Page 1
VO. 18 No. 13 November 15, 1995 Price R
VyVHENT JAF
VV hat
CAPTAIN COOK AND PROF. GANANATH - revisited
- Ron Brunton.
BLACK JULY
– K M. de SÍ/Va
THE SCHOLAR SHAKEA
- CI. Karunatilace
KARACHI: Can E
Re-reading Sri
 

PD AAN
S.10.00 Registered at GPO, Sri Lanka QD/33/NEWS/94
FNA FALLS
meXKtt 2 - Mervyn de Silva
Tony Clifton
S. W. R. D. - after Oxford
- Ananda Wellihena
DRUGS AND QUALITY CONTROL
- K. Palasanthian
AJITH AS EDTOR
- Jayantha Somasundaram
Benazir do a Rajiv 2
- Mani Shanlcar Aiyar
Lankan history
- Jonathan Spencer

Page 2
WITH THE BEST
ELEPHANT HOUS
OUALITY AT AFFC
NO 1 JUSTICE
CCLC)

COMPLIENTS
E SUPERMARKET
ORDABLE PRCES
A. Il-KEBAR MWAWWA THA
NMEBO 2.

Page 3
WEFWSE4CKGROUWID
WHEN JAFFINA
Merwyn de Silva
military victory and a Snap
election. Is that President Charldrika Kumaratunga's grand game-plan? With the mood of the Sinhalese, an Overwhelming majority (74%), the P.A. could ble Certain of a rUrlaway polls wictory, Say most P.A. actiWists, Ewen the less optimistic are quite sure that the eight-party alliance, no grand alliance really, Would do far' better thar the quite middlest 50%; Votein Augustast yearilt Was Candidate Chandrika that made the P.A.'s position far more stable with her unprecedented 62-63%. UNP'ers do attempt to make this record less impressive by emphasising the effect of the Dissanayake assasination. True, Gamini Dissanayaka was a formidable challenger and his widow Srima had rarely addressed a party rally but that fact alone could not explain Candidate Chandrika's mass appeal, in Novelber, Chief Minister of the Westerri proWince in 1993, Prime Minister in August 1994 and President in November 1994 is a phenomenon which can be fully explained only in terms of personality.
Of course a politician's extraordinary appeal cannot be explained in the same tems as a Marilyn Monroe or a Mohaimmed Ali (Cassius Clay). Between the mid-August General election and the NOWCTiber face-lo-face, tw0 new factors reed to beadTitted to the di SCUSSIÖrfir St. a percentage shift of the not-so committed voter who now decides to join the Winning side, a reaction best explained in terms offolk Wisdom (Vaaspiańëla Floya...). But more crucially in Ty view, the solid backing of the minorities-the Tamils and the Christians, the north-western Catholic belt in particular. This was a spirited confidence-Votein "the peace candidate", already the favourite daughter of the US-led coalition put together by the local representatives of the Western alliance; after the former Marxist, CorTrade Clardrika had been persuaded of course to recognise the prower wirtues of private enterprise.
The main plank of this strategy collapsed when the LTTE took the P.A. by
complete surprise EELAM WEI.
NuITlBr5, aTITIOLIT - а пеw approaci Commander Gerry COITTITlar)ders, in thİ: 19r E| Rohan DalUWE Perra etc, from FORWARD, through 2, THUNDERSTR RIWI RESA (SUNRA
There's a big diffe Watte is deciding th no hurry. He has r a minimum by not choose time and dently, he enjoys the Deputy Defence Mir | Rat Watte WTO visit the front frequ realise, is Wital.
And this time, the a beating at the har army, That was not When the IPKF at Qg5ivg OPERAT "It Wasaolument Narayan Swamy in of the IPKF's wara: guerrillas, THE T (Konark Publishers
in the first few WE 0 slow down Of he and his troops. But modest timetable, : Lives, General Da Outskirts of the Ort HELT TE EditSS fled the City, Lt. GEn former ATTy Com the significance of - Ef CLTITElt: " take on the army hawe stuck to guer| first-rate at that".
The battlefield strengthen Presic C358 — the Ca563 5

S TAKEN ...
t0 laul ather
tactics and strategy l, adopted by Army Silva and his Senior S instance Major-Geatte, Brigadier Janaka OPERATION LEAP 1 HANDSHAKE | Erld KE to G GUITE.It YS).
PETICE. General Dalue tirse-table. He is in educed casualties to allowing the LTTE to place. Afid quite è WifulleStCorfiden.Cg Of 1İStar, Lt. Col. ArıLIrudhad made a point to ently. Morale, We all
a "Tigers' hawe taken
S of thB , Sri Lakan tg Cagli Oct. 1987 Inched its first major CNPAWAN (Wind). B|Bunder"Wrota M.R. he best detailed study gainst a few thousand |GERS OF LANKA
eks, the LTTE did try llt Gearal Dalu Watte adwaning on his own and Caraful IOtto risk UWatte reached the lern capitalto findthat niOT COT || Tlanders had eral Dernis Perera, the mander, Summed up he Army's success in They (LTTE) tried to lead-on. They should illa Warfare. They are
victories not merely derit KurTiara tunga's he placed before the
international community on her trip to New York for the U.N.'s 50th anniversary celebrations - but keeps the arTed forces happy, despite the casualties. The Army has been able to pursue its ownstrategy dnitSOWnterns. Andithas madets point. The artiny's success compelled the LTTE to opеп а. пеw front — Colоппbo. The sabotage at the Kolonnawa oil depots and East Week's terrorist attacks in Colomb0 are a definite sign that things have NOT gone the LTTE way--notatall, The LTTE seems to hawe underestimated the army's resourcesorower-estimated its own Capacity to adopt the methods of conventional Warfarë, Just as it administered Jaffia successfully enough to believe that it had established a government, the LTTE felt it could take on an army frontally.
GUARDAN
Wol. 1B i No. 13 November 15, 1995
FS. TODO
Published fortnightly by Lanka Guardian Publishing Co. Ltd. No. 246, Union Place Colombo -2.
Editor: Mervyn de Silva Telephone: 447584
Printed by Ananda Press 825, Sir Ratnajothi SaravanarTuttu Ma Watha, Color Tıbro 13. Telephone: 435975
CONTENTS
An Uncertain Triumph Conflict and Foreign Policy (5) A Solution to Karach S.W.R.D.: Making of Scholar The Return of the Mulsaws 1.
TE PEGET
Prigggit Sri Liriki 1 Correspondence 17 Garlariath CEEyesekÉire
and Capta ir Čolak 1.
PrСЕ

Page 4
An Un Certain TriU
By Tony Clifton, with Mervyn de Silva in Colombc
T: Sri Lankan GoW3rnment's 21,000 troops began advancing more cautiously as they reached the out-skirts of Jaffna. There was nothing to gain from rushing in. The Tamil secessionists' capital had become a ghost town, Most of the roughly 10,000 fighters belonging to the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) had melted away into the jungle. As many as 400,000 civilia ninhabitants had flēd för their lives, according to international relief workers inside the city. With nowhere else to run, many of the refugees hunkered down on roadsides outside the city, Waiting for word they could safely go home. That wouldn't happen until the government troops managed to find a Way through the Taze of land mines and booby traps the LTTE had planted around the city before abandoning it.
No one expects the fall of Jaffna to end the war in Sri Lanka. The Tigers hawe fought mercilessly for the last 12 years to create a separate homeland for the Tamil ethnic minority. Since the army launched its latest offensive on Oct 17, Thore than 1,000 LTTE fighters have been killed and possibly three times that number Wounded. But military experts in Sri Lanka predict those losses will make the rebel group even more dangerous. The government is bracing for a new Tiger terror campaign, including mass murders of civilians, Suicide bombings, political assassinations and missile attacks against military aircraft. Security has been tightened at government buildings in the capital, Colombo, and the nation's Schools hawe been ordered shut until the end of the year. Guerrilla bands in the estern jungles are said to have killed more than 100 villagers in the past month-including five children who were hacked to death in a Tigerattack last Week.
The most frustrating part of the slaughter is its apparent senselessness. Late last year Chandrika Kumaratunga took office as president, WOWing to make peace
The fa VI O
capital“ wo
with the Tigers. She and unveiled a plan into self-governingr cognizing the Tamil their own, The pre have given the Tig rything they claime Instead, the LTTE at |ly broke the truce in naval patrol boats.T Kumaratunga insists Tiitted to talking pe "We still believe the to the problem is a p declared in a recent Success at Jaffna CO. rage at the negotiatin decide they want to
That's far from Cer Rouge of Cambodia hardship. The Tamil a reputation for unqu to their leader, Velup matter how bloodthi his orders may be. versin SriLanka exp te more on regroupir seeking a peaceful V Comfortable Jaffna make sure the Tigers WOThan and child,"
India Won'
Shammindra Fe
The Indian gow, an end to Sri La Week, The Indiar no desire to getir
Political analys to the Sri Lankar Created for Tami SOLCe säild.

mph
fie Tar77 iI fend War
Ordered a ceasefire to divide the country gions, effectively res' right to a state of sident's plan Would ers practically ewei to be fighting for. ruptly and unilateraApril by sinking two TE WITTESLIITad, Ygt she retains coace with the Tigers. Only possible solution olitical solution," she speech. The army's ldenhance her leveg table-if the Tigers alk.
tain. Like the Khmer the Tigers thrive om fighters have earned estioning obedience illai Prabhakaran, no sty – or Suicidal – Experienced obserCth|Tito COCCitrang his forces than on way of reclaiming his Teadquarters. "He'||
fight to the last man,
says one veteran
ambassador in Colombo. "Especially the WOThan and child."
Hit and run:
The capture of Jaffna punctured the myth of the Tigers' invincibility and gave the arry's morale a badly needed boost. But the government's forces can't count on continuing their roll. The Tigers set themselves up for defeat by their own overconfidence. Flushed With battlefield Victories against smaller government torays, the rebels abandoned their usual hit-and-run guerrilla tactics. Instead they massed their forces, trying to stop the army's advance using the methods of C0Westiolla | WaffäTE. "THE LITTE tTjed to take on the army head-on," says Lt. Gen. Denis Perera, a forriner Sri Lankan Army commander. "They should have stuck to guerrillaWarfare. They're first-rate at that".
Now Kumaratunga and her troops must guard against a similar lapse of judgment. In a survey taken before the Tigers broke the truce last April, only 16 percent of Sri Lankans said they believed in a military solution to the country's civil War. Recently a follow-up poll taken by the same group, Mitofsky International, found that 67 percent favor a military solution. The Tigers' War against the government has already taken the lives of 50,000 Sri Lankans. The president will need both luck and wisdom to keep that toll from climbing even higher.
Newsweek
t interfere in Sri Lankan problem
"dinando
*rnment has rejected repeated calls for its intervention to bring
kan military offensive in Jaffna, informed sources said this government has indicated in no uncertain terms that it has
Wolved in the northern problem, sources said.
s and diplomatic sources said that India likes to see an end conflict. "India does not want to see a separate homeland s in North-east Sri Lanka just across the Palk Straits," ona

Page 5
Prabhakaran“S extradition report ready by next week
Ravi Ladduwahetty
he Attorney General's DeT. Will finalise the report pertaining to the extradition of LTTE leader Velupillai Prabhakaran within the next Week, an AGA's Department spokesman said.
He further Saīd: "We hawe allost
finalised the examination of all the
doCLUÍTents Which Wil|| |ead to the extradition. We hawe already examined the material in Connection. With the application made by the government of India. However, in the event of requirement of further details, we Will inform the Government of India".
"Once We Submit our documents to the ministry of defence, they will file papers in the High Court of Colombo for the extradition of the LTTE leader. The defence ministry in coinsultation with the High Court of Colombo Will be given "authority to proCeed" Ee Sajid.
However, once the recommendations of the department are submitted to the secretary to the ministry of defence, it will be handed over to
President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga who is also the minister of defence. Then it will be a political decision, the spokesman explained.
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U. Karuinati lake

Page 6
CONFLICT AND FOREIGN POLICY (5)
Black July: The India
K. M. de Silva
he wiolence may perhaps be
called a pogram perpetrated by the majority Sinhala on the minority Sri Lanka Tamils. Since 1977, there were sporadic irStarces of wiole rice ard COLLI riter-wiollerce perpetrated by both the ethnic ComUnities as Well || as the Sri Lakarl State itself. But the actual spark that ignited the ethnic passions was an attack by Tamil militants on a patrol of government Soldiers (who were all Sinhala) on 23 July, resulting in the death of 13 of them. The Sinhala reaction was that the Whole of Colombo was up in flames in a frenzy of killing and arson directed at Tamils living there, including the infamous Welikade prison massacre on 25 July of 37 inmates that included TELC (Tamil Eelam Liberation Organization) leaders Kutimaniand "Diwan". The government put the death tol|| at 387, but other estimates of deaths were reported to be in the region of two thouSand. About 120,000 Tariis Were rendered homeless and were housed in hastily set up refugee camps. Many Tamil houSes, bUsiness establishments ard 70 factories owned by Tamils were destroyed. The violence also spread to all those provincial towns where Tamil businessmen lived, as well as to some plantation areas.
There was sporadic ethnic violence in Sri Lanka in every decade ever since the 1950s. But the July 1983 riots were different not only in its magnitude and implications but also in what appeared to be ominously new. This 'novelty' was reflecled in the organised franner of the Wiolence,' in the partisan role of the security forces," in the collusion of some promiment party and government politicians, "o and in the partisan attitude and Tanner of handling the crisis situation by the government. All speeches by Sinhalese Ministers Were addressed first and forgmost to the Sinhalese public and mot to LL OLLLLLLL LL LLLLL KOaLLLLSS SLLLLLKLLL LLL declared Several days after the passing
of the height of the fu One U.N. Report sa been made Worse by rence to thë fatë ofit Jaye Wardene hirT1Se by a critic for letting hand by not interve late. The President's nation was only on 2 restraint but added t a SpOntane0uS reaC Who Would neverag the country as advo by the Tamil militant
If the phenomen girls of the Sri 1950s turning Sece: Was symptomatic of lational ConsenSUS thiC COITTIuliiti ES Was the final blow tt of the Tamil minority rity. This Was, in fac the Conflict between İSTIS in the is t) Solwe tile BrS Liri military means and Indial Sources for IE its lo-Conformist in reacted sharply and Situatio ir Sri Lank Sad State COfOr policy and security to an India rO2 ir it
India's responset Sri Laka. TE || || Larnka eʼWoked shar im. Tamil Nadu but capital, New Delhi. Nadu was literally V Was aptly grasped Luthor WFO WTO te til neOLJS indigration : Nadu and life in the standstill with large public processions : the killings in Sri Lal

n Response
| fury of the violence. id that the riots had government indiffeTails. President lf was partly blamed the rioting get out of ning Luntil it Was t00 s first address to the BJuly. When he urged hat E. Wic Ence Was til of the SirhaleSe |ree to the division of
cated and fought for
S.
of the autoloist Lärkä Tai Tills, il the
SSiOriStirl the 19705 a gradual erosion of between the two the 1983 wiolence the crisis of credibility " in the Central a Luthit, the cultination of til EtW. It-tiod. Sri Lanka Warted gethnic problem by it looked up to non= help, in keeping with dia policy. New Delhi took advantage of the a by making the Small m to India's foreign Concerns and agree SEthnic SSUE.
O developments in гrific camage in Sri responses not only also in the national The reaction in Tail Wild, The ITTOOd LFTBre by One Sri Lankan at "a Wawe of spontaswept through Tamil state Care to a Wirtual i numbers joining in and meetings against
ka'.B.
India has not only consistently opposed the extension of external presence in Sri Larka, but häSalSObeerideSirOLIS Of expanding its own influence in the island's LLLHLLLLLLL LLLLLLLLS LLLLLLS HaLaL H LLLLLL
LLLtS L LLLLLLLHL LLLLLLa LLLLLL LL LLCLLLLLLa LLL LLL aLLaL LLLLLLLHHLLLLLLL a aHa LaLLLLLLL0 a aC LLLLLS Lanka Tamils. The general impression in |dia about the Ethic Situation WS-thit the rise of Tamil militancy was the result of a systematic, orchestrated and deliberate discrimination against the minority by the majority. Secondly, the steady flow of the Tamil refugees into Tamil Nadu from Sri Lanka was a concern for India. Thirdly, Sri Lanka's continuing non-conformistforeign policy was a major concern of India which considered the obtaining security environment hostile to its security inteTests.o
The policy suggestions that had emerged from India's pārlia Teritary debates, urging the Government of India to act, Were as follows: (i) to raise it in internationali fora including the U.N. Human Rights ConTimission, (ii) to mobilise World opinion for ar a Ticable solution, (iii) to pore went others, regional or from beyond, from meddling, (iv) to extend humanitarian aid, (W) to urge Sri Lanka to solve the crisis politically, (wi) to snap diplomatic relations, (Wii), to Support Eelam, (wiii) to interwene politically/diplomatically, offering good offices either unilaterally or multilaterally in association. With international organisation(s), and (ix) to intervene militarily, including the naval blockade of Trincomalee." Although most of the parliamentariars urged for a restrained and firm response, Several of them were fairly vocal in imploring the Government of India to invade Sri Lanka.'" In fact, the Government had a contingency plan for invasion in 1983, having put a brigade on alert for the purpose.' Indeed, invasion had always continued to be one of India's options as Indian policy-makers at various

Page 7
times had contemplated military interventions and even plans had been drawn up
0 that erld."*
Sri Lanka appeals for foreign support. Sri Lanka felt threatened by India's conCells and the reports of its possible militaryintervention. Sri Lankan Foreign MiniSter, Who accused India of Interfering in his country's internal affairs, gravely noted the security dilemma of a small power By saying that "when India expresses Concerns, to us it is a threat".' President Jayewardene Warned his Cabinet of pgs: sible Indiam in Wasion. He said, "If India, by some chance, decided to invade us, We Will fight and may be lose, but With dignity". M.H. Moham Ted, a pro Tinent UNPIMP, KLLL HH LLSLLLLLLLL LLLS S LLLLL L L L L invasion, 13. Tillion people will be destroyed and the invaders will have nobody to rLille.... Let Is die slot as CO WardS TOT a:S
tars" 15
Under the obtaining circumstances, the Jayewardene goversistent sought on 1 August 1983 military assistance from the United States, the United Kingdom, Pakistan and Bangladesh, While this Sensational nie Ws Was Widely reported the following day in most of the Indian rational dailies, Colombo demied the report ard expelled the reporter, Stewart Slavin, the New Delhi-based West Asian Tanagerfor UPI(United Press International)."*o Washington chose its Words cautiously While denying the report, and the UK Was reported to hawe had received such "soundings" from Sri Lanka; Pakistarland Bangladesh denied having received a Sri Lankan request for military assistance.' Colombo's call for this exterial help Was apparently fraught with dangers for both Sri Lanka and India, but of Course for different reasors. For Sri Lanka, becaLISE the "SOS" call outraged India beyond repair and for the response of those four Countries was lukewarm to negative which was again due to "India factor. For India, it was so because the help was asked not from India but from two Western powers and from two pro-Western South Asian nations,
Notes
113. Dr. Siinmappah Arāsafatnam, Sri Lanka After independance: Nationalism, Commu
11.
115.
16.
7.
11.B.
1.
2O.
1.
ПајST Bпd Mali Midfj5. MadrEG. Կgr, "Seeking the James Mārior ( Balla TCE, The C Ekti ir Sri La Լdridan, 198ց, բ: London, 6 Augus August 1983.
Dr. Sinappah A.
SOITG 5CHCla f5 F {םWמgls WBre prח that it is the
arson, lootingan Dr details, Jam Explaining the Di LOld, NOVÉ TT T.D.5. Á Dj55àr Lanka, Colombo Guardian, Lord
A. Amirthalingart Liberation Front vigW given loan July riots had be in authority who til OF THIT of groups of cly a very organse Madras, 25 Aug: government Min organised the IT Ethiriii: Crisi inti : NjOlEI FLEIS 19EE, բ, 17
Newsweek. Tāģ 14-15; Daily New SLunday ObserwE LihÈ UN Rgport զաntEd in Edgar War, op. cit, p. 2
Dr. ATTEI WELT LaTika Rigations
EE Jayasgkara (ed 5 ITH|| Stale: Srl. Context, Part Or Pvt Ltd, New DE
Tsisgrijg|LF tes, 27 July 198 1983, Ibid., Cols |bid, Cols, 455II. Cls. 39.1- Madras, 3 July
iDi.
For exar ple, St. July 1983, ibid, 19B3, ibilbild, Col. July 1983, ibid., Jr. 5 August 1 Kis:Ir HT, UT 5 A, AITrilhalinga &qrthird & Crime Cather tha Indian gՃաE! Hg 5-3qi: "I thirhi HITT Bill Crt:Eis.

in Building, University of 1986, pp. 81-85; Eric Mg, | Roots of the Trägädy" im d),...,p. 139, Edgar O' yarıide War: Tamil Hrısurmkia 1973-BB, Brassey's, 23; The Daily Talagraph, 1983; TITEs, London, 13
THISHfHtilfri, ibilid.
|old tha view that the July kad by the ATTy T1Bf artid Army which indulged in EL LLEI WEITETIT SICE 15 Marior, "Sri Lanka: saster", The World Today, ber 1983, pp. 450-459: ayaka. The Agony of Sri 1984, pp. 74, 81,84; The n, 13 ALIgList 1983
, the TULF Tamil United
lega dar, 5 ta' tard im am III tarIndiam meW5ipapar that the a planned by 5. Tabody CJL HAWE CITıbbir Eithig led forces along with that ilian 5 Who Werea Hicting in id Way, Sigg Tha Himdu, J8l 1983, Cyril Mallhaw, a ister, Was aleged to hava Nayham. SE39 W. P. Walidik, Бri Lапka lпdia's CplioПs, ing Hougg, Ngw Delhi,
azine, 15 August 1983, pp. is, Colombo, 29 July 1983, Jr, ColorTıbo, 31 July 1983; of 19 August 1983 was O'Ballance, The Cyanide 1.
1 ar Siwarajah, "Indo-Sri ite Collekt of Sri Läils (1976-1983)“ in P.W. J. ..), Security DileemnTa of a Lğırlık il the Sulhi A. Siları E, South Asian Publishers |hi, 1992,p.515.
O Lig Lok Sabha Delta
3, Cols. 332-445, 4 August
... 326-338; 5 August 1983,
520; and 18 August 1983,
474. See also The Hindu,
|EB:
brartharian Swarty, on 27 Col. 373 and Ori 18 August 474 ET AF-båITH SIL, O 27 Col. 398; C.T. Dhandapani, 983, ibid., Col. 4ÉS); K.T. August 1983, ibid., Col. 490. m, Whito mat Indira. Gandhi Indian laadars, alsourged TTT-et to il de Sri LEKER. (India W|HVB to Sand its | Imidla WF|| hawa to guaran
.
123.
14.
15.
1宫E,
구.
tEE cur safety, We hawe lost faith in JayaLCMLaCCC aMCCLLLCLSSS LKHa COC LLL aLC in India", SEB Sunday, Calcutta, 4. October 1983.
For details on this see Dilip Bobb, "Sphere of Suspicion". India Today, New Delhi, 15 October 1983, p. 36.
A.J. Wilson, his 19BB book, p. 203. Subramariam Swarmy repeated his call for Indian IWFISDI II 19B4. Sg1L LLk SabhäDLälQS, Sgwenth Sgriigis, 25 August 1984, Wol, Ll, No.24, Col. 146. Dr. A. Kalanidhi, ibid., Bth. Series, 9 April 1985, Vol. III No. 19, Col. 3.19. The Madras-based PROTEG an organisation called the Protection of the TamTil Eela TI froT genocide and Cather Wittiläiarl of HurTan rights) als rrädes a streng plea in 1984 for India's military intervention. Sigg Thig Himdu, Madrā5, 17 Saptambar aa0KS LLa S HLL a0K OLLLLL LLLL LLLLLL selves, the pressures on Mrs. Gandhi to militarily intervene Ware indigod mounting and she appeared to be prepared for anothar phrase on interwention in the last Tonths of 1984. See Dr. Sinappah Arasaratnam, Sri Lanka. After independer CE, op. cit, p, B9,
Indian Express, New Delhi, 24 July 1983.
The Hindu, Madras, 25 July 1983; Dilip Bobb, "Sphere of Suspicion", India Today, New Delhi, 15 October, p. 30. Telegraph, CalcLutta, 2 A Ligust 1983; Parliam Em1tary Dabatas, SriLanka, Wol, 29, No. 1, 24 May a0KS LLLS 0SS LaLL aLHS LaLLHLLLLH0S A Lugust 1983.
For the report see Telegraph, Calcutta, and The Hindustan Titles, New Delhi, 2 August aLLLL0S LLLL 0 LLLLLLLLY LLaa0YLGLLGL LLLOD See Times of India, New Delhi, 3 August
983.
While deriying that Sri Lamika gawEmirment had approached the United States for military aid, a State Department spokesman said in Washington on 2 August that his country understood that the situation in Sri Lirika was inTipirowing artiti that thi-B: gwerriment was increasingly turning its attertion to the problem of relief, See Indian Express, New Delhi, 3 August 1983. A Foreign Office SpOkESTan said in London on 2 August that Britain had received "souridirigs" tror T1 Sri LH rikääbuLut po5Sibile assistar ice, and that the informal request was being considered. He declined to say whather the assistarICE W Julid ble Tiililary Cir LLLLaLLaLLLLS aLLL LLLLLL LLLLL LaL aL request had been Tade. The New Nation, Dhaka, 3 August 1953. On the demial y Pakistan and Bangladesh see Patriot, New Delhi, 3 August 1983. Although it was LLLLLLLaLLL LaSLLaLa0LHHLHa00LLLHHLLLaLLLL of common knowledgg that the Sri Lanka government did seek such assistance from LB LI r J Litri B
MEKT MANY DOCTFWE

Page 8
REGION
A SOUition to Kara
Mani Shankar Aiyar
in facing down an attempted coup
by the army. Benazir Bhutto has emerged as the first head of government in Pakistan's history to have thwarted Pakistan's armed forces; she has also emerged as the one leader capable of taking on Pakistan's biggest political party-the Pakistan Army. True, it was not the army as such but a small Cabal that was planning herowerthrow, and truetoothat it was probably another cabal in the same army that tipped her off, and moreover, true further that this coup was not in the traditions of Pakistan - where chief's of army staff betray their titular masters - but Tore in the traditions of the Middle-East - where colonelson white chargers bring off the revolution; nevertheless, all said and done, shabash Benazir
Yet, I cannot help the uncharitable thought that Benazir has triumphed over her false enemies. Her real enemy is within. It is Karachi burning.
Although Pakistan is but next door to us, and weighs disproportionately in our foreign and defence policies (and even more disproportionately in our internal Security and secularism concerns), few are the Indians Who hawe an in StirlČtive empathy for domestic developments in Pakistani - so distanced ha We Wel become, a half-century after Partition, from our distant neighbour.
Yet, ask yourself how We Would feel if, say, the Bombay riots of January 1993 had lasted not a few days but for all of the last three years, and you will get an inkling of the trauma Pakistan has been going through and is still caught in, with not the least little light shining at the end of even the longest tunnel.
Whatisthe problem? Andistherea Way Օսլ?
THE PROBLEM of Karachi is a paradigm of the problem of Pakistan. However, fissiparous the Indian state has seemed since 1947, the nationhood of India has
The author, a for nor diplona, was first secretary fri fra Indian High Car Tirmission in Color Tibco,
6
seldorT been unde The Indiarlatione of life because it
Tillennia the politic State Called the Uni on the other hand, long before it attain tanis are United OW that the essence Ol not being an India problem of What di Pakistani - and th why must one be a unanswerable head
A readymade op have imagined, fora WKline and hOoktof Unfortunately for ou to Pakistan, as a Sil has rendered India is, pushed us off the for Karachi.
The Mohajir of segment of the India we can neither give our sympathy nor expect any Call foi contes" to Indians apartheid in erstwhil problems faced by t in East Africa or the role of India Sin Mal Allericans in the U. parts in the United K yearS, T10St dra That Sri Lanka, the Unic the forefront of the generally conceded community as havir the latter.
The onea place in do поt appear to ha" Sed Our COncerTS - the Victims - is in Which is now home nis of Indian origin.
IT FOLLOWS tha for India in stirring Karachi. Any Indian disturbances Would discrediting those c.

Chi
serious challenge. stsas agreatbigfact predated by several al ConWellen Cea of a in of India. Pakistan, a Chile:Weid Statehood d nationhood. Pakisir one proposition — being a Pakistani is n. Beyond that, the Jes , it meganto be a a related question of Pakistani - ears its
portunity, one Would ni Indian with a realpoishin troubledWaters. rhawks, their hostility ate and as a nation, OIS de COT7baf—that battlefield in the Battle
Sarachi are the only in diaspora for whom Concrete Content to from Whom We Can SLICCOLlur. Whan itinder siege in Fiji, or e South Africa, or the he Indian community West Indies, or the Iritius, or of the Indian S, or of their counteringdom, or, in recent cally of the Tamils in of India springs to f de fer]Ce — and S
by the international g a legitimate Say in
the World Where We 'e in any way legitimi- even in the eyes of the province of Sind O millions of Pakista
there is no purchase the Witches' breW in and perceived in the be the best Way of using the disturban
ces herce, to demonstrate an Indian hand would be the quickest route to quelling the disturbances. That is why Benazir closed the Consulate-General of India in Karachi. It was a desperateploy to discredit the MQM (Mohajir Qaumi Movement).
It backfired. Karachi has virtually not known even 24 hours of peace and quiet since our Post was shut down many moons ago. What keeps the MQM at the barricades, with the support of the overWhelming majority of Karachiwallahs of Indian origin, is the widespread knowledge and belief that this is an internal problem of Pakistan, brought upon their heads not by some foreign agency but by Pakistan's continuing failure to define itself as a nation.
The Indian nation exists - and has SLJrwiwedd aS a natio for thOLISärlds of years — because it is based on the quintessential Indian principle of unity in diversity. We can each of us be ourselves and yet be something larger-called "Indian"; indeed, We can ble Indian only because that does not stand in the Way of our asserting, cherishing and celebrating our particular identity as Hindus or Muslims, Tamis or Bengalis, dhotiwallahsor lungiWallah 5,
In Contra distinction, Pakistan's claim to nationhood is based uniquely — and assertively - on an exclusivist religious basis. Ironically, it was created not by the Muslims in the Muslim-majority provinces of British India. Where Pakistan Came into being, but by the British-patronised "leadership" (mostly zamindars and such like) of the Muslims of the Muslim-minority provinces - the breed from whom the belleaguered Mohajir of today's Karachi germinated. They haemorrhaged from India to Pakistan in their millions as "Hajis." (from which comes the Arabic plural "Mohajir") in what they perceived to be a replaying of the Prophet's journey from MeClCa of the Darul-Harbo to Madina of the Dar-ul-Uloom.
AND FOR the first 11 years or so of Pakistan, their Wildest dreams and hopes were satiated. They gained power and

Page 9
Wealth from Pakistan or a Scale and in a time-frarTre they could newer hawe attaimed by staying back in India. Being educationally and otherwiseStreets ahead of the Sindhis. Baluch and Pathans, they quickly Established thair doillace ower Pakistan, the Only challenge coming from an increasingly restive West Punjab that had been under the illusion that it was they who had absorbed the Gujarati Jinnah's movement, not the other way round
General (later, Field Marshal) Ayub Khan's coup of 1958 put the quietus to the Mohajir dream of capturing Pakistan in the name of Islam. The decling of the Mohajir from dominant element to hunted minority between Ayub Khan and Ziaul-Haq is one of the saddest and most pliquant stories of the post-Partition era.
Pakistan was most emphatically not the CTeation of the Muslims of the a reas ir Which Pakistan Wascreated, Bengal returned Fazl-ul-Haque of the Krishak Proja Party as chief minister in the elections of 1945-46; Punjab returned Khizr Hayat Khan of the Unionists: the Frontier plumped for Badshah Khan's Congress; Baluchi Star WS deglied a WOTE.
Only Sind – which had backed the Congress-Supported Allah Bux SoorTirolin 1937 (assassinated in 1943 for his pains) - Woted for the Muslim League in 1945-46: the victor, Ayub Khuhiro, told me quite frankly in 1980 that he had rigged tle result in Collaboration With the British ICS officers of Karachi; and G.M. Syed, the most articulate proponent of Pakistan Was to emerge Within two years as the most articulate opponent of Pakistan, Spending nearly 40 of the next 50 years in incarceration for publicly regretting having moved the first "Pakistan Resolution" in any provincial legislature. He died in his nineties a few Weeks ago.
NO, PAKISTAN was entirely the artificial invention of the Muslim "leaders" of that part of India Lihat was not partitioned: i.e., the Mohajir of Karachi, who had no compunctions about leaving behind to the tender mercies of "Hindu"India the poor, the illiterate, the deprived millions of their Muslim brethren. About two million Muslim Carpetbaggers (describing themselvessaluQusly – as "Mohair") arrived up in Sind between 1947 and 1949 arid, Within those two years, completely robbed every city of Sind - Karachi, Hyderabad, Sukk Lur, Shikarpur, ewen Jacobabad — of its Si Gi Character.
They arrogantly r Sindhi, claiming that ge Of Islam, a clair Sindhi Since the Sind in the Arabic script ( Koran) while Urdu is Script, which was a: Prophet (Peace Bel Cor Telugu. What Was Mohajir used his su: and political power to ise the indigenous S
IL WES I TE W advent of Ayub (19. Zia-ul-Haq (1977) til delivered his comeu Sindhi (who, despite rise to eminence, ( totally marginalised by West Punjab in Co stan's virtually Punja Partition of Pakistan twist of the Knife in robbed him of his(alw for uprooting himsel as a "Haji" (ha! ha!)
By the time reach ber 1978, the plight pathetic: rootless, all Crimina ed against, siege in Fortress Ka tion generation of Mc tE SIIS OLErfät original "Hajis" as beating their breast: - bizarrely - of Bareilly and Amroha
IN MY period in K: palpable Mohajiran anger - for three Was for the Mohajir "Haj" which he and fathèfS had undërta the Mohajiranger W general anger of ul-Haq's usurpation
And, third — ab absence of any poli articulation of Mohaj rachi having defeater irl Sever Out of Iire 1977 Electios 15 afld down the Bhutto.gov Mohajir demonstratic khet Chowk, the ": proudly proclaimed, TIL,

efused to learn any Urdu was the languaI That Issuriags te hi language is Written the script of the Holy based on the Persian s foreign to the Holy Upon Himl) as Tamil WOTSE, theirTimigrant verior economic clout completelyпагglпаildFİFİFİS Oyrı Sildi.
decades froT the 58) to the advent of hat the Mohajir Was ppance - not by the the Sidi BttO'S Ortin Leli lO ra Tair in his own home) but |a Eboratiči With Pakibi-Pathan army. The in 1971 Wis the last the Mohajir's soul: it ways bogus) rationale from India to move to Sild.
2d Karachiin Decem
of the Mohajir Was enated, blatantly disand virtually under rachi, the post-Partihair were paying for Eers and each of the WEré Sli| ällWE WEB Sin Woe and talking
the glories of Bans
arachi (1978-82), the ger Was ar impotent reasons. One, there to going back on the his immediate foreBerlin 1947-49. TW0. as subsued in the the people at Ziapf der nocracy.
OWe all - Was the tical platform for the ir anger, despite KaButto's Cardidates CO ristitLB Cie S r the having then brought erriment by relentless Jr15 il Kara C's LallStalingrad", as they of the Mohajir move
That political platform was supplied a few years after I left Karachi by an NRP (non-resident Pakistanil) Altaf Hussain and his MQM. Karachi today is an impregrable MQM oasis in the desert Sands of Pakistan's PPP/PML polity. Neither can the MQM spread beyond Karachi and Sind's other urban agglomerations, nor Carl the PPPYPML ever breach the MQM bastiÕSUrba Sid.
Faced with a similar situation in the Darjeeling Hills, Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi rejected both Subash Ghisingh's Violence-prone extremism for the partitioning of West Bengal for the creation of a new state of Gorkhaland (the exact, parallel of the MQM's Karachi demand) as well as the blinkered chauvinistic Crackdown of Jyoti Basu's West Bengal which termed Ghisingh's demand for justice as "anti-national" (the exact parallel to the PPP/PMLPak Army's response to the MCM).
Rajiv Gandhi found, instead, the "middle Way" of an Autonomous District Council for the Darjeeling Hills, forestalling the break-up of either West Bengal or India, while giving the Gorkhas a real share in the determination of their destiny,
IT IS the obvious example for Benazir to follow in Karachi. But she cannot - baca LuSE) the natiorhood of Pakistar is founded on the denial of the primordial principle of unity in diversity. Since religion is held to be the raison d'etre of Pakistan, and since virtually all Pakistanis profess the Same religion, Consolidating the unitary nature of the Pakistani state has become the religious duty of all sections of the Pakistani leadership, whatever their other differencës.
If Karachi is burning, and the fire cannot be put out, that is because Pakistan is paying the price for the atawistic equation of religion with nationhood which lay at the root of the Two-Nation. Theory.
There is no Eed for Our Hindu COTITLUnalists (read the sang pariwar and its political organs, the BJP and their sistersin-Sirn, the Shiw Serna) to gloat ower the plight of the Mohajir. For, the real lesson Which Karachi has to teach India is that Pakistan's fate Will Gweriake Bharat Mata if bharat Mata is ever overtaken by "HirdLuttwa".

Page 10
S WR D: Making of
Ananda Wellihena
he question for the Second debate
on india was "that the indefinite continuance of British sovereignty in India was a violation of British Political Ideals". He argued that British political ideals were inspired by freedom without which civilization was not possible and such a nation Would become paralysed and nervous. He concluded with this appeal to British India.
Mr. Bandaranaike Was now known as a pro-Indian advocate. His standpoint on India and criticism directed against the British policy toward India pushed him to an embarrassing situation. As he Writes:
"I now foundryself in ratheran embarrassing position at Oxford. I was looked upor, of a serior and outside as the foremost spokesman of India".
However, he explained that he had lewer bleem to Iridia and that his klÓWledge of India had been gained from secondary Sources. Nevertheless, he interpreted the problems of that country in terms of those of his own:
"Y, Who Waver, interpreted t/he prob/arT75 of that country in terms of those of my own, алd the gелегаІ similarїy be/weел Ther77, Corbiread With the racias ard CLIVEL Fall kirTSflip beweer 7 Ceylon and hегі паighboшr, enabled me to present Iһв /пdiап роілі of view wїїh sympaІhy and fairness" (Ibid.).
He recounts his experiences with the Majlis, the club of the Indians modelled On the for IT and structure of the Union. The Majlis provided a forum for distinguished Indian personalities among Whorn T.C. GOSWami and K.P.S. Menon lawg been re Tembered, Mr. Bandaranaike was its President Which accorded to hit opportunities to know Indian personalities such as Sir Ali Imam, Lala Lajpat Rai, Saklatwala, Sriniiwasa Sastri. Of the Women, he recalled Leilamani Naidu and Sarojini Naidu and Annie Besant. He Thade a Special reference to the lastriamed. In the Weekly debates that the Majlis organised, the issues were more relevant to India's struggles and aspirations. He hlas diSCLISSed the ISSLe of Federation a 5 a Conflict resolution strategy to ensure India's unity in diversity.
"I recolleck that Isuggestad Federation LLLLLL LLL LOLLLCL LL LLLLLLLLSLLLL LGGLLLaL0L D LLLLLL LLaLLLLLLLaaS S MaO LOaL LLLL LLLLH LLL
da Wã5 gya refrain from taking sequent trend of a
His writings inclug GEOLut IndiäTIS:
"My memory of r COxford, Wehı al// Fil Ihair impulsive fri ress, is a tender or near to me" (Ibid.
OFFICES HELDAT
the SLUTTET of 1 Secretary of the Unic his nearest riwal gair ning four candidates 90; Some of thers. |EdETS I of the COinS and the Labour pol them became Merb tWOTOtse Suffer which deprived him ties for Work. He th Union in a debate ag 1923, the Centenary Was Celebrated. A de at Which SEWEral BaxWas followed by a s Which Hieġ Tliet SW, persons of differents
"I Was an OCCASIO ar 7 adCLľa realizas la Flog Offl7g, LIF)for). politics, letters, in larif Walk Of Ilfo, SC El ad been
Ursa". To
He had by ther
Oxford as an under chael TiāSt GrTT 10f 1 Secretary. In the folle Was elected Junior T in 1924 Thé dLIlié5 arduous. He also C. President but W Scrymgeour Wedd: COISErwäliWE FraSic 169). The reasons w Wedderburn was
second time. Secon it perialistic Conser a junior librarian ar life-TheTibers of the LOWCE TOT WHİPT
laik VāS Tarkēdā: Indian cause, despit bruary, 1923 he spok "that development c

a scholar
e irre, ard Carro pleasure at the subWents" (Ibid., p.48).
led his impressions
77y Yr)dilar 7 frier7ds a ! air Weakness and a EdMass and kindІe. FогӀheywerevery 249).
OXFORD
923, he was elected yn by 171 wrotes, ower ning 146. The remaireceived fewer than bsequently became ervative, the Liberal itical parties; two of ärs of ParlamErll. Für ed from paratyphoid, if time and opportunien, represented the gainst Cambridge. In of the Oxford Union abate Was organised presidents spoke; it :LuTiptUOLIS dimmer at eral very important Social status:
п that brought to пте in of the true irporThe Church, the bar, arost every impor| măry distinguished
ex-officers of g.
spent four years at graduate. In the Mi923, he Served as Wing Trinity term, he "EESUser Of the Ul|Orth of this post Were mot intested the post of as defeated by erturn, the first ient (Hollis, 1965, 'ere Tany. First, that contesting for the I, he was a defiantly ative. Third, he was Tid fourthly, the old Jnion formed a block sident, Mr. BandaraSG är ädwOCät Of the Be the fact that iri Fede against ther notion if the Eastem ra Cės
of the empire lies in development on Basternard mot Orl Weste T1 |illes".
HIS LIFE OF SILENT REFLECTION AND ACTIVE LISTENING
Mr. Bardaranaike was yearning to practise deep silent reflection and active listening, which are indispensable for a busy statesman and politician.
His emotional experiences of his SLCcess after SLCCESS in the debates revealed that he was "in the Widering circle of a ripple on the surface of a pool". However, he did not lose his balance but learned to retain his equanimity. He longed for "for ease and quiet". He expressed this yearning for silent reflectil:
"Sometiппе.5, Iyearп with a fierrayearпIng for the CarT7 content of a pries, sheltered in his cloistered fertiple, or the саге-free happiness of some Jungledweller with the singing of the birds abous him and the ElLeskyabove hiri, o'r ewer The F1 LMrT7-druir TI Misg of the averagrāvis saldeigfīlsastā
roLibles, ELFalas carro bo".
On Wonders whether Mr. Bandaranalike had specific techniques of Tental culture or meditation to gratify such a deep-felt need for rest and relaxation. Perhaps, he did not. His desire Was not fulfilled. Newertheless, he was not critical or hostile toWards those who practised this art of relaxation. As a politically minded person, he Was appreciating the power of an alternative oratory (it differed from his art) which can emerge from the intense cultiVation of a specific technique or practice of transcendental editative culture.
This becomes clear from his description of the "remarkable Woman" called Annie Besant born on October 01. The lady whose ex-husband was an Anglican clergyman, was formerly a Fabian Socialist in the Company of George Bernard Shaw. She subsequently became a TheoSophistand an Indian independence leader who founded the Indian Home Rule League in 1916. She was the President of the Theosophical Society until her death. The aminent thinker, J. Krishnamutil of India o Wes to Annie Besant What He Was able to achieve.
Mr. Bandaranaike wrote about this lady, who visited Oxford in the course of a lecturing tour on Indiam affairs. In appreciation of her abilities he wrote:

Page 11
"She was very ola and fraї, алd оле Sornelings had the shocking feeling of sisfening to a Voice from a Sepulchre, But there was yet an echo of the old power, and TLIC of the Old Corsiale skill Sha Stood Cold and aloof, no SїлglegөsПлге елphasizedароїпt, and The WOrds Carre degrafe ad passїori/ess, I Lлпdersfood fогӀhe fїrs! time the true meaning of Homer's phraseregarding Odysseus, "words fel fr ir lie fakes Of Slov". Was qLife and Unobtrusive, but it gradLalyanid resentlessly covered and overWheimedeverything. It was What might be called a subjective, as opposed to an objective, form of Oratory; the speaker.communinga loud With herownsou, räller han Conscio Lusly speaking fo ar LLLLLLLL0L SYLaL S La LLOLOLCLLL LL LL0LLCLLS Wirica"?o
HIS NATIONAL POLITICAL OPTION FOR THE COMMON MAN
As an undergraduate at Oxford, he was preparing for his future political career by involving himself in the activities of the University. The last moments prior to his departure from Oxford revealed his love for his native country.
"The typically English scene, SLIbdued and 77 ellow in the everling Nght, saded from my eyes, and Fie glare and dus of Ty Country took its place. Blueskies, and dancing sunlight, With a while road Wirdfrig amidsf cocorruf growes arid greer7 Daddy sfelds, dak, Cool nights. With Star the Welled skies, alwg Wi the cres of Inn Linerable Crickers; the Faffelic, Hudded willage huls, the dir, he povery, the disease My COLIntry, my people. Aye, it was "Flere "Fiat my work ay and Oxford had revealed to rrieg Irry life's mission''?
He was critical of those who denigrated the Oxford University as a centre for study only and "a refuge from the World and its claims" (Hollis, 1965, 105). But his view of Oxford was different. It was a nursery for aspiring statesmen:
"There is a view held by some people that politics at Oxford means nothing more than a Mille regsaxation for a Self of boys in their idle monents. It may be realised from What has been stallad aEC, WE F7FFFF"Tere is far rr7CoregsarioLISTESS and EOLIADOSee irn, Oxford politics finari These critics would like to concede"'
His speeches and Writings on Oxford life substantiate the argument that his academic Career had Contributed enormously to his political role in his native country. He says:
"/" [77ay also - pej how Oxford, and ІлIIшелcedргоfou ar dolok" (Ibi
O FES TELUT H, Udugaha Pattuin Si him respectfully. lr pressed his commi people:
"There is de гёлlёглbgг, ІПа!!с: /y as or7e of yoLur: de Creed for a among yolu, İl 15 r FFlä5fgr ELII Isia war"?
He placed before Wision and missior United National Par failed to do. As P Brtphasized:
"Bad Fārārā ska Wy CCraf WTC) SOLlg ווrןrססIfig pזWIII Jile LIIllike the L EFTETTISesveisās IF
According to certa: ranaike's national p COTITIOrl Than could lar prejudices" of thE ted him for Wiri dency in 1924. Ho| TELJ W TE OF CC doubtful propriety" ( refers to the role p life-members, Who into a block to WOta and certainly "...B. that there Was su him...." (Ibid., 170).
"... a Fld Hills bele Of The Fri IIgricg5
his Closing monfr his faller's Voyal forg|TOUlrice Chr: ardo ECOrgay His political care COL"r:Se, ELV'r 7f7 of WisCF FE FET right up to the time fors" (Eid).
Evelyn Waugh When he wrote of M
"Селаїлly, Iheолl Ihe Ciпgaless= refer C. fish. This seriff from a55as Siriad llifo |гуттап иwhen he the British Crow, ел7ergEпIдоІІІicia AT I)Or77ég är77 fir7ir

naps be Lrdersfood агїicularly Ihe Uпіол, тdly my entire career
me, the residents of are Korale, received
his speech he exment to serving the
ng I would have you orsider myselferifireeves, and if sale has
a proптілепt place of that I may be your
may be ya Lr ser
the Ti ar aitēTTā tiwe
which the existing y (UNP) had hitherto of A.J. Will 50 hlas
as Ihe O/утріал агїs"If fo identify hini self is country. This was NP Who perceived of
natura Llers"o
ПWTItETS Mr. Bandaolitical option for the be attributad to"inSUUnion which prevenng the post of Presiis recorded it as "a plete legality but of Hollis, 1965, 169). He layed by a group of "formed themselves against a candidate" Andaranaike believed ch a block against As H. Wrote:
s was afaryrafe One which caused in in is at Oxford to reject st" political principles stianity for Buddhism елуstrongпаІІола//s!. аг іл Сеylол was, of a nationalistргїпciples ained the cһалпріол Osli75 finālāSSISSÄr lä
endorsed this view I. Bandarānaika:
y orienta/Whom IrTvelo, (sic) Barnda ranaike, mbo fiercey anti-BrBeirdd Of 53. We FyrI п by his fellow couпlos fue profection of ). At the Union these is a defensives dL/Ceda We har 17e7Ce
that was normally lacking in our debafes" (Waugh, E. 1964, 1844).
Christopher Hollis who was a former president of the Union introduced Mr. Bandaranaike as "the son of a very distinguished Ceylonese Christian of strongly imperialist sympathies" (Hollis, 1965. 168). He makes two important remarks about him: first,
"From S first āfrivå Feg fire Way Fir T55/f W77 Earlsh Lussa SFT) T7f3 The Liriser detates. He was a brilliant speaker and popular among the members of the Union. He spoke at the beginning of his Career, as Wās bLİ na Lira, as his fathers son, generally on conservative side" (Ibld). Secondly, that he was far ahead of his Indians undergraduates at Oxford who attended the debates on Totions Cocerning India and voted. They did not "attempt to play a prominent part in its debates", because of difficulties of language. "But Bandaranalike" he stressed "was by his upbringing less inhibited" (Ibid.).
References
1. Hallis, Christopher, 1955. Frie Crford Lriari,
London; Evans Brothers.
2. Bandaranaike, SWRD, 1963, "My First speech at a Union Society Debata" in Speeches and Writings, LaHHHHLS LLLLCtLLLLLLLLS LLLLuuuLLTS LaatLLLaHa K Broadcasting and Information, p.27.
3., Ilblad, "lJriior1 E0EbatEas", p, 62.
4. Eid, "My First speech at a trilon Society Debate",
27.
5. Ed, "I Progress Rapidly at the Unior", p.31.
6. Waugh, Evely 1, 1964, A Little Learning, London:
Chapman and Hall.
7. Op, cit, "My First speech at a Union Society Deba=
te", p. 26.
B. Irid, "Unior Activities and Politics", p.28,
9, Ceylon Daily News, "100th Arriversary of C.
SLIntheralingain". ALg19, 1995, p.10.
LLSS LLS LLSS S0000SKLLLLLLLLa LLLLLLL MML LLLLLLLLSK
Lanka Guardian, vol. 15, no.5 July 1, 1993, p.15,
11, Op. cit, "My First speech at a Union Society Deta
1", p.25.
12, Eid, "I Progress Rapidly at the Union", p.31 13, Eid, "Union Debates", p.62, 14, Eid, "India and Oxford", pp. 74-BO. 15, lyd, "A Debate anlridia". p.37. 16. Mblid, "Union Debatas", p. G5. 17. Mbilid, "My Iridi Bin Friards", p. 4B: 1B. Ed, "I am Elected Junior Treasurer of Unior".55. 19. Ed, "I Progress rapidly at the Union", p.31.
slid, "A Debate on India", p.38, Abid, "Leave the Place of My Memory", p,59, It , "Union Activities and Politics", p.3),
Ebril, "Return heme", p. 83.
Wilson, A.J., 'SWRD in Larka Guardi, Wul. 16, rio.6, July 15, 1933, p.13.

Page 12
The Return of the
K. Palasanthiran
emories are short. It may
have been foregotten by many, even perhaps those directly involved, that the Bibile-Wickremasinghe Report on the correct use of drugs was stubbornly opposed by the Health Ministry official S at that time, ard Tuch Waluable title Was Wasted at the outset in the implementation of these reforms. In this situation Dr. S. A. Wickremasinghe and Professor Senaka Bibile Were compeEd totaketer CCDITTEfldato 5 to HB
Ministry of industries. The major thrust of the Bibile-Wickremasinghe reforms was aimed at making a poor Third World Country self-sufficientinessential drugs by implementing a well thought outplan for their local manufacture the Ministry of Industries acted swiftly on all the main proposals.
The State Pharmaceutical's Corporation, set up under the Ministry of Industries and the Formulary Committee, composed of the Country's foremost Pharmacologists trimmed down an Old Mother Goose medley of Medicines under a myriad brand names to a rational Formulary andalist of Essential Drugs. The WHO which was following Sri Lanka's adoption of its Health policy with great interest hailed this as the World's First list of Essential Drugs. The Essential Drugs list is now an official document of WHO and items are added
to or deleted froit as Scientific KOWledge and practice advances.
The SPCOWTOWedi to TOritor the import of drugs and the inconsistent and irrational waste of valuable foreign exchange caused by pseudo-scientific promotion of brands and unethical preScribing.
O
The Bible-Wick had very prudent country's already e. knowhow in drugim in by four internatior firms Which Were a With locally subscri them, Dumex had c as 1956, with 25%D was a Danish Co-op tical Venture With a
in the for Itulation o
пезапфother biolog mic, and parenter: sterile products fac ped laboratory incl. and microbiology, W and pragmatism P all these Companic Tarufa CitLrE, LU ride rationalization polic
This Wasa SchEr
facture of ESS entia firm's special know make part of the Es that together about Were being produc years of the establi
The SPC purch. tender all the raw this scheme, Supp firms free of charg the finished drugsb able manufacturing
tells that Were sufficient quantiti country's entire not be imported Un
ΠΕΙΤΕΕ
The importers W

VultisaWS
remasinghe report ly highlighted the xisting potential and hanufacture brought ally connected drug ready in production bed capital. One of :ommenced as early DFCC equity. Dumex Tati We Parla CU
Wealth of knoWhow
fantibiotiCS, OTTOicals for oral, opthalal use. They had a ility and fully equiрlding animal testing With his usual charm
rofessor Bible dreW
S into a Schele of 3r the new Drug lies.
le Of Contract Manu| Drugs where each how Was utilised to Sential Drugs list So forty essential items edlocally within two STEl Cf E SPC.
ased on WorldWide
material rlegded fOr
ied then to contract e and purchased all ackata Very reasonI fee.
locally produced in SS LO TE Fig requirement could der disguised brand
who were agents of
foreign brandssided by interested Medical Practitioners manipulated a chorus of protest during this time exploiting the ignorance of Consumers who were told that absence of particular brands meant a shortage of drugs.
Actually the new Scheme apart from Solving the problem of periodic shortages of drugs due to erratic private inventory control of Brands provided a continuous Supply of all needed drugs under their generic names. This solution however Was not popular with those who promoted brands. Fortunately there was a solid phalanx of enlightened Tedical Then who backed Professor Bibile and turned the tide in favour of thereforms. By 1976, though Senaka Bibile had passed away in Guyana in active followup of his policies on a WHO assignment in the Third World, Drugs Rationalization in Lanka had proved to be a great sucCess. Apart from its Health aspect its impact on a Third World economy was significant. All the local manufacturers were utilising their excess capacity in producing Essential Drugs saving the Country a substantial Drug bill and providing employment for many times the Workforce they had originally.
One of the Corner stories of the BibieWickremasinghe plan was the provision of a Central facility for Quality Control of the Drugs that were produced locally. This was a fully equipped Pharmaceutical Control Laboratory functioning under the direct supervision of the Ceylon Hospital Formulary Committee and the Medical Laboratory Services,
This laboratory had been donated by Japan to serve Lanka's Swift march to Self-Sufficiency in essential Drugs. Itwas

Page 13
a fully equipped Pharmaceutical Analytical Laboratory. All up-to-date instrume
ntation had been provided. This laboratory had been placed under the direction of a Public Analystseconded for service from the Government Analysts' Department where all analyses of Pharmaceuticals sampled under the Drug Act had been performed till then.
Both Prof. Bible as Well as the head of the Laboratory recommended that the Assistant Analysts be also recruited from the Government Analysts' Depart ment. This rLula Was folloWBdfoTthe short time that Prof. Bible was able to keep his eyes on the working out of his proposals. As soon as he had left on is new assignment, this laboratory which was very Vulnerably situated within the Health Ministry domain of the Colombo General Hospital was crammed full of the overflow of Hospital Pharmacists from the Health Department. These were certificated pharmacists trained for Hospital Pharmacy Work with absolutely no analytical experience, or theoretical grounding in Chemical Analyses. They were a total liability in a laboratory with delicate instruments. The Head of the Laboratory resigned as the staff provided was deliberately unsuited for the Work. However the Medical Laboratory Services continued to supervise the functioning of the laboratory.
When the local Drug Companies participating in Government Tenders or manufacturing directly under the contract scheme completed a production batch the Company Would pay in the Analysis fee to Medical Laboratory Services. And Officers from the Quality Control Laboratory would come to the factory concerned, draw samples and take them back to their laboratory for analysis. Batches for the Public Sector or the Private Sector had to a Wait the report from the Drug Quality Control Laboratory. This laboratory was able to
draw samples and lysis of all drugs m: firms supplying dru SPC. There Were entire Scheme There Were no GOW'Erment terd drugs Was dependi
Thus the operat Control enabled all al Tost all the b L essential drugs.
In fact the Schel smoothly for Healt eritire ScheTile CO blows of Fate - death in Guyana, til Tent that had ush RefOrITS ard the ta by the Health Mini
These ewents sig of the end as far as in Lanka Was COC
Import Control Drugs was stretc lessless. The CO Scheme Was aboli panies manufactu Suddenly found Sa We themselves me importers ove chines Were idle Workforce.
With reimport brand names slo: drug rationalizati Winds.
HOWeWer, SOT firmly to local man importing their ow Was next thWaite Laboratoгy statin{ Cope With the large frOIT terder batc

effect speedy anade by the local drug is on contract to the no delays and the perated smoothly. tug shortages and r Supply of these Eble.
on of State Quality local firms to supply Ik requirements of
ne Was Working too Ministry liking. The lapsed under three
Prof. Bible's tragic le fall of the Gowerared in the new Drug king over of the SPC
ştry.
ralled the beginning Drug Rationalization efied.
and Price Control of hed into meaningIntract Manufacturing shed, and local Comring to full capacity hemselves idle. To manufacturers becanight, said their maand retrenched their
of Essential Drugs, ded the market and in Was Cast to the
e Companies stuck facture on tender, by 'n raw material. This by the State Control
they were unable to quantities of samples |es, though they had
been actually analysing all locally made batches on Tender and Contract just previously. In a classic case of the right hand not knowing what the left hand was doing, the Government still insisted on State Ouality Control release for all Tender batches. Thus local Tender supplies Were seriously delayed or disErupted. On top of all this the staff at the Japan Gifted State Control Laboratory succeeded Within a short time in rendering unfunctional nearly all the valuable instruments in this laboratory.
ChaoS prevailed, and a Western Aid Agency gifted a new Laboratory complete with a foreign expert Who said straight away that a State Laboratory should only look into Quality Assurance by Only randomly checking samples. Since TenderS COuld not be SerWICEd On Tando Tı batch reporting, local Tender supplies collapsed, and nearly all Tenders were awarded to importers. So much for local manufacture.
Thus whereas Rational Drug Policy generated as a by-product an entire Pharmaceutical Industry much employment, and a research backed industrial sector the aftermath of its collapse in Lanka has seen the return of all the evils that rationalization Was meant to Corbat.
Identifying the villains in this drama as the drug MNCS' and Free Market Economics does not Shift the EolaľThe from those Who are most Culpable - even though they may prepare papers for Conferences on Health for All by 2000 A.D.
With MNC monopoly, devaluation of local currency imposed by the Free Market, and the proliferation of aggressively promoted drug brands the recipients of Health for all in our part of the World Will be in the eye of raging epidemics by 2000 A.D.
11

Page 14
Generic
The World Health Organizatio kept informed about the facts on knowledge and skills to protect the of drugs.
Public education in drug use wi education Uia the 77a SS 772 edia. The will still not provide adequate pro doctor's prescriptions are effectively and promoted for indications which
Generic Drugs are those k names and can be prescribed o) indications.
Most Pharmacopoeias nou car giυίηg α brief, ααcoιμη.ί of the indicα particular drug. Thus Generic nami part of this public education progral to preυεη.ί όrαnα ηαηιe proηιοίίοη ηι
of the Black Arts.
Generic Dru
FOR RATIONAL
MSJ Industries
Factory and
P.O.B.
Colo

Drugs 2
recommends that people should be medication and provided with the mselves from the inappropriate use
ll increasingly become a part of mass knowledge and skills thus acquired Fection to the public if the items in disguised by various brand names have not been fully validated.
nown by their pharmacopoeial inly for their established clinical
ry a section on Patient information ίions, bene/ίίς αγια γιshς ιη μSe ofα ng and identification of use is a Uital mme advocated by WHO which aims aking medication revert to being one
gs from MSJI
USE OF DERUGS
SJ
Ceylon) Limited Laboratories, x 430,
mbo.

Page 15
The Past in the Pres
Jonathan Spencer
Steven Kemper, The Presence of the Past: Chronicles, Politics, History, and Culture), Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1991 Stanley Jeyaraja Tambiah, Buddhism. Betrayed? Religion, Poli Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992.
| happy nations are alike, but
an unhappy nation is unhappy after its own fashion. Sri Lanka's own style of unhappiness captured the World's attention briefly in the early 1980s but has now slipped quietly out of the limelight. Even the assassinations of the Country's president and its leading opposition politician, within weeks of each other in 1993. failed to catch the headline Writers' attention for long. Formany people, though, Sri Lanka has become loosely but indelibly associated with intense ethnic conflict and Very high levels of political violence. Although the history stretches further back, this association Was primarily established by the anti-Tamil rioting of 1983, further strengthened by the Subsequent civil War between the majority. Sinhala-dominated government and the militants of thë Liberation Tigers of Tamil Ealam (LTTE, or simply "the Tigers"), and then fixed by the military intervention from India in 1987 and the appalling death toll within the Sinhala COTirtunity during the anti-government rising of the leftist Janata Vimukti Peramuna (JVP) in the late 1980s.
These two important books both offer the promise of new interpretations of the conflict, as well as suggesting ComparatiWe lessons that may be drawn out of the particularities of the Sri Lankan tragedy. They both discuss the alleged deep historical roots of ethnic identity in Sri Lanka and the place of Theravada Buddhism in moderm politics. The irTriportant generali question behind these concerns - which is of relevance for the study of all postcolonial polities — is the exterit to Which political choices and political practices in the present are constrained by Collective understandings derived in Some way from the past. Put Tost simply and sm10st generally the question is this: What do. We mean by a political culture? Just how unique, culturally, is Sri Lanka's unhappiness; and how much of this unhappiness can We explain in cultural terrils?
As the Sri Lankar fied, so the centre C has shifted gradually CB, Which has had le to say in the past de thence to anthropol these LWO E000k S drE pologists, and their opportunity to aSSe! Weakrlesses of ant ches to postcolonia ä Sri Lankar1TaITıi|b Cal Ph.D arti a dis ethnographer and in da BuddhisT1, es (Tar Tibaiah 1970, 197 Tmost irTimportant the Thailand has been distinctive Worldly Buddhism, based O tionship between th sargha and the fig 13 W|El Il Sr tiom bakitaj his HOT second of two usef has provided a judi synthesis of recent Conflict. The first politics of ethnicity, V Të looks at the roli conflict. Kemper is pologist whose earl sed particularly Ont of the Order of BL Lanka, the Sarghi more obviously ade (and some of its m are summarized by It traces the histor version of the past
OKS in the chror Insa - through th pre-Colonial Colonië nationalist interpre froT 0th CTTGGCEIt al the quality of its em Ofit derivad frOT Sir phlets unearthed = autor. The two E.J.

sent in Sri Lanka
rid Citre in Sirhala Life (Wilder House Series in Politics,
tics, and Viola Ceiri Sri Lanka. Foreword by Lal Jayawardena.
| Conflict la5 in tÉSif interpretive activity W from political Scien355 and leSS Of Walue cade, to history, and ogy. The authors of
bol Cultura antihiroWork also allows as ss the strengths and mropological approa| politics. Tambiah is y birth, with an Ameritinguished record as terpreter of Therawapecially in Thalland 6, 1984). One of the ES in his Work 01 idgrtificio Cf3 roject in Theravada In the symbiotic relae Order of Tonks, the ure of the king. The Lanka dre WhiS alteleland, ård this is the Ll books in Which he cious and accessible scholarly work on the COICentrated on the whereas the new Volu
of BuddhiST) ir til arı MIT)ETİÇarı 3ıth FClier publications foCLhe institutional history ddill St TokS i Sri 1. His monograph is ressed to specialists ost important themes Tambiah in his book). y of a history - the recorded by Buddhist ICIS of the Mālā Wäe twists and turns of illä liorālist, är därtitati. It Stads Out nthropological Work in irical evidence, much hala books and partLind translated by the }oks together provide
a fascinating example of the accommodations and changes Buddhism has had to Take, as a political force, in order to Survive in an era of masS politics and popular sovereignty.
Scholarship and conflict
The Mahavamsa exerts a particular fascination in Sri Lanka. It for is a continuous chronicle of the island for I the coming of the Sinhala people, Vijaya, up to the present day. The first section of the chronicle was written in the fifth century CE, although it purports to describe events up to 1,000 years earlier, Subsequent sections were added at intervals in the years that followed, always composed by members of the Sangha, usually at the behest of a unifying and reforting king. The colonial government Commissioned an update in the late nineteenth century, and a monk added a furthersection in the 1930s on his own initiative. In the late 1970s the government of President J.R. Jayawardeme, in self-conscious emulation of the precolonial kings, commissioned a further major updating. The chronicle itself fulfils two explicit functions. It displays an examplary model of the relationship between religion, as embodied in the Sangha, and polity, as embodied in the king; and it provides astructure of authority for present practices by linking them and their agents through a line of descent to the practices and teachings of the Buddha
itself.
Many Scholars have gone. Somewhat further than this. The German Orientalist, Heinz Bechert, for example, has argued:
A form of nationalism originated in ancient Ceylon which was rather close to modern nationalism with its conceptiÕITIS COf 3 LJTiited Plätitor With COFF TOT linguistic, Cullural and religiаш5 raditions. The chronicles served as educational Works to Cultiwa te this CONSCIOLISness of national identity (Bechert 1978:8).
13

Page 16
While no one would deny that the chronicles, or certain episodes from them, have been used for this purpose in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, this sort of interpretation (Widely accepted in Sri Lanka itself), which identifies conscious processes of nation-building in the distant past, has recently been challenged by liberal historians and social Scientists in Sri Lanka.
The problem for Kemper is to allow for cultural difference without succumbing to cultural determinism. Despite the misleading claims of his publishers jacket description, he swiftly and deftly sidesteps the Lunacceptable choice between the radical primordialist claim for a 2,000-yearold Sinhala nationalism and the equally radical Constructionist Version in Which nationalism is a pLure product of the colonial period. He is concerned to rescue the Cultural peculiarities of Sinhala nationalism. Without falling into the trap of describing the present as an inevitable outcome of the past. He chides Writers like Gellner, Anderson, and Kedourie for failing to take seriously the role of "culture and consciOusness" in nationalist TOWellents. While distancing himself from the controversial determinism of Bruce Kapferer, who clainT1s to hawe located a Common pre-reflective "ontology" behind the surface Tanifestations of nationalist myth, political violence, and religious ritual (Kapferer 1988). Instead, nationalism is presented as "a conversation that the present holds With the past" (Kemper 1991:7); this requires the appearance in nationalist argument of both continuity with the past (for the authority it provides) and disparity from that same past (in order to motivate actors to restore what once was there) (Kemper 1991:17).
This felicitous perspective opens Lup a remarkably broad and interesting area for investigation, Kemper moves from a discussion of the context and purposes of the original chronicles to an interpretive teasing out of key themes, particularly the central place accorded to heroes and the concern with unity. He then discusses the colonial discovery of the island's history, a theme recently explored by other authors (Nissan 1985, Rogers 1990), and the fatal effect of ideas of race for Subsequent readings of the chronicle. His closing chapters weave together the issues already explored with more material from the speeches and writings of contemporary politicians and monks. These are the most interesting and challenging sections of the book, not least because he uses many Sinhala sources for the first time,
14
a sad novelty in a argument still domi guage scholarship. Command of T.O. allows him greater With this material;
sections om precole inevitably constrain on secondary sourc schola r-rmonk, Raht a point of view he is Nevertheless, this пmajor advance in ot just of Sri Lanka bLu constraints on allp.
As in his previous a Torg direct line Claims for anancien reflected and prom. After the 1983 Wiolen Ճpaned up to publi group of Colombotuals. The most impg pretation of the histo was provided by the ria OfrThedieʼWal Bu{ na Wārdana. Gunaw the centrepiece of published by the C. tists' Association (S: of the 1983 Violence teda great deal of C press (Tennekolon 1 tailed scholarly resp ma's argument hasol in Sri Lanka (Dharmr Eliah ends his boo reviewing the Contro Wardana ad Dharr ly but firmly, ques assumptions in Kapf the time of Writing, itself beCOTle the SI in Sri Lanka, with s apparently calling fo a cast of distinguish ding Tambiah's righ
ThatterS.
Tambiah's review about the historical d ty is possibly the mc of his book for spec Tarbia hi hir Self aCl the rest of the Wol familiar. Neverted formed a valuable s a lucid account of in twentieth-century gether material frO secondary sources, CBS Sibléöreader SC book will provide a GOTEJTich and Obi

area of acadetic ated by English-lanMoreover, Kemper's rn literary Sinhala interpretive freedom nis argument in the nial historiography is d by his dependence ls (like the Work of the la) often Written from Lttempting to Criticize. book represents a Ir Lunderstanding, mot also of the historical stcolonial politics.
book, Tambiah takes on the primordialist Sinhalanationalism, ted in the chronicles. ce, these claims Were : criticism by a small ased liberal IntellecrtartrgWisionistifterry of Sinhala identity ! distinguished histoidhism, R.A.L.H. Guārdārās Work Wās a group of essays lombo Social ScienSA 1984) in the Wake b. This Wolume attra Criticist in the Sinhala 990), although a deOn Se to Gua Wardanly recently appeared ladasa 1992).* Tamk with an epilogue, versybetween Gunaadasa before, politeioning the historical erer's work. Sadly, at Ta Tibian's book hlas Ibject of Controversy Ole Sinhala Zealols * it to be banned, and ad a CaderniCS defento speak on these
of the arguments pth of Sinhalaidentist interesting section ialists, for whom (as nowledges) much of Ime will be already is, Tambilah has perervice in assembling le role Of BuddhisT) politics, bringing tom a wide range of many of them inacLutside Sri Lanka. The seful complement to yesekeres magnifi
cent Buddhism Transformed (Gombrich and Obeyesekere 1988), which for all its empirical richness largely eschewed the discussion of religion, politics, and ethnicity.'Together, Tambiah's two books form our best introduction to the complexities of the Sri Lankan situation and to the growing academic literature it has attracted.
Modernity, buddhism, and democracy
Both Tambiah, discussing "political" Buddhism, and Kemper, more narrowly focusing on the interpretation of the chronicles, bow to the need to recognize some sort of rupture in the passage from precolonial to postcolonial. In an important argument, Tambiah detects a change in the development of Buddhism on the island. He describes Todern political Buddhism, With its attendant OL tbreaks of Collective Violence, as a transfortation of an earlier "doctrinal Buddhism" in Which the "affirmation of Collectivity" replaces "the religious core and inspiration" (Tambiah 1992:58). Tarnbiah is not alone here. Another distinguished Sri Lankan anthropologist, Gananath Obeyesekere, has advanced the similar argument that moderinist Buddhism, ower-abstract and indiWidualistic, has lost its "Buddhist conscience" of Compassion and lowing kindness, a conscience which used to be transmitted in now forgotten folktales and abandoned village rituals (Obeyesekere 1984:158). This maybe true and certainly would repay closer empirical attention, but it poses two problems. For Tambiah, any talk of al CSS ential "doctrina I BLJddhİST" would seem to put him in the camp of those he describes as "Pali text puritans"Whose version of Buddhism he has so long and eloquently contested. For Obeyesekere, the argument implicitly gives causal primacy to religion in assessing the aetiology of Wiolence. Yet We knOW from ab Llundart evidence, in the chronicles and elseWhere, that there was violence in Buddhist Societies before Buddhist Todernism ëVerappeared and that there Would seem to be no necessary reason to explain its modern manifestation as a product of religious change.
Kemper also recognizes important discontinuities in the modern response to the past. The most important of these is the Victorian notion of race, which recurs through the middle section of his book as a kind of deus ex n77aChina to explain changes in Sinhala understandings of the past. His examples of "race talk" from Sri Lanka are striking and alarning but do not in themselves explain why Victorian racial theory was enthusiastically adopted by Sri Lankans (and other South Asians) and

Page 17
Continues to thrive, long after its scientific demise in Europe. At one point he suggēsts that Western ideas of race gawe added legitimacy to the traditional practice of deriving descent from Some ancestral group in order to claim status (Kemper 1991:123). Ever so, it is hard to accept the implicit force in his statement that "a поderп language of race has appropriated and changed a variety of genuinely ancient practices in Sri Lanka" (Kemper 1991: 135). Again we are confronted with a contrast between a foundational past"genuinely ancient practices", "doctrinal Buddhist" - and a recent deviation for it. Both cases detonstrate how difficult it is to tellstory of nationalism outside the reassuring framework of the tradition - modernity dichotomy.
Nevertheless, Tambiah is careful to avoid the trap of nostalgia for a lost, Buddhist tolerance. Alongside its emphaSis on Collective identity, political Buddhism has also a Tore "positive' side, as ideologists have drawn on historical and textual models in order to construct ideas of Buddhist democracy or Buddhist socialism (Tamblah 1992:60). Both Tambiah and Kemperexplore these attempts so build a distinctively Buddhist political Culture Within the institutional fra IlleWork of the postcolonial state, and their discussions converge On a few inTiportarit themes: the need for unity, the importance of Sovereignty, and dismay at the divisive COinSequenCēS COf party politics.
Kert per devotes an early chapter of his book to the analysis of ideals of unity and community in premodern Buddhism. From the chronicles he identifies astrong emphasis on unity as embodied in the figure of the conquering hero who establishes a unitary Sowereignty ower the whole island. But he also discovers a second, Somewhat different, model of unity, based On COnsenSUS and the pOWer of Collective action. This is de Scribed in Orle of the pulār fik Stries of the Buddās past livas and is concretely embodied in the institutional order of the sangha with its emphasis on regular collective Teetings. Tambiah, using Tlaterial from the crisis years of the 1980s, describes the insistence on unity and sovereignty in one recent Buddhist political movement. The problem is how to asses the causal power of such apparent continuities. Modern Buddhist activists certainly refer back to the same textual models as Kemperthe hero-kings Dutthagaminland Parakramabahu are rarely far from the front page of the Sinhala newspapers-butare they referring to the same thing as the chroni
clers whern they tal are moderTi Sinhala different from those, Of Hild Lur lationalists
Whate Werelse, a | brat Esthe Warrior ki island Lude: ". SOVereignty", Will ha modating calls for siom, SLUIch as thOSE population of the Nic Döllı TarıElia Fl arıcı | da Tenta differer Ce CaCOtExt Of LE C TOT BLueFiSt . of Kapferer, Tambië SCLUOUS Luse of the tE alike the pre-colonial tigS i Sri Laka. followed the pattern he has described Els Asia: Focused on Centre but With L. based on the hiera power at lower-leve With only spasmodi zing the population compare Nissaranc least of the features organization was its File:W, Ofter Cultur: Willin its fra Tllāwork
The Crucial differ and postcolonial st: by the changes in h Kemper discusses. Was updated by arT) the "common peopl time as a category (Kemper 1991:100) missioned by the J ment, the "heroes' peared to be rep people":
Sri Lidika 35 b. and the Eara of the Triwed. That Cordi ned to be male, S middle-class, but from the assumpt of Such people in Participatory polit shift as well as a its emphasis on
itself assures the formation (Kempe
If thTE IS 3 dec: history of Sinhala ri the year in which the duced ltis bi suffrage, to the dism ar Tibitious elite figur

k of unity? And how
discussions of unity say, Ulster Protestant
di T?
Itali ST that ICEngs who brought the Imbrella of a single We difficulties accomdWti SCSmade by the Tar Til til the East. But Kerper draw out funis between the politirocers and that of tivists. In his critique h queries the promirim, state, to describe and postcolonial poliPrecolonial kingship of the "galactic polity" SeWhere ir SOL utli 3 ast the king at the ritual zy boundaries, it is irchical replication of l, peripheral centres, C capacity for mobili(Tambiah 1992: 173, Stirrat 1990). Not the of this sort of political ability to incorporate illy diverse, groupIS
ilce With the CDIClial ate Carl be illustrated istorical Writing which
When the chronicle onkin the Tid-1930s, e" emerge for the first Worthy of attention . In the Wersion Corayawardene governif the past hawe disapolaced by "ordinary
COrne a demOCracy, - Ordinary person has har y perSoni : IS ESSJinhala, Buddhist, and the chronicle begins ion of the dorminance the national Culture. ics creates a cultural Colitical cong, and With equality, nationalism i same cultural transir 1991:190)
isive Tolent in the ationalism, it is 1931, Colonial Office introed Omuniwersal adult hay of the coalition of es that passed for a
local nationalist TowerTent. But ideas of popular representation had been built into the fra The Work of the late-rieteenthCentury Colonial State, and the enthusiasm for the idea of race was in large part a product of Colonial divisions of the population into "natural" Communities to be addressed through the medium of their equally natural leaders.
So those contemporary monks, whose visions of a properly Buddhist political order are described and analysed by both Kemper and Tambiah, are not so much reproducing a political Culture as atterTpting to create one to fit changing circurstances. In this process, the chronicles jostle alongside other less obvious sourCes of inspiration, such as Soviet experiments in planning or popular dissatisfaction with modern elected politicians. Party politics are seen as a crippling source of disunity, While the sangha attempts to represent itself as a source of disinterested unity, rising above the interested squabbling of the politicians. The themes may sound familiar enough, but their implications in Sri Lanka have been quite distinctive. Both the JWP, whose struggle against the government cost the lives of thousands of young Sinhala people in the late 1980s, and the LTTE, whose guerrilla War Continues into its second decade, are movements based on a strong cult of leadership, the expressive use of exemplary violence, and the moral force of a young Constituency who feels betraved by the politics of its elders. In some sense, both TOWements echo the monks' visions of a radical egalitarian democracy, based in a strong sense of Collective identity but somehow purged of the moral failings of "normal" politics.
It is too early to expect these authors to deal with the politics of the JWP uprising (see Moore 1993), while Tamil politics are obviously outside their refit. But the Contnuing lack of attention to the pathological politics of the LTTE is the greatest weakness in the literature on the Sri Lankan conflict. Our occasional euphemisticallusion to Tamil militants fails to do justice to the extraordinary political force that has been built in northern Sri Lanka since the mid-1970s. Perhaps because of the volume and accessibility of its various statements, Sinhala nationalism has low receiWeda relatively large amount ofacademic attention, Comparison with the differing styles and fortunes of Tamil nationalism in Sri Lanka and India is long overdue, as is renewed attention to the siTilarities and differences between the Buddhist politics of Sri Lanka, Burma, Thailand, Cambodia, and Laos.
15

Page 18
And to understand these phenomena We need rather more than the analysis of "nationalist discourse" (the title of Kemper's concluding chapter). We also need more, and better, analyses of nationalistpolitics. In particular, since the demise of modernization theory, anthropologists have been wery slow to assess the cultural implications of democracy, whether as political theory or institutional complex. It is telling that Tambiah ends his book with some brief comments on the political structures of the Sri Lankan state, while in his foreword, the distinguished econdmist, Lal Jaya Warderla, draws attEntion to the stagnation of its economy, Kemper performs a Valuable service in pointing out the close connection between democracy and nationalist, but if there is a Weakness in his excellentStudy, it isa relative inatention to the social and political context of the arguments he is analysing. In this he is following amore general LrEndin recent American anthropology in which nationalism has been analysed as an ideational Structure, or "discursive formation" and post-FOLJCauldians hawe enthusiastically dissected the politics and poetics of almost everything, except mass politics terSely ES.
What anthropologists like Tambiah and Kemper bring to the Understanding of Sri Lanka's Lunique unhappinessis, paradoxically, a remarkably Sophisticated and subtle sense of the historical. This low needs to be complemented by a return to the old anthropological strength of an understanding based om detailed familiarity with the everyday lives of the ordinary people Who are at Once heroes and Wictims in this story."Nevertheless, a revived ethnography of the political Will have to escape from the dead hand of 1960s political science and political anthropology to build, instead, upon the historically Sophisticated Work of anthropologists like Kemper and Tambiah.
Note:g
S Y LLLLLL LLLL zKL S aLSLLLLLYSKYKYOYYYYMLu
fig Disfrärffür of Darriccracy (TaTibiah 1985). Für ML LL0LL0LLLL M L MMLMLMCL HLLL LLLL MLMLMS LLLLa C LLLM LLL MLLLLL M L LC CLLLLLH LCMMMMTS MHLHHL HH HOeOBL 0LeHeeHHOM LLLLLHH HLLL HOHLk LLL aL Lankan Earthir pologists (MBI dari 1937),
KS La CCLeLLLLL LLLLLLLLSLK GLLLLLLL H C LLGGHLMLM MaL LL LLL LLLLLLLLL LLLLLLLLuuLLLLLL LL LLL LLL LLLLLLLLuuuLLuDLDu HHHHLLLLLLLLMuMuOL LLLHHC C LOLLHH MkLLLLLL LLLCCCCLS LLMuL S L MMHCuuLL LLLLLLLLMLLMuMaMuuLuuLLkLk gur iritorpretation as a modern Europioan, phoenicornioTOT " Unfortimately, the arguTermitin Lh5 formTi des not gyan survive Kemper's preface, in which it become LL LCCLL LLLCLL LLLCLLC LCLLLLLLL HH LLLLLLLCC L CMMLLLLL HHCLLHHLHMMMLLHSHCLLLLCLCLS LCCCCLM LGCLMHMMLH HL S althousand Bars (Kaliper 1991x).
KS C LLLMGLGLLMLMMMMCL LCLM LMMMC a MHLCCCCLL C LLL
LLLLLL LLLLLLH L ML LLLLH LGL0L LLMMLL HHHL
16
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E. ATTICS til COITIITEITLICH gas in Sri Lankan Bud Jļulāri risi: Çeribury, Thresultirings hawa EE en Wariously dBS list, and recally post Obeyeseker E 19E3E3; Gf. 5, The connections, of C.
WP.
F. THE TE LEWE IEEE SIT
a Tore locally grounde ir Sri Linkin, BallLight| Fedor peripheral are: accorpiaries growing TLC1EES EU TE E in Tore centrar E.E.S.S 1990b); Woost (1990, Sericar 199CE).
Referen CE25
Egert H. 1978. "The Historiography: Mafia Wai ing", in B. Li Smith, Ed for Pierr Sri LH Anitë.
Brow, J, 1988, "In Purs sentations of Authoritya Willage". Arry Eric Ari Erfiri
| 199Ca. "The lng Community within the S pologicHI ČLärfer, 53:1
| ISS.O.D. "NIDr. Friti: TħEB Fate of LI Kukulewa," in J. Spanic: Hi Fi Crs.
Dha Iliadasa, K.N.O. 1: Lion": Ethnicldentity, lde sionism in Contemporär dies Repričar, 10:1, 37-59
- 1992b), Largā ASEErvas TIE GO Misri ir Sri Lärka. Al Art PIOSS.
Gornbirichi, Riard G. C. dhilgiri. I ritir ligfeistillfid: F
FiFi.
Guria Wafdalia, R.A.L.H. LiÖrı: The Sirhal liderli and Historiography"in1 . History and the Ross |բdge.
Kapferer, Bruce. 1988. of Sara Wielce, rifle

cintin ClCina giged "Birt EELLi S "Erdir El 1990). Tha LublicaWell as the excellet jour Tal TOT THE SOCIEI SCialis:LSE" |Will Road, Color Th0, 5, Sri FEply O GLIEB War Idrill häs ie Years in typescript bul hias ournal of the International Bs (Dharriadas B 1992a). Ils 1 his CWT im. Er Estim, if politigraph DharTid:Isä 1992b). Carl bg |gund in two recent, -flasiratfla 158S, Sperr:Er
Barthi TOT HE WILLIITIE WES "El LTE Eggin TE Crisis haulfio CDITTLDnEDITH75 akaf TG9: x-xii). 5 rECOgnize important chanihi:SITı i: H TESLİ DIl Color|al ury attack in thB TiiiTIETEErlith Luis frukturik ELidh:5 Criba'da 5 Frotestarıl, Tider-Protestant Gorbrich and Spencer 1993),
3ursa, Only direct in thin case.
3 recent Eatte3rTips TO por D'Wilde di Ethnography. Od ratiCEST) TIESE här. E FT1Cstly COTICE"ltraF, where rationalis ideology Slali prętralii, Wg króW Icial roots of national feeling EE, E.g., Bruyn, 19BH, 199C0B,
| 393); Tanimekirimin (19BB);
Beginnings of Buddhist Ir75 at: Politica Turki| Ralgún and Legitimak, Carbrsburg, PA:
Liit of Heger Tory: RepreJustictoria:Sri Lankari ok.gist, 15:2311-27, corporation of a Marginal illalgisg Naif". Afro구-17.
li5. RIOi Ti LOC Tie Willage CorTT TTT, Lirilty irn er, Ed., Sri Larka: His fairy F. London: FC Lilledge. 192a. "The People of the ology and Historical Rowl"y Sri Lanka," EFihri lic: SfL/-
,
gוחgB, HEligion and Elhו
Sirises NHxor. University of Michigan
)bey B-Sekere, 19BB, BudRealigio L 5 Charga F1 - Sri eton University Press.
1990. "Tha People of the ty and Ideology in History Spanced,5īLaīka: T. LILL
Lagandis of Pegople, MyTrons raflard PCMCIWLA ra
in Sri Lanka and Australia. Washington, D.C. STETT
Madam, T. HId. 19B7, "Speciallissu G om the Work of Sri Lankan Anthropologists." Confrty fans to Irīda 5 cilgyr.s.), 21:1.
Moore, M.P., 1993. "Thoroughly Modern RevoluLHLLLLLLLS LLL S SSLLLLL G a LLLLLLLLS LLLLtLLLLSSSKKLLL Studig5, 27:3, 593-642.
Nissan, E. 1985, "The Sacred City of Anuradhapura: Aspects of Sinhalese Buddhism and Nationhood." London: Ph.D. Thessis, driversity of Ltd.
S LLLL S SSS S LLLLLLLLS 00LLS LL LLLLGLLLLLDLLLLLL of Corri TILTallidentie5," in J. Spacer, Ed, Sri Lanka. History and the Roofs of Conflict. London: Routledge.
Obeyesekere, G, 1984. "The Origins and InstituMaMLLLLLLLLM LLL LLLLKMLLLLLSLS LLLLuuuL S LLLS Sri Larika ir 7 Charga ārld Crisis. Lordin: Circum HEIT.
Rogers, J.D. 1990. "Historical mages in the British Périod" in J. SpBricar, Ed, Sri Lanka : Historyārīd The Roofs of Corsic, Londor: Routledge.
SangWira LITE, H.L., Éd. 1989. "Edentity, ConsciouLLaLLLLLLL LTLL LK SLLL LLLLLL LLaLLLLSSSS SetLtOKKMLOS ysis, Special SSLE, 25. Social Scientists' Association (SSA), 1984. EshriuCTL KMu CseseLM aCMMMTM T COS LMMLSS SLLLMHaHLS Social Scientists' Association. Spencer, J. Ed, 1990a. Sri Larika: Fisfairyāfiad ffE Reklass af Carl flict, Londor: RoLutledga.
– 1990ib, A 5iri halä Wllägg frT a TirTTg of Trouble Politics Charge in Rural Sri Lanka, Delhi: Oxford University Press.
1990. "Tradition and Transfortation: FE-Erik Writing On the Anthropology of Buddhism in Sri Lanka," Journal of the Arthropological Society of Oxford, 221:2, 129-40. Tambah, S.J. 1970. Buddhistiard the Spirit Cults Fri Mar Tri-East Thailand Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
1976, World Conqueror and World RetroLricer. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
S 0000S LLL L0LLLHHL 0LaL LLLL aLTLTlLLLLLS and the Culf of the Amulets. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
。19Bš、厅凸门靛占芷尸芷且凸置凸é DSTarg of DeTTCCracy. Chicago: University of Chicago Press,
Tennekoon, N.S. 19B.B. "Rituals of Development The Alfrated Mahaveli Developmelt Program of Sri Lanka." AFTEạritar), El Fıraskigis, 15:294-310.
1990. "Newspaper Nationalism. Sinhala Identity as Historical Discourse," in J. Spencer, ed., Sri Lanka. History and the Roofs of Conflict, London1: RoLutledge.
Woost, M. 1990. "Rural Awakenings: Grassroots LCLLLCaLCLCaCLL LLLL aT C aCCLMLH LLL C LLLLaLLLLL Fast in Rural Sri Larika," in J. SpärlLEr, èrd, Sr Lanka. History and the Roofs of Conflict. London: Routledge.
1993. "Nationalizing tha Local Past in Sri Länka: Histories of Nation and Digyelopmentina Sinhalese Willage." Angrscār Erfiriosgis 203, 5T) - 1.
SS S LLLeHHCCCHLGTCL OaCMLL T CLLLCL TTT LLTLaLLLSS
r:

Page 19
correspoNDENCE
Praona Karan
s a Prabhakaran-Watcher, I thank
H.L.D. Mahindapala for bringing to my attention, the New York Times feature (May 28, 1995) of John Burns on Prabha. karan (LG, Oct. 15). In it, Prabhakaran's blood-thirstiness in dealing with opponents has been Stated as comparable to that of "some of the cruelest figures in recent Asian history, including Pol Pot", Even if one takes this opinion on its face value, one Wonders who are the other cruelest figures in recent Asian history, whom John Burns had in mind. If one takes abody count of innocent victims (not military opponents), Mao Ze Dong, Indira Gandhi, Suharto, and Ranasinghe PreПаdа sa STOLjld enter this CILJE IBaders Hall of Fame. Without any difficulty, 1st Prabhakaran, then in good company?
Unlike Mahindapala, I do not consider the New York Tries as the Oracle of the twentieth century. I provide a few examples where this venerable newspaper had to Bat CrOW. The Se are CLlulled frOT the book, The Experts Speak: The Definitive Compendium of Authoritative Misinfornation, by Chris Cerf and Victor Navasky (1984).
Comp
A New York Til 1921 the attempts Space Science pio ES Orle Who "SBET15 ladled out daily in F 5, 1932, the sale" c9" of Mahindapala tion of the the Pre: Vēr Frankli Delā 14, 1972, the Sar COITlmented that SE ton as a "casting rumming mate". Fe revealed that he ha tric shock therapy the Democratic P George McGovern. could not predict d about the events reliable is its asses Lanka?
AS to Werbal ab Prabhakaran is to to be sneered at El Almost 200 years a ca. George Washi Philadelphiа Ашгог nation Was deba. American nation
Ajith: The Enlightened Pen
he last time Ajith Samaranayake's
father gave him a clip on the ear, it was over Lake House. Ajith had defied Samaranayake Senior and bought the Daily Newsata time When J. R. Jaya’Wardene was leading a boycott of Lake House newspapers. This was in the heady days of 1973 when issues like press freedom were on everyones lips. It was fortunate that Ajith began his Writing career in this period. When the intellectual space for dissent Was still available.
He Was stilla Schoolboy when his mind and his pen began to roam the whole gamut of Contemporary issues. Ajith's Writing has been prolific; covering literature, generational issues, political events and concepts of culture. His Writings always reflect his wide reading and his serious
reflection on issu significance. His a rial in English and of an increasinglyr
diletta rite.
He inherited th middle class Valu his father atted but he literally gre boyhood home Wa ge, overlooking thE Consequently he liberal values, toth tUrg and the moro Western Culture a Ol Flim thB TOde: in fair play that set
NeWertheless in to recapture alth

arec
seditorial ridiculed in nrocket propelling by ger Robert Goddard to lack the knowledge igh schools". In Nov. unimpeachable Sourpredicted the re-elecde Herbert Hoover o Roosevelt. On July Te New York Tr7755 nator Thomas Eagledirector's ideal for a W. Weeks later it WaS d undergone psychiaand Was dropped by residential Candidate If the New York Tries sevelopments correctly Within the USA, OW STEIt Omeg Welts in Sri
|Use from Opportents, the first Tabel leader y his contemporaries. go, the father of Amerigton was roasted by a as follows: "if ever a Iched by a Tan, the as been debauched by
Washington. If evera nation Was deceived by a man, the American nation has been deceived by Washington. Let it Serve to be a Warning that no man may be an idol". Does Mahindapala know that quite a large segment of American citizens Who Were loyal to the British Crown were chased by Washington's patriotic gang to Canada and West Indies? One who cites New York Times for support should also bother to learn the revolutionary history of America.
applaud you for providing a proper balance by publishing Mahindapala's critique to Bramagnani and the Galle ethnic Wiolence COTrittee report in the same issue. Mahindapala's legitimate question, "Who are the oppressors of Tamils?" has been eloquently answered in the report you have published on the Galle ethnic wiolence. Those Who suffered at Galle had no links to Prabhakaran's dictum. They suffered because they had the misfortune to hawe an ethnic identity as TaThills.
SChi Sri Käthā
Japan Institute for Control of Aging, Fukurcii City, Shiz Loka, Japan.
es of profound social cCBSStOtlg best TlateSinhala Take hit. One are breed-abilingual
le best Of Anglicised 2s. Not only did he like Trinity College Kandy, w up in its shadow. His is adjacent to the colleplaying fields of Trinity. acquired a sensitivity to ebestin English Literae enduring aspects of nd Values. It bestoWed sty, rectitude and belief shim apart from others.
his Writings he strives at is rich and beautiful
in Our Oriental culture; he searches for deeper meaning in the Works of conternporary Sinhala Literati. And he Wants to be part of the reaching prospects for change that lie dormant in the WorTib of OLur Society.
Ajith survived the traumatic Eighties When the freedom to think, to speak, to Write were fraught With danger. When Violence Consumed the tolerant, the gifted, the different. And now he is back at Lake House, at the helm of the oldest English newspapers east of Suez - the СеуӀоп Observeг. Аjith has beеп а сопTentator on the major issues that his society has confronted in the last two decades, Now may be he will be more than an observer - perhaps a player HITSelf,
Jayantha Soma Sundaram
17

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Page 21
Gananath Obeyesekere
Ron Brunton
HOW "Natives". Think: About Captain Cook, For Example by Marshall Sahlins
Ore than most disciplinas, contemM porary anthropology seems susceptible to moral posturing and its attendant vice, moral confusion. The posturing focuSes On predictable Suspects – Colonialism, EuroCentrism, racism, the rights of indigenous peoples. Little can mitigate the outrage the virtuous anthropologist feels When she considers the brutal excesses White mem hawe perpetrated on the natiWes of Asia, Africa, the Americas and the Pacific. The excesses these natives frequently inflicted on each other are another matter, however. Even When acknowledged, they are usually explained in terts of Venerable cultural imperatives, or as departures from traditional practices Occasioned by the horrors of contact with White Tilleri.
Certainly, this selective Outrage might be partly justified by arguing that Europearls' Ostensible commitment to a uniVersalist moral Code made their barbarity more reprehensible than similar - or Worse - bahawlio Lur from Tembers of Cultures whose moral horizons were far more limited. But such an argument would depend on the idea that in a significant way the cultures of the West are superior to these other Cultures. It is therefore ruled OLUL for til St.
So when Gananath Obeyesekere published The Apotheosis. Of Captain Cook in 1992, which asserted that European myths about indigenous people and their propensity to non-rational thought Were being perpetuated in the Writings of Mar. shall Sahlins, a distinguished American anthropologist with leftist views, the ground was prepared for a nasty battle.
Thgrawie Wer is a Sparkarassocia sig in arılıropology a II (PER L’r tyversity of MGMbOLArrig,
Obeyesekere, a Prin kan anthropologist, i "native" background insight into Pacific CI Was made Worse - made manifest - by Lihat Sahilir SWS SCOTT "Culture of terror" such as Captain C: the World, and which Obeyesekere's frien bo-Cau53 HE WOLuld II" abouts of his Sori, am "NafWgs" Toffolk is
reSOSE.
The Central empiri Sahlins and Obeyes Waiians saw Captai a Series of books an the late 1970s, Sahli tflE5l8 tflät CC]]k'5 [ Bay on February 14, quence of the Hawai a manifestation of associated With hur fertility.
According so Sah the main island of HE of the annual Maka Makahiki took place period and involv struggle in which the powers of Lonoforth thus renewing his ow as revitalising nature At one phase of the cloth and bird-skin Lomo was Carried oli the island. This ph popular celebration fighting and certain climax of the Makali the kasi, betwee Lo Lhe king defeated th the Worship of ther whom he was persc the image embodyin bered and hidden, Wing year.

! and Captain Cook
CetOn-baSBd Sri Lar1claired that his own Í gave him a better ultures. The situation and Oral Confusion ta bizarrein simulation lehow complicitinthe European explorers ook Unleashed Upon 1 had Clained Ong of disin Sri Lanka, killed Otre WBG|the WNBrgalleged terrorist. How
Sahlins's crushing
cal question between Ekere is Whether Hani Cook as a god. In darticles dating from ns has developed the leath at Kealakekua 1779, Was a Conseiar belg|lat le Wa5 LOno, a major god Tian and agricultural
iris, Cook arrived off Wafiaround thleti Ile hiki ritual cycle. The | Qwar a four-Tort 2d a COSThological kiпgappropriatedthe ebenefit of humanity, In SOWereignty as Well and the Social Order. Cycle, a Wood, tapaimage embodying ni a 23-day Circuit of aSe Was a tiTE Of marked by taboos on other activities. The ki was a ritual battle, no and the king. After a god, he reinstalled military god Ku, with nally identified, and g L0n0, Was dismenTо геapear the follo
Sahlins argues that Cook's arrival began a remarkable series of coincidenCBS which led the Hawaiians to believe that he was a manifestation of Lono. Though these coincidences did not always involve an exact correspondence to the events and expectations of the Makahiki, they Were close enough to allow the Hawaiians to a SSir Tilate Cook CreatiWely to the Makariki tradition, The Sails of his ships, Resolution and Discovery, reSembled the image of Lono. Cook carried out a right-circumnavigation of the island for seven Weeks before landing, following the same direction that LOno's irriage took Om its Makahiki circuit. When he finally anchored - to the tumultuous Welcome Of at least 10,000 Hawaiians -- hg IIICcently chose a place opposite the major temple of Lono, from Where the image Usually left on its journey around the island, and to where it returned. And When Cook left less than three Weeks later, on February 3, he "made a near-perfect ritual exit", as the Makahiki rituals Would Hawe ended a day or so earlier.
Out at sea, however, a severe storm disabled Resolution's fore last, and Cook limped back to Kealakekua Bay on February 11 for repairs. In returning, Cook upset the ritual cycle. The time of Lond Was over; it was the time of Ku's ascerdancy, The Hawaiians' attitudes had changed, and on the night of February 12, the cutter from Discovery was stoler. The next morning, Cook tried to take the king hostage against the return of the boat. As Sahlinstellsit, this Was like kal" in reverse, With Lono "wading ashore With his Warriors to confront the king". Cook's death was a ritual murder enacted by a large number of Hawaiians, who Snatched the iron dagger from each other so that they could all play a part. But even after his body had been dismembered, he was expected to Corne back; priests and other Hawaiians asked the British When Lond Would return, and what he would do to thēT When he dici.
19

Page 22
In The Apotheosis of Captain Cook, Obeyesekere accepted that the HaWaiians called Cook "Lomo", although he said that this was merely a name. He also acknowledged that they prostrated themselves before Cook, but claired that this Was because they made him a chief to incorporate him and his officers into the Hawaiian political structure, and thus bring order into the relationships between Hawaiian commoners and the British. Obeyesekere argued that Sahlins Was unwittingly continuing the long-standing Western myth - going back to the time of Cortes, and perhaps even Columbus - of "the redoubtable European Who is a god to savage peoples". In opposition to this supposed slander, Obeyesekere presented a literalist critique in Which the "practical rationality" of the Hawaiians Would have quick made them recognise that someone who did not speak their language or look like them was nomanifeStation of Lomo. He further a CCLSad Sahlins of Scholariy sins, including anuncritical attitude towards Sources, the selective use of information according to its agreement With his overall argument, and the manipulation of evidence. (Sins these certainly are; nevertheless, they are widespread among anthropologist and their Colleagues in related disciplines.) ObeyeSekere also made clear his dista StB for Cook. Far from being the humane ambodirilent of the Enlightenment, by his third Voyage the great Tan had supposedly bECCITTE ||KE KLIrtz ITI CCTIrad's HEãTT Cf Darless,
Sahlins's rejoinder is a relentless and Compelling Work, presented With Wit and panache. Obeyesekere's view that the Hawaiians were "consistently practising a bourgeois rationality" While Europeans hawe been reproducing "the myth that "natives take them forgods" for more than 200 years is an inversion of cornton Understandings that has a certain political appeal in the contemporary academy. But it can be sustained only by failures of scholarship that are far Worse and more extensive than those he supposedly found in Sallirls's Work, Sahlins dérrlörstrates the contradictions, the misrepresentations, the selective use of evidence, the un Warranted spēcLulations and the considerable ethnographic igri Oranice that characterise Obeyesekere's book, And in any Case, he shows that Obeyesekere's Whole
2O
project is futile. For i WaS ir Stalled 35S 3
Stated that Ha Wafia "divine qualities", ап Hawaiians deified C So what has happer that making gods ou rers is a European r
Sahir SW1|| Otlet F his progressive Credi se hismoralistanding tables of Virtugare tu Lankan protector of champion oflhe"поп cannot strike back", the Hawaiian by dis TOLIS testimOnleS abt book because they w the auspices of a C And by basing his Walians On their su practising the Weste, of a critical rationality actually delivered th the imperialism that them economically there.
However, though { is beset by moral pa intellectual irony in : original intention be Search on early Hay Polynessian — erc pears was to deve Would introduca hLIrr rall Changa into stru Which had hitherto as: formal and relatively Cultural classificatio Cultural systerns ar hur Tal actioTS OWEarti are themse|Wes Irif Walues and LunderStar O reconcile Structur: showing how people duce their Cultures Co. ra tra 15fOTTiation. Bl. knockout blow again cause of his fine-gr; ehitnographic analys Tlaterial, and this ar independent of the the O OHälf àcCLIräte k past and about other scholarship, a positic recocile With SS

n claiming that Cook chief, Obeyesekere n chiefs possessed dhe argued that the Ook affer his death. ned to "the certainity of European explo
nyth"?
isadversary impugn entials and jeopardiin anthropology. The Tedaro Ud... THE ST Hawaiian dignity, the literate peoples who Hlas himself Silen Ced missing the indigebut the perception of Wéré col|BCEd LIIIdEr Christian Missionary. dĒfer ICE of the Haoposed expertise irn rToT intellect LIal WirtugS , Obeyesekere has em "intellectually to
has been afflicting and politically". So
Obeyesekere's Work radox, here is SOThe Salis 5's book. The third Sahlins's rewaiian - and other Liters. With Eurolop a theory which ar aitliosi ald CultLctural anthropology, SLIEdautonoous, " Stably Syster Tis of 1. Recognising that e the products of Ile-actions Which ormed by Cultural ndings - he wanted alism with history by s' attempts to reprouldbring about Cultuut Sahilirls Scores his st Obeyesekere beaired historical and is of the Hawaiian alysis is essentially Bory that it is possible nowledge about the Cultures throughout In that is not easily pousal of the Cultural
construction of experience and his reluctance to privilege Western forms of knoWledge.
Sahlins justifiably criticised Obeyesekere for İntellectual ad hocery, and for his inability to pro Wide Consistent theoretical explanations of the Circumstances in Which "commonsense" or"rmysticall" dispositions might predominate in any particular people's beliefs. Yet Sahlins imself is not immune from this kind of attack. To show that Hawaiians were mot unique in placing a SUpernatural interpretation Om the advent of Europeans, he presents many similar cases from other Pacific islands, GSpecially from New Guinea. However, as is also the case for Hawaii, he has to acknowledge that there is eviderice that individuals in several New Guinea Societies were sceptical about the divinity of Europeans, even in the early stages of Contact, New Eartheless, this scepticism did not readily become part of these societies' Collective understandings, and when Sahlins attempts to explain this, he falls into a hole. In New Guinea, Scepticis T1 suppoSedly failed because of the lack of a "CentraliSed Ornierarchical Order". ELLES is the exact opposite of the reason he gave earlier in the book for Why scepticism Was marginalised in Hawaii, where "the powers-that-be had unique possibilities of Objectifying their Own interpretations".
This inconsistency points to a wider proble in. At the heart of Sahlins's theoretiCalendeavourslie difficult and interesting anthropological questions about the relation between individual cogitations and Collective Cultural Categories. These questions have important implications for the concept of Culture, particularly the Tatter of whether cultures are as Coherent, encompassing and persistent as Sahlins wants to believe, and on which his theoretical position depends. But the book passes over these issues, and does not really er hance Our Comparative Lunderstanding of Cultural influences on how "natives" - including ourselves - think, despite what the title might be thought to promise. In these terms, the book is disappointing. But as an account of what HaWaiian thought about Captain Cook, and how these thoughts led to his death, as Well as a put-down of self-righteous adversary, How "Matives” Think is a tour de forCE.

Page 23
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Here, with careful nurturing, tobacco grows Fis a LLLLeOLL LLL LLLLCHC HLL LHLHL uuuLGLCL LtgtLLLLLaL LLLLLLLHHL L gold, to the value of Jir Rs. 250 million or more annually, for perhaps 143,000 rural folk.
 

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