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Page 17
Privatisation - for a
K. S. Chalam
he concept of privatisation has
become popular in public debates in recent times. It has become significant in the country particularly after 1985. Privatisation is a new term which is gaining prominence after the recent economic policy of the Government. Every sector of Lhe economy including the social sector is persuaded to pursue this option to achieve efficiency. It is now haunting the education Sector alsO. Social Scientists and politicians have started putting arguments and Counter arguments in favour of and against privatisation in education. It therefore becones eSSential to understand the concept and its scope, before Lusing it in the education sector,
The term is defined by an Alerican social Scientistas, "the act of reducing the role of the Government, or increasing the role of the private sector, in an activity or in the ownership of assets." It means that itis a change from öne set of arrangement to another particularly with reference to the ownership of assets, This process, takes place in a phased manner. Four strategies have been suggested to put this theory into practice.
One, the Government should encoura
gethe marketplace and Voluntary organi
sations to supply goods and Services that it now provides. This is what they call as 'loadshedding that is the partial or complete Withdrawal of the Government from an activity.
TWO, where the Government involvement in an activity is necessary, the Government's role should be reduced by devolution, that is making greater use of the private Sectorthrough Vouchers, franchise and Contracts.
Three, user charges should be introduCedardlewied to make the true cost of Government services more evident, and
Four, competition should beintroduced and promoted whenever possible.
The greatest advantage that is claired in favour of privatisation is economic efficiency. In fact, a number of efforts have
been made in the elsewhere to create concept to take its as Planning Progr: Systems (PBBS)Z Management by O ntives, performanci sing - decentralis ncils, COITiputeriSa Search, etc., hawe : public sector. But til on the efficiency of been rodest not irt3 L, S.
External benefits
NOW the questi scientists is Whethe extended to publicg Merit goods like II E goods i WhOSE COr external benefits. F nce arid the diffict Consequences of it economy and char Adam Sith had ri one of the three imp State, the remaining Jurisprudence.
The concept of tion Carl bE LInders public education or for Educatiol. AS fa in Cor Cermed, thér operating in educat cational system th Sub-Sector, (eg. Cx Tip'Luter. Centres, e Come in during the existence of private since the grant-in-ai ced in Andhra Prac point as these col from the State and G0Wer Tr 18ent.
Interestingly, pri place in education the form of publics Which are i ricot dire Government. In fact Pradesh like inman
 

nd against
last both in India and an atmosphere for the roots. Concepts such amming-Budgeting - ero Based Budgeting, bjective, Workerincee budgeting, Centraling, productivity Coution, operations reJeen introduced in the he impact of all these the GOVerminent haS nly in India, but even
on before the Social ar the concept can be Joods or "merit goods." Education are private 1surption generates ealising the importaulty in assessing the , the father of political mpion Of Laisez faire, Served education as Iortant functions of the two are Defence and
yriWatlisation: inledu CatOOdotrast Wit Government support Lr as Andhra Pradesh e is no private party ion in the formal eduough in the informal Daching centres, cotc) privatisation has last tem years. The laided colleges ever d Syster T1 Wa Sintrodulesh, is not a case in leges receive grants are controlled by the
Watisation did take at the School level in chools and convents tly controlled by the education Andhra y parts of the country
was provided by private individuals and families in the medieval period. It was the British Government which brought it under the control of the State through democratisation in the 19th Century.
According to Adams report and DharThapala The Beautiful True," it is reported that scholars used to pay their teachers at the rate of one anna to one rupee depending on the status of the student. This kind of privatisation did take place in the medieval period as compared to ancient India where the responsibility of providing assistance to ashrams, learning centres, Agraharams, etc., rested with the king.
Adam Smith had also proposed a Scheme for teachers wherein the teacher is expected to collect the fees from the students without fixing any salary and the efficiency of the teacher through the free play of market forces it is expected, would ultinately determine the income of the teacher. A similar proposal has also been mooted by Prof. V. M. Dandekar recently for the university and college teachers to make privatisation effective in higher eduCatiori.
About three decades ago i.e., in the 1960s a debate was initiated in the Western countries particularly in the U.K. and the U.S. as to the need for private funding of higher education and the complete withdrawal of State support. A scheme of Vouchers in the form of couponstoparents of students had been proposed with which the parents could supplement their spending and create a market for education. Along with this scheme, a graduate tax had also been proposed to finance higher education. Both these proposals had been opposed by the public as well as by social scientists on the ground that such a Schenile Would lead to parochialism, fragmentation of society and encourage denominational schools. These countries had put forward these argumentsata time When 6 percent of their GNP was used on education and 30 percent of the people in the corresponding age group were in higher education.
15

Page 18
The World Bank and IMF which proposed privatisation in higher education seem to have drawn examples of Success stories only from one or two Third World experiments. They do not indicate why the developedCountries didnot preferprivatisation in education during the early part of their developmental efforts. The following are therefore, some of the issues that need to be answered before any effort is madeto introduce privatisation in education at differert EVEls.
ls there atheoreticalframework to develop a market theory in education with categories such as price, supply, demand, elasticity of demand, market, etc., in education?
Can education be considered only as a "merit good' or is it not be considered as a Ileans to achieve an elusive end that is, achieving equality of opportunity?
in a democratic T tions of power, distrib privileges take place of recruitment. Wher dorTmirarnt role irn de dual's share. Under privatisation be able of inequality in a SOK inequalities are inh may reduce such di effectively by the St.
In case, efficienc are ensured and st education, particula tion, is it still neces Whole of it. Are ther like maintainance Ofi infrastructure etc., (t to the private Sectorv On the content of possible to introdLuc library, computer,
Road to Peace BetWeen F
Nirmal Mukarji
he people of Pakistan and India
want genuine peace and friendship. Their governments do not. For they have engaged in the politics of confrontation for nearly five long decades. The yield has been nothing but tension and conflict. The people have not benefitted in anyway. In these Wasted years other countries, especially in East Asia, hawe gone far ahead both In material progress and in human development, These very fruits could be ours also if only the governments of Pakistan and India were to honour the wishes of the people.
In the absence of peace and friendship, the foreign policies of both governments In relation to each other have been heavily militarised. In essence these are no more than defence policies, formulated on the basis of mirrored threat perceptions, each government treating the other as its chief adversary. The enemy'smilitary capability has had to be constantly Thatched, pre
The writer a former Cabrief Secretary of the Indian Gowarrinant, was a gowenor of Punjab.
15
ferably outmatched race hlas burderhed massive, Wholly una dgets. It has also ma aspire för mL clearWE a thought for the ni nces for the people lobbies in the two to dominate relatio and India.
Domestic policies ned Lunaffected by I Ident India Starte dW of armed police att öWErfour hLIrldred E. numerous para-mi TEditSelf With dra motorious being TA in domestic situatic quency. The coercis these instrumenta been freely used ethnicard Other Lup) minorities and dis: Punjab, Kashmirar become virtual polic

odern society postution of benefits and through the process a education plays a termining the indivithese conditions, Will to solve the problem ciety like ours where rited and education Sabilities if it is USGd
te?
y and accountability ictly implemented in rty in higher educasary to privatise the B any other sub-units Juildings, equipment, D cite a few) be given without compromising Education. S. It Tot ce User charges for teacher's additional
time, games and sports and other services of education to recover a major part of unit cost of education.
The common property resources like lands and other assets under the control of various religious denominational categories could be properly tapped for education.
Is it mot possible to reform education With TeW idea:Slike teacher and Studert accountability, Accreditation and ASSessment councils, etc. Which may help to resolve SOrtle of the contradictions in the
SystErT.
What are the lessons to be learnt froT the consequences of privatisation which Was manifested in the for IT of racial Wiolerce in the U.S. about Which ISOCcial Scientists have been pointing out with reference tOeducation.
'akistan and India
The resultant arms
both Countries. With ffordable defence bude both governments apons status, without ghtmarish conseque. The military-nuclear COLuntries hawe COTE "IS ÉtWeem Pakistar
too hawe - ot remaimilitarisation. Indepewith just two battalions he Centre; it now has attalions spread over litary forces. It has conial laws, the most DA. It uses the army Ins with alarming freWe ar II of the State that itieS COSttute 135 Tot only t0 SL upopTESS risings but against the advantaged Sections. d the Northeast hawe te states. Large tracts
elsewhere are mot far behird. The rule of law, human rights and democracy itself all are under severe threat.
Pakistan has had the misfortune of being ruled by military dictators for twentytwo years. Of these fifteen Were under martial law, often extremely oppressive and brutal. After 1988 democracy has resurfaced, but there are barriers still to be OwerColle, SOrtle of the restrictive laws and constitutional amendments enacted by Zia-ul-Haq which violate the Universal Declaration of Hurian Rights have yet to be replaced. The tribal and feudal structure of Pakistani society provides fertile ground for the exercise of artitrary power outside the pale of law. It thus constitutes a serious hindrance to establishing a truly democratic dispensation accountable only to the people.
In both India and Pakistan much needs to be done to protect the lives and honour of citizens, especially women, children, the poor and other weaker sections. But in both countries the assumption has pre

Page 19
Wailed that if only the coercive instruments of the state could be further strengthened the so-called law and Order situation would improve. Armed with immense power to misrule, the ruling elites are now able to cornbine business with politics and politics with business. The apparatus of the state, in collusion. With thern, is able tooppreSS, Exploit, perpetrate any Crime, violate any law and go unpunished. Such are the wages of militarising domestic politics.
Artilitarised, or even semi-militarised, polity becomes a breeding ground for undemocratic forces. Both Pakistan and India have witnessed the rise of religious intolerance in recent years; Islamic fundaTentalist in the One case and Hindutva extremism in the other. Short of outright military dictatorship, militant communalism is the most lethal for civil society. For it generates social strife and increases the persecution of disadvantaged sections, especially among the minorities. Consequently religious intolerance must be curbed at all cost. Otherwise there could be a re-enactment of the contemptible demolition of the Babri Masjid and the Lunspeakable. oLutrages of SLIrat and . Bombay, as also the mindless destruction of temples in Pakistan and Bangladesh and the deadly bomb blasts of Bombay.
Kashmir has had to suffer the militarised policies of both India and Pakistan. India has suspended democratic governance there and imposed rule by the army and paramilitary forces. Pakistan has nothesitated to train, arm and infiltrate militants for its OWI elds. Both have acted on the premise that Kashmiris merely a territorial dispute between the two of them. Neither seems able to see that a peaceful democratic Solution involving the peoples of Jammu and Kashmiris the only way out. Such a solution is essential for promoting peace in the sub-continent,
For peace to be promoted the policies of the two governments, both foreign and doTestic, Will hawe to be shor of Tilitarisation. Only then will it be possible for the democratic Voice of the people to be heard. Thus peace requires the strengthening of democracy in both countries. Not just feudal democracy as in Pakistan or
elitist democracy as by gross corruption: but grassroots demo the mass of the pec impact policies and
sity. Conversey dem through the elimina both countries, both Peace and democra History records no in me deTOCracies i ha: against each other.
If the two people'. democracy Carn lead shmir and the reducti of religious intolerar dividends enough. dead Were also to tional no-War pact i yielding to anythird Would be the estint; dor from fear of War to compel denuclear total arnihilation WCÖLu to commence a sign fепce expепditшres,t rces enough to mee of the people.
In an atmosphere indship, the border b ntries could be ope Pakistar ad India re-discover 92aCh Oil could be lowered, or fetching incalculable There need be Oro mLulti-bIllin dollar cl; is there at present. WOuld mOut the fir: to prosperity and W. citizerlS. AbOWealth Would together rath againsteach otherir
These broadly W concerns a conventi Pakistan-India Peopl and Democracy dis New Delhi (Feb.24/ ndreddelegates imro from the two sides pÉ largest such gatherir non-governmental ch rely political agenda it from all previous e:

in India, both marked and abuse of power, cracy which enables ple to Share pOWEer, enforce accountabiocracy needs peace
iOfilitaris exterTalard interThal. Cy, go hand in hand. stance of two genuiawing gone to War
s cry for peace and
to a Solution of Kaom, if noteradication, Ce these WOLuld be But if the people's result in an uncondmmediately, without party pressure, there able dividend of freeAnd if it were further isation, the dread of ld go. If it were simply ificant Cutback in dehere WOLuld be reSOLt the genulio mėEdS
of peace and frieetWestle two COLned. The peoples of could then begin to her. Trade barriers "better still renowed, 'gain to both sides. Om thereafter fof the andesting trade that Pakistan and India stung of the ladder ell-being for all their e two great countries er than be ranged 1 WOrld for LTS.
ere the issues and on organised by the le's Forum for Peace SCUSSed recently in 25). Around two huughly equal nurnbers articipated. It was the ng till now, its wholy haracter and its Squaclearly distinguished KerciiSeS,
The biggest gain of the convention was that it was held at all. To everyone's surprise the Indian authorities gave the necessary visas to the visiting delegates and the Pakistani authorities did not stop them from coming. Both sides opened their hearts and minds in an atmosphere of Warm friendship. What came through was an earnest desire to bury the hatchet once and for all. Equally impressive Was the yearning onboth sldes fortruly democratic governance. Some kind of chemistry Was at Work which Trade the delegates feel that perhaps they were making history. There were no illusions about the difficulties ahead, but the occasion Was seen as the beginning of a turnaround.
The area of agreement was considerable. There was common ground that War offered no solution and further that nuclear Weaponry made no sense. Following this a call Was made for a reversal of the arms race between the two countries as also for the elimination of all nuclear weapons from the face of the earth. Both sides were Categorically opposed to religious intolerance. They demanded truer democracy, with the accent on accountability, decentralisation and concern for, and protection of all disadvantaged sections, especially the minorities, the poor, Women and children. On Kashmir the delegates agreed that the aspirations of the people had to be taken account of. They called upon theirtwo governments to take positivesteps to promote peace and tranquility andestablish democratic process om both sides of the line of Control.
The Convention decided to reassemble in Lahore around October, 1995. Between now and then, the delegates pledged to spread the message of peace and democracy far and wide in their respective countries. Amongst the measures suggested to oper Communications was one sure to gladden millions of Indians and Pakistanis, the immediate resumption of Cricket tours.
The conclusions of the convention deserve the support of all right thinking people im both Countries. The two governments. Would do well to pay heed to tler.
7ן

Page 20
BOOKS
David Little, SRI LANKA: THE I
(Washington, D.C., United States Institute of Peace
David Little has brought out some of the Salient features of the Sinhala-Tamil Conflict in Sri Lanka and focused his mind on What he thinks Went Wrong with two peoples who had co-existed for over two millernia. Little's subtitle offered much promise. He has not however elaborated Very much om It One factor might throw light on "the invention of enmity". He might have looked into whether Sinhalese and Tamils were the same people divided only by language through some quirk of history?
Little's Inference that cultural revivals preceded political nationalism appears Walid. The key figures in this metamorphosis which occurred in the nineteenth century were the Sinhala nationalist leader, Aragarika Dhamapala (who died in 1933) who was influenced by Western sympathisers. Among the Jaffna Tamil Saiwaites, there Was Aur Tuka Navalar. The latter's base Was South India. Navalar did not even know much about the territories occupied by the Sinhalese (he newer set foot in Colombo). But while the Anagarika was militant and condemnatory of the Tamils and Muslims, Navalar concentrated his fire on the Christian proselytisers. The two nationalisms therefore Were moder Trineteenth century phenomena. Hence the question arises as to whether the ancient wars were no more than predatory conflicts betweenmaraudingkingdoms, nota contest between two nationalists.
Little'5 Til and Sinhala : SOLUTCËS , BrE) somewhat limited. The late Robert Keamey's Communalism and Language in the Politics of Ceylon (Durham NC 1967) and his many articles on the rise of Tamil Secessionism published in Asian Survey and Pacificaffairs, would have benefited hill. His recourse to the Sri Lanka-based Tamil intelectual, Neelan Tiruchewan (legal) and to the published works of academics such as the Harvard anthropologist, Stanley Tambiah (a Sri Lankan Tamil) and myself (a political scientist, also a Sri Lankan Tamil) enabled him to obtain a limited but diversified account of the Worldwiew of the TarTills. Further reading and a few more interviews WOLulchwig Erichigd his LhäŠis Õim "thė irWEntion of enmity". The same could be said of his Sinhala sources,
Little's readers would have profited (if he had attempted it), with his Interpretation of two landmark pieces of legislation, viz., S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike's Tamil Language (Special Provisions) Act of 1958 and Dudley Senanayake's Tamil Regulations of January
18
1965. Could they hav sufficiently meanings that both acts, though the Norther T and Ea ппil-speaking areas a Of 1972 a 1978 ar 'C Tamil leader S.J.W. Prime Ministers S.W 1957 and Dudley Ser dem day international wledgethese contem as Walid (for examp undertakings to the K
An indispensable leaders in new states neficial fortheir de Wel India suffered from E and Little makes this Lf E “Fät Es st Sinhala nation), the fi Stephen SemamayakE Little's reference to S April 1939 while hew re. (1931-47) is pregr nanayake had state Sinhalese)åre one bli ar9achosen people" nce erough of the fı Buddhišrm Would tak three times prime mi TGI. ForITés Frost Little states, Was alleg ambitions, supposed lese kings.
The author provide in regard to the Cor from foreign aid. Iron larly Canada and th for the Accelerate (AMS). This resulted speaking Northern E being colonised by: tlers, Little quotes or (obviously Simhalese thB Tamils Were MC allotinents. This coul tion for an important the Tamils are fight state, namely the re: pled territories".
Ironically. When th against anong oth Wards state-aided St. Tari hotelands, a among the very Sarr the AMS, SLupplied W army to fight the TE Takeit SOLJId all t00

NVENTION OF ENMITY
Press, 1994)
"e, in his opinion, been Juli? It should be moted paliatives, recognised SET PONCES 85 - is did the constitutions the pacts between the
Chelwanayakam and .R.D. Bandararaike in lanayake in 1965. Morelations Would acknoporaneous documents le SaddarT HUSSgin's
Lurds).
act is that the skills of are tremendously beopTiet. Sri Lanka Unlike dearth of such talent quite clear. The role he Nation" (really the rst prime minister, Don 2, is critically discussed. enanayake's speech in as minister of agricultuhant with meaning. Seid: "We (meaning the Dod and Onemation. We (p.57). This was evideture path that Sinhala 2. Dudley Senanayake, nister was hardly diffe2nt J.R. Jaye Wardene, qed to hawe had regrillant ya throwback to Sinha
is some valuable clues Isequences emanating Ically the West, particua UK, was responsible di MahaWeli Scher The in the traditional Tamil
and Eastern provinces state-aided Sinhala sehe unconvincing source ) as having told him that it willing to take their dhardly be an explaпаreason for the War that ng against the Sinhala Still Of "tilr DCCL
e Tamils took up arms er things, this trend tonhalasettlements in the Irmament dealers from he states that promoted weapons to the Sinhala amil insLurgentsl And to farcical, these Weapons
were in the end either captured by the Tamil Liberation Tigers from fallen Sinhala soldiers in the battlefield or bought outright at blackmarket prices,
Was there any need for the AMS7 The argument is that this was one way of shifting (Sinhala) population from the overcrowded southwest quadrant of the island. But was it worth it, considering on a cost-benefit analysis, the amed conflict that it gawe rise to. There is questioning even on the econdmic side as to the worth of these grandiose Werturės? Mrs. Bandaranalike's 1950-5 government despits some state-alded Sinhala Colonisation concentrated On Industrialisation of the predominantly Sinhala southwest as one way out, a policy which could well have paid betterdividends. Hergovernments was in the first of the four stages of industrialisation through its encouragement of ISI (inport substitution industries). Had the next three stages been followed, Sri Lanka With its developed infra-structure could well have becomeone of the NICs (newly industrialised countries) in the style of Singapore, Hongkong, Taiwan and South Korea, thus avoiding the agony of internecine strife.
Leadership Was Sorely lacking as Was vision. If any, it came from the much faulted (by UNP ideologues) Bandaranaikes, The "socialdemocratic"Trotskyists and CorTimunists ("social democrat" being a contradiction interTS, for professed Marxists) also claimed that they were following the policies of S.W.R.D. Bardararaike which had been put together for a Sinhala Buddhist ethos; these parties provided leaders who assisted the Bandaranalikes. Unfortumatėly both husband and wife Were forced by reactionary right wing elements in their governments to expel their Marxist partners. One looks in Wim for a diSCUSSIO - Or ObSerwältiÕITIS ON these wital leadership questions.
The last chapters, "Prospects for Peace" and the "Conclusion", provide clues and insights that could lead to away out. These were tantalisingly short. There are impediments to peace and these could have been spelled out. A more extended discussion as to the reasons for the strong mutual distrust and ways and means of minimizing these could be pointers towards a guided solution.
Reviewed by A. Jeyaratnam Wilson Department of Political Scierce University of New Brunswick

Page 21
BOOKS
Towards New Boundaries
INTRODUCTION TOSOCIAL THEORY Co-Edited by -- Radhika - Coomaraswamy and Nira Wickramasinghe Konark Publishers, 1994, pp. 147, RS. 200.00
The interface between theory and practice is by now a well-Worn area of interest for academics and activists. Yet, in the Asian context, there is substantial room for a further exploring and fleshing out of this at times tenuous relationship. Where the legitimacy of entire nations is sought to be redefined almost daily, any meaningful contribution to the dynamics of such a process is useful. The slim volume under review succeeds Well in the need to give a regional focus to "inherited' social theories in post-colonial societies. As Radhika Coomaraswamy says in her succinct introduction, "intimes of societal Crisis the task of social theory has to be different" (p.1). The lectures, which constitute the book.are edited versions of those preseinted at the International Centre for Ethnic Studies in Colombo in 1992 where a number of the authors are affiliated. The essays look at social theory, particularly new history and post-structuralism. While these "are very neglected fields of theory in the Sri Lankan context" they have "gained ascendancy as the most dominant Schools of Social critique in the Western World" (p.6). Keeping this in mind the authors focus on a range of interesting ideas and issues.
Using the televised performance of the Independence day celebrations around which the Self (in this case Pradeep Jagannathan) constitutes himself, the author comments that "collective representatiprs ofa ration reēdot be CSSua" (p. 9); and indeed, looking at the disciplined students (substitute soldiers for students) at the ritualised parade, he is reminded of Discipline and Punish, Michel Foucault's notion of the "subjected body" is relevant in a range of contexts. The appearance of Vijaya apparently a mythical figura to whom considerable significance is attached - With the tiger rather
Malawika Kardakart is a CorsLW'Yan! Wish tha CerfrE for Woman's Developman Sudes, Mew Delhi and Edlords the Indian OLT1a of Garder Studies.
than his submissive iconography of CorT insensual trends.
In fact, competitic and apartial resolu rring themes in alth aimed at creating: sensitivity to postcould hardly be any from Jagannathan argument that thep been Well-internalis ty is convincingly ar. ction of Beledict Corrurifies in the language by new Sarne time, Clear C. and Thair Stream, C lead to the exclusic privileging of Sinhal the state media. Ni analysis of the Anna lsmaiI's interpretatic both intellectually r ting. Arguing from a many would share history is never, in goes on to state tha had a very clear m that of giving a WC Wolceless as Wella rkings of imperson: discovery of sea rol Taking note of the Subaltern historians ends on a note of Sri Lanka. Such chE introduced. She als point that part of th traced to disciplinar reluctance to share will surely find a res der Thic CultureS.
in her paperonfe Malathi de AlaWiSL theme of the produc ofmotherhood by C nial discourse in th building. Drawingh tterjee's work, she Sinhala situation W Created. The schoo laternationalist lead in this process of pe image, Ofcourse, fc nial discourse Orle i explanation which TE imaging of feminity

-- . 影
wife-completes the beting rather than co
n, conflict, tensionion of these are recuepapers. Asaproject in a Wareness of and modern discourse, it thing else. Picking up
Regi Siriwardena’s ower of language has ld by those in authoriJued. He sees a refleAnderson's Imagined instrumental use of nation states. At the efinitions of margins entre and periphery, r of dialECts änd the a particularly through ra Wickramasinghe's eSSchool and Quadri in of Franz Fanon are igorous and stim Lulaposition which surely
that "the Writing of nocent" (p.36), Nira it the Annales School ethodological focus: jice to the hither to s looking at the woliforces such as the utes, gold and so on. important work of the
in India, the author despondency that in nges have yet to be Imakes the important is reluctance can be Vimperialism and the knowledge; her view оnance in many аса
ministhistoriography, Ses the n'OW familliar ion and reproduction lonial and post-colointerests of latioavily on Partha Chainds similarity in the here femininities are the missionary and !rsareal participants estalising the mother mother in post-Coloto read nation. This iesonanessentlalist Which is class and
E.
caste bound is not without problems. What is also not explored is the growing area of alternate discourse, of Women as active agents in the process of restructuring the Self as well as the Other.
Radhika Coomaraswamy's essay. On Michel Foucault, who she feels will Soon, like Marx, Nietzsche and Hegel, be regarded as "one of the great masters of suspicion" (p.174) is an extremely wellargued account of madness, sexuality and crime; these are the prisins through which Foucault looked at the World. Taboo and prohibition work through the process of exclusion. The Panopticon - and indeed Todern architecture - are not mere structures in brick and mortar. Their ideological underpinnings enter the consciousness and become a part of the discourse of controland authority, discipline, and punishinent. All of this of course makes perfectly good sense in the South Asian context where power brokers Will use all that they canto hold on toauthority. In an interesting lastessay, Natalic Picker ring goes into the history of the terms sex and gender and looks at ethnicity and how that is constructed. She finds "the Central task of social theory today" to be "finding new ways of theorizing the body" (p. 132).
Clearly then, social theory can soon become a catch all area for those in search of alternate discourses and exartination of existing theories and bodies of knowledge. This volume is an important contribution to the process of opening up disciplinesto enquiry and re-analysis. In fact, one of the most important contributions is that of drawing attention to disciplinary obduracy and unwillingness to open up boundaries. Quite apart from adequately lar ying down the parameters - or choosing not to do so, depending om where one is viewing them from-these articles bring to mind another thought: the potential for more dialogue and interaction between scholars in the Asian region. Given that a growing intellectual trend emphasises the need to look for new knowledge rooted in non-Westem cultures, the scope for collaborative work as well as dialogue is substantial. It only needs the intellectual will to think of ways of how this can be achieved.
Reviewed by Malawika Karlekar
19

Page 22
BOOKS
Problems native to foreign
FOREIGN POLICY OFSRI LANKA By Shelton U. Kodikara Chanakya Publications, F-10/14, Model Town, New Delhi-110 019. 1992 Rs. 260. Pp. 246.
The blurb Cornriends the book as the most authoritative on the subject Written by an academic who did ashort diplomatic stint as Sri Lanka's Deputy High Commissioner in Madras in the mid-70s, the book may claim to be based on the experience of an insider in the island state's government as well as the perceptions of a commitment-free outsi
Es.
The book was first published in 1982 and revised and enlarged ten years later, mainly toincorporate the davelopments in Indo-Sri Lankan relations around the time of escalation of ethnic rivalry and conflict between Sinhalas and Tamilson the island. The South Asian Association for Regional Co-operation alSO Stated On ItSCarÉÉrabólittle Samgtime and had, therefore, to be included in any presentation on Sri Lanka's foreign policy. Nobody In Colombø can derly that for Sri Lanka, relations with India are crucial and Tay even be seen as the point of departure of her foreign policy generally. Since the facts of Sri Lanka's geography are unalterable, Whoever is in power there cannot afford to ignore the "India compulsions" before his or hér government. Kadikarals fully conscious of this. He says that India is Sri Lanka's only close neighbour and considering the wast disparities in their size and military power, it iš mot Luminatural for Color:Tmbo's fears ärid anxieties on the score of juxtaposition to a colossus.
He concedes that Sri Lanka's status as a militarily Weak power limits her freedom to pursue a foreign policy clearly injurious to India's interests. But Sri Lanka, naturally, SekS diplomatic devices to CoLunter-balance her unequal relationship with India. Kodikara sees Sri Lanka's close Commitment to the Commonwealth, especially during 1948-56, friendly ties with Pakistan and China, and her major role in the Non-aligned Movement as some of the instruments used.
Sri Lanka had several problems with India to start with. There was the issue of maritine boundary as also the question of citizenship for people of Indian origin resident on the island for generations. After many years of hard negotiations between the two countries, the bourdary In the Palk Straits, Palk Bay and Gulf of Manar was delineated in the seventies. The controversy over citizenship also neared its end, at least on paper, when the Jayewardene government enacted its
2O
law for the grant of persons. It Was estim persons, who had no by either country, W dramatic ups and do tions. With India occu ting ethnic conflict be indigerous Tamil cor
With Tanis Const gment of her populat a few Tiles of Water their ethicki i Sri COCTEdWith Wat Tamils there. Any could easily produce in India. Any irrede Could be a problem f India.
But frOT the timet raised therslogan foi they were convinced not give them enoug Er Wr äffiS ist“ melands or the islan Colombo ofan |r|diar ssionism. Kodikaraqt tary intelligence anal massive body of ewi WiBW islat Indiä Was Lankan Tamil guerill E
Why would India a LankanTamils' Separ Kodikara, "it is now a strong Indian percE that Sri Lanka's foreig to India's interests.g. Wards Sri Lanka:
Howevgir r77Luchspx goverrier fright dis king Trincomalee at shaf shis was||Jgd haf potensiastfhreat ford When it already had sw on its forthern flank, fr : COMMENWEG ING
The Rajiv Gandhi ment WaS, aS, KOdikal arrangement, under rtook certain obligati guarantees in return abOLuta CĒSISåltir ofhi of arms by LTTE an forces. But when Kod rging India's responsil ment Wert by default the Whole truth. This that in two years of op the ridian Peace-Ke: ffered more thanathic injured. He does not: the "old fox", manoeu Rajiv Gandhi into tryi Out of the Talif[Efr
From the Sri La

policy
citizenship to stateless ated thatower 2.33lakh ttillthenbeen accepted ould benefit. The most WIS ir Sri Lankar relared over the deterioratween its Sinhala and TILJitiS.
tLitingan important Seion and polity, and only separating them fron Lanka, India had to be Was happening to the roblem on the island eactions in Tamil Nadu ntist Tamil Towerment or Sri Lanka as well as
heTamil5 of Sri Lqrık
a separate state when that the Sinhalas Would h say in the conduct of le traditional TarTi||10Id, a SLIspiċiOn a rose irn
hand behind the seceJota Sar1ArTheriC3rrThiliyst's statement that"a dence" pointed to the arming and training Sri
S.
Ictively support the Sri atist War? According to generally agreed" that ption after about 1980 in policy Was prejudicial uided Indian policy to
kespersors for the U5 Clair77 irħlers Of Talase facily, the notion bour could become a a Driss SOLBrr flark, a powerfusadversaries : became an idee fixe
COSCOL SESS.
Jaye Wardene Agree"asays, а сушlopro quo which Sri Lanka Lundeons and gawe SėCurity for India helping bring ostilities and surrender dother Tamil militant ikara says that dischabilities under the agreehe may not be telling Writer himself admits erations against LTTE, ping Force (IPKF) su Iusand dead and 2,000 say that Jayewardene, Wred the inexperienced ng to pull the chestnut
To the Sri Lankams.
kan viewpoint, India
made its 1987 peace accord, With Sri Lanka to safeguard New Delhi's strategic interests, and resolution of the ethnic conflict on the island was only a subsidiary purpose, Again, the agreement for the Withdrawal of IPKF Was entered into by India, in Sri Lankan eyes, underthe exigencies of the oncoming general elections in November 1989. Had Rajiv Gandhi returned to power after those elections, India might have taken the position that Sri Lanka had not adequately devolved power in the north-east in terms of the 1987 agΓΕΕΠΠΕΠt.
Reviewed by Punyapriya DaSgupta
President J.R. . . . (Cantіпшесi fram page3)
The fourth and fifth paragraphs reveal the President's seriousness of purpose. He had architectured the Development Councils' scheme. His goverriment had "decided om the extent and manner of the devolution and the TULF has agreed". The reference to my "arrival to discuss the next step or steps" was to the question of getting ministers and their bureaucrats to agree to the extent of devolution and for the President and the TULF to agree on a for Tula for the disbursement of the much needed finances. When I arrived to discuss these matters, the political situation had changed for the worse, mainly on account of what is stated in the last paragraph of his letter to me.
The President's ministers and the latter's bureaucrats were cheeseparing in divesting themselves of the powers agreed upon. There should have been some uniformity, Each minister devolved certain powers, different from their colleagues. But the rub was that they were unwilling to part with the finances that they controlled in relation to the Subjects they devolved. Tislift the President with the responsibility of finding the funds. By this time, he had been overwhelmed by his "anti-Tamil ministers" (his Words). He told me, "I am circled by my communal minded ministers". If you can help me "to jump out of this circle" by "talking to your TULF friends, might be able to do something". He Was to change tack shortly after Plans to bring the parties together (the UNP and TULF) failed. The President's response now Was"let it (the devolution matter etc.) simmer". He was thinking of the local government elections round the corner and POTESLIITably did not Want an issue ralsed om this by the opposition. His failure to act proved fatal. Thereafter slowly like a Greek tragedy proceeding to its anti-climax (about which I shall provide more details later) the events of July 1983 enveloped the island.
(Next: The JR-AMIR RELATIONSHIP

Page 23
Why there's so in this rustict
There is laughter and light banter amongst these Tural damisels Whica arę: boLisy sortiTISH ut bacCC
leaf in a barTn. It is ryTis: cai this: hundreds of such
barns spread out in the finid and upcountry intagnetiate izanle where the arabelgo Larid Termairil5 fall during the offseascar
Herc, with careful nurturing, tobacco grows as a lucrative cash crop and the gree la Jilst LITT to gold... to the value of over Rs. 250 Tillion or more annually, for perhaps 143,000 rural folk,
 

ENRCHING FRURAL LIFESTYLE
und oflaughter obacco barn.
Tobacco is the industry that brings Employment to the second highest number of people. And these people are the tobacco barn owners, the tobacco greywers and those who work for them, om the land HTTH T1 thẹ tặrris.
For thern, the tobacco leaf Tears meaningful work,
a corndartable life and a seçu Te future, A FIXOd errough reascim fOT laughter,
CeylonTobacco Co. Ltd.
Sharing and caring for our land and her people.

Page 24
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