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LANKA
GUJAR
Vol. 17 No. 23 April 1, 1995 Price RS.1 (
SRI LANKA
1948. HISTORY OF N
ΡΑΤΗ Τ. Citizen'
LTTE’S PASS
INDA : HOW
A PRO-PEOPLE
SRI LANKA: GI
IMFADJUSTMENT:
THE FUTU
LIHATINI:
 

Registered at GPO, Sri Lanka QD/33/NEWS/94
A CONFLCT
- 1994 NEGOTIATIONS
- Internationa/Alert
O PEACE S Appeal
AGE TO INDIA
- Mervyn de Silva
HEGEMONIC ?
— /Humayum Kabir
: CONSTITUTION
- Adavasa/Abeysekera
ERMAN MAGES
"- ABernd/SC/hi/er
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RE OF NAM
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ΒΡΙΕΡΕΥ. . .
Ministers and missing furniture
Two ministers of the former UNP regime were questioned by the Criminal Investigation Department about the disappearance of valuable furniture from their ministry offices. Among the missing items are antique kavichchiyas
(couches), drawingroomsets and |
conference tables. ,
subscRIPTION RATES Air Mail
Canada/U.S.A.
USS 65 W for 1 year USS 45W for 6-IIloil this
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U.K., Germany, New Zealand,
Australia, Netherlands, France, -Japan, Holland, Philippines,
Austria, Norway, F. Sweden, China, Ireland, Switzerland. Nigeria, Belgiull, Denmark, Paris, London. --
US$55W for 1 year USS 35W for 6 Inonths
。事
Hong Kong, Saudi Arabia, Dubai, Baharin, Arabian Gulf, Syria, Singapore. USS 45W for 1 year USS-25W for 6 months
India, Pakistan. .
USS 40/ for 1 year USS 22W for 6 Ilonths
Rs. 250/- for 1 year Rs... 150/- for 6 months
Some of the hawe been recow
Wateresidences police Sources S.
Clinton sup
ITIC)
The USAdmir Sri Lanka's effor
cefully the civil
mes: the cessal
between the ( Tamil separatist Clinton told Sri dor Jayantha Dá sented Credent
House Ceremon'
The US Presi Sri Lanka's com
ketoriented eco
Inflatic
Inflation has single digit leve in eight years, Central Bank, T
SLUTėrS Pricer Index) showed a inflation rate Febгшагу.
Justice an
Affairs Minister
nce Minister G Sunday Oberw price trends Wel
domestic supp efforts by the Gr
ce prices of et iters. The mini
 
 
 
 
 

missing furniture
>red from the pri
of the finisters,
tid.
ports peace
WES
stration supports storesolve peastrife and Welco
ion of hostilities
OWCTTheft and s, US President Lanka | Ambassaunapala who preals at = a White
y.
dent also praised Titment "to lar
nomic policies'.
n downו
I for the first time according to the he Colombo Conlex(Cost of Living un annual average if 7 per i cent in
Constitutional and Acting FinaL. Peiris told the
}r that the lower ea result of better
y conditions and |vernment to redu
Sential COSLITer ter noted asteady
—
decline in the inflation rate sinc | July 1994: is . . . . - . --
ndrananda de Silva. The Vice
take up the issue of their non arrival
Computers for Jaffna
Computers gifted by Britain to: the Jaffna University, but held up in Colombo for several months have now been flown out to the northern campus on the orders of the new Defence Secretary Cha
Chancellor of the Jaffna University s had arrived in Colombo earlier to
in Jaffna. The students and lecturers on the northern campus were unhappy, he told the authorities.
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gone down to
GUARDIAN
Vol.17 No. 23 April 1, 1995 is
. . .
Price Rs. 10.00
Published fortnightly by Lanka Guardian Publishing Co. Ltd. No. 246, Union Place Colombo - 2.
Editor Mervyn de Silva Telephone: 447584
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conTENTs
News Background 2 Eight-Fold Path Peace (4) 3. Thg i FC Til
Sri Lanka's Foreign Policy (3) 6 Economics B Whiter Non-Alignment 9 People, Power and Politics Sri Lanka in Geોman Media 15 History of Negotiations 17
TETE 20

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Page 5
EightResponsibility?
Until President Ranasinghe Premadasa Washimself assassinated, it was popularly believed that he and his supporters Were responsible for the successive assassinations of several military and national leaders. But now that he is no longer alive all culpability for the past as well as the present is focused on the LTTE. Anyone who ventures to even consider any other possibility is ridiculed as being a supporter of the Tigers and shielding or justifying the Tigers. The IGP himself was pressed to pronounce the Tigers as responsible for the recent GaminiDissanayake assassination. He refrained from doing so and sald, other possibilities should also be considered. There were strong protests at this. However, there is the fact of bitter inter-party (and inter-group) as well as intra-party (and intra-group) conflicts and prQ-peace and anti-peace Conflicts. The possibility of it being the work of a faction or combination of forces, and the possibility of the use of contract killers (even though suicide bombers) cannot be ruled DL.
Further, the responsibility for the o Luitbreak of War ir 1987 and 1990 is fixed entirely on the LTTE. But certain other factors are conveniently ignored. After the Peace Accord there was heavy "cheating" or breach of agreements on both sides. For instance, when a Peace Group of 25 persons from different religions and Communities in the South Wisited Jaffna a few weeks after the Peace. Accord and metall sections of the people there, including the LTTE, they were given details by the LTTE of Sinhalaland encroachment promoted unilaterally by the Government, since the Accord, in the Welli Oya area and these details Were published at the time in the Saturday Review. Then there was delay in the setting up of the Interim Committee and there was mismanagement of the case of the arrested 15Tigers. Later, the implementation of devolution of power was minimal. Again in 1990-1991, the Government dragged its feet over decisions regarding a devolution package and necessary amendments to the constitution, did not hawe a realistic understanding of the dangers inherentim the situation and left its security forces open to
attack. So, if all the account, the Gover Otto hlaWe had ar of the peace efforts
Evolving Strategy
All this backgro Order to stress that failure of past peac evolving a correct, peace is essential.
At the Presidenti: ded (9th November Bandaranaike Kur a very clear confirT in thè peace pľOCBS hergoing furtherah ever, it may be Wis Collective course o much hope she will Weda massive man ofthe Wotes cast (wo per Cent). But the polled a fairly substa cent. And both parti representation in F; a very great gain if Party cooperated W nce in the peасе р! Lumforturatefact that UNP descended to trying to raise racial Chamdrika Bandar, mga herself and the the run-up to the especially after the miniDissanayake. DWorlodk tils“ir Cr better elements in th showing statest lar Osdéf. The LEElder | Ranill Wickremesing a Crucial role to play on his response.
ThİSMETODrändur this (in the second and groups should stion from a national should seek partisa in the Search for p leadership of the Pre star Will be seen in Tobilize a collectiv Collective Solution fic: be a readiness on all
 
 

factors are taken into Timent cannot be said ly share in the failure
Ind is Emphasized in t, in View of repeated e efforts, the need for
realistic strategy for
al Election just conclu1994), Ms Chandrika laranatunga received lation of her initiatives S. She can now justify ead on hero Wri. HOWi.e. for her to pursue a faction and We very do so. She has receidate of 62.28 percent tET tLITI-DLIt Wa5; 70.52 Tiain opposition party Intial Wote of 36.91 per es have almost equal arliarTent. It Would be f the United National ith the People's Allia"OCESS. It WaS a Tost Certain sections of the ) wery low depths in istissues against Ms analike KurtlaranatuPeople's Alliance in Presidential Election, assassination of GaHowever, if she can der to appeal to the he UNP she would be 1ship of the highest of the Opposition, Mr he, Will alsothenhäWB for much will depend
m Ventures to put it like section): "All parties view the ethnic queperspective. No party in political advantage eace. The quality of sident or Prime Mini
his or her ability to 'e leadership and a греасе. There пust sides to take Conce
ssions as well as receive benefits." The реaceprocessmaytake somaconsideгаble time and involve ups and downs so it Would be a greatstrength if the two major parties act together and share responsibilities in moving forward. Only so would it be possible to prevent extrema racialist forces (present in many of the parties and groups) from rising up again and obstructing progress towards peace. However, if the UNP and Certain other parties and groups do not cooperate, the President will have to go ahead with those who Cooperate, knowing that the broad masses will give necessary support.
The cooperation of the armed forces in the peace process will also be crucial. Some critical remarks made by Ms Chaindrika Kumaranatunga, when she was Prime Minister, seem to have been published in the Press out of context. These hawe to be made the subject of homest dialogue. But, actually, the Government has been very wise in consulting the armed forces from the beginning. A tour was made of the military camps in the North by the Deputy Minister Colonel Anuruddha Ratwate, who had an open dialogue with all ranks, during which he Welcomed questions and gave answers which received good publicity in the Press (The Island, 5.9.1994). While there are hard-liners, there are also, ofcourse, rea sonable and moderate elements in the armed forces. When their role, involving considerable commitment and sacrifice, as Well as the difficulties they face are duly appreciated then cooperation can be obtained through the continuing dialogue.
The role of the LTTE has also to be Carefully and realistically thought out. Certain background material has already been given for this purpose. One view is that the LTTE is a terrorist organization, not Serious about peace and only concerned about gaining time for War. There is no point in dealing. With them. What has to be done is to do the right thing-give a reasonable package of devolution of power - and leave it to the people of Jaffna and the International Community to deal with them. Now, considering that the LTTE is the de facto Government in power in the North and considering that there is not, at present, any fore-seeable
": "

Page 6
possibility of removing them, how far is this realistic? How can any progressberTade in the peace process if it is attempted to side-line and ignore a key actor in the drartia? However, if it is remembered, as has been pointed out, what caused the LTTE, that is, our common responsibility for the LTTE phenomenon, or our share In the responsibility, it will be possible to approach the LTTE with a less selfrighteous attitude, judgethern less totally and consider certain other possibilities. The LTTE have repeatedly said in recent times that they are ready to give up the separatist Ealam demand, if sufficient power were devolved to enable autonomous development within a united Sri Lanka. Now considering the increasing burdensbome by the decreasing people of Jaffna, which mustaffect them too, and considering the long and arduous road to Eelar Ti, with no realistic prospect of ever getting there, how can it be said that it is impossible to think that they will respond to a reasonable offer of peace?
The fact is that such aspecific reasonable offer has never been made. What has to be done is to openly make a definite offer to the LTTE as well as to all others concerned. Details can be worked out through negotiation. If the LTTE do not respond positively, then the action can be continued with the help of the people of Jaffna and the International Community.
If a specific, reasonable offer of devolution is made, then the Government can expect massive solidarity support for the peace process from Tamils not only in the North and in the rest of Sri Lanka but also from countries across the World, including the very considerable numbers of Tamils who are strong supporters of the LTTE. Then, at the same time, the Government Would be in a strong position, both in actuality as Well as morally, tomegotiate fairly with the LTTE the process of devolution and demilitarization and the accompanying monitoring procedures.
Also, it must be emphasized that making a definite offer of peace involves making clear the process of implementation of the offer. The Tails have been letdowntime and again. Time and again promises have been made and broken or not implemented. The LTTE cannot be expected to lay down arms until the process of implementation is made clear. Demilitarization may have to be approached by stages as the
4.
process of implem tiom progresSes. " importance of both nitoring teams will Zed. On the One ha to be built up by m other hand, there will ded arrangements checking by monitor Will have to be set up and set is motion : necessity of a peace hawe to be seriously besetup on a mutua
But the top priori initial confidencehawe been made, is to decide Oncert proposals, on the b: proposals that have a number of Consulta past ten years.
Sections 3 and 4 have set out some involved in devolutio stitutional i refor TT. W specific proposals it forward have been théŠe hawe beer 9 Studyandwide dialo roots level and at's are supported by r the main ethnic gro and modern ideolo gra SS-Toots and at a
Weithink that SOT process such as the most likely to achiev think it would beg initial mediatory tean consultation, by thE constant touch. With evolution of the peac Would hawe represe feasible and practic Wing, that is, from t groups - Sinhala, and Malays), from th - Buddhism, Hindl stianity, the secula sectors such as pea: academic and busin clergy andrepresen rrı Terit and the opp presentatives shoul the isSLUes involver broadly in favour of ckage. The Presid Government repres derate a processo

ntation of devoluhis is where the mediation and TIOlave to be recognlld Tutual trustlas diation ard, On the lave to be hard-hear or supervision and ng. Both processes ly mutual agreement imultaneously. The -keeping force may considered, also to ly acceptable basis,
y, now that certain building gestures or the GOVeriTert in specific peace isis of various peace been put forward by tion processes in the
of ti METradim of the major issues nof power and Con'arious definite and hat hawe been put eferred to. Sole of wolved out of deep guebothatthegrasscholarly level. They epresentatives from ups, major religions gies, both from the Luthoritative lovels.
he kind of Collective 2 following Would be a positive results. We Odi if there Were ar. n, appointed, through President to be in
her, throughout the eprocess. This tearn ntation as much as is cable from the follohe three main ethnic famil, Muslim (Moors Ie four major religions is, Islam and Chrir ideologies, WarioLIS Sant, Worker, student, eSS ComTMLunitie Sard tatives from the goveposition. All these red be conversant with dadi known: to be
a fair devolution paentherself arid the ientatiWëS WOLuld T10f achieving a conse
Insus first Within the initial Tediatory team. Then this team would share the task of exploring consensus with the WarioLISparties and groups, and power-centers, both secular and religious. Visits from the South to the North and East and from the North and East to the South Would be part of this proceSS.
The people should be kept intouch with this process through all the mediasothere could be free and open dialogue, guided by a responsible leadership with a wide vision and committed to achieving peace on the basis of justice for all.
Independent initiatives Would also be most valuable and should be Welcomed. For instance, there are senior Buddhist bhikkhus of standing as well as other representative persons from the South who are prepared to go to the North and East to engage in dialogue with all Sections of opinion there, including Hindu and Muslin, traditional opinion and the LTTE. They are ready to personally assure the people there that they understand the need of substantial devolution of power and ensuring their rights to the Tamils. They have already Worked to develop understanding of this in the South and they are ready to continue to Work for the granting of the reality of power not only iri constitutional formulation but in practice to enable the Tamils to achieve reasonable autonomy for their own development, within co-existence and interdependence with others in Sri Lanka. Further, there are, no doubt, Tamils of all Sections in the North and East, who are prepared to come to the South to engage in dialogue with all sections of the people there, including traditional Sinhala-Buddhist power-centres and the JAP. Ata personal level they could assure the Sinhala people that they understand their apprehensions about the dangers to Sinhala life and culture in the present situation and are prepared to support their endeavours to ensure the advancement of Sirhala tradition and CLulture.
This kind of dialogue should take place at iterational lewel t00 because, as polnted out earlier, there is a considerable impact of international forces om the local situation. Further, there could be a local in-put into the international dialogue and an internationalin-put into the local dialoge.
Peace conferences, peace demonstra tions, peace festiweals, peace marches

Page 7
should also be organized and would help the advancerTent of the peace process. However, it is important to resternber that there should not be any attempt to intimidate, force or pressurize others to accept one's opinions, There should be a true Spirit of responsible consultation and dialogue.
These independent peace initiatives would help and strengthen the official peace moves. Also suitable persons invovedinthese initiative couldbecaledupon to serve in the official mediation and monitoring procedures by mutual consent of those concerned.
lt is throught these ways that the receSSary Constitutional changes become possible and, more important, their implementation also becomes possible.
(Signed)
1. Wen Daniyagarina Sri Warmarathana thero, Chief Sangha NayakaofKalagan Palatha, Viharadhipathi, Sri Wamasingharamaya, Aluwiharegama, SenapoLura.
2. Wen Ramblkwelle Fannasara Thero, Chlef Sangha Nayaka of lhala DolospattuWa, Principal of Poligolla Sasthrawinda Institute, Sri Lanka Wayamba Buddhist and Pali University, Gokerella.
3. Wen Mahagalkadawela Punrhyasara Thero, Secretary General, Vayanba Aagamika Samagi Sandhanaya, President, Hiriyala Bauddha Bala Mandalaya, Rajachethiyaramaya, Gokerella.
4. Wen. Amphitiye Dharmakirthi. Thero,
Buddhist Service Centre, Wira Puran Appu Pedesa, Kandy Road, Matale.
5. Wén Moragollagama Ratnasara Thero, Pariwernadhipathi, Sri Dharmachandra Pirivena, Hiripitiya, Nikadalupotha.
6. Wen. PaleWela D8Warrakkhitha TheTO, Subhadraramaya, Gangoda wila, Nugegoda.
7. Wen Batapola Nanda. Thero, Movement for Defence of Democratic Rights, Rajagiriya.
8. Wen Baddegama Sarnitha Thero, Pradeshiyasabha Member, Dutugemunu Wiharaya, Baddegama.
9. Weini Keeranthidiye. Panniasekera TiSSa Theroo, MahameWrina EnWiro
mental Development Samithya,
| Galahitiya, Molkawa.
10. Wen Buddhiyagama Chandraratana
1.
12,
13.
14.
15.
16.
17.
8.
19.
20.
Thero, Wijeraj PUtalaT Dist
Rt ReʼWd Ardr negala.
Rewid Paul Ca Saty0daya, KE
Fewd Tissa, EB, ctor, Centre for Colombo.
Revd Lionel F plain, Colomb
Rawd Duleep chael's Church
Professor W. Chancellor, Ur
Professor P.B. mhala. Departm radeniya, preSI Indology, Schc caп. Language ndon:
Professor Carl culty of Medici niya.
DIT GäTii:S Lecturer, - Dep: Science, Pera
N.M.M.I. Hussi dor, Ambass: SCOW.
Wild
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a Wiharaya, Tabbowa, 21. || N. Kandasamy, MIRJE, Colombo.
ict. 22. Dr A. Subramaniam, President, Saiew Kumarage, Kuru- Va Maha Sabai, Kurunegala.
23. Ms Anna Subramaniam, Coordinaspersz, S.J. Director, tor, WÖThe for Peace. іпdу. 24. - Lucien Rajakarlurhamayake, Journaalasuriya. OMI. DIre- list, Dehiwela
'Society and Religion, 25. Jehan Perera, Director, Legal Aid,
Sarvodaya, Freelance Journalist
Peiris, Bishop's Chai and Columnist, Sunday Island.
. 26. M.D. Daniel, All Lanka Peasants de Chickera, St M- Congress and Secretary, WSFSL , Polwatte, Colombo. Galle District Group. D. Lakshman, Vice- 27. Nimal Munasinghe, All Lanka Pealiversity of Colombo. sants Congress, and WSFWSLI, Ma
duru Oya Maha Vidyalaya, DivLil Meegaskumbura, S1lent, University of Pe- Darthana, Polonnar UWa District.
ently at Department of 28. G.D. Premachandrasiri, Vimukt
Olof Oriental and Afri- Dharma Kendra, and WSFISL, Pihies, University of Lo- mbuwe, Kurunegala District.
29. Santasilang Kadingamar, Coordina
O For Seka, Dear, Fa- tor, World Solidarity Forum Group,
ne, University of Kela- Japan, formerly Lecturer, Jaffna
ಗ್ಧgsly, and President, MIRJE,
ΕΠΠΕ.
Tarana yake, Senior artment of Political 30. Wesley Muthiah, Secretary, Sri deniya Univeristy, Lanka Estate and Plantation Workers Educational Trust, London, ချီးမြို့မြို့မြို့နှီးမြို့°ူဖို့ world Solidarity Forum Group,
Waiting - 4 Kundasale
II arrival there is departure Je KTheLU heft bLut it didn't Seen las the horley trilyour breath.
treacledcurd or fragrant dairy clearn? y CCL LofteľI s droLurled in the brimming surge of love 2T lors to each touch and the great sight 'arching eye.
dro Lusing Luvith the flambo Luyants at the LivindoLLU g crimson through the afternoor
do Us trail
ignals for departure by the grey Night Mail.
J. Karunatake

Page 8
INDIA-SRI LANKA (3)
The Concept of
Humayun Kabir
he huge asymmetry between Sri
Lanka and India has been the Thost important of the factors contributing to the former's threat perceptions vis-a-vis the latter. Physically, India is fifty times the size of Sri Lanka and forty times larger in population. Although Sri Lanka shows better Physical Quality of Life Indices (PQL) with a higher per capita income than India, the former pales into insignificance in the vastness of the technological and industrial might of the latter. Militarily, Sri Lanka has been an incomparably weaker power unable to protect itself from aggression and evento put down internal amed Violence and insurgency, while India has been astrong regional power Commanding the fourth largestarmy, seventh largest Air Force and eighth largest Navy in the world. This asymmetry in size and capability between the two countries has decisively informed and shaped the Sri Lankan mind, psyche and policy, often leading to complexity in Indo-Sri Lankan relationship. Inevitably, therefore, India has always been the most fundamental preoccupation in Sri Lanka's foreign and security policy. But before offer my arguments to this proposition let us briefly discuss India's regional policy and percepotion about Sri Lanka.
South Asia in India's strategic calculus: Policy towards Sri Lanka
Conscious of India's size, population,
resources, and ideals of freedom, her leaders developed an urge for India toplay a major power role in world affairs. The rulers of India, from Jawaharlal Nehru downwards, avidly backed by the foreign policy and strategic community and indeed by public opinion, have considered India as a regional great power and regarded the region as her natural sphere of influence.
The Nehru government inherited abody of British strategic doctrine, developed for the defence of the British Indian Empire, as the basis of its own strategic theory. in British times, the external security of India had rested on a three-fold basis'. (1) safeguarding of the north-west frontier I of India, through which successive invading amies had made inroads into Indian
Hegem
territory; (2) prevert the Indian sub-conti the control of foreig ntaining command
and its environs. C Britain had the abs Indiam O’Cear duri itsule in India, Briti of the defence of Inc On a Continental, sy'. system rested one frontier'based Oma around India. Its aSS threat to India Woul India's borders, whil a foreign pollсуршгs of preventing foreigr Undue influence in t
Sri Lanka Waswal it afforded the expa ssions in India. Th Security doctrineofs Asia for the defenc treated Sri Lanka a it.
Independent India amd interests ha web the regional order i be India-orchestrat states in the region sphere, and must security requirement lising bilateral issue involved in alliance nships with extermal gement of the secur essential preserve Would not exclude u. in defusing a situati rhood which she de security interests; thi eventually eliminat influence of outside and if at all there intrusion into the regi dict, If it does not su interests; that India's nships with her SoL depend on their ap regional security in Other State S r ii the bufferstates in thee nal threat, and henc stability in her South

ing the area around ent from falling under power; and (3) maiof the Indian Ocean wing to the fact that olute mastery of the most of the time of sh strategic Concepts ia Were based largely tem of security. The recting an 'extended luster of bufferstates umption was that any i be resisted beyond 2. its complement was Jed with the objective powers from gaining hese buffer states,
Lued for the protection Inding British posseIe - British , eWolwedd a trategic unity in South :e of India and they s an integral part of
's regional objectives een the following: that South Asia should ed; that the small ie Within her security comply with India's s by mot internatiomas and not becoming s or Security relatiopowers; that manaty of the region is the of India; that India se of a military option on in her neighbouemed inimical to her it India must limit and 2 involverTErkt and Iowers in South Asia, has to be exterial Ornit must not Contraport, India's security attitudes and relatioth Asian neighbours Oreciation of India's rests; and that the egion will serve as ent of an extra-regioIndia's concern for Aslan neighbours.
India, therefore, has always regarded the region as her natural sphere of influence and her policy has always been one of either attitudinal or behavioural hegemony in the region. Although the word "hegemony's comes from the ancient Greek and refers to the dominance of one state over others in the system, it is used in diverse and confused Ways. Part of the problem is that unequal distribution of power is a matter of degree, and there is no general agreement on how much inequality and what types of power constitute hegemony, Attempts have been made to develop the concept of hegemony by representatives of varied intellectual traditions, such as World-systems analysis, historical materialism, and international relations.'
Antonio Gramsciproduced a theoretical elaboration of hegemony with his pathbreaking interpretation of the dominance of the bourgeoisielna modern capitalist state. He also cautiously extended its use to the study of international relations." One such definition is given by Imtiaz Ahmed, who means by hegemony "the contradictory combination of consent and coercion organised by the dominant social forces'.'
The concept of hegemony is generally defined interms of leadership, predominance and preponderance of one state over a group of several other states. Whitman, for example, defines it as "the leadership of a country (or group of Countries) that plays aspecial role, enjoys unique privileges, and takes special responsibility for successful operation of (a political or economic system)"." Keohane and Nye definea hegemonic power as one that "can change the rules rather than adapt its policies to existing rules".
Another scholar writes that hegemony refers to a certain 'moral and intellectual direction", a true civilisational 'Common sense" that reverberates and penetrates in all the Corters and interstices of the global system pulled together by the World's hegemon, deeply impregnating the ideology and culture of so-called "national societies. He further Writes that a second component of hegemony is the
-

Page 9
political direction, or the capacity of the hegemonic power to build a network of international coalitions to perpetuate its leadership. This implies the capacity to exact the compliance and to insure discipline Within the ensemble of nations integrated within its system of alliances."
But hegemony can be both global/ system-wide and regional, and again both general and issue-specific, as Shaheen Akhtar contends that hegemony "implies the pгеdoпіпапce ofа пation oгаgroup of nations within a given area"Stephen Cohen also writes in a more specific snanner: "Regional hegemony or dominance...implies the existence of local military preponderance over neighbours through the spectrum of force, the availability of non-military instruments of pressure (including inducements and economic coercion), the ability to influence the consequences following upondomesticpolitical Weakness in rival regional states, and a Willingness to conduct a strategy of diplorTracy that places regional dominance above other objectives"* Bhabani Sen Gupta defines hegemony in the following Words: "Hegemony is defined as ability to persuade or coerce another actor to do what it. Would not normally wish to do but what the hegemonist powerinsists it Tust do... However, in the actual market place of international politics, hegemony means that a power cannot be invaded by those over whom it has hegemonic influence, that its voice is heard With deference, and that it is not denounced or criticised except in subdued, polite language". By this measurement, India is the hegemonic poWer in SoLuth Asia.
littranspires from the above that hegemOmy - Cảm ble Country-specific, Context-specific and issue-specific. In case of Indo-Sri Lanka relationship, India's hegemony depended on the domestic situation in Sri Lanka, on the foreign and security policy orientation of a particular Colombo government, on the regional and global strategic situation, and on India's economic-technological and military poWer. The issue areas of hegennonyare Sгі Lanka's foreign and security policy and the Sinhala-Tani ethnic conflict, that is, in both rearms of Sri Lanka's dor Testic and external relations. Instances or incidences of India's hegemony in relation to Sri Lanka Will be identified as and when appropriate during the course of the presentanalysis. For the benefit of the subsequentanalysis a Working definition is offered: hegemony is an exercise of power by state A, through coercive or non-coerciWe means, directly or indirectly, wis-a-vis state B, effecting in the latter's conformity
in the realms of its policies to the poll forlar.
Since its indepe efforts to exercise had adopted the "Of rding to Organski, p country is more like and stability in a reg States dare Tot atta Statered not attaC or "fact of life" in St. reference to natura in favour of India, i regional order thro This may be impler Coercive or no-COe Gandhi's or Rajiv G are often referred C0ETCIWE TlEarls Wh is a moderate appr. regional hegemony Timent, in the late India's power and using coercive diplc With regional neight maintaining regiona The Janata Todel perSuasion OWerimp Inspiring confidence ghbours into Sub This
India's Sri Lanka following objectives there Was no extert Lanka which India detrimentalto its Se enSLIre that Sri Lat baSg . Ort CorTırT1LuniCE external power whic springboard against ge or preWent Sri La external linkages might be interprete challenge to India's p ård to its Tolle as til the region; (iv) to co the military preSE pOWers in the India the security of all region; (W) to ens. instability in Sri Lank domestic politics a security in any manm India's own influence stic politics, speci: issue.
The factor that policy towards Sri pursued in respecto rily the island's geoIndia's oceanic front Sri Lanka is likely to

domestic and foreign cy advantage of the
ridence, India, in its regional hegemomy, 'ganski model". Accoreponderance of one ly to produce peасе ion, because Weaker ck, while the stronger k. India's emphasis outh Asia, which is a hierarchy that goes mplies her desire for ugh preponderance. ented either through ercivel Theals. Indira andhi's governments :o as having applied le the 'Jamata modell' bach to exercising of . The Janata gove1970s, played down showed restraint in ) Tacy in its dealings Ours, With a Wiew to peace and security,
gives preference to Iosition or coercion, to ower bullying the neission.
policy constitutes the i: (i) to ensure that hal in Wolvement in Sri Would perceive to be Curity interests; (ii) to ika did not offer any ation facilities to any h might use them as India; (iii) todiscouramka froппforgiпg any or alignment which d in New Delhi as a reponderant position le Security arbiter in Vice Sri Lanka that 3nce of non-litöral Ocean threatened the Countries of the ire that the political addinot affect India''S
di treaten itS OWN Ier; and (wi) to expand 2 in Sri Lanka's dOrthelly : Ower the ethnic
distinguishes India's
Lanka from that is fneighboursisprimastrategic location on lers. Being an island, be more Vulnerable
to the influence of the world's major naval pOWers present in the Indian Ocean, a factor to be taken into due account by India in its strategy to safeguard its security interests in the area. The strategies and policy instruments that were employed by various Delhi administrations to achieve their policy goals with regard to Sri Lanka
have been peaceful diplomacy, coercive
diplomacy and military intervention, and naval defence build-up, the concept of Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace (IOPZ) and use of the Tamil Trojan Horse' as a source of interference in the internal affairs of Sri Lanka.
NDË
12. SEE lor detais, Shelton Kodikara, Stratègic Factors
GGGLLLLLLL LLLLLMC S CLL LLLLS LLLLLL Paperson Strategy and Defence, ANU, Canberra, i No.19, 1979 pp, 13-14; Maharaj K. Chopra, India: Search for Power, Lalwari Publishing House, Boпbay, 1968. р. 218.
13. In my effort to understand India's regional policy
have drawn upon Rosenal's conception of foreign policy. According to him, there are three-phases in CLLuLMLCLLLLLCLLLMLLLMLLTLS LLLLLLTLLLLLLLLekeL consisting of attitudes, perceptions and values, policies, Variously referred to as strategies, decisions of plaris, consisting of thespecific goals and means for achieving thern; and the behaviour itself. James N. Rosarau, The Study Foreign Policy" in Janes N. Rosarau etal(eds.), World Politics: An introdu ction, The Free Press, New York, 1976, pp. 15-35.
14. For details sea Mershon rigrational Studies REview, Ohio State University, USA, Wol, 38, SuppleTherit 2, October 1994, pp. 361-376.
15, Arionio Grasci, Selections from the Prison NE
books, International Publishers, New York, 19 Parry Anderson, "The ArtimorTigs of Arlonio GraSci". New Let ReviaWNo. 100, November 1975-January 1977, pp. 15-25.
16. Imtiaz Ahmed, "State, military and modernity; The experience of South Asia", Contemporary South Asia, Wol. 3, Mla, 1, 1994, p. 65.
17. Marina W.M. Whitman, Reflections of Interdependerice: issues for Economic Theory and US Policy, University Press, Pittsburgh, 1979, p. vii.
S SS eCTS CCLeLLMMMMMLLLLCa0S CSLLOLOLG GMML IrlordeparidenCH: World Politics in Trarisition, Lille, Brown and Co, Bostor, 1977, p. 44.
19. Atilio A. Borori, "Towards a Post-Hegemonic Age?: The End of Pax Americana". Security Dialogue, Oslo, Wol, 25, No, 2, Juh 1992, 212-213.
20. Joseph S. Nye, Jr., BoLund to Laad: The Changing NalLirel ATmerkcan Pawār, Basic Books, Inc.,Publishers, New York, 1990, p. 40.
21. Shaheen Akhtar, "India in S, Asia. An Analysis ol Hegemonial Relationship", Regional Studios, IslaTablad, Wol. XI, No, 3, SurTurner 1993, p. 51.
22. StephBI. P. Cohen and Richard LPark, India: Emergent Power, Crana, Russak & Company, Inc., New York, 1978, pp. 6-7,
23. Bhabari San Gupta, "Hegemory in South Asia, World Focus, New Delhi, Nos. 95-96, Non-Dec. 1987, p. 63.
24. A.F.K. Orgarski, World Politics, Aired A. Knopf.
NBYWYork, 1968, p. 29.

Page 10
-H
Mohan Rao
recert times We hawe Seen SorTne euphoria in influential circles over the positive outcome of the structural adjustment programme (SAP) package. This package includes policies that India has adopted as it embarkson a reckless spree of globalising its economy. The excitement stems from the spurt in the industrial growth rate, the strong balance of payments position (BoF), the huge inflow of foreign investments, the comfortable foodgrains position and privatisation of ineffcent public sector undertakings. However, little thought has been spared for other consequences of these policies, especially on health.
For a start, we could learn something from the experience of the Latin American and African countries which underwent structural adjustment programmes in the '80s under the aegis of the World Bank and the IMF. The results have been systematically documented in journals such as Social Science and Medicine and the Economic and Political Weekly, and in two excellent books. The Impact of World Recession on Children by R. Jolly and G.A. Cornia, and Adjustment with a Human Face: Country Case - Studies, edited by Jolly, Cornia and F. Stewart.
These studies show that Subsequent to the adoption of structural adjustment policies inthese Countries, the levels of Unemployment and underemployment increased accompanied by a reduction in the real wages of the poor. Even the middle classes suffered. There was also a steep hike in the price of food. Since expenditure on food takes up a large share of a poor family's budget, the effect on the nutritional status of the poor was clearly regressive. The data show that there was a decline in expenditure on other things as an increasing proportion of the budget of the poor and the middle classes Was being devoted to food. At the same time, more food expenditure was being reoriented towards starches and Cereals, and less for animal and milk products.
The dominance of the informal Sector in the labour market resulted in what has been described in these studies as the "feminisation of abour and poverty".
The authorisan assistant professor at the Centre of Social Medicine and Community Health, JNU)
B
Forced by poverty, were entering the I paid informal sect than ever before, re in schooldropoutra
It was not long E nges were also ref the people. Health death rate and the Which had show in the past, eithel showed an upward rtality rate, conside index of socio-econ lopment, increased While its decline Ca in others. The ratio deaths increased. rtion of infant deato increased as did the born With low birth ntries saw a signific Tortality.
Even as many of rted exotic fruitsan there Was a steep foodprices. The dat of countries show a malnutrition among There was a sharpi rtion of underweigh and lactating mothe 85 per cent of their per cent of their porc incidence of anaert
Reeling Lunder but tutions in these Cou cope with these p compounded by the ctors and nurses ti pastures in the Wes Ces, seldorn anare rity, collapsed. Wat and preventive heal to agrinding halt. Pu inadequate staff an drugs and equipmer ver COsts" through was that althought Sed attendance at ned. This Was parti and preventive heal
The experience America and Africa for the poor in India stment policies are
 
 

Women and children on-skilled and poorly r in larger numbers Sulting in an increase es in these CountrieS.
efore that these Chaacted in the health of indicators such as the incidence of disease, spectacular decline
retained static or trend. The infant TOred to be a Sensitiwe mic and health devensome countries and me to a grinding halt finfant deaths to total Similarly, the propois due to malnutrition proportion of infants Neights, Several coulant increase in child
these countries expoflowers to the West, increase in doTestic a from a large number greater prevalence of Women and children. ncrease in the propoit mothers. Pregnant rS received le SS than calorie needs and 90 tein needs. A higher a Was also reported.
get cuts, health institries were unable to oblems. Which Were fact that trained dobok flight to greemer t. Public health Serviaccorded high prio3r supply, sanitation h programmes came blic hospitals, despite widespread lack of t, attempted to "recoIser fees. The result Jrbidity levels increahealth Centres decliularly true of routine hServices.
If countries in Latin does not augur" well there structural adjuhow being impleme
nted. Not only does India have a large poverty stricken population, but also it has seen no funda Tental change in the disease and death patterns over the last four decades. The disease and death profile continues to be dominated by the diseases rooted in poverty - diseases not essentially amenable to technical intervention.
This pattern of diseases and deaths can only change with substantial and sustained public health inputs.
Some econ0Tnists hawe noted that the structural adjustment programme has resulted in a deceleration in employment generation. In addition, the food subsidy -in real terms-has been reduced since the commencement of adjustment policies. Wholesale prices of food have risen by about 20 per cent, but the consumer price index for the landless agricultural labourers has gone up by over 25 percent. The Economic Survey (1993-1994) admits that the spurt in inflation is due to a rise in prices of foodgrains, particularly rice and pulses - the Thajor protein component of the Indian diet.
The structural adjustment programme has involved further reduction in India's commitment to health Sector development. Central grants, as a proportion of the states' total medical and public health expenditure, fell sharply in the post-reforms period. Real expenditures declined even more sharply. It is particularly interesting that budget cuts have not affected the family planning programme which focusses on the poorin pursuit of its targets. The poorer states, which have low health status and poor development of health Services, have suffered Thore from cuts in Central grants. This has led to greater regional differentials in access to health
ETE
In its 1992 state of the World's Children Report, UNICEF observed that “the deterioration of the economic environment is translated in many countries into rising malnutrition, preventable disease and faling school enrolments". Structural adjustment, the report goes on to say, should have a human face. The question that refuses to go away - in the face of evidence from other already afflicted countries-is:can structural adjustment have a human face?

Page 11
WHITHERNONALIGNMENT (BCIS SEMIM
The significance of NAN
Mamel Abeysekera
rankly find it difficult to believe
that the movementis dead and agree With our distinguished guest speakers Ambassador Sutresna and Ambassador del Amo on this point. Hawing Said that, | DEEWE that NAAM Will die USS ther is a great deal more of re-thinking, re-defining andre-witalising. We must be thankful to the Jakarta 10th Surfit of NAM and its Chairman's personal drive in this regard tore-orient NAM'Sfocus and direCtion.
During the East-West conflict in a bi-polar World, NAM held a balance between the 2 super-powers and its woice and wote counted for something in the U.N. and Other international foram a Single Super-power World and a globalised economy, Cam NAM CanhãWe the Samme role, Statu5 and influences. This is bome out by what ATbaSSador dell'ATO State:S: "Therorthern developed countries are leading or ruling the World both politically and economically". He goes on to statehow this is so in the U.N-particularly in the Control over the Security Council and On the economic side, in fixing World market prices and in leading in finance, science and technology. He then goes conto argLIE that, for all these reasons, the developing countries need their "own independent global factor'. But, the question really is, how independent a global factor is NAM. Ambassador Sutresna. also recognises the Constraints NAM has to cope with in international co-operation.
My second point is that, through sheer weight of numbers in a group, be it the Group of 77 or the NAM, a collective voice is heard, as both AIT bassadors point out, in the UN and otherfora. This may influerce a Resolution a Declaration, la COmmunique or even a Covenant or Convention, but does this really amount to much in real tems thereafter? Do not the "powers that be" go their own way, even in disregard of these agreements which remain just documents rarely translated into actio? FurtherTTÖr, are not NAM - mbers often attracted to go the same way
asthese powers es gain? Which means as Well subtle thou economics and pe separated nationa Therefore, while lag that NAM HIBS a " international fora, hawe Seen them giv of NAIM as a glob2
One to be cited.
APARTHEIO ANO
Mythird pointist ssadors stated noo bution of NAM to Sa Ce, to disamanen that many of the ac quoted could haw factors other than N me refer to two oft Of 1990s. TO againstapartheida mate rights of the decades, Would a apart without a de We Mandela. Or the thir fothold Withol by the U.S.A. the g and the Co-Operatio Ironically, these corne about becau nce of Super-pOWë the danger of Ea: especiallythougha notas a TBS uit Of th" anti-apartheid Voic USSR or by NAM. states that the colla windicated NAM's was designed to de can one say that th ris VidicateSthe NAM take Credit fo
NAMAS FORUM
My forth point is read too Lich into reasoп is why weа today as opposed WiBW is that || NAM always been - a
The Writer, a career officer, Wa:

VAR
in the 1990s
specially for economic ; also in political terms gh the link Taybe, for olitics can hardly be ly or internationally, gree with the speakers Voice as a group in
Would have liked to respecificillustrations |-factor. Ofiarethere
PALESTINE
hat, as the two ArTubane candeny the contrifeguarding World peaEtC, But Sit mot trUE hievements they hawe 9 beën the reSUIt Of IAM? For example, let e major developments ugh NAM had fought nd defended the legitiPalestinian people for partheid have Come Klerkanda Co-operatiPalestimians obtaimed ut the poreSSUTE9E9Xerted ood offices of Norway of Rabirald Arafat? developments hawe se of the disappeararrivalry together with st-West confrontation Palestinianspark and le Support given to the e or the PLO by the Ambassador Sutresna pse of bi-polarism has principles, but if NAM al with a bi-polar World, he collapse of bi-polaMowerient? No can its collapse.
that perhaps we have NAM and that is the re discussing its value to Yesterday. My own is today what it has forum for diSCUSSIO,
exchange of views and expression of opinion - a kind of voice of the South which creates a climate of opinion that is inded a Tost Luseful factOTin interTlational relations, but that this does not necessarily enable NAM to effect change as an "independent global factor"-touse Ambassador del Amo's phrase-in the Sense that it car influence crucial international developments and trends, which are determined by other forces, especially by those Wh0 hawe the power to do S0 both politicaIly and economically. In short if the principles for which NAM stands, which find close affinity to those of the U.N.Charter, We hawe to ask OurSelweS Whether the U.N or NAM have been able to give teeth to thern and positively influence international relations. This ofcourse, does not, in any way, diminish their moral value northe fact that NAM members together findstrength Where individually they would not. But we have to admit that NAM lacks solidarity which is often the cause of its ineffectiveness in practical terms. I was happy to hear Mr. Childers state that, a few weeks ago, they did find that solidarity - which they lackBdlast year to passa U.N resolution requesting an advisory opinion of the World Court Whether the threat or use of nuclear Weapons is a violation of international law. The lack of solidarity therefore only calls for more effective strategies if indeed any such can be found. One can
only hope that the NAM Jakarta Declara
tion of 1992 Will be realised. I quote: "Through dialogue and co-operation, We will project our Movement as a vibrant, Constructive and genuinely interdeperident component of the mainstream of international relations". I think the key phrase here is "interdependent component' which contrasts With Ambassador del Amos phrase "independent global factor".
My final comment is to pose the question as to how We may achieve the preservation of the Walue of NAM by translating its principles into international relations. I believe that one of the key reasons for NAM mot being abletoachieve
Sri Larkas Abassador Er.
9.

Page 12
anything great is that its membership has not attracted at least some of the Countries of the North even though several of them, such as those of Scandinavia, are generatly in agreement with our principles. Would they join US and given us the necessary clout if We did not call ourselves "non-aligned" especially in a post-cold - War world? Or do we wait hopefully for some of our members to acquire the clout that the North has?
Ambassador Sutresna Cites a number of activities in which NAM is engaged, especially after the Jakarta Summit, including that of championing global interdependence particularly through North-South and South-South dialogue. But Such dialogue has been With us for decades without our seeing a real break-through.
No wonder Dr. Gamani Corea referred to it as "the dialogue of the deaf" in his keynote address at the inaugural session of this seminar. The same may happen with regard to NAM'S efforts in them and in its efforts to review and refort the U.N. and the Bretton Woods institutions. We hawe already heard Dr. Sarawanam Luttu and Mr. Childers on the power-play in the U.N. and how the Bretton Woods institu
tions escaped from the co-ordination
authority over them wested by the U.N Charter in the UNGA and ECOSOC. Ils Our lack of success because We do not hawe members of the North in Our MOVEment? We may have jointmeetings with them in trying to further our efforts, but meetings and dialogue are not an end in themselves.
REGIONAL FORCE
Perhaps the emergence of regionalism since NAM was founded may assist by it being harnessed to promoting NAM principles intra-regionally, inter-regionally and finally internationally. The decision of the Jakarta Summit to constitute a member of expert groups to help provide a degree of specialisation, particularly on economic issues, augurs well for NAM'S negotiating process with the North based on Well-founded premises, facts and arguments, especially in the context of some U.N. organs supportive of NAM such as UNCTAD, playing a muted role today, and the need for NAM to therefore redouble its effortstotranslate principles into specifics. We must not forget that the host of the first NAM Summit was symbolic of the archetypal non-aligned state and therefoTe of the Towerment itself, in that it i Was in the heart of post-World War II East-West rivalry. Surely, we do not want
10
NAM to disintegrate - which, of course Other tham th05E
NAM, but NAMW situation and perh beyond symbols, s ples and translate t practical reality. No gned to establish W With allnations, Irre ideological system freedom ofactionar into the wortex of Ea also designed to tra Cal and economic r tate the establish TE ful order, today NA a changing politic which perhaps only of projecting its inft with a deepening glic an intersification of information industry seek to cope with pragmatic means.
One such course present a NAM philc only at the U.Nandic but also to inject it's at the regional art
which are increasin
rative areas of po action. At the SanT recognise that nota geographic, that th rident on a number subjected to extern: of the economically powerful, such as th Japan. Conversely, ves. Whether NAM
sion wouldbestron these very regional rests, forces and g Was Seri in the Ir Wasi powerless to : or end it - despi being its members
nctions, countinuing very reason that th consensus аппоп9
therefore no collect
CONFLICT RESOL
Another strategy NAM'S conflict confidence-building here strongly sup tresna in this adVOC, NAM should relate groupings that hay NAMTembers. It Tibers Would need

as has its original host is houses in order, to reconcile the existing
has been for reasons
which brought about is powerless in that ps NAM must look. ymbolism and princihem into SOrThe kind of -alignment was deselbalanced relations spective of Social and Swhile maintaining dwithout being drawn st-West rivalry. It was nsform unequal politilations Soasto facilintofaustand peaceM is confronted with | multi-polarity-in the U.S.A is capable lence globally - and bal interdependence, ethnicity and a global , all of which it must through practical and
for NAM may be to sophy and stance not ther international fora principles and values id Sub-regional lewels gly becoming the opelitical and economic he time, we have to ill regional groups are ey are indeed depeof variables and are al influence especialy and technologically e U.S.A., Europe and we should askourseprinciples and coheenough to withstand and sub-regional inteals. Further flore as aq-Kuwait war, NAM ict both to prevent it te both protagonists - nor to prevent sa
against Iraq, for the ere was no regional NAM The fibers and we clout.
UTION
Would be to enhance - resolution and
mechanisms and IOrt Arnbassador SLacy of this. Perhaps thern to the regional з developedаппопg is respect, NAMmeto first put their own
discrepancy between NAM ideals and
practice as Ambassador Sutresnahas pointed out. While acknowledging that it is most Welcome that NAM has moved from dwelling on grievances and has generally shed its adversarial approach to the North and the policies of international financial institutions - which, alas, most NAM meltibers cannot do without- and is now focussing on and seeking a constructive dialogue, offering to engage in all fields, as Ambassador Sutresna has shown, it may be practical and pragmatic to further reduce its focus to specifics in such a dialogue and co-operation. This may, in turn, also reduce the gap between NAM and the North and create sortle common ground and interest and thereby resultin NAM'S weight being used topush through some favourable results, howevermodest they may be, for mutual benefit.
NAM may have been born through the desire to avoid the destructive efforts of bi-polarity and the title of the movement may give the impression that it has no relevence in a non-bi-polarWorld. But one must not forget that the principles for which NAM stands are just as valid today as they were in a bi-polar World: Sovereignty and non-interference in international affairs of states. Development and equity, anti-colonialism and the championing of South issues.
We still need to be indful of sovereignty and non-interference in the internal affairs of states, we still need to fight againstneo-Colonialismespecialty ofunequal economic terrins for the South beca Lse, regretably, We do not see any great improvement in any of these areas of сопсепп after the disapearance of bi-роlar. Therefore, NAM is still Walid, not in nomenclature, which is a very narrow way of looking at it, but most certainly for what it stands. The million-dollar question is, ofcourse, how NAM may work to realising its arms and it is this area that We hawe to Work on in a practical way. It is to be hoped that the post 10th NAM summit efforts, especially through its new approach to relationships with the international community and international institutions, to which Ambrassador Sutresna has referred, and working with the North as opposed to confrontation With it, would bring about some positive results. Simply put, I would like to see an "Invitation to Dialogue" extended NOT by NAM to the North but by the North to NAM. Then we can be sure that NAM is alive and kicking.

Page 13
Dayalal Abeysekera
The writer professes to be a nonexpert in any matters pertaining to the title of this paper. However, he is determined not to abdicate his respoinsibilities as a citizen of this country and wishes to offer a line of thought which he brazenly feels may offer some hope to anotherwise faltering search for a new constitutional idiom. The writer furtherwishes to punctuatethisintroductory disclaimerbystating that he has hitherto mot Teada single constitution of a country (including that of Sri Lanka) and as at presententertains no wish what-so-e- verto do so in the foraseeable future. He firmly believes that there is a relative abundance of expertise on matters pertaining to constitution framing and legality within the country. As such he dogs not intend to display his ignorance on such matters. The attempt herein is to raise basic issues, clarify certain assumptions, establish quasi-principles (which obviously will have to be brought under the constitutional expert's microscopeif it ever warrants serious consideration), and suggest certain modus operandito establish a framework for enunciating a propeople constitution.
Towards a Pro-People Mode of Representation
The latter part of the preceding sentence Would have undoubtediyhighlighted the Writer's bias to the perceptive reader. Yes, the basic point of departure of this Writer is that the constitution this land is definitely not people friendly; if at all, it is more friendly towards the occupants of positions of power. As such, the chances of hijacking the people's Will, camouflaged as the exercise of democracy through the expression of universal franchise, by
Dr. Abeyasakara, a sociologĺsť s A55ľ. Fasident representative af FORUT, a Swedish NGO in Colombo. These haresca" thoughts do not racessarily refect FORUT thinking,
PEOPLE, POWER A
i - Some heret
the people's repre ptably high. This i. interlocking of the to a political party ехercises apotеп the people's willb through the "party legitimacy by obtai te". The Snowballi stop With the core. tes itself by coop absorbing and con interests and it compromising the short, the party sp S:SUITES – 3 TOT power which gets ple's Will". Juxtapo will" as expressed sting of 100 hous doubtful that the claim evena margi the former at апy of the reign of a pa
Angry and vocife "idealism' libeliev and aimed at this th hopefully the reade if the former is as C. of absence of "the enunciated as gov from the people's r
The dry zone fart of Water While the c on the speedy dis (where? into the dummy1) in the gi Have We at least t phenomena occur ntry and that the ex bly be diverted tos an O.L., studert k surfeit of precipita ring of mountainsin part of the dry zon ring of mountains.l. this mountain ring ata feWvantage poi Of the "excess" Wat
 
 

ND POLITICs tical thoughts
SēritatWes are una CiceSmediated through the people's representative apparatus which in turn ially corrosive effection y literally Super-riding it Will' which derives its ning a "national nandang of power does not of the party; it accentuaiting the bureaucracy, niwing with commercial he Worst of times by judiciary as well. In reads its tentacles and lithic Stranglehold On prostituted as the peoSed with the "people's by any hamlet consisholds, it is extremely party Will' could ever al Correspondence to given point in the life rty elected to govern.
TLS durciatif 2, are already audible termatic discussion but rWould persist with us nvinced of the degree people' front. What is arnment policy flowing handate.
1er latents for the lack Juntry spends millions Dosa of flood Waters Sea, of course, you eater Color Ibo area. Ought that both these Within the same coucess Water may possar Ceir OCalities? Ewen
OWS lihat ther is
Will the Cētr his country. The larges lies just outside this n''tit possible topierce ith a Todest pipeline its and diverta portion rito the thousands of
village tanks, most of which lie in a state of disrepair and abandonment. Without attempting to create massive reservoirs which invariably result in mass human displacement and ecological disasters, why not harness the energy that the water Will generate when flowing from the highlands to the dry zone (at near sea level) by a network of smaller power plants?
One doubts that it is the expression of the will of the up-country vegetable farmer to import vegetables from abroad to keep the prices down. One Wonders if even the Consumeriskeen on munching the foreign farmers vegetables after being used to the localone's produce from time immemorial. Doesn't the solution lie in linking up producers and consumers in asymbioticembrace which will result in an organisational structure that is accountable to both the producer and consumer, perhaps, with the ideal of giving the farmer 100 percent more for his produce and at 50 percent less to the consumer (vis-a-vis current "market' prices of the day) while the intervening operation is conducted on an economically viable basisto yield a conScionable profit. Such (some might say, hypothetical) approximations of people's will' could very well abound which have hardly grazed the cutting edge of the party Will'. It is doubtful that the current constitutional setup will ever provide the Пecessary checks and balances and hand over the reins of the governance machinery to the people.
The Habitat's Right to self-Determination Vs. the Omnipotence of Party POWET
The proposed constitutional set up implicitly assumes that each habitat (gaIngodella) should have the right to decide What is best for itself, propose Techanisms to achieve the desired state and be in a position of strength to bargain with the State and bureaucracy to obtain the necessary resources and services toWards fulfillment of its set goals.

Page 14
Even with the introduction of the Soulbury Constitution, it is very doubtful that its frameSewernade provision inapracticable sense for the people to achieve their own goals. It was essentially predicated on the assumption of a "benevolent donorignorant recipient relationship in terms of the people's representative and the people. However, Compared with what trainspired after the introduction of the proportionate representation (PR) system, the Soulbury setup at least demarcated periodCaccountability of the people's representative to the people interms of a tangible geographic locality. When the district became the playing arena (rather than the more restricted electorate), the people's representative achieved the practical capacity to evade accountability to the people. In fact, the electors soon after casting their vote went about saying that they did not have a representative. One of the worst forms of non-accountability, unacceptable within a functioning denocracy Was perpetrated om the people with the people's representative gravitating to presenting him/herself as the agent of the party. The party became the ultimate core of power, the omnipotent Source of shakti that could dispense near-unlimited largesse to the chosenfew. Of course, the systern's wealth-generating capacities Were restricted anda SSuch, the hårdOutS were also restricted and had to be distributed on a most-favoured indiwidual basis, The people's will as being personified by the people's representative in any nonhypocriticsense ceased to exist. Apatronclient relationship predicated on a naked instrumental rationality (stripped of the cohesive socio-cultural idiom that was usually found in a feudalistic setting) Was imposed on the people.
The central theme of this discussion is to propose modus operandito make the people the de facto and de jure holders of power and to Take the people's representative function as an effective instrument through which this power is realized for the fulfillment of the people's goals. In other Words, to increase the accountability of the representative to his/her electors as well as to set up checks and balances in Order to actualize the transparency of his/her activities. Due to the gravitation of the representative to an extremely low level of accountability during the Course of the last half century and the tendency
12
of this back-slidingt accepted norm rath: aberration, it is fea proposed hereiпппа me to many a read. be stated that the SE are made in full cogn of the gangrene that politic.
Changing the lima Peoples' Represen
SeWera TodifiCati a substantive qualit: brought about in the bility of the people's rol Todėl Of the ri change drasticallyfr mentality extracting the systematic appli that of the ascetic W pursuit of Worldly agg itself the solesal ring his electors to as defined by the raising the ire of my thren, I wish to slig which should in my c beacon of the new most extrema yathā ns. This is "räffff -јалаІha mesагала red-modification by that "there is root except that Which is people". Obviously from the prevalent ri nite TechanisTSti attitudinalari della non-deWiable north,
To be fair by the pe (RP), She Cannot b wely serve millions The sheer heteroge of a district in terr aspirations will take of RP's capacity 1 proposed that the CI ble letWOrk Of COS essence in the qL efective RPs capa electors to the pro front.
Apart from this nE many undesirablef nerated With the int ct-based Choicea ol was pointed out ear

to be ordained as the rthan the temporary red that the surgery y sound rather extreBr, HoWEVer, it must remedial proposals Samce of the Wirler C8 has set into the body
ge and Role of the stative
oms are imperative if ative change is to be functional accountarepresentative. The epresentative has to om thetinpot dictator compliance through cation of Coercion to lo has TeOuced the jrandizement and set wation goal of delivea better quality of life Etter. At the risk Of fellow Buddhistorehtly Todify a stanza pinion be the guiding representative in the Wadha kär SEIme saгanagangпga g warang"(underscothe writer) meaning her salvation for me Tediated through the his is a quantum leap eality and needs defito institutionalize this vioural change as the
ople's representative e expected to effectof voters in a district. neity of the population Tis of its needs and an absolute mockery o serve. Thus, it is "EatiữTI C,f a TTlaflägeåtituencies is of prinTe |est for regenerating ble of leading one's ised laid from the
3edWE hawe Seer the Batures which self-geroduction of the distrirepresentatives. As lier, the lack of a bona
fide representative from the point of view of the voter on the one hand couplied with the drastic reduction in the level of accountability in the RPs to the electors on the other is a non-tolerable feature of a functioning democracy. The undue advantages reaped by candidates with relatively high national or regional profile (such as past ministers, popular film stars and even university doms) vis-a-vis neW (perhaps more dynamic and progressive) candidates is yet another drawback which seriously jeopardized the assumption of fairplay. The conspicuous intrusion of the quantum of disposable II (investable?) wealth as a key factor in ensuring one's success at the hustings unfairly placed poorer candidates at a distinctive disadvantage. High expenditure naturally imposed the economic necessity of recovering this "investment'. Within a restricted title span which in turn invariably led to the institutionalization of corruption as the accepted way of life of the RP. The Voters of a district when defined as "fair prey" for all candidates within one party led to the breakdown of unity within the party which seriously undermined the basic rationale for organizing a political party, viz., unity of purpose of theaspirants to membership of that party.
The foregoing would indicate that the present systern of electing district-based representatives cannot be tolerated within an accountable and transparent democracy. Our proposalis, in a Way, to go back to what prevailed, but with certain conspicuous modifications. The similarity with the Soulbury set up is that We should go back to the electorate with an Indetifiable RP, patently accountable to his/her ellectors. The election of the RP is primarily predicated on the receipt of a simple majority of Votes (the so-called "first-past-the-post'system). However, certain elements of proportionate representation will be superimposed on this result of a simple majority which might entail minor reversals of this primary result. This We shall explain later in more detail, by exploring a hypothetical example (see, pp. 14-20).
Rationale for Redemarcation of Electorates
must confess to my ignorance of the provisions made in the Soulbury set up for de Tarcation of electorates. However,

Page 15
the re-demarcation of the electorate is very much a central theme in this paper as the foregoing denLinclation of the district-based election of RPS may have implied. Manageability interms of size, the relative homogeneity of the population and contiguity of the landarea demarcated are the three vital axes emphasized in the re-demarcation exercise.
What should be the optimal size of the electorate? Any numeric cut-off would be as arbitrary as any other. However, accepling the principle that any hamlet or village should be afforded the right to choose what is best for them, within reason, this cut-off can never be nearer the millions, if at all, closer to the thousands. We also note that a relative homogeneity Interms of lifestyle exists between villages in close proximity to each other. Thus, in order to strike a balance we would like to propose that an electorate should ideally not deviate from within a range of between 15,000-20,000 voters. Accordingly, our Concrete propose dist0 rederTarCate ellectorates so that at the inception, each electorate will have 15,000 voters. This number could be allowed to grow up to 20,000 at which point, another redemarcation is to be effected so that the figure is one again brought down to 15,000 voters. In areas where there is no excessiVenetin-migration, this 33 percent growth may well take 15 or more years."
The Writer can almost hear the denouncers' fingers flying overtheir calculators. With just over 10 million voters, at the Worst lamproposing a house of representatives in excess of 650 RPs or at the every best, one with 500 RPs. Surely with even Mother India having just over 500 RPs to fend for its gargantuan near one billion population, the writter must certainly be off his rocker. Perhaps. But we never promised to discuss a change of relative insignificance. After all, these are supposed to be "heretical thoughts'. So, once again, we appeal to the reader to stay with us because we sincerely think
" (It might be pertinent to point out that we have shownelsewhere-Lanka Guardiam of 75th Octobar, 1993 "Voters and Population Growth: The Need for Vigilance"- that our voter registration system is currently running at a higher level than what the population figures would seem to show. Some suggestions for tightening up the registration system are made therein.)
thattheenlirety oft ty of the populatio relatively unbiasec their heads togeth Salvage a depend mode of equitables pment for the large that concurrently a sperity as well.
A house of rep RPS becomes a E tion for a populat Lankans. But if the found in nine hous cated geographic t ties, obligations an proposition would s portion of its incred Will still be somew their heads butlet's their thoughts and
Yes. If you are drift, what is being nothing less thanth illiament in the mai existed during the era. But before you Vehement protesta you that there is a like, hopefully in meritocracy-based p0Sed Wilhlm - our di We expand on this r is imperative that W Constitution of the E (or whatever numb nomenclature Is not modified but the e5 understand the iss being addressed so discussion could en ping these thought pi nal level of benefit majority of the peopl
Setting up Regiona Councils
The next heretical tting up of regional Country. We do no number of regional c but if they are to be from the existing pro they should adhere Contiguity of geograp thin the region and h

e microscopic minori
who are capable of thinking need to put r if the country is to ble and Sustalimable cioeconomic de Velomajority of the people Sures peace and pro
sentatives With 650 ar ridiculous proposiOn Of 17 Tillion Sri enumbers are to be is with clearly demarOUndaries, rights, dujurisdictions, then the Jirely lose a large proulity. Of course, there ho Would be shaking leave them to gather O'We Or.
begining to catch our | proposed herein is ë abolition of the Parmer im Which it has post-independence go into tantrums and tions, lette assure Tore lean, businessTore efficient and Parliament being proscussion. But before lational Parliament, it remove on with the 50 RPS in their line er of) Councils. The important and can be sential feature is to Lues and principles that an enlightened sue aimed at develorocesses to a functiocence for the large 9.
til (Provincial?) -
| proposal is the seCouncils within the ti have an optimum ouncils to be created recreated (deviating vinces, for example) to the principles of thic areas falling wiоппоgeneity ofаgro
climatic terrain Which in turt Would exert a homogenizing influence on the principle source of livelihood of the majority of people. We believe that certain proposals to this effect have already been made by several experts. It is to review the efficiency of such proposals made and to modify or adopt them if they meet the test of scrutiny.
Since it is somewhat difficult to relate to two or more new constructs and follow a line of reasoning let us assume that the existing provinces will persist as the regional entities in the proposed reorganization of the socio-political administration of the country. Thus, there will be nine (or eight?) regional or provincial councils, each with a sitting house of representatiWes of its own. Since the prime assumption of this reorganization is the restoration to each village or hamlet the right to determine what is best for itself within reason, we propose that all essential Thatters concerning the land mass of the provincial council be taken out of the national parliament and handed over to the former. This means that all development-based financial handling, civil administration, law and order and land concerning the geographic area of the province, should come within the purview of the provincial council (PC). Only matters pertaining to the Judiciary, national defence, mass scale natural disasters, infrastructural development activities concerming two or more provinces should fall within the pail of the national parliament. In effect, what we are proposing is that the PCs should be granted de facto authority towards self determination; however, they should mot, inoLur opinion, be granted the right to secede since the principle of a unitary state is to be safeguarded at (almost) all costs. Since it is possible that certain actions of the national parliament Could be construed as undermining a particular province's right to self determine, easy access should be provided to bring such points of difference to the independent (national) judiciary which would adjudicate on the matter. This would readily provide a safety valve against the building up of grievances which have a tendency towards fuelling Cessationist propensities.
To be Confinued

Page 16
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Page 17
Sri Lanka in Germa
Bernd Schiller
hree sections, only three, characterize the reports about Sri Lanka in the German Media- and all three are conne
First there is the government's fight against the Tamil rebels in the northern part of the island, the Tamil Tigers. If there are dead men on One or the other side of the Combatants its at best reflected in an agency report of 10 lines on the very last pages of our newspapers. Only if there is a spectacular bomb attempt like last Week against a battle ship of the Sri Lankan Navy, ora terroristattackagainst ministers or even—like last year om May 1st - against the president, also the TW-newsmention this so called smouldering civil War. TW-magazines like "WeItspiegel" or "Auslandsjournal" hardly ewer show report from the land of Sons of Lions (the Singhalese) and Tigersand if they do, then mostly with subliminal sympathy for "the boys", as the Tamils called their Warriors With affection on One and respection the other hand.
Those articles Scarcey mention at all, that the Tigers are a cruel terror-group, just like the ETA or the IRA or—not too long ago - the PLO, financed and supplied by similar sources in the Middle East. Also do they scarcely mention that the Tigers don't have a very significant support in their own Tamil population. The Thajority of the people in Sri Lanka, whether they are Singhalese or Tamils, Buddhists or Hindus, Christians or Muslims, is tired of murdering, weary of violence and Counterviolence. Plus – | have mot heard nor read in Germany that the Tigers have to use their terror even against the "inside", against their own compatriots and fellow Hindu, to be able to recruit people and food at all.
To the second section: Besides the civil War tourism is of current interest. Since 1983, that is since the outburst of the bloodiest riots during the very old quarrel between Singhalese and Tamils, the very same Saying has been said over and over ΗgHIΠ:
"There's he in paradise"
That Sounds handy, and at least during that summer 1983 it fits perfectly well. also have to admit of use this metaphor myself. Once in a While.
Let's keep in mir no island on earth, red to paradise sc there was a search Eden so often, tha legendary "Land of the "Island of jewe beautiful, royal and Lanka.
For now 150 ye praised no other tri same Way they han which truly and with dible:
"Ceylon. So the heavenly island, so We stand deep insi tropics." In 1905 the globetrotter Julius M self that enthusias notebook, and in th and nobel prize Wi himself, a Thore dow Who exclairTed, aft mbo, the part beat Toutair Sri Pada ||
"Truly, this is parad Se"
Even earlier, 700 bian tra Weller and S. of Ceylon:
"She is the best of
And today there a ters, who continue by defining Sri Lank
WhOEVETES Visi that the travel report You Willindeed find se; friendy people, and breathtakingly ButOSeriOLIStraWel bringing up the touri
MWhaf is fo doard w which regions are fe
These are the corr of the time, what prol ble, the background upon briefly.
At best the thous:
 

d: There's no country, that has been compamany times, where ling for the Garden of n the old Ceylon, the yacinth Sard rubies", illery", the bright and
thriving country': Sri
ars Germar travellers opical destination the we adored this island, Outary doubt is incre
Te We Step Onto this mamy times Sung of. de the fairyland of the a German gentlemanleurer expressed hiritlicly in his published e 20's it was the poet mer Herman Hesse Wn-to-earth character, SThe had 5een Colothes and the sacred (Adam's Peak):
se, it really is parad
| years ago, tha Ara:holar Ibrı Batuta safd
re the Catalogue-Writhe historical pattern aaS paradise.
led the island knows is do not exaggerate. averything they promiWonderful beaches Jeautiful landscapes. геport can do without st's security risk:
at not fostly be safe;
Ymon questions. Most
Jably is Lunderstandais are only touched
ands of years of feud
between the Buddhustic Singhalese and Hindu Tamils, that flare up over again, are mentioned - and at that point there follows the phrase of hell in paradise.
Even the more detailed travel guides, that are supposed to prepare the readers for the Country and its inhabitants, therefore also for possible problems, hardly go into the history of quarrels or for instance the role of the former colonial powers. If you - for example-take a look into the thick. Apa-Guide, you won't find such commentaries. There the island simply degenerates into an exotic scenery for Westem tourists, into an artificial paradise.
Particularly the part of the British, who have played the same perfidious game of divide effnpera as for instance in Palestine, has been absolutely insufficiently light up. (in my booksandtravelguides, Itried, if I may say so, to so to speak"make up" for all that.)
All in all the German readers and spectators lack that little background knowledge, that Would be necessary to put the conflict in its place-abitmore distinctivly. I have even been asked by journalists, therefore a group, who are supposed to be better informed than average:
"Really, what's up there; what's tallabout anyway, Why do the beat each other black and blue."
Seriously, flat and simple are those questions. And many times hawe been asked: "why is it only the Tamils, who corte to apply for asylum, Why mot members of other ethnic groups?" That brings me to the third section about which we, here in Germany, hear more often, but still very vaguely. We read about Tamils seeking asylum, who-in the past more than nowadays-are brought into the country - sometimes by criminal gangs. But I believe, that the German public is not informed properly about the situation of the minority in Sri Lanka, about their (by the way in the meantime) - incredibly improved-chances for education, about their job prospects, about their past as a part of the economic and cultural elite of the country.
So now have reached the deficiencies,
15

Page 18
about which there is in too little press Coverage, even though there are almost 100,000 Germans who book a few weeks of vacation the island of Sri Lanka.
First of all there is the topic"economy". SriLankawent through an amazing development. During the years of civil warlike riots, through which most regions of the country were still quiet, something like a little economic miracle took place. But hardly any travel report, no article about the Tamil troubles ever discusses the new middle class northedrawbacks of the new prosperity (that of course Would be much Inore impressive without the civil War since the state of Sri Lanka pays for the fight against the Tigers about as much as they earn through the booming tourism.) The drawback is determined by
rapidly increasing traffic without simuitaniously growing infrastructure,
Sпоg,
loss of identity in parts of the by now mostly western orientated city population (almost nobody-wears saris and Sarongsапуmore),
environmental problems.
But the drawbacks also have a positive side-effect: People become committed to feminist or ecological movements, who achieve remarkable results in fighting against new hotels, ruining landscapes and migration from the land.
We do not getto know much about that either. An exception, if I may Say SO, is Sometimes the BRIGITTE, "my" magazine. In our latest edition for instance we introduce a major - very successfullWomen's organsation (Agromart) and discuss it in a considerably detailed report.
But the biggest single project conceming Sri Lanka's so called progress is not known Wellenough. Iam talking about the Mahawell-dan-project, one of the largest in the World, after all the German tax payers participated with upteen millions, the German industry and commerce provided experts and other kind of construction assistance. There are a lot of matohing topics, also about the ecological problems of this huge project. In the German media: almost zero.
Instead criticism is been used almost like a cliche - over and over again - without having done any research, whether the conditions may have changed. That is the case in nearly all the articles or remarks about the Tamil teapluckers situation in the highlands. One author or
16
journalist seems to althoughstrong tra ring state of conscic the plantation own rkable improvemen
Positive backgro politics concerning: about all the other Despite intensives and attentive studyi rtant daily and wee not find anything abc of the former preside I see anything in t Progra Tirnes of our dasa, in the meantin not only Wain and hi, himself by distributi every village, no: he rybody a roof over hawe sounded first li had remarkable suc new housing schem
Instead of Tientior gress even some q papers Created (ou exaggerated horror:
But this surer We call it -a goodp Sed attention. All the pers, especially Fra Frankfurter Rundsch balanced and in det Campaign and later: minister. In this con Emphasize Mr. Er theast Asia correspc. furter Allgemeine, an
After the victory of nge all the nationwic important Weeklypa portraits of Mrs. K. T the latest situation an the widely held hop SiOS With thE Tai COTparable to North Middle East where nobody would have a reason to hope for
But also scepticisr political conditions oc Headlines like "Thef gsblatt) or "The Tige cages yet" (Frankfur flect the ambivalence COrtinOUS trouble.
The personality oft ster, Who might also be Was fully appreciated, daughter of two for

:opy from the other, uniors and an alleIsness (even among
s) resulted in rema
Ind reporting about riLanka is as rare as latters. An example: arching in archives Ig of the most impoly newspapers did it the housing project ht FPrerTnadaSa nOrdid e forelgnпаgazine V-ChaППels. Premaeassassinated, Was Idleft a memorial to ng a clock tower to also promised ewehis head. What may ke an holloW COCOmut cess. Thousands of as were built.
ing this positive prouality weekly newstside the elections) CeniarOS.
Sri Lanka had - a5 |re55, al least increamajor daily newspankfurter Allgemeine, au und taz, reported ailabOL ut the election about the new prime |text Would like to ard Haubold, SÕuindent of the Frankexcellent reporter.
Chandrika KurTiratule dallys and all the bers published great hey also dealt with idiscussed at length e for peace-discusls. The situation is left Ireland or the until not long ago expected truce and
OECE.
Til towards the new curred in the articles. ear stays" (SonntarS are mot in their ter Allgemeine) re
between hope and
he new prime mini
a the next president, her heritage as the er prime ministers
萎
(Solomon Bandaranelike and his widow, "Mrs. B.") has been put into today's politiCal Context.
suppose, the Sri Lanka embassy's
representative of the press and also the
ambassador himself can be satisfied with the clippings in the German press before, during and after the elections. Quite the reverse on TV: No background information, Chandrika's victory was not even mentioned by the Tagesschau, the most Important news, but only by the “Heute Journal" and no lenghty report was given in the “Tagesthemen", the background news. As I said before: 100,000 Germans. yearly travel to that tropical island state; Germany isan immensly important trade partner. The Deutsche Bankin Colombo already counts 100 employees and their manager, a man from Hamburg, sees a great potential for German economy in the country. German television does not reflect any of this.
Finally and to complete the picture would like to go atopic that has been receiving attention for the past 60 years among people who are interested in it. Sri Lanka is the horne of pure Buddhist teaching. Since excellent German scholars have published about the Theravada (or Hinayana) Buddhism for decades now, there is no other country wherefrom so many spiritually interested tourists travel to Sri Lanka for the purpose of meditation. Three names may stand for this kind of contemplation. First of all there is the Reverend Nyanatiloka and then the Reverend Nyanaponika, a Jewish German who was consecrated a monk in 1937 by the first.
And finally the honourable Ayya Khema, who was consecrated nun in 1979 In
Sri Lanka and who has created an interest
and affection towards. Sri Lanka's most important religion, that also characterizes the island's everyday life, by her papers and seminars.
I would like to conclude my exposition with a quotation of the Wen, Nyanaponika. | hawe visited him Several times in his hermitage near Kandy and he wrote me the following sentence as a dedication in a book:
"May the fight of Buddha's teaching brighten up the lives and thoughts of Tiany men all through their daily life, so no part of their journey through life may slay in the dark"
believe that this final remark harmonzes With the topic of our Conference, and I hope you do not mind my quoting it here.

Page 19
THE SRI LANKA CONFLICT
History of Negotiations
Elizabeth Nissa
About Inter
International Alert is an independent international NGO estɛ and the Netherlands. The organisation seeks to contribute to th through dialogue and furthering the observance and enhanceme
With a motto of "There is no freedom where there is no peac to unite countries divided by ethnic and internal conflict. Worki government and opposition groups, the mediators analyse the call of conduct to avoid violence, thus helping to develop the skillsne
The organisation informs government, inter-governmental and about potential and actual conflicts to enable harnessing of inter
International Alert's current activities include:
--- Training: Establishing a network of trainers to help negotiat
Early Warning & Preventive Diplomacy: Sharing informati and emergency situations, how to recognise the danger signa
Self-Determination: Campaigning for the establishment of Self-Determination and assess the claims.
Conflict Resolution in the Soviet Union: International Alert the for Iner Solivet Union and is now developing various initia
Peace and Negotiations in Africa: International Alert is ex in South Africa and Kenya.
For the successful implementation of its role, International international standards of human rights and humanitarian laws, Alert has Čori:Sultative Status, Category II, with the UN Ecomo
Funding for International Alertis obtained from a wide ranged agencies, charitable trusts and foundations.
This document provides an overview of the various agreements made by the Sri Lankan Government regarding the Tamils' claims to equality and, latterly, self-determination and gives the current status of those agreements. It is a technical document and does not attempt to set any of the events it records in their political or social context. This is not because those contexts are considered unimportant but rather that the need to provide a factual record of the central agreements in each negotiation in as concise a manner as possible was the objective.
It is hoped that this will be useful to all those concerned with and interested in a negotiated peace being established in Sri Lanka and will provide a useful reference for scholars and practitioners alike.
Chronology of Events
FEBRUARY 1948 Ceylon Citizenship Act passed, Indian Tamils lose citizenship
MAY 1952 UNP wins general election; Dudley Senanayake as Prime
 

2 Chronology
national Alert
blished in 1985 and is a registered charitable foundation in the UK e resolution of internal conflict by promoting peace and conciliation mt ofinternational humanitarian and human rights standards.
2," International Alert provides a unique non-governmentaliniative ng from a position of committed neutrality with all parties including ise of internal conflict, enable dialogue to take place and set standards cessary to resolve conflict non-violently.
international agencies, non-governmental institutions and the public Tational opinion for conflict resolution at the early stages.
ors to develop skills for dealing with conflict,
an and ideas with a wide range of actors on how to predict conflict ls and how to develop appropriate mechanisms to avert violence.
suitable mechanisms in International Law to define the concept of
has undertaken a number of fact-finding missions to regions within tives for the resolution of ethnic conflict there.
panding its programme in Africa during 1994 and 1995 particularly
Alert maintains a position of committed neutrality, strictly bound to and impartiality with regard to the parties in any conflict. International lic and Social Council.
is national and international organisations which include development
|-
H
Minister until Augsut 1953, when he resigns and is replaced by Sir John Kotelawala
APRIL 1956 MEP coalition wins general election; SWRD Bandaranaike becomes Prime Minister
JULY 1956 Official Language Act passed ('Sinhala only)
JULY 1957 Bandaranaike-Chelwanayakam Pact
MARCH 1958 Anti-"Sri" campaign : ,
APRIL 1958
Abrogation of Bandaranaike-Chelwanayakam Pact
SEPTEMBER 1959 SWRD Bandaranaike assassinated; Dahanayake forms govеппппепt
DECEMBER 1959 Parliament dissolved
7

Page 20
MARCH 1960 Dudley Senanayake forms government following elections in which UNP was returned as largest party, but without overall пajority
3OMARCH 1960 Federal Party statement of minimum demands
APRIL 1960 Govemment defeated in parliament elections called; Mrs Bandaranaike assurnes presidency of SLFP
JULY 1960 SLFP wins general election; Mrs Bandaranaike as Prime Minister
OCTOBER 1964 Indo-Ceylon Agreement ('Sirima-Shastri Pact')
MARCH 1965 UNP-led "National Government' under Dudley Senanayake, following general election
MARCH 1965 Senanayake-Chelwanayakam Pact
MARCH 1966 Tamil Language Regulations published in Gazette
MAY 1970 Coalition government under Mrs Bandaranaike formed after general election
APRIL 1971 JWP insurgency
MAY 1972 Tamil United Front formed; TUF 6-point plan
MAY 1972 Republican consitution
MዘፆኒነY 19W6 Waddukoddai resolution adopted by newly formed TULF
JULY 1974 Sirira-Gandhi Pact
JULY 1977 UNP win general elections;JR Jayawardene as Prime Minister
1978 Second Republican Constitution creates executive presidency
AUGUST 1980 District Development Councils Act
JULY 1983 Widespread violence against Tamils
AUGUST 1983 Sixth Amendment to the Constitution prohibits advocacy of separatism
JANUARY - DECEMBER 1984 All Party Conference
JUNE 1985 is Jayawardene/Rajiv Gandhi summit
JULY - AUGUST 1985 Thimpu talks
"EEEE_______
18

AUGUST 1985 를 Draft Framework of Terms of Accord and Understanding ("Delhi Accord")
Chidambaram
JUNE 1986 Political Parties Conference
JULY 1987 Indo-Sri Lanka Accord; Indian Peace Keeping Force
NOWEMBER 1987 13th amendment to the Constitution provides for Provincial Councils
LATE 1988 Citizenship granted to remaining stateless Indian Tamils
1988 - END 1989 JVP insurgency
DECEMBER 1988 R Peadasa Wil SS Presidential ElectiÕITIS
FEBRUARY 1989 UNP wins parliamentary elections
1989 All-Parties Conference APRIL 1989 - JUNE 1990 Talks between government of Sri Lanka and Tamil Tigers
MARCH 1990 Last IPKF soldier leaves
1991-1993 Parliamentary Select Committee
MAY 1993 President Premadasa assassinated; DB Wijetunga becomes president
AUGUST 1994 People's Aliance wins general election; Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunge becomes Prime Minister
Summary of Negotiations, Consultations and Legislation Relating to Tamil Grievances
.
Date
19 August 1956
Position Statement
Federal Party's demands to Prime Minister SWRD. Bandaranaike following the Trincomalee Convention.
Main issues
Demanded within one year:
1) Federal constitution;
2) Parity of status for Tamil and Sinhala languages;
3) Repeal of existing citizenship laws which discriminate
against people of Indian descent;
4) Immediate halt to the colonisation of traditional Tamil
speaking areas with Sinhala people;
Threatened "direct action by non-violent means" if these
derrarlds Wefe not Tet.
(Tobe Continued)

Page 21
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Page 22
THEATRE
“LIHINI” — A “Maya Shak
("Lihini" performed recently at Lionel Wendt Thea
SE theatre of the 1980's slowed a significant improvement in theatreI Craft, particularly in disciplined acting and in Some very good ensemble playing. However no particular theatre style seemed to energe, and while the drmatists continued to be increasingly incoherent and verbose, the tendency to distort and caricature Brechtian and existentialist theatre in translation and adaptation, continued apace. As a result, Sinhalatheatre consisted either of slick entertainmentor of plays with inadequately analysed social
philosophy.
The play "Lihini" is a distinct departure from the usual sort of Sinhala play we have seen in the recent past. It provides neither Sempty entertatinment nor empty social philosophy. It is the first | hawe seen of the productions by the Maya Shakthi group and illustrates a very successful attempt at developing a naturalistic style
in Sinhalaitheatre.
Maya Shakthi was first planned as a
refinement of the very successful and
effective theatre training group conducted by Dhamma Jagoda, the Ranga Shilpa Shalika. After Dhamma's death, his wife i Manel Jagoda, together with several other talented people in theatre field, notably
20
- Parakrama Niriella and H.A. Perera decided toform Maya Shakthi as an experimeintal theatre group. This group favours a metaphysical approach emphasising the development of consciousness in addition to acquiring the basic stage techniques needed for competent acting. They ... emphasise spirituality rather than surface craft and their values include teamwork, cooperation and the need to acquiresome degree of self awareness as a prelude to good acting. They take an exploratory approach to acting and stagecraft and the goal is the development of an universal, impersonal acting style. The cathartic effect actinghas on the performer has also been recognised by this group as an important function of theatre. This is actually a important though little recogniSed function of amateur theatre.
Though based i Shakthi has had the Wing access to theat the country through with theatre people exposure has inclus such as the "physical of GrotoWski. One SL Connolly, who was Wing attention to th Australian dramatist play became the ba
The play "Lihini" is ged boy, Kalinga W his sister. The cast characters, the Siste ghbour who helps t The play deals with these four charact CXCerciSe in natura nced by Stanislaws the first page of the as a publication. We cted and superbly Commendable Wert. T10de. There WBre performances by M kshman Mendis, ar rmances by Dharm Ramya WanigasekE a sustained perform derable stamina. He sort of spastic and the full duration of usual showed mus and provided a goo thod' acting of the ty
The stage setting stic theme, with re and even real sand lighting was used t than is usualĩn Sinh rly designed stage beach, living room With action SEt in Weгe lighlпіпg quit Which indicated the the cloths the Ilsely emphasised the r but nevertheless v

thi” Production
re)
| Sri Lanka, Maya good fortune of hae ideas from Outside a series of contacts from abroad. Their eding WrmOWementS Bättre" and the Work chcontact was Chris responsible for draa play "Gulls' by the Robert Hewett. This is for "Eihini".
i about a brair damaho is looked after by contains two other r's lower and the meio look after Kalinga. he interplay between *rs. This play is aп listic theatre, influey, who is quoted on
play, now available: Il produced, Well dire
acted, it was a very Ire in the ChekhoWian
beautifully subdued amel Jagoda and Lad two virtuoso perfoajith Punarjeeva and ra. Punarjeeva's was ance callingforconsi| played Kalinga asa was on the stage for the play, Ramya, as h stage prescence, d contrast to the "MeW0 main CharacterS.
followed the naturaliall tables, real chairs, om the beach. Stage ) a far greater extent alatheatre, The cleve
set included a sea and two bedrooms, ach of these. There k Costume changes, passage of time, and es, in rruted ColourS, eutral, indeterminate estern setting of the
play. It is greatly to Punarjeeva's credit that he did not nativise the play and thereby make it lookridiculous. The 'special effect of seagulls, manipulated by three actors, was interesting even if the symbolism did not come out clearly. The music, which commanded attention in its own right, Was by Premasiri Khemadasa.
The were defects, but most were due to insufficient rehearsing at the Lionel Wendt itself. The music Was a trifle too loud, the lighting effects needed a little more practise, the seagulls Were a little too large for the Wendt stage, and the actors could of beheard very clearly from the back of the auditorium. Also the play Was too long.
"Lihini" also heralds the arrival of a significant new talent to the Sinhala stage - Dharmajith Punarjeeva. A Soft spoken young man in his late twenties, Punarjeewashows a deep commitment to theatre,
His handling of "Lihini' showed patience
and care. It also demonstrated his versati
lity. Punarjeeva is the translator, the dire
ctor, the chiefactor and the designer of the stage set for "Lihini'. He has been Successful at all four levels - a rare achievement. Puntarjeeva produced several prize winning plays while in school, and later won the UNDA award at the OCIC film making course. After completing his A Levels, he decided he wished to work in the theatre and went in search of a suitable training. He joined the team of "Puntila' as a production assistant and 'gopher. He has been with Maya Shakthi from 1991 and has produced several plays with this group.
Though naturalistic theatre has long
been apart of the European theatre tradition, it has not become a part of the post-independence Sinhalatheatre tradtion. This review is written in the hope that it will encourage the bi-lingual intelligentsia of this country to see "Lihini", as this type of theatre cannot survive without their Support.
Kamalika Pieris

Page 23
Why there's sc in this rustic1
There is laughter and light banlet artongst these rural dansels who are busy sorting out tobacco leaf in a barn, it is one of the hundreds of such
barns spread out in the mid and upcountry
intermediate zone where the arable and remains fallow during the offseason.
Here, with careful Turturing, tobacco grows as a ucrative cash Cropard the green leaves turn to gold... to the value of over Rs. 250 million or more annually, for perhaps 143,000 rural folk.
 

ENRICHING RURALLIFESTYLE
bund of laughter tobacco barn.
Tobacco is the industry that brings employment to the second highest number of people. And these people are the tobacco barn owners, the tobacco gTCWETS a Tid those who Work for theT, on the la Tid 2ric ir the bır T5.
For the III, the tobacco leaf means Tearingful work,
a confortable life and a secure future. A good enough reason for laughter.
CeylonTobacco Co. Ltd.
$hring and caring for our land and her people.

Page 24
PEOPL,
Celebrating
Dynam
In 1961 People's Bank ventured out in t
of only 46... and a few hundred custome
Today, just 33 years later
People Resource exceeds 10, Customer Listings at a Stagg Branch Network in excess of
in Sri Lanka
=چے In just three decades People's Bank has
in the SriLankan Banking scene. Their sp resources at their command dedicatec
dedication that has earned them the titl
IPEOPLIE'S BAINIII
Banker to the Millions

ES BANK
Three DeCadeS
Of
iC GirOV/Vth
he challenging World of Banking with a staff
S.
000
ering 5.5 Million
328, THE LARGEST
grown to become a highly respected leader ectacular growth is a reflection of the massive to the service of the common man - a
e "Banker to the Millions'