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LANKA
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VO. 18 February 15, 1996
U. N. ME
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PUBLICATIONS
7, 1995 by Niaz Naik and Bradman Weerakoon
TIONIDERATE
DATION OF ETHNIC DIVERSITY
ANKA
IONAL ASSEMBLY ELECTIONS 1993
шirly, June 2, 1995
JTURESTATUS OF QUEBEC
WOLUTION
SAYS OF INTERVENTION: ITICSINPERSPECTIVE
PECT AND PROSPECT
Colombo 8

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MEM/3 BACAKGA70LM)
GENERAL INFLATC
Mervyn de Silva
he Economy stupid .... Mr.
J. R. Jaya Wardene's "greatest gift" to his people was not his Gaullist "Executive Presidency" of which he is Certainly the most persistent and aggressive advertiser. His contribution Was free-market economics. He was the pioneer in the Indian sub-continent. The Tost convincing, if reluctant, witness to that fact is President Chandrika Kumaratunga, a committed "leftist", who agreed EKE IMF-World Bakte ... just as other South Asian leaders, ConTitted "Socialists" Tost of the T, Were soon converts to the gospel of private enterprise as preached by the Bretton Woods tWiS.
Though the Sri Lankan voter was in a mood for change by the early 1990's, candidate Chandrika Kumaratunga clinched the matter by her public, if Somewhat reluctant, Con Wer:Sior to thĒ Gospel of growth preached by the Bank and the Fund. Her P.A. was a messenger of other good news - the glad tidings of peace. C.B.K., a genuinely new and attractive personality on Opposition platforms, promised a "negotiated Settlement" of the 11 year ethnic conflict which had already assurned the character of a serious internal War. It was as "Peace Candidate" that she drew the Crowds that the 8 party "P.A." had failed to do in August. All the minorities trusted her - the Tamils first of all, and the Musli is once Mr. Ashraf Was on board. and the Christians....... together With a fraction of the (Indian) Tamil plantation constitшепсу.
PEACE CANDIDATE
Everybody loves peасе апd a peасе candidate. But Mrs. Kumaratunga's manifesto had another vital item - the economy. In simple arithmetic the Vote on military spending, then running at about a million dollars a day, could be gradually reduced. The savings could
go to "powerty alewi ment" — jobs, E subsidies for the Capitalism, in other faca, The equatic message loud and
Prabhakara at dasa. He regårde: president as an art crosser. He helped to get the I.P.K.F presence was a fla Lankan sowEreignt I.P.K.F. Was her J. R. JayawardeneACCord".
OCE. E. P.K. Premada 53 - Prabo: come in Creasingly Rao relations sho' The pilgrimage to Prime MilStar Ra strong evidence of rapport. Or So it W; karan top adwiSerS, Rao administratio Gandhi assasinatio Gandhi's increasir CongresS establis WES - "double-Croi On May 1st 1993, and treatment. A 5
Mr. D. B. Wijetu "peasant cunning government's atte province, the ethn Muslil5ad Sirihä "rice bowl"; anyw; important than the HE mort. TE arT job - completel L.T.T.E.
The U.N.P. is Towes ir --- b) Lutli pro-L.T.T.E. (or

ON TAKES OVER
ation" and "developand perhaps SOrtle poorest of the poor. Words, with a human n Was simple; the
clear.
20| PTü Siddit PTüm3dt Sri Lāka ful dodger, a doublethe LT.T.E. in Order ... out. The I.P.K. F. grant violation of Sri y ..., although the om invitation, the Rajiv Gandhi "Peace
F. left not only did karn relations botool but PremadaSa - Wedd a neW Warmth. i Budhla Gaya and o's reception looked a few Color Ibo-Delhi Pas seen by Prabhaclosely watching the n's attitude to the nitrial, and Mrs. Sonia ng influence in the singnt. Prg mada Sa sser". He had to go. tha Lusual prescription suicide-boo Tiber.
nga takes Over. With ", D.B.W. turns the til t0 tE EEStET ically mixed (Tamils, lese) and the island's ay strategically more Jaffna peninsula and ny does an excellent y marginalising the
defeated; the P.A. terature published by selli-official L.T.T.E.)
groups suggested that the L.T.T.E. analysts paid special attention to the big difference in the percentage vote of the P.A. in August (a modest 50%) and the record 62% of Candidate Chandrika so the Weeks later. Candidate Chadrika's platform was "Peace", a negotiated settlement. What can a militant organisation likea thea LL.T. T. E, an organisation that fought the World's second largest army for three years or more, do? It must go through the motions of "peace negotiations" while preparing for EELAM WAR 3. That's precisely what the L.T.T.E. did - until they trained their guns on the army's garrisons.
(Car7tW7LVad ar 7 pagal 4)
GÜARDIAN
Wol. 18 No. 19 February 15, 1996
PCO RS. TODO
Published fortnightly by Lanka Guardian Publishing Co. Ltd. No. 246, Union Place CoCTEDO - 2.
Editor: Mervyn de Silva Telephone: 4-47584
Printed by Ananda Press B25, Sir Ratnajothi Sarawaramuttu Ma Watha, Colombo 13.
Telephone: 435975
CONTENTS
The Swiss Model 2
Needed: A Neutral Mediator Winning the Peace 5 The Lifting of the Consorship 7 Sri Lanka IT WOTE 9 Whither Russia (2)
5 ACC StillWalid 15
Pluralism (3) B

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The SWiss Model
Neelan Tiruchewan
L့်ပွါ Woolf the literary critic and publisher was a colonial civil servant in Ceylon from 1904 to 1911, and served both in Jaffna in the extreme North and in Hambantotal in the deep South, Many years later in 1938 as an advisor to the Labour Party he reflected on the questions of minority protection and constitutional reform. He argued in favour of a constitutional arrangement Which ensured a large measure of devolution or the introduction of a federal System on the Swiss model. Woolf added that "The Swiss federal canton system had proved extraordinarily successful under circumstances very similar to those in Ceylon, i.e. the Co-existence in a single democratic state of communities of very different size, sharply distinguished from one another by race, language and religion."
Despite the foresight of Leonard Woolf almost six decades ago, Sri Lanka's failure to lay down the constitutional foundations of a multi-ethnic society based on equality, ethnic pluralism and the sharing of power has exacerbated the ethnic conflict. As a consequence Sri Lanka has been besieged for year by ethnic fratricide and political violence. The proposals of 3rd August 1995 represented the boldest attempt to redress the imbalance in the relationship between the different ethnic groups through devolution of power to the regions. These proposals also envisage that Sinhala and Tamil Would be recognised as official languages and accorded equality of status. Previous attempts at ethnic reconciliation had been flawed by the lack of sincerity, political resolve and political imagination. The unitary charaCter of state acted as a further constraint Where power inevitably gravitated toWards the Centre.
The legal text of the chapter om devolution released by the Government
CCH CLCLOTS LGLLLLLLLSL0 S SLLLLL Y LGLOLOHLHC LLLL LLLLHTL |(7/7/77/7a/FG7frog, för EWWE SYLWG5.
оп 16th January
further step in the
nal rEeforTT1, MiLFir t the debate Will foc and di SCOItinuitie:S proposals and ther The continuities are of the nature of th Structures of the di subjects and functi Tamil political pa complained that th of th3 CE3tET IT TE of dissolution and
police powers an irrigation. The unit rèir Tair the Tost C is likely to be addre is forged on the sub The United Natio Critical factor if a
to be secured in F hurdle that Would ni is a national refere throughout the isla two major southe People's Alliance a nal Party are suppo there are realistic at the referen dum.
Orle of thg limistä Lanka Accord whic t[] thịg PT[]ựÎF1Cjä| Cũ| Ced in 1988 Was LF called for a redefinit polity, it did not br in the unitary chara state. The ACCord Lanka Was a "lult plural Society' CONS four main ethnic gro Tails, Muslims an no change Was el 2 of the Sri Larikā entrenched the Uni ception of the unit the outlook of the judiciary in the res. wincial disputes. W Tethods were also in the centre powers tation, agrarian ser The August 3rd

1996 represents a rocess of constitutiole Select COITITittee, is on the continuities between the August 1ore recent legal text. Seger in the definition estate, the political 3VOlwed Unit and the ons devolved. Some tias häWE hOWEWEr are is a tilt in favour lation to the powers in the distribution of subjects Such as of devolution Would intentious issue and SSed if a Consensus stance of devolution. al Party Would be a two-third majority is Parliament. A further seed to be overcome dum to be conducted d. If I HOWE Weer the rin political parties, nd the United Natiortive of the exercise, rospects of success
tions of the Indo-Sri h provided the basis InCll Scherne introduat Whild the Accord ion of the Sri Lankan ing about a change ter of the Sri Lankar did declare that Sri i-ethnic, multi-lingual isting of primarily of ups - the Sinhalese, i Burghers. However Twisaged in Section n Constitution which tary State, This COnary state influenced bureaucracy and the lution of centre-proarious disingenuous
employed to rewest relating to transporices and education. proposals however
redefined the nature of the state as a "union of regions" drawing on the language of the Indian constitution. Sri Lanka Was further described as a "United and sovereign Republic". In the present legal text, there is a reworking of the language without any attempt to alter the substantive meaning of this provision. The Republic of Sri Lanka is now described as an "indissoluble Unior of Regions" and thereby interpolating an archaic phrase drawn from the Australian constitution. This framework Was necessary to ensure that exclusive legislative and executive Competence could be assigned to the regions within the devolved sphere.
With regard to the subjects and functions to be devolved on the regions, most of the subjects and functions which were previously in the concurrent list were transferred to the regional list. This Would significantly Strengthen the capacity of the devolved authorities to adopt an integrated approach to social and economic development of the region and thereby seek to redress regional disparities in development. Amongst the Subjects devolved are education and health, industries, agriculture, irrigation, fisheries, transport and energy, roads and Waterways, housing, construction and broadcasting. A contentious issue has been devolution of powers in relation to land. The legal text makes it clear that state land shall vest in the region and the Regional administration shall be entitled to transfer or alienate land and engage in land use and land settlement schemes. The centre may however for the purposes of a reserved subject request a Regional administration to transfer state and to the Centre. There is an obligation on the part of the centre to consult the region with regard to such requirements. Law and order including the maintenance of public order hawe been clearly devolved on the Region although there Would be disputes as to whether the investigation of offences relating to the reserved list of subjects should be wested with the regional or
national police service.

Page 5
An ingenuous arrangement envisagad by the Scherine for the settlement of inter-regional disputes is the Chief Ministers" conference. The conference which is to consist of chief Tinisters of all the regionis has the power to take all actions and measures which are necessary to ensure full compliance the chapter on devolution in accordance with the spirit and intention of the Constitution. The Conference also has the power to settle disputes between the regions through mediation and conciliation and where such efforts fail, refer the matter for adjudication to an arbitral tribunal constituted by the disputing Regional Councils.
if the Chief Minist play a meaningful rc. tion of this Scheme clearly extend to the regional disputes.
The Sri Larkai placed emphasis ol posals to bring at the national quest recently presented further refined and if it is to adequatell pating interest of different regions. T
NeeCeci : A
H. A. Senewirate
he bomb explosion in the
heart of Colombo on January 31, killing Several scores of unermed people and damaging several buildings including the Central Bank should awaken the masses of the people of Sri Lanka to ask the government and the LTTE to end this War and discuss a lasting solution to the ethnic problem on the basis of a tangible and meaningful devolution of power.
In fact the aftermath of the government's Operation Fwresa which resulteld in Several lakhs of people in Jaffna becoming refugees should have been enough reason for the Sinhala speaking and the Tamil speaking people to call for an immediate halt to the ongoing ethnic War. But most Sinhala-speaking people were lulled by government propaganda into an imaginary prospect of continuing with the war in order to achieve peасе.
By now it should be clear to all sections of the people including the extremists or both sides of the ethnic-divide that this is a War of attrition that has pushed both the government and the LTTE to desperation. It will devour both Warring parties, whilst crippling society itself in the process.
The General Industrial and Media
This is a stafсалттал" of Wig Gomera)". Sacyrgrayу OCT TOHOuO CTTmTLeLeT TOeTT S CTeeT LTOLTLCL LSL MCCTS
Neutr;
Workers' Union (Gl kers' Solidarity Org of tB. WIEW tät tf government's de issued on January any basis to end t
Indeed these pri retrogressive stepn Ethic War BUt al. Constitutional de Welt of the process of di bесаппе the main || People's Alliance (F mentary as Well election carpaign
first st: proposals officially r rnment on August арреаг to be the t legal draft were n openly and in de situation in mind b ment rarlıks or by th { parties and individ to state and or pris
The present leg: Trent's devolution has retained What earlier proposals. obiterated EWEr t fOTTI Lula the earlie minimally though,
Temt of Sri Lam escalating ethnic W

rs' Conference is to ble in the implementaits jurisdiction must * resolution Of Centrd
in government has In the devolution proout a resolution to ion. The legal texts
Would need to be | ewen strengthened y reconcile the comfle CEltrg and the he Constitutional re
form exercise however Ilust ba ultinately linked to the efforts to bring an end to the War in the north-east. Several non-g0Wernment Organisations hawe urged the government to either directly or through an intermediary present the proposals to the LTTE and to seize upon this opportunity to revive the process of negotiation. This process is likely to be a complex one and there is a legacy of distrust to be overcome. However Consensus between the two major political parties on the power-sharing scheme would be a significant step in the process of peace and reconciliation.
a VieCliatOr
MWU) and the Woranisation (WSO) are le legal draft of the volution proposals 15 doB5 Ilot Collaill
1e War.
oposals constitute a ot only in the ongoing so in the country's opment in the context a TOCsatisation Wich platform of the ruling PA) during the ParliaES the Presidertial of 1994.
ance the devolution eleased by the goveO3, 1995 and which basis for the present 2Ver diSCUSSed fully, oth With the ground y either the govern3 other organisations, Iuals having access rately owned media.
al draft of the goveproposals therefore WES Ob OXIOUS in the
Still Worse: it has 12 Serriblance Of a document offered, for a political settlea's protracted and
.
By indulging in desperate military operations like Operation RWresa and Operation RWRifaa the government has attempted to whip up ethno-chauvinistic Sentiments among the majority. Sinhala people. Thus a government that rode to power on the Crest of a Wave of enthusiasm among the people - both Sinhala and Tamil - for a change in governance and above all for a peaceful settlement of the ethnic War has ended up on the side of deadly ethno-chauvilist which is the last resort of the political scoundrel.
This is the inevitable fate of any government that has no answers to the country's Social and economic ills.
It is also inevitable that the government will hawe to call upon the Tajority Sinhala voters, from on ethno-Chauvinistic Standpoint to wote for the government. But this will be no easy task particularly in the present context for a government that had COrne to power on a non ethno-chauvinistic basis. Caught up in this contradiction the government Will Continue to War-monger saying at the same time that it stands for peace.
The present legal draft of the government's devolution proposals reflects this contradiction. This contradiction will have to be resolved if the country itself is to be sawed from di Saster.
No proposal for a solution of the

Page 6
Country's ethnic problem will succeed Without the participation of the LTTE. The Proposals ersbodied in the present draft law will not even Wean away the LTTE from the War. Nor Will it attract the Tamil speaking people in the NorthEast sector or anywhere else to act as a catalyst.
The Minister of Constitutional Affairs Was reported to hawe indicated that latters such as the Umber of units of regional administration and their boundaries could be agreed upon after discussion and that the Parliamentary Select Committee on Constitutional Reform was the proper forum for such di SCLISSi Cor. III OLITI Wiew theSe are miattērs that rōquire open and public discussion before being referred to any kind of parliamentary Committee or parliament itself.
Executive Presidency
Linked with the presidential power to dissolve a regional Unit is the question of the executive presidency which the PA solemnly pledged to abolish within a Specific timeframe particularly during its presidential election compaign of 1994. The unbridled executive power exercised by the President under the present systern of executive presidency is also linked with the question of powers under a state of emergency.
We believe the strongest bond that Will keep the units of political power together as free and voluntary Units is democracy itself. Democracy becomes a mockery. With an executive presidential system that sets up a Bonapartist regime.
Therefore, it is our view that any kind of devolution of political power should not be isolated from the process of democratisation which brought the PA itself to power but that it should be evolved as part of that process.
As far as religion and the state is concerned We believe that Sri Lanka should be a secular state. Religion should be looked after by religious leaders and other bodies. This cars that the only reference to religion in a modern Constitution should be in the form of an article that safeguards the right to freedom of thought, conscience and religion as in Article 18 of the United Nations' Declaration of Human Rights.
It is al SO ESSET govertistent should Tent and provide protect not only the democratic rights Uniwersal Declaratic but more important in the International and Political Rights ITTET.
The Eartirea futura pends, however, On of the War. Each convince ewery righ the rescersity to 5515ElBSS Wär.
The GMWU and the position taken StatesTat Tid the sing that the gove
General ni
(СолNлдлgof frгалт дадууд
ECONOMIC FACT
The "Peace Cand peace on her mir BCDOITiCS. Tl3 "W haemorrhage — а day at least. But on on the army's WellUnilaterally broke til CBK had no other . a new, TLICH EJ Etter Its Cliax, WIS OPE (SUNRISE), The su the P.A. and its at adopted a Well-Cor offer peace talks to an autonomy pack: the moral high groun Wins the support oft diaspoa, the other important"Aid consc the U.S.-led West members of Which arefugee blood ant ding, and its econo
With the resum military Spending ha The Other Tamil par T.U.L.F. the recogn moderate parliamen ex-militanıt groups lik has representatives

tial that the central delaretsiitFor a lechanism to body of human and El LuciatGd in the in of Human Rights ly the rights set out Cowenant on Civil as a basic require
of the country de[he peасеful епding passing day will it-thinking person of end forthWith this
the WSO reiterate up in their earlier resolution ernphasiTTT at TLS, Iritilo
an immediate ceasefire and bring the LTTE to the negotiating table.
Earlier, the government had talks (though represented by politically notso-important personalities) with the LTTE Sass any kind of proposals. It failed. Now there is a legal draft of the goWernment's devolution proposais sans any kind of talks with the LTTE. It is also bould to fail.
The only Way open to the government, the LTTE and the country for that matter now is to commence talks between the government and the LTTE. On the basis of a ceasefire under the supervision of a neutral peacekeeping force backed by the United Nations, if necessary, and to Workout proposals for a tangible and a meaningful devolution of power. There is no other Way.
|ation Takes OVer
)
OR
date" had fore than d. Sie knew Fer war" Was economic Tillion US dollars a ce the "Tigers" fired defended forts, and he truce, President ption than to launch planned campaign. RATION RIWIRESA, In shone brightly on le leader Who Flad Iceived strategy - the L.T.T.E. present age, and thus take d. This automatically he Tamils, the Tartil minorities, the allrtium" and of course апп alliance, many are troubled by (a) d (b) defence spenmic Consequences.
tion of hostilities, is gone up and up. ties, particularly the ised spokesman of tary opinion, and the the ENDLF which in the House, Would
help the P.A. in Parliament. (The P.A. has to rely on a one-vote majority). That Would near the isolation of the L.T.T.E. What's more, India would back the P.A.'s initiative, President C.B.K. had met Prime Minister Rao and Mrs. Soria Gandhi. The Indian support Was certain and Lunqualified.
And so the total isolation of the L.T.T.E., which had failed to defend Jaffna - a conventional confrontation in which it overplayed its hand- and compelled to return to hit-and-run tactics and pure terrorism. Yes, the L.T.T.E. Was reduced to terrorism but what a Cold-bloodedly calculated exercise it proved to be. And what a brilliantly picked target — thea Central Bank in thB heart of the "Fort" i.e. the banking, business, tourist hotel district. You take Jaffna; we hit Coldibjo.
This was economic Warfare but what a masterly operation. And SO, Mr. Ronnie de Mel, the brilliant finance minister of the U.N.P.'s 17 year regime could ask in Parliament: "If the State cannot guard the Central Bank what can they guard?" Defence wote in 1995 Was 640 million dollars. The government spent over 750 million. What now? General Inflation takéS COTTād?

Page 7
Winning the Pe
(Sov77ерsyc/7o/og/са/ал7a/po//ї/са/defел777ў7ал7ѓs o)
Indra de Soysa
N: Lihat til "Elle fıOT JfTITI" is won, it might be prudent to put things in perspective before people start getting Carried away, becoming myopic to the ultimate realities. History teaches us, as Fred Ikle's (1985) apt book title suggests: "Every War Must End." The ending of "a battle," however, does not necessarily TEän HE "Wär" Flä5 HEEr Worl. If this WErE. the Case, GerITany would hawa Wort both World Wars, Japan would have defeated the US at Pearl Harbor, and the Southern United States would now be referred to as the Confederate States of America. After all, the oft quoted, yet rarely followed Clausewitzian dictum, "Winning the War but losing the peace," is historically born out time and again, most notably the blundering of the Victorious powers at Wersailles after WWI. Wersailles after all paved the way for WWII twenty years down the road, indeed causing some to correctly treat the two events as one (Carr, 1939). Then there was the blundering by the victorious superpowers that followed the end of WWII which led to a greater calamity known as the "Cold War," a misnomer, if ever there was one, because it was enomously costly in terms of lives and resources, and it threatened to annihilate all mankind. These LLLLLL LLLaLLLL LLLLHHL GLLL C LLLLLC LLLHHLLL that the "peace" can indeed be very easily lost, rendering the celebrations of a victory by the Sri Lankan government and the population at large rather premature. FREITETıber that the bou||HOTS SOLUlded in Berli With the fa || Cf FrĒTIC3 i 1940.
In tw0 SUCCESSiWe articles published in the Lanka Claram recently, largued why apolitical settlement without the Tigers was impossible becausa they held the balance of power wis-a-Wis other Tamil political parties, and that any peace was impossible without their participation and acquiescence. I argued in effect that the only option was LOW Intensity Containment, a strategy akinto the global strategy that was followed by the US against the Soviet Union. A "battle for Jaffna," I predicted would be a rather costly endeavor, a great expenditure in terms af man and maleriel to get back to Square One, Hosting lhe flag Over Jaffna, it is clear now, is not going to demoralize cyanide-capsulе саггying fanatics like the Tigers. They have already Wowed to carry on the struggle by other
i/Brsoryחr #if Tha Uחshua B דar is a Phtלח+{ aלת 5:4)H} Uולf ABabarם
Tri Baris, Thears that
which the governme able to COLInter eas "Warfare On the che: Sri Lankan army's S terms will not be a more lives are goin and more frustrating safety of defense I forces hawe, at gre: selves up from a de "sitting-ducks" once Ilot been won, and
be determined. Pea the European dip WéfSä|E}5 l) Täké political act, and let Witz's Tiösl färflöLIS Continuation of polit It necessarily follow the Collinuation of
The soldiers have job," now the politic thairs. The balan C3 the Tigers is upset C. sitating quick and Toderate parties ir solution is to be rea
What psychologic Cials fact? TE at edly is a Cathastic of tha Sri Lankan p HabermaShaSpiril Out by arrTied force the Will of the entires identifies With ther. individual's Wident d proxy in the Wiolen: OCES WILESS LE I10derate Tal This in how offended by th being directed agai Thus, there is a psyc of attrition that de mass widlence pe against each othe participates in One is a phenomenon Lha Sinhalese We the agairst the TarTills, LI Started til Bir CIWI. Bri
The Sri Lankan e devoid of this psych all guilty of Secretly terms of body count: between the Tigars We rea, rapOrted irii tl14 One wayward Sinhal

2Ce
fa/asting Solution)
they are good at and ant forces Will not be ily. It will be back to p" for the Tigers. The uperiority in firepower factor anymore, and g to be Iost in more Ways. From the relative in Es, the goverTriment at Cost, hoisted thanfensive position to be again. The War has the peace has yet to ce, such as that which OTlatS i Sät dOWri at is quintessertially a LIs not forget ClausedictLIIT: "War I5, tha ics by other means." 's thus that peace is Wаг by other пеans. Ostensibly "done their lans must succeed in of power in favor of nly temporarily, necesdecisive action by all politics if a lasting Chile.
al factors do the politito for Jaffna undoubtexperience for much opulation. As Joachim 2d out, Wiolence carried is is an extension of ociety that symbolically In other words, each esires are satisfied by ce carried out by the way in which Tiary Colombo - Wero 5OTOe offersiwa, despita it inst the hated Tigers, chological logic in Wars generate inevitably to petrated by groups r, the entire Society Way of another. This t initially satisfied Tany ! filum BTOUS-DOgrOITS ntil of course the Tigers ad Of Wille C.
xperience, thus, is mot ological factor. We are tallying the score in 5. Which Gwer Skir ITish12s and the armad forces a newspapers. I knew BSB SOLul Who delibera
tely enjoyed reading the misinformation in the DaW. Weiss because it was more Satisfying to read doctored accounts than hawing to read that mora government soldiers died rather than Tigers. Similarly, despite the loss of hundreds of young Sri Lankan men in the latest fighting, others back in the relative safety of the south can celebrate the capture of Jaffna, all that matters is that more of "thern" are dead. The capture of Jaffna itself matters little, nor the political consequences to follow. This psychosis is precisely the way in which the Tigers became "the boys" of almost all Tamils, the Way in which the Tigers became "the boys' of almost all Sri Lankans When they were killing Indians (Prabakharan earning the distinction "man of the year" in the LG), not to mention the way in which respectable Sinhalese reluctantly deplored the atrocities committed against Tamils in the numeróLS pogroms as mentioned earlier. We can add also, the Sha Teless way in which "Colomboites" turned a blind eye to the extralegal killings during the JWP ir SLUTTÉction = LuS against them — uril that Widlerleg Sudderly hit close to horn. With the abduction and murder of one of their own, Richard de Zoysa. Until We acknowledge this psychological logic, an Efraid, no Tearingful Steps vards peace can be taken, nor the gargantuan political task of building a lasting peace successfully undertaken.
If there is a psychological logic to the ITOde of WilanCB, HOW mightwa OvercomE this to bring about peace? First, let me reiterate the point made above-peaceraking is inherently a political act, the soldiers can only perpetrate violence to enhance the possibility. Thus, in order to break with the logic that has driven the Communities (and factionalized groups) to this combative psychosis that Secretly finds sustenance in the violence that is carried out by their chosen group of "boys", the political leaders, both Tamil and Sinhales, and all the other political parties wi|| hawe to make a conscious and sincere effort to come together with the primary purpose of eradicating violence as a weapon. The government, which has the largest capacity for perpetrating Wiolen CE, Will| hawe to insurē the Safety of every indiwidual, regardless of affiliation, from harm and afford redress from injustice. This would be the foundation upon which a comprehensive "meeting of minds" can rest. In other words, the time is ripe for rebuilding "civil society."

Page 8
LLLLLCLL LLLCLCLL LLLCCLL LLLCLCLL LaL 0 LLLLLCLLL because just such a meeting of minds had already taken place after the tumultuous LL aLaLLL LaLLLLCLLLLLaL SL L LLLL LLLLLL LLLLLLLaLLS LLLLLLaL S LCCHaLaL S S H S a0 S HLL iridoritable UNP was defeated primarily as a result of this political realignment that Polaced a high Premium om peace, this despite great fears that the new government WOLuld be blad for the pocket-books, that LL LLL LLL LLLL LLLL L C LLLLLLL LL LLL SLFPera of the 1975. It is is Context that the election of the People's Alliance and Chandrika Kumaratunga as president must be analyzed. There was clearly, in Si Lärka, a TÉWLullsiCT of Wiolence factor, a FWLulSiOn, SterT T ling frOIT the bloody period following the JVP insurrection in the late 1980s, lasting through the early 1990s and all of this followed very closely by a string of assassinations in the heart of areas where people had felt safe before. The "Colomboites" w Gra joltad out of thair COTT|placent participatim in the perverse psychological logic Lihat fjelled a War of attrition. In there any Wonder that it was Wietnam Wets that started the peace movement in the US while the vast majority of people tallied the body-counts at home in front of the TWs - livingroom Wars are Cofital
Navartheless, assuming that the realignment nTaanis a "meating of minds" in termis of ending Violence, What can be done Politically? The FA administration has taken a major step towards addressing the underlying problems of this conflict by offering significant devolution of power to LL L LaLLLL LLL LLLLLLLLSLLLLL LLLLLLa LLLS SLaHHHH of Regions." This is a good start and its tire to look a bit farther - What is required for reconstructing a society that accepts these changes responsibly? And what will prevent a breakdown of "normalcy" in the future? I suggest that the current crisis sterns from the breakdown of democracy - in Robert Dahl's terms a gradual shift away from "polyarchy." According to Dahl, LLaLL aL LCLL LLLCHGLCLL LLLLLLLLLLL a LLL LLLLaa LLLLaa LLLLLLLCLHHLaL LL LLLLL LLLLLL HLLLLLLL Politi CS POTENWailarg polyarchlies. A polyarchy is a form of democracy where competition and inclusiveness are high, but a system Lihat Will rigt Survive (especially irla Tullinational state) if there is no sense of legitimacy for the forms and processes of the system and if political activists are unable to Cooperate. This is the essence of harmony in Hollarnd according to A.remdt Lijphart Who argues that the Dutch place a high-prerium on "accommodation," and many others have argued similar patterns for Sweden and even India where the notion of "synthesis" is actively practiced. The crucial variable for accommodation, however, is the realization by all parties that they have more to gain from cooperation than by
confrontation. The pri, in a "prisoners dilem
In a prisoners prisoners (A & B) ha and are interrogateds up, they get a lighter were prosecuted. T pris'Or hers are to OWT. and get off lightly. T B gets punished and A at tha SaTB time, a Solid Case against both gat the maximum the bestoption for boll by CWT ing up and gatt Owning up, however, That is, A and B will LIUst OTE Earlother T10 because if A OWris Lu|| by B then A will take What | hawa destr is the importance of :tivists fideädi Lanka is going to be peace in Sri Lanka CI the building of "trust" political activists in W. argue below effecti State Can Tebuild trus
Despita tha politii reflected the desire fi the peace initiative t This tauggs a rath credibility because t in this whole nasty Or WIBWScd äS Such b partly, of the massiv and the apprehensic TEris|||3 is duel Islain|| Credibility gap.Thus, state-led peace initia! The zeigast around ls Certainlỵ based CI the state Tust recede Zaid, Yat, how Carl construction of civil : wirtue, indegd the war Society" rests is the reconstructing the rul is perhaps the most
As many have arg CBS a for of "de fairmess in legal te successive legislatur system is highly Cordi to be, to be Tanipu the derTCCratic PrOCE the majority" easily tr of the Thiorities." Ol behind this process E competition, Indeed, ke's "Sinhala only" pe tion of the electoral what Anthony DOWr a "passionate majorit

blam may be framed
13" framgWrk.
dilemma game, two WE COITII Tiitted a CrirT3 separately, if they own senterlice than if they The options for the Lup) or blame the Other This, if A Eolamas B, A gets off. If B blames t2 : Lt LS WE both and ostensibly term in prison, Thus, 1 A & B is to cooperate ing a lightar sertanca. is a factor of "trust". both own up if they to blame the other, p and is also blamed the full punishinent. alled in theoretic terrills trust among political Idirlig polyarchy in Sri feasible, Wirining thig Licially dapends upon among the disparate lved in politics, and a Ways in which the it.
Cal realignment Lihat грвасе іп Sгі Lапka, be wholly state-led. er arge problem af le Ultiñate This CréäIIt usiness is the state, y many. The reason, a gax OldLIS frOnTi Jaffna is of many Colombo y as a result of this is it possible for a iwe to be convincing? the globe presently legalization that and "politics" miniriithe State. El SUTE LE society? The cardinal y pillar on which "civil i rule of law. Thus, e of a Wil Sri Lanka pressing task.
Jed, Sri Lanka practinocracy," Where unrms was left up to is to decide. Such a Lucive, as it has proved lated and abused by ISS itself. The "WII of amples on the "rights Filem the driving force eing democratic party S.W. R. D. Banda fariātilicy was a manifestaexigency of creating Is (1956) has called y." S.W.R.D. paid the
ultimate price. Unfortunately. When he tried to rectify what he had done. In any case, a system that tries to control law through legislation with inevitably be highly coercive, terribly inefficient (such as What the Soviets tried to do with their econority), and would |lead to disa ster. Thus, it is time for Sri Lanka to take the path of adopting laws based on Universal norms, rather than that determined by the popular will which is often pernicious. It is time to adopt laws Lihat Would apply equally to all, following Immanuel Kant's Uniwersal rules of Just Conduct. It is time that all parties realize that preferential treatment (in this case the preferred are the Tajority, unlike in the USA where it is a minority that has been discriminated against in the past), is a recipe for disaster and counterproductive for everybody in the long-run. Today, it must be recognized that the legislative path, as F. A. Hayek has argued, is "The Road to Serfdom" — Sri Lankans especially could attest to this fact. Thus, the legislative path Will not provide the Comfort that distrusting Tinorities or other political opponents Seek, making it imperative that the state begin addressing the need for universal norris and for building trust - this is what will win the peace and insure polyarchy in Sri Lärika. H
1 conclusion, peace does not automatiCally follow Winning on the military front. If a stable peace is to be achieved in Sri Lanka, the underlying problems that caused the Conflict in the first place hawe to EJE resolved. It Is argued Flere Flat the 155 problems will only be solved by reconstructing polyarchy - a highly inclusive and COmpetitive systern of democracy. Yet, because of the systern and the resultant history of violence, polyarchy will be difficult to construct without a high degree of trust among political activists belonging to all the disparate groups. Trust is especially hard to build because of the inherently comfortable psychological factor that goWerns individual psyches in Wars of attrition. It has also been argued above that the problem can be framed in a prisoners dilemma" garrie where it is now beneficial for all contesting groups to cooperate rather than confront, but cooperation is dependent on trust. Hopefully, the devolution of power proposed by this government is going to be the foundation upon which this mutual trust and Security can be rebuilt - the Thost crucial aspect for rebuilding polyarchy and a lasting peace in Sri Lanka. Only this achieve Tent Will justify the needless experse of life and resources our ration has incurred in the past years. This is a plea to all Sri Lankans to accept accorrinodation - it benefits us all. Let us bring aLaLaHaaS SCLLLLLLS a LLL LLL LLLLLLa L00L aL "sudu-nelum" may bloom.

Page 9
APAFESSFAFAFEFEFDOMEW
The Lifting of the C
Suriya Wickremasinghe
"%... a restricñor7 soLighY fa Ébe? Will/S/Waa7 оут (Whe pyrotмута" of malkovia/ securіty As 7ot segwitiw masa W is ge7LW7e A7LNya.Se ar de 77 diw75 fra fose effect is fra AJPOMEC Wierests L7reated fora/373/sec. Wil, Was Og, for exa7i.e., to project a уриал77лталг. Гол ёл7лбалгаSS/77ёлг ог exposure of Myyorngafoßyngy, o/" fo co/7ceta/ Ö7/3777a fö7 a bott fia /Linc:ö7yig of is pubWoc imsIntuwitowis, ar ta' ew tre/TCW a partial War oleology, or to SLEyress
stay Wrest."
"Any resfricfor Or (fie (rea sow Q/ *7for7773 foy7 7773y Y7of E7e of S.U.C*7 a ла/we as fo I'їияrї їӱ7е дtyposes of Wilwyr ar rigywi is awa' yn Llwyn arnifairfaw7 Maw.
W7 at LWar, gover Tels Tay of preиелf you wynaWsts or represeү7faWives of Wifergoиегуv77елfа/ оглол-goиел77maria organisators VIV a 737dae fta гтлоллогadwarevica to /шүтлал гулts L0L H HHHLHHLHGHHLLOLCCLCH HLLuCCCCLLCL LTCCLH CCLCTLS гing areas и fiere were are reasonable garol W7ais for the Welve? What WicipediaW75 diw Whмүлmay rigWars or /nowталffалал Мати” аге ag, or have bear, consisted. A
gover rest Tay 70 exclude JournaWsis or representaiwgS Wor such organisations from areas (at are experiencyy ио/етсе огаттеосол"с" except иWhare. Wheir presevіca иоима" poss à clear fsst so sie Säsey of
'
he Civil Rights Movement Well
comes the lifting of the censorship. This censorship was one which should not have been imposed and implemented in the Way that it was. The assessment of the precise needs of national security in the Tidst of any particular situation of armed conflict may mot always be an easy task. International standards nevertheless require that restrictions on freedom of expression be necessay to meet the stated end, and that the suspension of basic rights on the grounds of national emergency may only be to the extent strictly required by the exigencies of the situation.
Swaya И%3Argтаision'gha és fora Sacre=Mary p" |Wh8 CWŁYW AFGyMfS MEMEYYAZETY7f of Sri LA7I7A7.
Tle "bale d'SL
The regulations CC prohibition on public: of CWS. An examin Subjects shows tha extremely broadly. broken up below th of the relevant reg prohibited was the
any material Cor which pertains to
any operations call to be carried out or the Police (in Task Force),
The procure Tieri procurement of E any such Forces,
Lhe deployment of
OT
the deployment c ment, including a sels by any such
the deployment ( ment, including a sels by any such
any stater Trent pe conduct or the perfc. or any member of Forces or the Polic
ThiS för ITL.latio shut out any expos the procurement of e Wen if such exp04 the public interest : endanger national
The last prohibitic added to the regul: ment of 28 Septe: Gazette of 2 Octob defensible of allI. IT and there is 10 Ot the language is una prohibit not only Cril of aпу агпу от disturbing is the fact

ensorship
jects
intained an absolute ation of certain types ation of the banned it they were drawn For clarity, We hawe e differt el Tèrits Julation. What Was publication of
taining any matter
fried out or proposed Jy the Armed Forces cluding the Special
or the proposed Lrms or supplies by
troорs огрегsoппеІ,
r the use of equipi CTL OT TWA WES
Forces, or
or the use of equipoIrCraft OT a WE WES
Forces, or
rtaining to the official race of the Head
any of the Armed E FOTCE.
Would, for instance, sure of corruption in arris and supplies sure were wholly in and could in no Way Security.
Sct OL ut boOWE Wä5 ations by an arriendTiber (published in Ier), and is the least iterpreted literallyher interpretation as mbiguous - it would icism but also praise police officer. More
at SUCCOStraintS
on freedom of expression ara a SērioLJS interference with the Watchdog role of the press and of independent human rights organisations, an essential ellement of which is highlighting matters such as any Corruption, human rights violations, or other misconduct by the ātriti,
In this regard CRM emphasises that there are binding international standards relating to the restrictions that may legitimately be imposed on freedom of Expression, Any such restrictions hawe to be "necessary" to meet the desired end. Moreover, departure from basic rights in times of national emergency may only be "to the extent strictly required by the exigencies of the situation". These are objective tests, and not just What a government might feel expedient. They are the requiremelts set forth in the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) which Sri Lanka is bound by interational law to obsee in its interial law and practice, having ratified the Covenant in 1980°
The practical application of these
principles in given real life situations has
been the subject of decisions of national
courts, international tribunals and specia
list studies. The most recentand Compre
hensive such study was held in South
Africa in October 1995 by a group of Experts in international law, lational
security and human rights." This resulted
In the Moviaлү7esöyrgy. Pywncyphes own MaМоriä/5agcLIriiiy, Ffeecío/77, O/ ExpOraSSNoOr7 a/7ay Access to Wion Tiation. The Principles are based on international and regional law
and standards relating to the protection
of human rights, evolving state practice
(as reflected, 7terala, in judgments of national courts), and the general principles of law recognised by the community
of nations. They lay down guidelines
on the restrictions that may legitimately be imposed on the grounds of national
security, during the course of which they Say.

Page 10
"... a restriction7 so gyfrif fo be justifi&ea" ол Wia grouлс7 of лаNола/ security As поf /egїўтаfе ї їs ge7uў7ә purpose or derrorisfreibss Sffect fs so profecs iŷ7feye SfS LW7/related so 7altiova/sectWrity,
W7c/ўлаўg, fог ехалур'е, fo profecf а дуриғаттаут" froу77 evroparrassyтталr or exposure ofитолgooMтg, or to cолсеа/ Wтfо777afov7 abouуf Whe fлс/fолў7g of its pub. Institutions, or to entranch а далус//ar faeology, or fo styppress
W775/77/ /7/85 "
These guidelines also emphasise that peaceful expression that "s afrecfeo af cov7ілтuлісаfў79 длfо777afov7aboufa/egeаї violations of human rights standards or Mariano,Tay 17LMTariana/7 May'shall not be regarded as constituting a threat to national Security.
Reporting the conflict
This brings us to the all important question of the reporting of the arried conflict itself. It is essential here that any constraint be strictly confined to the exigencies of the situation. This is necessary not only to protect human rights and humanitarian standards. To deny correct infortation on what is happening on the military front is to impair the ability of citizens to come to responsible decisions on the political front. Here again the principles that should guide a government in such situations have been forIIlulated With care and clarity:
"Алу restrictioл от Wie Wea Мои от informatiол та у по је оf such a nature as to thwart the purposes of hu/7lav7 гg/7/s aү70 htwталіїалаг7 /аи.
Wa particular, governments may not pretent fournalisis or epresentalies of Intergovernmental of Ion-governmental organisators With a mandate (о толіїoгааWerence to htутал7 гg//s
dy herrarianar standards fo/?? greriyağ7 aqreas Hewhere Where are reasoynağıye 9youлоis (о Бе/еие Гулаг иlolations of Мумтал лg/wits ow/hулутталМалал Маиуауe Белg, or /аие беел, сотт/(fea: A
goиел777елг тау лої exclude/ouулла
Nosis - or ra-vrasa/7IätWvas fyoy77 5LWcWh
ørgrawnisation/75 - frow77 areas that are
аҳрег7елсіл9 иїo/елсе огатеa'солWс" except Wiere then presence would DOSS 7 clear risk so fois Safety of ofes.“
This raises a fu stion. The lifting a step in the right in itself, sufficient. journalists and hur|T nitarian organisatio tensive access to as practicable, in areas Which are of the scene of military where refugees are
Oddities and illog regulations
The emergency selves were strange their manner of op By their wording the ā tota and ābs: publication of cert There Was no provi iteľTS COLuld be cal the Competent Aut Tlent TheWerth G|ESS petent Authority to Were in fact Subm before publication, led or Certain CLIts complaints about the inwolweed, and ab OL and inappropriaten decisions. What ger ple's attention, how that the publication — ewen the governir ques - on the remained illegal ewe Authority's approval Causa in fact the re made no provision provision for the ap petent Authority, bu function.) In fact, du was in the press conduct of a Deput of Police, and Cor COFdLICt Of Tarmed, Which, in terrris of t banned. It is ridicul this Was in fact ille
There Were othe arbitrary, unclear censorship Was app media, the foreign c administratively exe gards the local me Was in law operative subject to emergenc

ther important quethe censorship is direction but is not, It is essential that am rights and humabe allowed as exthe Orth and East particular to those have recently been action, and to places
ConCentrated.
calities in the
regulations themin several respects; }ration stranger still. regulations imposed lute prohibition on in types of news. sich that Such nie WS ried if approved by hority. The Governappointed a ComWho news ites itted for "approval" and Who often insis. There were many 2 delays this process it the inconsistency ss of sole of the 1erally escapedреоever, Was the fact of all news iters ent's OWI Communiprohibited subjects an if the Competent Was obtained, beulations themselves for this. (There was pointment of a Corto perform another ing this period there debate ab OL ut the y Inspector General troversy about the army officers; topics le regulations, were ouS to think that al|| al.
features that WETE յr confusing. The ied only to the local Jrrespondents being Tıpted. Ewen as redia, the censorship only in those areas 'rule, creating doubt
and unclarity as to the rights and liabilities of persons in, say, Matara of Kandy.
Such absurdities, illogicalities and inconsistencies do not merely affect the right of the public to be governed by clear, comprehensible and Sensible laws. They also tend to bring the law itself as an institution into disrepute; this has long term implications for the building of a stable society. The regulations (as has been the case with many emergency regulations on other topics) appear to have been drafted hastily, with their manner of implementation not well thought out. The right of free expression in a democracy is so fundamental that it should be tampered with only in a carefully thought out manner with minimum trespass on the right of publication and information, and with the practical workings of the media - with its deadlines, and its diversity as regards levels of staff, technology and other reSOLIrCes - in Thind.
CRM urges the government to be extremely circumspect as regards any suggestion of imposing censorship in future. CRM also urges the government to be guided in any such decision by the Johannesburg Principles, which Strike a Careful balance between the interests involved, with a view to preserwing the overall interests of a free and democratic Society. CRM further urges the government to take without delay the essential next step of ensuring that journalists and others with a legitimate interest in the situation hawe due a CCESS to conflict areas.
Notes
1. The Johannesburg Principles con National Security, Freedom of Expression and Access to InfoTTa tion.
2. The censorship was imposed on 21 September 1995, amended on 28 September 1995, and If On 2.O DCCTILE 1995.
0S LLLLL LLLLLLLLTLLGLGLL LLLLL LLLLLLL
Rights, Article 1943 and Article 4. Tha present LLLLLL LL 0 LL LLLLL S LLLL uuuLLLLLL K La standards laid down, but the draft rew fundamental rights chapter iricorporates these aspects of the Covenant.
4. Convened by Article 19, the International Cantre Against Censorship, in collaboration With the Centre for Applied Legal Studies of the University of the Witwatersrand.
5. Principale 19, ACCass to Rastricted Areas. 779 LCHCLaLLu CCeTHeHeCGL OLC LCLCTTOS CeLseLCLLS KTLCLTLeLCCHCH Lk LLeCCOLOLO0LssOC COCHeHL LALLeLe000LL LLLLLL CCCGCCHCOHuS

Page 11
Sri Lankan Wom
Kalinga Seneviratne
А/ff7ошg/7 f/7е иvол7ел of Sr/ Далќа блfлду /7 л7osї of the country's much-needed. fore/gл7 exchange, fhey haие Иef fо лесеfие aа'eqулаfе /едya/ дгоfection against и/о/елсе a de Soday Weas солѓолffлg fЛелл.
March 1995, at a press conference during the United Nations Social Development Summit in Copenhagen, a Norwegian journalist asked the Sri Laka PT.Sidet MS Cardirika Kumaratunga how she could help to improve the status of Women in Sri Laika.
She Siled and said: "What riore do you want? We have a woman President and a Woman Prime Minister, and six other Wortar Tinisters in a Cabinet of 24. Worther educate themselves as much as men. Job opportunities for WOT131 Ed T3 1Cot le2SS thlar1 fOr Te".
However, President Kumaratunga added that it had not solved the problems WOTE I faC im Sri Läka. "Th ETE'S a new problem – violence against WOmen," she explained. 'Social Violence like rape, even rape of little children. Physical violence, (some) not heard of before, is on the increase".
She acknowledged that there was a lack of legislation in Sri Lanka to protect Worles against this type of Violence and said that her government Would soon draw up legislation to overcome it.
While the President has set up a task force to draw up new legislation to protect Women from Violence, many of the social reforms promised during the 1994 election Campaign have been put on the back burner since the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Elam (LTTE) broke off peace talks in April 1995 and re-launched the
TTCCOTTu aCCCHuLLuLHuLu Lu C0 CL JYLGLTLuOuCSLHHLHCHu SLLLLLLLLuuuS LTTTLGHLuLsLS LLLLLLO GHLHCHueLeLO CLGGGTOLOuOHO
ferocious War agai GOWernment, to Ca Stadt for til ETSEW 10th Ed til 3 ga St.
Dr Deepika Udag the Centre for the St at Colombo Univer. President's position, think that Women in off thiar the Is to Countries of South this is trLLee. (In term Women holding ma Women in profess nortlal Social nort: enjoy a better po Pakistan, Banglade the recent past the dous lupos Lurg ini aC Wormen," she says.
Though she does in la WS as the rei argues that laws a larger social proce: put implaca.
Pitiful Work con
"WEITHIWE et in a big way, (b)L- Corresponding prote that phenoTilenon," rjw thegreg'S O | harassent. It is a WhĒGTE WET WOTE E
Today, the Gover did we boasts foreign employment the two biggest ea TETS for thB C overtaken traditiona like tea, rubber and decada. The truth st is WOTEn WHL İCOTTB for Sri La
Their pitiful Work these areas seer
COrl Certh, agree IT analysts here. Sri billion rupees (abo

e
S E S LEET irwe out a separate es in the country's
ama, the director of udy of Human Rights sity, agrees With tha "Many in South Asia Sri Lanka argi better Unterparts in other Asia, To some extet Sos) education e Wel, nagement positions, Siarl S ard Bwer in S, Sri Lankan WorTien sition thiar those in HS o la Bt re's been a tremens of violence against
not see the change Tedy, Dr. Udagama re necessary in the SS tät Eggids tO DE
ditions
ered the publicarena ut) there's been no ction to go along with she observes. "Right aw against sexual Very Common factor re."
nment acknowledges that garments and of Sri Lankans are foreign exchange OUntry. They hawe I commodity exports Coconuts in the last of the Tatter is that Creat T10St Of thiS
; Conditions in both m to be nobody's any Social Welfare
Lanka earned 76.5 ut US $ 1.5 billion)
in 1994 from garment exports produced mainly in the Free Trade Zones (FTZs) in the Country — which made upo 48% of its export income. Out of the 100,000 jobs created in the FTZs in recent years, B0% hawe gorlle to WorThen. There - are 500,000 migrant Workers, mainly in the Middle East, who contributed Rs. 35 billion (US$ 0.7 billion) to the national Coffers in 1994 - over 50% of the are Women, Working as maids.
In March 1995 alone, 11 deaths were reported from the Middle East. The Sri Lankan embassies and local non-governmental Welfare agencies get an average 400 complaints a month about physiCal and Werbal abpusē, and there are Soring 300 Sri Lankans in the United Arab Emirates (UAE) prisons.
Оп 13 April 1995, when most Sгі Lankans Were celebrating the national new year, a young Sri Lankan maid Sith Unisa faced a firing squad in the UAE. The Foreign Ministry in Colombo learnt about her death only four days later. The family knew about it through a telephone message delivered to a nearby temple from another maid in the UAE. Another laid Who had returned home from the UAE told Unisa's family that she had been executed for a murder she had never Cormitted. An infant child had died after falling off the hands of her Thother, but the TiStreSS blaľTed the maid for the death. This is typical of Iany cases which come to light at regular interwals regarding Sri Lankan
aids overseas.
Helen Perera, the President of the Rural Women's Front (RWF), which is discouraging women from leaving their villages for jobs abroad, argues that the Government is not opposed to Sri Lankan Women going overseas to Work because of the foreign exchange the national coffers receive as a result.
Showing a filed letter, she tells me: "I get letters like this every day. This is about abuse and exploitation at (our)
9

Page 12
embassy in Saudi Arabia. There are also Wогттеп who have gone and disappeared oversidas, Sortle failies whose lowed Ones hawe newer returned after going for jobs OverSeas, hawe joined our organisation."
Ms Perera says Sri Lankan Women are going through unbeliewable hardships overseas. "One has said that her family has seven men and all of thern sleep. With her, she says, and adds, showing another letter, "This letter says that once in Saudi Arabia. Our Women are being sold. This is like the old slave era. The men who buy them of course treat the WOThe like alitials.
Though RWF members go around the Willages trying to discourage women from going overseas, Ms Perera admits that they are facing a formidable task. The main reason is the lack of employment оррогішпities in the villages, where wегу often, the only Way for survival is through daily casual Work, which is lowly paid and unreliable.
"When people see the external show of those who have gone overseas and returned - and have bought or built houses - they think they themselves can't саггу опtгуіпg to sшгvive on casшal employment, the only solution is to get out and go for a job in the Middle East. Thost of the attraction is this external look of the returnees; others think they hawe gone oWerseas and had a good time," Ms Perera observes.
In any willage in the South of the island there are at least 10 others Who have left behind their families and gone overseas to work, according to Ms Perera. She points out that this has created a huge social upheaval in rural Sri Lanka. "If you look at their families, you find that the children hawe missed the lowing care of their mother. Many girls at a Wery young age hawe got into unwanted things, like having casual affairs with boys, some even getting married and later breaking up. Then there are boys who hawe developedwery aggressive personalities."
Social Education specialist Sujatha Wijetilleka agrees that migrant Worker Schelles hawe Created a lot of Social problems in the country. Because of language barriers, sometimes the Women have even signed contracts to
10
be tF3 TiStreSS Of says. "If they refuse men assault the T1 (: they may get assal. SOFT18 ha Wë COITIB 10 Then they are nic villagers.
Another problem observed is that, leaves, the father SC ther Companion, neg
Recently Sri Lank by a dramatic in Cre: Cases of incest. Ac Hettiarachi, Senior Li gy at the University has mainly happene the Wife is in the M Tari is left along Wi
"When T1oney Ste man gives up his jol ming alcohol and daughter. The Worse justify their actions," "In many cases the that since their Wiw need to be satisfied they get from their (
Chinta Bala sooriya of Women in Në E Women's Welfare a the in Creā5ed il Cide is dug to thg fact th) hawe publicised and in the community th; suffer silently, "We h dalled the WOTE. bread Winners in mo It's really unfortuna granted," she says.
Many Women socia: mixed feelings abou creation for Women economic liberalisa 1977. As Ms Wijet positive side to it is the uremployTlent II in the countryside an haWe f|OWgd to the negative side it has problerTIS.
The FTZS Wich hub of Sri Lanka's tion policies hawe Cr Women than men, Who Work in these a

the employer, she Soretiriles these апd) if they give lп, ulted by the wives. ппе саггying babies. st Wanted by the
Ms. Wijetileka has When the other Tetimes finds a 10lecting the children.
Earls Were Shocked ase in the reported cording to Dr Tilak 2cturer in Psycholoof Colombo, this ld in holes Where |iddle East aldi te Lh the ChildTE.
its coming in, the and starts COinSUsleeping With his | thing is men Even Say S. DIT HE ttiarachi. Së (TTG) haWG Said es are away, they di Sexually and this da Lughters."
Executive Director 2d (WIN), another gency, argues that its of reported incest at groups like hers Created a Warness at World Edot awe really ower-burThey hawe becoTna st of these failies. La ar tak it for
W Orkar 5 HCf3 ha WE t the increased job
under Sri Lanka's ion policies since leka observes, the that it HS e Sed robol for WOITET deconomic benefits villages, but on the
created big Social
hawe been at the COrOmici liberaliSa2ated more jobs for Most of the Women Lire young girls Who
have been protected in the villages and are now on their OWI in these zones. To attract foreign investors, Sri Lanka has completely done away. With the law which previously prohibited Women from Working night-shifts. Thus some Women finish Work late at night or early in the morning and get exposed to many dangerous situations on their way home.
Ms. Balasooriya argues that when you look at violence against Women in the Sri Lankan society you hawe to take into consideration the situation with the FTZs. The laws of the country don't apply there, she says, adding that recently when she visited an FTZ, she found the girls "caged in their small
houses."
"One girl told me how there are 16 living in one of these houses and they have only one toilet. (Thus) she has to get up at three in the morning to use the toilet so that she can get to Work at Seven," explains Ms Balasooriya.
Ms Wijetileka, Who Works as a Programme Officer at the Swedish embassy in Colombo, says that the embassy has recently funded the Women's service Centre at the biggest FTZ at Katunayake near the Colombo airport. They hawe found large numbers of girls coming to the centre pregnant, crying for help.
Recent studies done by the Colombo Uniwersity hawe found that the FT Zs hawe been the preying grounds for pimps from brothels in Colombo aid the tourist centres on the Coast, where they befriend un SLJSpracting Willage girls. They are gradually transformed from being girl friends to Sex Workers.
Dr Udagama observes that for some time Sri Lanka has been touted as a Very docile place with a very skilled Workforce, to attract foreign investors. There's this perception that ordinary abour laws don't apply in these free trade zones. The fact is, where Wome are Concerned, there's sexual exploita
i.
She argues that the government will hawe to look into providing these femala workers not only with employment security, but also protection against workplace harassment of a "very sexual nature'. One of this must be regulations on the Working hours and the length of shifts.
-- WEY' WWW &' AWWFk Flag.

Page 13
Generic
The World Health Organization kept informed about the facts on knowledge and skills to protect the of drugs.
Public education in drug use Ui education Uia the 77 CSS 772 edia. The uvill still not provide adequate pro doctor's prescriptions are effectively and promoted for indications which
Generic Drugs are those k names and can be prescribed o) indications.
Most Pharmacopoeias nou car giving a brief account of the indica particular drug. Thus Generic nami part of this public education prograj to prevent brand name promotion m.
of the Black Arts.
Generic Dru;
FOR RATIONAL
MSJ Industries
Factory and
P.O.B.
Colo

Drugs?
1 recommends that people should be medication and provided with the mselves from the inappropriate use
ll increasingly become a part of mass knowledge and skills thus acquired fection to the public if the items in disguised by Uarious brand names have not been fully validated.
nown by their pharmacopoeial nly for their established clinical
ry a section on Patient information tions, benefits and risks in use of a ng and identification of use is a Uital nine advocated by WHO which aims aking medication revert to being one
gs from MSJI
USE OF DRUGS
S.
(Ceylon) Limited Laboratories,
ox. 430, mbo.

Page 14
WHITHER AUSS/A (2)
The Presidential St.
Hora Ce Perera
he Presidential electrons are
Scheduled for 16 June this year. In wie Wof the poor showing of the reformers in the 17th December elections for the Duma there are fears in some political circles in Russia that Yeltsin may postpore the election and Continue to rule by decree. He could do this if he was so minded but it is very unlikely. In fact in the same circles similar fears regarding the elections for the Duma proved to be totally unfounded. The more than the 60% voter turn-out on 17th December showed that "Russians have come to relish exercising their voting rights and have developed a sort of Commitment" to this first step of the der Tocratic process. This fact Will not be lost or Yeltsin, however anxious he may be to retail President, and it can be take for granted that the Presidential elections will be held on the due date.
Equally faulty is the assumption that the "Wictory" of the Cor TImunists and Ultra-Nationalists in the elections for the Duma foreshadows a victory for either of their leaders on 16th June. It rust be noted that the Communists fared only slightly better than they did in 1993 and that it is felt that the party Will hawe to put forward a candidate With more charisma than Gennadi Zyuganov who is regarded as a rather obscure Soviet apparatchik"With"a cardboard doctorate in Marxist Philosophy. "Also note should be taken of the fact that the Ultra-Nationalists post ground strongly. What is clear is that if there are no new contenders from other parties and unless the democratic groups are able to unite under a highly regarded and popular leader, Zyuganov, or a more suitable candidate put forward by the Communist block, and Zhirirowski can Eg the Cadidates in the UIl-off election for the Presidency.
12
After the election C0FiteSt Wa5 l arr: possible Candidates low, Zhirinowski, an Minister Chernomy is our House Party the Yabloc Block Grigori Yavlinski. Zy be replaced. Zhirir regarded as a "raw SOrne reason not ye ted to be despised popularity has, a.s. S tedad Yavikis of his chances, pa the divisions and liberal i gCONOM|Sts :
A meW Candidati SCEITE OF 25th DE person of General the Well know cont Russiam army in a of Moldova. He support for his view a responsibility for of the 25 Milijr g are today minorities Republics. He has Critic of Yeltsin's chnya. It may be app to refer to a letter, Russian intellectual the front page of 0m Yelsim lo slop th senselessness an which "is obvious which at the end When the peacefuls is an accepted pri the Russian and be a Wild anach reCeiWBd Wide CO'We useful for Yeltsin to On the Presidential finally makes up hi to run in the Presid

akes
S to the Duma, the Wedi down to fo Lur . These Were Zyugad Yeltsin or is Prime ridin of the "RLISSia ", and the leader of (a reformist group), "uganow Will probably OWski is said to be ing lumatic" and, for it disclosed, is reporby WOTlen! Yeltsin's tated earlier, plumetnot very optimistic rticularly because of feuding among the arld de T1CCrats.
e appeared on the CB Tber - 1995 li tg
Alexander Lebed ir lander of the 14th "break-away" region has much popular that MOSCOW bears protecting the rights thic Russians who
in the forTTIE SOviet
also been a sharp trWitio in Clepropriate at this stage signed by a hundred s and published on the Izvestia, calling is fratricidal Wat "the
unpopularity" of
to everyone" and of the 20th century, ettlement of disputes inciple, "appears for World community to "ČiST". THE I Etter rage and it may be
consider its impact
Election before he s mind in February ential Stakes. Lebed
is said to consider Yeltsin and Zhirinovsky his principal rivals. His reason for discounting the Communists is not clear. lt is possible that in his Wiew – a Wiew held by many Russia Watchers - personalities rather than policies will сагту поге Weight
Yeltsin, for the present is keeping Russians and the World guessing. He is not above resorting to Machiavelliam tactics to keep himself in power. He is said to have hinted that he could regain popularity by increasing Wages and pensions and Widening subsidies. For this it will be necessary to print massive quantities of rubles causing hyperinflation and drowning the very people whom he hopes to help. His recent appointment, of Yevgeni Primakow to replace Andrei Kozyrew is apparently intended to take some of the Wind out of the sails of the Communists and Nationalists. Kozyrew has been attacked in the Duma for being too much of a friend and admirer of the Weste TI DETõCraciigS ad there by contributing to the loss of Russia's super-power status. Primakow, on the other hand, belongs to the old guard COTimited to Soviet economic theory and Russian Superpowerdom. When George Bush was pushing Gorbachev for a more dynamic economic programme it was Primakow Whort Gorbachev appointed to oversee economic development and to go to Washington to explain to Bush the difficulty of implementing in the Soviet Union the speedy reforms Which the Western Powers made a conditionality for major aid assistance. One has to Wait and See as the next few months pass how far in the direction of the Coulists and the nationalists Yeltsin Will go, in spite of doing this he cannot be sure of winning. It he loses one can only

Page 15
hope that he will be the first Russian President to step down gracefully.
More Candidates Caeter the Presidartial Race. As a matter of fact, French Televisioni in charinellone reported on 7th January that Gorbachev is "thinking of the issue all the time" and is "increasingly moving to a positive decision". It is therefore impossible at this stage to lay a beton who will emerge victorious in the Presidential stakes. The question that occupies the attention of political Commentators now is Whether Russia Wil|| rewert to a Colulist for of dictatorship. In other Words to a totalitarian form of government. This carinot be ruled out completely seeing the yearning of the majority of the people for la W ard Ord-T and ECDOTC ad social certitude as Well as a măasure of egalitarianism even with a privileged "ruling class". But others think that "political and economic reform in Russia has advanced too far to be brought to a dead stop," even by a Communist Presidert. The New DuTa looks a TTCore Conservative body than the one it replaced but at the same time much less Lunified and therefore Seldcom or gwer able to form a coalition that can Secure a two-third majority to overtum Presidential Weltoes OrdBEES, The ElectionS t0 the DLUFTË Should bog treated as a Warning against Speedy and rigorous reform and not a prelude to totalitarianism. Even Zyuganow has assured his audiences that, though he considers "democracy a mess" and one which has made Russia a "bleeding wound", he has no intention of a restoration of a one-party state. He sees no need to change the name of his party and hide behind some disguise of "Social Democratic Party" as communist parties in other post Soviet Republics hawe done. What is likely to emerge, given the power the constitution grants the President and a divided Duma, is a for II of authoritarian rule with Such elements of democracy as a multiparty system a considerable measure of freedom speech, press and religion as Well as regular, if not always just and fair, elections. The West should understand this, give Russia its due
place in internatio Torg aid and tech refrain from efforts
pean Union and NA frontiers. The quest as t0 WH3tET RUSSI, the Soviet Empire.
The
TETE
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nal affairs, provide was given to the Writer by a Professor lical assistance and of Moscow University. If a Russian does to extend the Euro- not dream of a "Russian dominated TO towards Russia's Empire," he said "I would say he has or has been raised no heart. If he thinks that it can be a would try to restore restored I Would say he has no brains"
The answer to this that really sums at the position.
Waiting - 17
Teanekumbure
Lindaries uzauer betueen life and Life S past Life in CII thuis Landscape
Ford stalled by an earth god's shrine tilte Oya joined the river, Issy slabs Lith lapping Loices said 2 till:LU ITICJCFlir le
thu thue LLya ters sast call
n that boatırları, he Luill take yolu home.
SS FLe edLTEFL EJTOLLUT TU'er
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les from my FLorrLeLUCIrd TLIl out of the yelloLU Lild SLLI, flourers 2 r T.id7-5trteoII T l SLI l. 2 yellot Ly, zig Zagging butterflies ng LU ay too, up the other bank Le hill to you, Laiting
lLLICFL LI LI Ido Lee.
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. Inay be still ice sureet home is there by the hill " at the rinn of the Ualley
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U LUllere Le CCT Stalled poulded riLer floLLS e terraced fields and the Pitiya Devale 2 old lirnestone bridge f life beneath ifs Laters.
U. Karl Uniatilake
13

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Page 17
SAWLA WAKA W COWFILWC7
IS ACCOrС Stil Vali
Humayun Kabir
S: pBople in Sri Lanka tend to argue that the Indo-Sri Lanka Peace Accord of 1987 has lost its validity after the Withdra Wall of the Indiam Peace Keeping Force (IPKF) front the island in March 1990, and because India did not fulfil its part of the deal, viz., the disarming of the Tamil militant groups.' It is true, but the de facto validity of an agreement Concluded between two unequal contracting parties does not depend on the "non-fulfilment of terms by the stronger side, the hegemon. What Tlattars Tost for COTTSideratio iSWhether the victim state of the hegemonised side is in a position to defy or sidestep the hegemon on the issues involved. In other Words, Can Sri Lanka ignore the influence of India and enjoy policy autonomy in respect of its ethnic problem and foreign policy? I shall argue here that the Peace Accord is very much inforce, since Sri Lanka is now more "Tindful" of India's Security interests and concerns, and Cognizant of New Delhi's enduring influence over the island's ethnic issue.
The late President Premadasa Was known for his anti-Indian attitudes. His perieharlt for Sri Lanka's ASEAN GDInection in the early 1980s, his proverbial opposition to the Peace Accord and the public display of his disgust with the IPKF Were only some of the examples of his political mindset and policy preference. He even allied himself. With the LTTE in his efforts to get rid of the Indian troops. Even then, he did not unilaterally renounce the Peace Accord, although he unsuccessfully attempted to replace it with a Treaty of Peace and Friendship with India. The IPKF was Withdrawn, but So was the Israeli MosSad. Moreower, fron mid-1991, President Premadasa had begun to move closer to India and indeed the inter-state relationship had improved a great deal. This may be eXplained by the fact that he was wery disappointed with the LTTE Who dupled tha Sri Lankan President
by staging a facad tions. With it for to regroup and re improvement in the relationships with N became India's Pir tragic assassination 21 May 1991.''' - tha Tattet is that realised the hard W round to the View could play a useful With thrie T1313 C3 i LTTE.' The const of the Cold War relations. With di. alOther factor conti rĞrt Tallowed attit. the later part of his of Sri Lanka. 153
It was discussed in great powers had іп preference for II Wat World Orderi la: favourable to India. talt features of FIS to the International the currency of intel global bipolarity he slowly-emerging TIL system. Geo-politics OVertaken by geodetermining factor Conduct of internati effect that the Centr politics inter-state hawe shifted froT SE The de-ideologised international relatio three effects on tE international system POWers are not Scri of influence as befo tics has rendered big markets and with for in Westment Tor developed World. An in US power has in dent on regional economically. And E

c 2
ea of peace negotiaactually gaining time inforce, and by an chemistry of personal Narasimha Rad Who Пe Minister after the of Rajiv Gandhi on However, the fact of Premadasa, hawing ay, apparently Carme
that India aftar a II | role in contending of Tamil tigers, the aquences of the end for Sri Lanka in its a may hawe been ibuting to his appada toWards India in
BLE S PESidet
earlier how in 1987 | id-Waluad Sri Lanka dia, The post-Cold G becomie ewe lOrE The two most imporevolving order relate power structure and Tlational power. The Ls given Way to a ti-polar international SEETS to ha WebOEIE -e-COOf thics as the in the ature ard onal politics, to the e of gravity of World alations appears to Icurity to economics.
and "de-politicised" 1S appear to hawe a functioning of the 1. One, the great ambling for spheres "e, Two, geo-econo
the Countries with more opportunities e important to the d three, the decline ade it more depen00Wers, particularly ecause of the loss
in China's strategic manoeuvrability that she enjoyed under the bipolar international system, her apprehensions about the post-Cold War uncertainties, and the felt need to succeed in her modernisation programme including maintaining the highly impressive rate and extent of her economic growth, she is seeking an uninterrupted period of peace and stability in the World, particularly in its neighbourhood. That perhaps goes to explain the heightened salience of the neighbours in China's recent foreign policy postures, as reflected in her attempts to improve relations. With them, including India. The implication of all this for India and Sri Lanka is only obvious: India has become a more important factor in regional and global politics, while Sri Lanka's clout in the Comity of nations has considerably reduced. Sri Lanka's position is unlikely to change under the PA government of Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga, who set an example of a meteoric political rise by having been elected Prime Minister on 16 August and President on... November 1994
The foreign policy orientation of the Chandrika government is different from that of the three successive UNP regimes which began their long haul of 17 years of rule in 1977, particularly from that of the Jayewardene government. This is due to several reasons. First, With a view to heralding a break with the preceding UNP foreign policy that is being Condemned for having been subservient to external forces and interests (implying the pro-US tilt), the PA government is seemingly creating an impression that it intends to restore Sri Lanka's self-respect and confidence in its foreign policy conduct. While highlighting the Chandrika government's foreign policy and its priorities, Foreign Minister Lakshman Kadirgamar has stated: "Sri Lanka has a fundamental national self-respect to be protected and
15

Page 18
promoted at all titles. We have no reason to be servile or supine and, in accordance with the UN Charterprinciple of the sovereign equality of states, we must conduct ourselves in the international community with dignity and confidence in Our principles and policies"."*
Second, unlike the Jayewardene brand of non-alignment, the PA government's independence in foreign policy is to find expression in adhering to the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM). Foreign Minister Kadirgamar said that "... the PA government believes the fundamental principles of this movement [[NAM) remain relevant to the needs and aspiration of the countries of the South...". He elaborated on this by saying, "Nonalignment is an attitude which maintains the self-respect of a people.
We don't want to be lackeys. Therefore, the spirit of non-alignment is very much alive. It is a good thing for developing countries. The essential fealure of non-alignment is the desire to judge issues as they arise free of pre-Conceived ideological commitment"|145
Third, Conscious of the crucial driving forces in today's World, the PA governTent appears to be shifting the focus of the country's foreign policy from the West to the East. Kadirgamar said in an interview to the Sunday Leader newspaper. "Relations. With Asia Will be a pronounced thrust of foreign policy. This area has been neglected". Later Ori, hE also Said, "We hawa failed to realise that We belong to the Asian family of nations. We have learned too much towards the West and neglected Asia. And the next century belongs to Asia". Elsewhere he said: "Developments in Asia, including South East Asia are to be concentrated upon while maintaining good relations with all nations. Malaysia, rather than Singapore was to be looked at With Special interest as a role model for Sri Lanka". It is reported that the Sri Lankan Foreign Minister had even apologised to the Malaysian leaders When he met them at the UN for having neglected cementing good relations with the South-east Asian country in the recent past."
16
At the global lev regime's policy of p appears to be giv policy of primacy particularly to tra Conscious of the ne Sri Lanka to the p trends, Foreign Mini ted: "As We approa Asia is surging for Era in Which Sri L. integral role...".' I Japan, Sri Lanka's planing to eju VE attract more trade : Asian nations, inclui liä arld the ASE. Foreign Minister sa to attract Capital fr to make it clear to C that We Will take O Lur relations, We F sleeping over that f Telāti to the WES ECOIDITII: Interest5. Sti|||Ook to Westers non-aligned. There i. these two positions
Fourth, mindful
potential of region Chandrika governmı Colliteit to the S tion for Regional CC But it will also explo mic relations With bours. Whether this importance to SA ascertain.1° What point out here is t Tanifesto mentions dealing with the ir With India, while in the places for the order.
And finally, the mo in the Sri Laka fi nearly two decades ment's reappraisal political realities, means 'correcting'J: gic"lapses" andr Taki Indo-Sri Lanka relati clative of India's re. COnce TS. President nalike Kumara tunga hawe an India-phob

el the Jayewardene imacy of the political ing Way to the PA of the economics, lie and in Westment. }ed to properly relate ost-Cold War global ster Kadirgamar stach the 21st Century, wагd to a dyпапіс anka must play an fact, in addition to new government is late relations and and investmant from ding Taiwan, AustraAN countries. The id, "We will try hard OT ASi. We Wat Iur Asian neighbours steps to rejuvenate hawe been basically or some time". In it also, he spoke of He said, "We can markets and refThail
so conflict between | ii T.
of the constructive all cooperation, the ent has reiterated its South Asian AssociaOperation (SAARC). it its bilateral econdthe SAARC neighTeamSattaching less ARC is difficult to Thay be relewart tC. Tlat the PA electio
about SAARC after tended relationship the UNP Tanifesto two are in everse
st significant change Oreign policy in last i is the IPA golwermof the regional geo
which essentially ayewardene's strateng efforts to redefine Ons by being appregional interests and Chandrika BaldaraSaid: "... We do Ot a like the previous
governient did. We are realistic in that We accept that we have a gigantic neighbour next to us and We must hawa good relations with her. We are off to a good start, because our party is known to have had good relations with India. We hope to restart that and have a Wery dynamic relationship, not justa good relationship....."." Foreign Minister Kadirgamar has repeated it a number of times that it is very important for Sri Lanka to establish a sound and stable relationship with India and that restoring such relationship was one of his gove
nment's priorities.'
As a matter of fact, one of the outcorties of Sri Lanka's experiences With India in the 1980s has been the emergence of a national consensus in the island that it is its prime imperative not to antagonise India." The island and Daily NeWS are the two newspapers that are representative of the largest chunk of the political spectrum in Sri La raka. CICE2, the editorial of the Island Wrote: "Even in regard to our long-tem security interests, cultivating the Asian neighbours (essentially implying India) is likely to pay better dividends than pinning our hopes on the West Who hawe but a transient interest in our part of the world".' One Daily News editorial Suggested that "Cordial relatiOS With Cour immediate neighbours, particularly India, should be a corner stone of Sri Lanka's foreign policy"."
But there are several challenges before the Chandrika government in the Conduct of its foreign policy, particularly Concertning its foreign economic relations. These challenges stem from both domestic and international sources. First, there seems to be an incompatibility between the PA government and the donor nations and lending agencies, such as the World Bank, International Monetary Fund (IMF), Asian Development Bank (ADB) etc., in their economic philosophy and policy. The Commitment of the PA government to market economy is not unadulterated.
Ne
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Page 19
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This ir digilation as typified by B highly unusual euku L LMMuLLLLLL LLOLOLL LMa LLLLL 00 TL 00 CL LCSKM a CLLLMLL L LL TL LMOO LLLLLLLLS LL LLL LLL LLLL LLLL LL LLL LLL LLL LLLLLL MMLLLLS LLLL LLCL LCCLS C MLMM CCLLL LLLLGLLHkCC Escaped his possible death th only Timor bruising on his neck and shouldar by timely relaxiwa ducking.
LLLLL LLOLOLS LL LLLLLLaMT LLLLTL MMLL LLLLLLL HLu LLLLLL L LL LLLLLLuL u LLDLLLL LL LLL LLLLL LHLLLDuS is is first ore, then it is a disgrace to the World's fourth largastartly if it is the later, han it speaks of India's longHEGITT Strately of keeping alive the proxy forces in Sri Lanka.
LLL LkL a MMHT CC LLLOLuCTL LLkkTLL aaMLCLC a00 LLLLL LLL a LLLLLL LluLC LL LLaLLLLL LLLLLLLLuuLLLLaa LLLL LSL 0 LLLLLLL LLLLLL LLLL LL LLLLLLLT LLLLTTLLtkLLLLT HLLL LLL LLLLLL and imperious attitudes of Indira Gandhi and Rajiv Gandhi.
It is a fairly Widespread belief in Sri Lanka that hij was assassingloed by Tamil Tigers duo lo his "hobnobbing with India.
CuLLLLLL LLLC LLLHMMaTC COLOLLL LLLL LLLaL LLLLLL CCL MGGCLCCL CLCCLL G MLSMMMC GMLL CLLL LLL LLLLLL LMLSSS LCL LCCCC LLLL LLLLLLLLS LLLL LLC LLLHH LLLLLLL LLL that hą, to his Credit, had l:armed loba pragmatic LLL LLLLLLLLM L MMM LCLLLLLLL MLC L CCTkS Lihat his public des Tiard for IPKF withdrawil was called for more by the exigency of blurling the JYPactor in the country’s do Este politics Liliar by Early Kalifidir cür impulsius.
Daily News, Colombo, 26 August 1934.
LLS CCt CLLMMM LLLCLLS CLLkkMMMaS LL LeuuLLLLL 14.
C C MMMMMCC LLLLLCLLLLLS CLLTMMaS LL LLLLLL 0aKS Tha SLinday Timas, Color:Tiba, 21 August 1994; Daily Naw 5, Cork Tibor, 2 December 1994. Daily Nows, Colombo, 26 August 1994.
Daily News, Colombo, 22 October 1994.
The Sunday, LBE d'Er, CalcTibo, El Clickbar 1994.
LLLLLLLLS LLLH C LCLLLLLLLLH LLLL0L LL LH LMtCLL LTCMLMLLL C LLLL LLLL LMLLGC L LL LLLLLL CCMMMCC LEEdar. The Ministar skirtad the question by LLmCM SSLL HaaCLLCCLL LLLC LLLSS LMaa a SAARC) area micit mutually exclusog. Wu ninius TMLM MLLLLCL T L TCLKS L aukkOLHHMCLLkL
Others". Tha Surday Ladisir, Colomba 1G Cocio
or 19.
SEE EIEctim Manifestics of IPA and LUFNP, 1994, COTTIEHO
Tha Sunday TTIES, Colombia, 4 September 1994.
LMMLLLMLM L TCMTMMM LCCCCLCL LLGL L LLLLLLL LLMLLLLLL LLLLGLLaC L LLLL CCCLLLL CKuKS
This COTHBrition 3 basBd On Ty par 5onal experErica. During пy saven-Tonih long stay in Sri Lanka have met, for Tally and informally, quite CCCCCLCMLLaO LL0L0SLLLkkLM L M LLMMM society. And this helped form rity opinion. The Island, Colombo, 21 October 1994. Another Editorial of the papar Exprę5:5ēd the Cipimin that "... antagonism could be dolclorious to both nations India and Sri Lanka and frigidly relations Could b(0.0fr Tutually beingfiL... This: FA galwernment KCMM LMT LM C CMLL LCC MMCCkLkLLMLC L good neighbourness with India. It is to be Oxpected that the new government will make strengthoring South Asian tiss priority number 1 In it frg ply ge." The Island, Sunday Edition, Colombo, 4 December 1994.
Editorial, Daily Nas, ColorTibo, 23 August 1994.
Islam is
t a time. When
are being mad between Hindus and of politicians and intel Galiltilīlli:Earl Ellist[i] fDITIE|| has decided to tra WE: expose "their distor from an interview:
A Ole Ear5 thE: aggressive Islami What you think of
A slam can neith fUrld Tentalist. Te A that all the are or is a single God. Wh to differt COITIITLIT1iti love and brotherhood. says that ha Who C orld proբhat and oth how can Islam be a
That is Why I tell change their stereo Similarly, I tell the not What the 77. Wi.
LP: The What ab ead in the name of terrorist groups are be it KashirTnir or Afg
A II both Kashmir ongoing disturbance: With Isla as such. to Koran, Jeads are Asgar and lead-i-A a Musli I can resort
sorTeone de priVCS h. Ones of life and pri As regards Jehadgreatast ja/77" imidea is he who controls th We Hindus call (d.
(?: How do you ti that so many War: In the past for the
A Here two thing EFTIJE. O i5 Veniently used to US Muslim kings. It was ther the fact is tha other religions were E thing. Just take the e War of Crusades, v years. Here, the Ch like "exterminate is MLSITS.“
It is to be noted timas, both im West a brought in intellectu.

not bigotry and aggression
deliberate attempts to Crate trouble Muslims by a section lectuals, octogenarian governor B N Pande around the India to ted wiews" Excerpts
Se days a lot about C: funda Tental ISIT. this phenomenon?
er ble aggressive rior Kwa has emphasised tlers and that there O has sent prophets вs to preachшniversal
Infact, the hOly ÄOrä/7 ifféreritiatë5 bëlWEEn BrS IS a real A, SO ggressive?
| ||B |CI-MLISITIS to ypje image of Isla TI. MuslirTis that Islain is
tall.
out the concept of which so many Islamic ustifying their actions, HariistäII7
and Afghanistan, the S hawa Cothing to do BecalLISe, according of two types: JeadAEa. In the first type, to violence only when im or any of his dear péry, rict Chêrwise. Akbar, Which iS th3 ed, the ideal Musli. e five senses or What
F.
hen explain the fact s have been fought sake of Islam?
JS are ir Triportant to that Isla T WES COtify these wars by the
no doubt Wrong, but t rulers belonging to Exactly doing the same xample of the famous which lasted for 200 ristians used slogans lar aid exteriliate
that in the medieval nd Central Asia, Islan al awakening. In the
Court of the Khalifa of Baghdad, research was carried out on science and technology, huge libraries were built and important treatises and texts of every religion were tra Stad.
How do you explain the stories of Muslim kings invading India throughout the Middle Ages, looting Hindu temples and killing non-Muslims mercilessly?
A: Those days, and this was true of all the religions, the ruling tribe keenly valued the concept of Walour. For instance, after Иӱaya Das'їатf every yeаг, every Hindu King went to another Hindu kingdom and demanded JWar Delhi, which meant "come for War or else submit your kingdom to me". Going by the same logic, I must say that there have been more wars among Rajputs than between Muslim invaders and Indian kings, Similarly, the Muslims hawa fought more among themselves than they ha WB fought against Others,
The invaders were not just Muslims. Many people do not know that Mohammad of Gazni had a Hindu general named Tilak Who suppressed the rebellion in the ther TLIrkjEtarl.
if the facts are so different from the stereоtype image of Hіпdшs апd Muslims, then what led to this inpression?
A: I think it was basically due to the way history books were written during the Britishperiod. The Britishers, in my opinion, deliberately overglorified the rules of Chandragupta, Maurya, Ashok and Wikramadilya to give an impression that the rule of the Hindu kings in the past was simply magnifiCBt ärid tät all this Cag ta Ed Wil the advent of the Muslims in India. The study of medieval history was neglected.
| strongly believe that reading the mediewal history of the country will go a long Way in restoring Hindu-Muslim amity.
2: Would you please elaborate on this?
A: The medieval period was the one which saw the Muslim Sufis and Hindu Saints corning together to preach the message of Oneness, Iowa and brotherhood. I am referring to the Blake cult.
Therefore, Ty message is let us go back to links of the medieval period in order to bridge the numerous divisions confronting not only our country but also the whole Würld.
17 feviewed by Prakash Nanda
7

Page 20
ALURALASW (3)
Increasing presence of secon
Laksiri Jayasuriya
CCording to the ABS (1995),
second generation Australians of ethnic origin, i.e., people born in Australia who hawe at least Come owerSeas born parent, account for 19% of the population (3.1 million). However, this statistical Wiew is not strictly accurate because it excludes children of overseas born, who arrive in infancy or childhood and should be properly classified as 'second generation" (Wasta 1994). The increasing presemCe of Second generation and generational diferenceSintha ethnic composition of the population may create, as suggested earlier, a different sense of ethnicity - one which is largely a symbolic ethnicity.
Generational differences are also marked by an increasing incidence of inter-ethnic marriage among the second and third generations. What this signifies from the point of view of the diversity and pluralism in society, is the likelihood of a blurring of ethnic group boundaries. This is Well attested by the high degree of language shift in the majority of families based on exogenous marriage" (Clyne & Jaehrling 1989, 71). Price (1993) estimates that nearly 40% of the population Will be ethnically "mixed", and states that this may create a more "mixed' cultural Society than a multicultural Society. Concurrently if overseas research is any guide (e.g., Lambert & Taylor 1990) these persons may, for purposes of Social adaptation, mobilise their ethnicity expressed in symbolic terms as "half breeds' or 'double breeds'.
Further fore, as Birell and Khoo (1995) point out, the second generations have experienced a substantial degree of mobility (vertical as well as horizontal) relative to their parents' generation. But, at the same time, other data (HREOC 1993) indicates that many of these Second generation Australians (often ethnic marginals) have had to compete With other AUStralian born for SCarCe resources in difficult economic circustances. Consequently, they hawe had to experience severe hardships in the abour market, partly due to economic competition and partly because of discrimination. This competitive striving and its outcorne is that it is likely to lead to a heightened ethnic group awareness
B
and, more importar (1992) has recently generation decline' Where children of IT the in come, job Se conditions they expe
This above profile and social character rsity makes it impera attributed to "race" analysed and under with a SSOCiated rele V res, particularly thos and class. It is tes between "race, eth class that makes 'd as a distinctive featu rary Social reality. ptions of culture and stic of primordial eth a distorted and inacci of diference, by faili the structural, politi basis of the experi This is exemplified i the Second general sense of ethnicity
structures and peo and relating to these mley 1993).
An 'ethnic minority sation presents a mic yal of difference an of its flexibility and si rial factorS and the subjective and obje interTalations betwee economy which an salient are better ur ethnic Tinority' wie ESSET tiālist Cultural
more, by adopting avoids denying or difference, and givin Unreal homogeneity perTitSan Understa and ethnic identity inherent subjectivism able to Wie W Cultu| proCESS, Constantly e O COE'S SELJatila expression of differer (1995) is one Writer expressed this point
minority groups at

d generations of ethnic origin
tly, to what Gans labelled as 'second i.e., a situation migrants fail "to find curity, and Working act (p. 82).
of the demographic stics of ethnic divetive that differences
and ethnicity be stood in conjunction fart Structura featue relating to gender e inter-connections nicity, gender and ifference" intelligible re of the contempoESSEertialist COIC2ethnicity, characterinicity, often convey Lurate representation ing to acknowledge Cal, and historical El CEO of diffETEICĒ. in the Way in which tion Construct their by an interplay of ales perception of, a Structures' (Botto
status' conceptualihre authentic portrad identity because ensitivity to situatioWay in which the ctive interact. The in ethnicity and the e becoming Torg iderstood. Within a WP10|nt tham in an framework. FurthSuch a WieW, Orië
minimising ethnic gan irT pression of and, ab Owe all, inding of difference diw orced fror 1 ar
and rigidity. It is e as a changing ngaged, depending | location, in the it identites, Pugliese who has recently adly by stating that:
"eitherseWS inte
mally stratified and differentiated by hierarchies of gender, ethnicity, class, sexualities, age and so on. It is invariably the desire of the dominant groups in a culture to promote the notion that a minority group is a type of undifferentiated singularity which is not marked by all the factors listed above (1995, 195-6).
In short, We need to move away from essentialist notions of Cultural continuity and uniformity, by recognising that:
Cultural practices are always contested, always in process, and never coterminous with 'ethnicity' (itself a contested notion). Culture and ethnicity are conflated to achieve a homogeneity of diversity and neglect of the fact that class and gender are themselves Culturally constituted" (Bottomley et al 1993).
The Construction of the "new ethnicties' associated with the cultural productions and artistic efforts of multicultural Writers (Hall 1992; Bottomley 1991), perhaps, reflects this new pluralism of Australian Society more Vividly by exposing the contradictions and tensions that exist in the Orthodoxy of multicultural discourse. Hence, the need for a more complete understanding of the diversity of the Australian population eschewing the superficial aspects of multicultural discourse fra med in am essentialist discourse of Culture and ethnicity.
Summary and Conclusion
In the context of the Conference theme, the Crux of the argument of this paper has been to show how practical measures, such as educational and training programmes directed towards improving the overall quality and effectiveness of policies and programmes in a multicultural Society, are constrained by the Way in which the diversity and pluralism of a Society is characterised. As in the case of other similar settler Societies, in Australia too, 'difference' arising from diversity has been located Within the prevailing discourse of multicuIturalis in which normatively prescribes the meaning of difference in a given society. Hence, we have sought to explore and critique the Ways in which

Page 21
the discourse of Australian multiculturalism has been framed in public policy terms as Well as in scientific theorising; and, importantly, to show how this Conventional discourse and its forms of representation may be ill suited to portray accurately the current and evolving reality of Australia, not as a plural society but as a pluralistic society.
Stated differently, We have sought to examine the "meaning of difference", in the discourse of Australian multiCulturalism, and to identify the ways in which the undeniable reality of this 'difference' has been conceptualised in the theorising about cultural pluralism. In the language of this discourse, difference is depicted as a "cultural diversity comprised of 'cultural groups', and the concept of ethnicity - with "boundary Tarkers' identifying distinct ethnic groups - is Used to differentiate the reality of differeIlce. A distinctive feature of this "Culturalist discourse is that ethnicity is equated With Culture, and ismarked była uniwersaism and an essartialist WieW of Culture. The inherent universalism, expressed as "multiculturalism for all", while celebrating diversity, serves to contain and limit the manifestations of social belonging, of particularism, in ethnic structures. The essentialist view of Culture is theorised from the limited perspective of cognitive anthropology as shared meaning systems and "primordial bonds'.
The critique of this discourse has shown that the 'politics of Uniwersalism", While it may hawe been functional and effective as a first generation strategy of migrant settlement, is entrenched in the proverbial paradox of Cultural pluralism, viz., that the sanitised homogeneity it prescribes confronts the very difference it seeks to avoid or minimise, viz. the presence of ethnic structures and the existence of groups with special needs and aspirations. Equally problematic is the idealist/primordial views of Culture, Which exaggerates the 'archaic culture', the notion of cultural heritage, and reifies Culture as a fixed, immutable reality.
The critical analysis of the shortcomings of this discourse, as revealed by the inherent contradictions of Cultural pluralism – the politics of Uniwersalism and the flawed distorted logic of culture theorising-Suggests an alternative Way of conceptualising the diversity and pluralism of contemporary Australian society. This reinterpretation of pluralism, as political pluralism (McLennan 1995) iS based on a reformulation of Uniwersalism and re-theorising culture and ethnicty from a sociological standpoint. In the
first place, the pol is refrar Ted as a "F (Taylor 1992), enal representation of d ctures of society,
genuinely pluralistic 1994). This is ir Tor mmodated within a rate pluralism' Whi to gliwe for Tal recc in a pluralistic socii
Without denigrati concept of cultur LunderStodd in SLCF flot di55oCated fro C35 - those embe structures and pat tions. Accordingly, identity are seen determined, dynami a reSQUICC, gover The mStarCes; and, eth cturally located as ties demarcated by markers' (physical a апd responsive to Orle's Social locatio
In brief, ethnic g тWтогїуўтferes/gvo rity status of a influenced by struct ECCESS to TESOLUTICE: ption by others. approach сопceive process of classifyin sion/exclusion proc dorminant groups in interest criteria or C minority status of e ntained, not in ter se, but as a functior cleavages arising location of these dewalued' groups si and disadvantages.
The re-theorising and reformulation universalism, permi appropriate and rele reality of "differenc Australian Society. T graphic structure C Waves of migrants a by the transformatic häS Created a rhey We hawe argued t of difference ad di a "new ethnicity' ht generational differe class relations.
Regrettably, the Tetentitled MWW Wat Steps - Iowar.

tics of universalism olitics of Difference" ling recognition and fference in the stuconceived of as a
Society (Jaya,Suriya e likely to be accoframework of 'corpo:h Would be willing gnition to difference
ty.
ng or devaluing the , it needs to be
a manner that it is In lived social practidded Within complex erns of Social relaethnicity and ethnic
to be situationally C and changeable as ld by objective circunic groups are strupermanent collectiviselected 'boundary nd cultural attributes) specific features of
.
TCUpS are Seen as tas, where the "minogroup is markedly Lura factor'S SUChl a5 S, power, and percehe interest based s of ethnicity as a Ig and labelling incluesses used by the
society using some riteria. However, the lhnic groups Is malms of ethnicity per 1 of the Cross-cutting from the structural
groups as 'status ubject to inequalities
of culture/ethnicity of the politics of t a Tore Sensitiwe, Iwant portrayal of the e' in contemporary The Social and de TOccasioned by new nd changes Wrought on of the economy, V social landscape. hat the new reality versity is marked by 2avily influenced by inces, gender and
recent official do CLThe real" ALFSir F87, 1769 is and Beyond2000
(NMAC 1995), singularly fails to acknowledge and capture the reality of the pluralistic nature of contemporary society - let alone the emerging future. It is a bland and unimaginative document, steeped in the language and discourse of an outmoded doctrine of Cultural pluralism, replete with culturalist policy strategies of an earlier era. By its continuing resort to the conventional discourse of culture pluralism, and its flawed theorising, it serves to distort and misrepresent our understanding of diversity and pluralism. As a result, there is little evidence, and an appreciation of the fact that We are and Will continue to, grow as a pluralistic Society. In short, this document notably fails to grasp the challenge of political pluralism (McLenınan 1995; Jaya suriya 1994-b).
In refashioning our understanding the diversity and pluralism of present day society, We need to acknowledge that the "politics of difference' (Taylor 1992) is about social subjectivity which is seen as "transcending particular Subcultures, social locations and value stances (McLennan 1995, 88). Crucially, this difference has to be represented through a new politics of identity where "identity is no longer primordial but situationally determined in a pluralistic Society (JayaSuriya 1994-b); it is to be seen as a negotiated outcome in Specific Socio-cultural situations which involve hegemonic COntrol.
The contextualisation of difference is central to its representation in the various forms of disCour:SG that in WolWe differance. In this regard, the quest for identity looms large, and identity formation, as Hall (1992) puts it, amounts to 'negotiation and articulating hybridity". The emerging "new ethnicities of the second and third generations revealed by cultural productions and practices which engages rather than suppress difference, are central to understanding the difference "towards and beyond 2000'. In this context "hybridity" may, indeed, be "one of the distinctly novel types of identity produced in the era of late modernity (Hall 1992, 310). We need to acknowledge, Confront meaningfully, respect and represent difference, not to deny or minimise difference. This is the challenge for all of us not just policy makers, educators, and intellectuals, but for society as a whole.
Refgges
ABS (Australian Bureau of Statistics) (1990) Alisiraan LOeOs eLeLrLkseTuuLLLC CLeLeeeLHECCLCL LLLLLLLLeLeeL LeTeLeLS Carberra: AGPS (Australian Government Publishing
SEr Wica,
1g

Page 22
  

Page 23
have Worked hard for my constituency, and I have provided a lot of govern ment jobs and benefits. What will privatization mean to my people and ES GESC;
Provincia Counci Member
 

Privatization will lead to higher levels of investment and to the expansion of industry and jobs, talso contributes to enhanced productivity and company revenue which in turn leads to higher salaries and employee benefits. The economic and Welfare needs of your constituency will Continue to be met Under private management. The government, eased of the burden of subsidizing loss-making concerns, can really put tax revenue to workfor the people, They can provide for the improvement of schools, hospitals, roads and other essential services in the district, And With
increased overal economic activity, there will be much more opportunity to attract employment generating business to
your district.
It is important to realize privatization is a means to an end. It is a means to improve our living standards, foster technological progress, create employment and take Our nation into a more prosperous tomorrow, in order to achieve these aims, privatization has to be executed in the
appropriate manner.
That is the task of the Public Enterprise Reform Commission (PERC). Its mandate is to make privatization
Work for Sri Lankans today, and for generations to come,
Every privatization is a carefully considered decision that takes into account the interests of all sectors of society; the general public, the state employees, the consumers, the
suppliers, as well as the country's overal economic vision.
PERC's mission is to see that privatization works. In doing so, your interests are always being Well looked
after.
With privatization everybody has a stake.
WATCH FULIN THE PUBLIC INTEREST
PUBLICENTERPRISE REFORM COMMISSION, Bank of Ceylon - Cth Floor, No.4, PO, Box 2001, Bank of Ceylon Macha, Ccomba, Sri Lark. Telephcne: 94-I-33875518. Fax: 74.|-326||é

Page 24
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