Page 1
LANKA
GUAR
Vol. 18. No. 20 March 1, 1996 P
MUSLMS Asraff Makes
KODKARA ME\
GLOBAL ECONOMY
P. A. AND IN
MERCANTLSM:
LEONARD WOOLF : '
CROCK EDT I THE GE
• SRI LANK
 
 
 
 
 

éー
IDIAN
Ce RS. 10.00 Registered at the GPO, Sri Lanka
Invisible Minority Disappear
- Mervyn de Silva
MORAL LECTURE
- NEW MEGA-BLOCs
- Gaman/Corea
DAN POLICY
— Humaynum Kabir
The NEW DANGER
- Otto Graf Lambsdorft
THE COLONIAL MIND
- Jeanne Thwaites
NTLEMAN'S GAME?
- Samson Abeyagunauvardena
AN BOOKS o

Page 2
ICES PUB
UTUST REC
“ “SRI LANIKA: THE DE
Articles:
Арреп dices:
ICES, 199I
Introduction by Regi Sir Towards Effective Dewol Some Thoughts on the Lakshman Marasinghe DeWolution and Power Development, by Bertra. Devolution of Power, Til NeelalIl Til Llochelvall Towards A Compromise Breakthrough in Sri LaI Control of State Land - Slul Illil Bastia Il The Structure and Cont Choices and ProbleIlls O Context of Devolution P
President Chandrika Kuu August 3, 1995 Text of Government's De Text of Gower IllIllinent's Di January 16, 1996 A Commentary on the D Govern Inent January 16 The Bandaranaike-Chel The Senanayake-Chelva All Ilexure C Text of the IIldo — SIri LaI] The Interim Report of th Parliamentary Select Co Excerpts form Gamini Century'
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WOLUTION DEBATE''
6, 232 pp.
"iWaIdeIlla ution, by G. L. Peiris Devolution Package, by
Sharing, The Means to Peace and In BastiaInpillai e Problems and Challenges by
Solution, by Sumanasiri Liyanage nika, by S. Gluhan - The Devolution Debate, by
ent of Education: Policy if Implementation in the ro po Sals, by Sasanka Perera
Illaratullga's Address to the Nation,
volution Proposals of August 3, 1995 Evolution Proposals of
)evolution Proposals of the 5, 1996, by G. L. Peiris wanayakaIll Pact пnayakaпn Pact
Ika Agreement of July 29, 1987 le Mangala Moonesinghe Illittee, 1992 Dissanayake's "Vision for the 21st
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Page 3
WEFWS. BACKGROLWYD
MUSLMS : NO MORE A
Mervyn de Silva
e go step further and
say whether the North and East is merged or not, the Muslims of the country need a separate unit for themselves as there is general agreement among all for the devolution of power. And if you take North-East together, there live three distinct ethnic groups, the Sinhalese, the Tamils and the Muslims. So when you devolve power between the Sinhalese and Tamils and if you ignore the Muslims, and do not give thern the powers that they should receive, and you deny the Muslim community, it would give rise to other problems".
THE SLMC läder Mr. M. H. M. ASIITaff was speaking to a journalist of the government-owned Lake House paper, the SWiday Observer.
The S.L.M.C. leader added that is party favours the devolution of power and the creation of regions.
In mid-1994, zeth Hussain, a for ther Overseas Service officer (he is now Ambassador to Russia) described the Muslims as "an invisible minority". In a contribution to the Lavka ČGLWYNWY, |zeth Hussain look up the wie WS expressed by two outstanding scholars, Daniel Moynihan and Eric Hobsbawn on ethnicity, nation and nationalism, The Muslims, Hussain argued, are in fact seen as "constituting an ethnic problem of sorts but that is only in relation to the Tamil problem."
The basic Character of the Tari problem itself, we should add, changed in terms of the territorial imperative when the Sri Lankan army in 1993-94 (the D. B. Wijetunga phase) pushed the L.T.T.E. out of the eastern province.
Foreign correspondents and Visitors from Wester NGO's familiar with strifetorn countries from Yugoslavia to Kampuchea, confirmed Our OWI impression that the armed forces had pushed the LTTE to the jungle, and "pacified" the East. This was certainly confirmed by a British visitor who spent over a month in the east and submitted her report to a London-based Human Rights-currResearch Centre in London,
Aft til P.A.'S 'N Tore so, Candidate tunga umprecedente tWO TOS IETF settlement of the 12 rose sharply. Mrs. clearly, was the "P credibility Could hai EWE her StEIT B:St only visited Jaffn husband Wjaya KL гаs, the temporаг) the separatist Tar the St ICOp rent, Welupillai Pra
But the P.A.-L.T. was sool over. W. jaw-jaw.
AUTONOMY OFF
With the triumph TIONRWRESA a triumphantly over ETSELWE "EELAM" LT.T.E. Would DE "peace negotiation ties and fight the Ta OLit of a TTT TIL Ed To Wild i LiS pace the P.A. POL the Kurmara LLunga Shuffled off the hul spending - a mill had already reach a day...and rising
FortiSESO deficit is likely to b this year. And Wil on the Central B the city, both inw Will be instant wic the ambitious priw. Seling Several Sta silwer, the P.A. W at least four HUITC tПЕ АШstraliaПs a Cancelled their to inwestors be temp Wigtar Irld BLITT ET 5 il Chr.
HOWEWE2r Presid bravely to her gart LTTE militarily, Wii

AN INVISIBLE MINORITY
ictory in August, and 3 Caldika Kula Ta| ESo Wolf E55 Flä1 opes of a negotiated year "ethnic conflict" Kumaratunga, quite 3aCB Candidate". Her "dly be challenged by Critics. SHë had I10t E WILT FET fil-Star Imaratunga but Madheadquarters of all Til groups, including omising and belligeElkar's LTTE.
T.E., Bhai-bhai phase r-Wär tägk QWEr frUT
ER
Et Cilix I COPERAld the Lion Flag flying Jaffna, capital of the it did look as if the for Ced to TituT LO Is" or re-open hostillarly till the L.T.T.E. nition. If only things direction and at the Indits had predicted, residency Could hawe ge burden of defence |on US dollars a day E. W. IIli|| 1 |äS
Tainly, the budget gover Of G.D.P. h the terrorist attack ank, in the heart of estment and tourism tills. And of COUTSE a tisation program. By te wentures, the family as hoping to collect HTE TT1||||||Or dollTS. If ld the West dials purs, Would big-time pted, especially when na are offering better restable conditions.
ent C.B.K. is sticking le-plan - clobber the | 0WET LITE TIOCeratES
and the former militant groups EPDP, ENDLF, EROS, etc, and of course the поst respectable parliamentary formation, the TULF, and hawe Parlia Tent accept Professor Pieris's "autonomy package". Autonomy yes, but Would the parties, including parties in the PA, such as the DUNLF, accept the reforms package.
Ewen With the full Support of its partners, the P.A. needs Some understanding with the U.N.P. to get a two-thirds majority for Prof. Pieris' constitutional reforms package. The President's policy of agressive confrontation received a predictable reply from the UNP's Working Committee and Parliamentary Group. No deal.
The P.A. is running out of options. Its predicament is only a symptom of the national Crisis,
GÜARDIAN
Wol. 18 No. 20 March 1, 1996
PrСЕ НЕ 1,
Published fortnightly by Lanka Guardian Publishing Co. Ltd. No. 246, Union Place Colombo - 2.
Editor Mervyn de Silva Telephone: 447.584
Printed by Ananda Press 825, Sir Ratnajolhi Saravanamuttu Mawatia, Colombo 13. Telephone: 435975
CONTENTS
Sri Lirik är LHE GLEE
Ei:Cri:Cyfrig: Er Wir Grimmlert 2
Frigg Tradig Wig. Ngo=Mgrict illisri || 7 The New Regime and
the Economy ECkG
Crickelt

Page 4
SFHEL.7OW AOLO/KARA MEMORAL LEC71
Sri Lanka and the Globa
Galari Corea
Hon'ble Prime Minister, de Silva, Excelencias, Gentleman,
Mr, Merwyn Ladies and
First, let me express my sincere thanks for the privilege and the honour of been invited to deliver this first Shelton Kodikaa Memorial Lecture. Wish to Commend the Shelton Kodikara Memorial Colmttee for having organised this event and express the hope that it Will become a regular feature in the years to come.
Professor Shelton Kodikara Was Well known to virtually all of you. I do not need, therefore, to recount on this occasion his many achievements and his many contributions both to Sri Lanka and to the international community. He had many sides to his career. He was an academic, a researcher, a diplomat and an author and he excelled in all these fields. He was well known both in this country and in the world outside. He had many contacts with universities abroad which recognised his knowledge and skills and the valuable contributions he made. Shelton Kodikara pioneered manythings - courses of study, centres of research and networks of Collunications. He was involved in expanding the knowledge and understanding of the many aspects of international relations, particularly from the perspective of Sri Lanka. His many Writings, his books, his essays all bear testimony to his contributions and they remain a lasting tribute and a monument to his Service to this country and to the world outside.
Prof. Kodikara had many associations with the BCS and I think, therefore, that it is fitting that this memorial lecture should be organised in these surroundings. In fact, Prof. Kodikara was associated with the BCIS from its very inception in 1974 and it was after became myself a Tlember of its Council of Management that I came into regular contact with him. I do not have his expertise in the field of International Relations, particularly in regard to the many faceted dimensions of our relations with India
77g ўia.gwa/5'jafov7 Кxiќага Мfаттorča/Lесfiya LKLLO LHYYLOLOLL S KLL LHSH KLLLcL LLHCH SLSYSL0S S L L HCOOLOO Мwwstаг. Sìýýтлаир Далхагалайв ижаяs дүв5алг.
and the other neig South Asia. But I til concern With interni be of relevance if
of this address the economic enWiron Lanka has to CCTI strive to achieve he an aspect familiar
I believe he would choice of subject
impact economic ( World outside hawe
The external ec has been importan Colonial tir ES. Duri in particular, ours W economy cast in mould. Our deper trade Was singular strongly affected by of World trade, by export products fet kets. The proporti irrinports in OLurria particularly large — the corresponding: neighbouring count of the Asian Countri mic policy in the almost every aspe policies now being a the World by the institutions. The em T1BSS, UT1 EXÐCrt CI ced budgets, on C. currencies, and on investient and for All this helped to export import econ a plantation sect. responsive to impu. Outside, But It ed of a dual economy Sector that Was la these changes an of our rural popu derive their liveliho
For a period aftë strove to modify CushiO OUT Wuller: of World commodity those for tea, rubb endeavoured, in other developing c.

bouring countries of ought that given his tional issues it might chose as the subject heme of the external ent Within Which Sri |Luct har affairs and objectives. This was o Prof... - Kodikara So ave appreciated this given the important levelopments in the
On Sri Lanka.
Onomic Enwir Omr ment to Sri Lanka SimCe ng the British period, as an export-import a classical colonial idence ión external ly heavy. We were the ups and downs the prices that our ched on World maron of exports and tiOral irti COIT 3 WaS Tuch in excess of shares in any of our ties, indeed in most E5. Donnestice CO10Colonial era WaS in Ct a T10 del of the dvocated throughout IIIultilateral financial phasis was on openientation, on balanVertible and stable a key role for foreign the private sector. bring into being an my and to establish r that was highly ses from the World also to the Creation With a subsistence gely by-passed by from Which such altior Cortinued to d.
Independence We his legacy and to bility to the Vagaries Tarkets, particularly r and coconuts. We Timor With Tīst untries, to carry out
Economic Environment
policies of internal development and of diversification in the background of a mixed economy and of an active econoric role for the state. But internal constraints as well as global conditions were not supportive of those efforts and the tempo of economic growth and of transformation remained slow. Much of this has changed in the more recent period following a number of dramatic developments on the World scene. Today Wa a Te induced Once Thore to look to linkages with the World outside as a means of achieving some of our goals and aspirations and the external economic environment has emerged once again as a dominant determinant of our forturē5.
The external economic environment, however, is not a monolithic concept. It is multi-faceted and has many dimensions. It relates, for example to the overall health and vigour of the world economy which is a key determinant of world demand and of the strength O markets, It Embra CCS the frantle Work of international cooperation for development and relations between rich and poor countries. The international systems and regimes that regulate money, finance and trade are yet another facet of the ExtErna gCOOssic Environsflert. So a Te the se Weral trends and forces that affect the World economy at a given period such as those towards globalisation and liberalisation that are now seen as a dominant factor that can determine the fortunes of virtually all countries. The external economic environment also encompasses such developments as the emergence of Vast regional groupings of the industrialised countries as well as the efforts of developing countries to Cooperate with each other, particularly at the subregional level. All these are dimensions of the exterial economic environment and they could impact very strongly on Countries like Sri Lanka. It is not my intention to comment extensively on these dimensions - each would merit a lecture, even a dissertation, of itS 0W. What || Wish to do Con this occasion is to point to some of the highlights of the various facets of the external economic Enwir Comment from the

Page 5
point of view of the impulses that they generate, positive as Well as negative, of importance to countries such as ours,
Let me start with the first of the dimensions referred to - the dynamism and vigour of the World economy. As I said earlier, the rate of World economic growth, the rate of growth of World trade, and the behawior of Other globalwariables have a profound impact on the fortunes of lational ECOnomies not least FOSE of the developing countries. They determine Commodity price levels; they encourage or discourage resource flows between countries; they encourage or disCOLurage protectionism and the opening up of markets; and they aggravate or relieve the problems of external indebtedness of individual Countries.
Now let me say at the outset that I do not feel that the dynamism and vigour of the global economy - largely a reflection of the dynamism and Wigour of the Tajor industrial powers - hawe been Sufficient in recent times to provide a strong supportive framework for the development efforts of the developing countries. In earlier decades, such as those of the 50s and the 60s, there Was rapid overal growth in the World economy spurred on by the post War reConstruction processes of Europe and Japan. The growth rates of the industrialised countries at that time were strong and vigorous and generated impulses that enabled the developing countries themselves to attain a relatively high pace of expansion. The decades of the 50s and the 60s saw the beginnings of international cooperation for developTent, the launching of aid programmes, the promulgation of United Nations Sponsored "decades of development"- all seeking to transmit the forces of growth and expansion to the developing Countries as well.
All this began to change by the beginning of the 70s, a change that came to be intensified during the 80s and the years thereafter. Arnong the earliest signs was the suspension of the convertibility of the US dollar in the wake of the difficulties experienced by the United States economy in the after hath of the Vietnam War and the first oil shock of the early 70s. But it was during the 80s that the change in scenario came to be particularly marked. The 80s saw the major developed countries, consciously and deliberately, initiating new policies of contraction aimed at combating inflation and the "overheating" of their ECONOTIES, A || this Sgt i Tot a traim
of recessionary for ghout the World E BOs growth ratas: Countries contracte ded by rising inst of exchange and impact of these for countries was part modity prices ca protectionist trends countries grew ir flows decelerated E to be increasingly crisis of startling
many of the counti Ower the 80s the
Were not supporte for wigour emanal econo Ty. In the
declined sharply a negative in a large
This situation was by a set-back in the development coope Sion of the externi tlert. Since its e. had Striviento esta mic environent th We of the develop countries of the T ghted the need ti flows to the dew: strengthen and stat kets, to facilitate I preferential tariffs, eliminate serious While these efforts king a kind of mea the developed Cou of the 80s, howeve to change. New r Conservative Outlo office in some of Countries. Their market forces sic operate пore freely in place of What t interwentionist and cated by the intern As indicated earlie gave priority to res vigour of their ow later years of the 90s they became problems of trans Socialist COLIntrieS a Way, the end oft One of the Underpin Cooperation for dew to LüfTbät the influ Was a factor that programmes and development coope industrialised Cour Against this backgr

:as that Spread thrOUConorrly. During the in the developed 2d sharply, compourabilities in the areas interestrates. The Ces on the developing icularly severe. Cornme tumbling down, in the industrialised intensity, resource Indiaid budgets Carme Constrained. A debt dimensions gripped fies of Latin America. developing countries ld by any dynamist ing from the World result growth rates ld castle even to be mulber Of COLUIT trie S.
Sfurther compounded real of international aration, itself a dimena Coloric environarly years UNCTAD blish a global econoat Was more supportiTent process of the 'hird World. It highlienhance resource aloping countries, to pilise commodity mararket access through är to Wild or ebt problems. For a did succeedin evosured response from rtrieS. Ir t COur S , much of this began egimes With a Tore ok came to assume the major developed reference was that uld be permitted to in the world economy ley regarded as the statist policies adwoational organisations. r, these gowerrırmernts toring the health and economies. In the 80s and the early Concerned With the ition of the former f Eastern Europe. In le Cold WarreñOWed inings of international elopment. The desire ence of Communist encouraged the aid the approaches to tration of many of the tries of the West. "ound, the processes
described under the heading of the "North-South" dialogue came to a virtual halt and non-economic issues became increasingy the focus of UN ConferenCBS.
So this period, beginning in the 70s and continuing through the 80s and beyond was not, as I said, a supportive one for the development process in the Countries of the Third World. The 80s hawe been described, in fact, as the "Lost Decade" for the developing countries. I recollect that When care to be involved in the preparation of the United Nations Development Strategy for the 90s We received projections from the international organisations that suggested that the 90s themselves would turn out to be a kind of replay of the 80s. With no strong dynamic impulses at hand to suggest a change of scene. This, of course, was a discouraging prospect from every point of view. Paradoxically, however, it was these very 80s the so-called "Lost Decade" that saw the rise of the countries of East, and later South East Asia. These Countries were able, despite the adverse international environment, to take advantage of whatever space was left in the global economy to accelerate their own growth and transformation. Their performance, in the initial stages in particular, did coincide with the years when Japan was still sustaining relatively high growth rates; but whatever the linkages, the experience of East and South East Asia stood out as an exception to the gener. ally disappointing record of the rest of the countries of the Third World.
There is a third di Talsion of the external economic environment – One that has been the subject of much analysis and discussion in recent years. This has been described as the process of globalisation, integration and liberalsation in the World economy. Notwithstanding the lack of dynamism in the Tajor centres of economic power, the major industrialised countries, there has been this extraordinary trend towards greater integration in several key areas of the World economy - the trend to open up markets, to facilitate the flow of funds, to stimulate the movement of technology, and even the movement of personnel. These developments hawe been spearheaded by dramatic technological changes in the field of communications and information flows as well as by the emergence of multinational corporations as major actors in the World economy. This has established an aspect of the external economic environ

Page 6
ment that is relatively new, one that Countries such as OLIrS shoLuld take heed of - both to benefit from the positive impulses the process offers and to Safeguard against its dangers and drawbāks.
Today, virtually all developing countries are being encouraged to liberalise their economies aпd to open theпп to the outside World. They are being urged to provide greater scope for the operation of market forces and for the participation of the private sector, both local and foreign. It is argued that this is the Way these countries can take advantage of Whatever dynamism the processes of globalisation, liberalisation, and integration generate. At the same time, a growing number of commentators have recently been Taking the point that while globalisation and liberalisation present many opportunities for the developing countries, there is also the very real danger that a large number of them could be by-passed or marginalised by these processes and excluded from the benefits of economic and technological tra ISfor nation. The Countries of Sub Saharan Africa, in particular, are being pointed to as the possible victims of the process of marginalisation. Moreover, While there are Some Who feel that South Asia IS poised to become the "third Wave" of Asian development, following the path of East and South East Asia, there are also those who warn that should things go Wrong South Asia too could join the ranks of the marginalised. So, as I said, the new trend towards globalisation, integration and marginalisation has its pluses and minuses, brings opportunities as Well as dangers, and Sri Lanka, and the developing Countries generally, should strive both to grasp the opportunities and escape the dangers and drawbacks.
A fourth dimension of the external economic enwirOTI Tlert is pro Wided by the international trade system. The international trade system, as embodied in the Various rules and regulations of the former GATT, provided some kind of a fra The Work for the freer flow of trade With an emphasis on non-discrimination and the progressive lowering of the WariouS Darriers to trade — both ta riff and non-tariff barriers. The developing countries Were not, in the past, entirely satisfied with the results of the successive rounds of trade negotiations Undertaken Under GATT auspices beca USe they felt that insufficient attention was given to such matters as escalating tariffs on processed Commodities and the
adverse impact of
tariff Tate:S Om tih margins extended to trialised Countries.
is little doubt that th) in establishing an or regime for World trac On liberalisation a II. did Contribute to War 10|Timic enwironment supportive of the de
More recently, th developments folloy of the Uruguay Rou tions launched by guay гошпоl succee dirTilsions to tha: || It brought the are: agriculture within the with the objective protectionist barrier ning temperatezonE Europe and else, significant, it added Sion to the internat by incorporating a and regulate World also incorporated : for the protection of and trade related in the developing cou ent in their reactio the Uruguay Round Welcome the reduc even though its bt felt to faWOur tha more than the deve their anxieties were respect of the agre intellectual property investinents since Where the lain inte th05e Of LHB de Wel developing Countri that the new agre ilroads into What t Sowereign economi future capacity to g and to fashion thei manner they though We find, in the E trading Systern a ExtClalleCOffici the developing Co Lanka, need to ге8 They must strive the positive eleme themselves agains
There is now a external economic Coring to be of ir This is the growing nalism", not just groups of neighbo

TEductionЕ П МFM preferential tariff thern by the indusNevertheless, there B - Success of GATT iered and predictive e, With as erTiphasis on-discrimination, dS ar ExtETlal ECOthat was broadly velopment process.
are law bee nie W wing the conclusion nd of trade negotiaTE GATT. The Uruded in adding new World trade system. of World trade in EarTibit of the system of scaling down the stat were cushioEproducts in Western War. EWE TT102 a Edditial dirTieronal trading System new regime to guide triċi diġ ir Sir WiiCES, lit a regulatory system intellectual property 'estment. CnCe again tries Were a TibiVaIl to the outConTe - Cf They did, of course, tiori ir tariff barriers :eneficial ir Tipali: WaS developed countries loping countries. But particularly great in lements on ServicĖS, , and trade related 1ESE WEre ärêäS rests were essentially oped countries. The es Were Concermed elents Would make ley regarded as their ic space and their Uide their economie:S own priorities in the it best. So here again volwing international dimension of the enwironment to Which LIntries, including Sri act as best they can. o take advantage of ints and to Safeguard
the drawbacks.
fifth dimension to the
environent that is Creasing İTıp Ortar.C8. tred towards "regioon the part of small Iring countries but on
the side of major conglomerations of economic power. What is emerging now are vast "mega-blocs" bringing together some of the most powerful industrialised countries of the World. We hawe today the European Union embracing the Countries that shaped global economic history in the 18th and 19th centuries. We hawe NAFTA, the North American Free Trade Area, comprising the United States, Canada, and Mexico and intent on ewentually extending its Coverage to the rest of Latin America. And, nearer horte, we hawe the Coming together of the countries of the Asia Pacific region to for APEC, the Asia Pacific Economic Community. What is distinctive about these new Tega-blocs is not only their size and their membership; it is also their Willingness to include selected developing countries in their groupings. APEC has among its members the developing countries of East and South East Asia. The European Union has special relations with the Countries of Africa, the Caribbean and the Pacific and possibly those of the Mediterranean and Eastern Europe. Arld, as Said, NAFTA has set its sights on a vast expansion encompassing Central and South Arterica.
So here we see this new phenomenon of large Taga-blocs of regional groupings that are beginning to include some developing countries though not all of thern. This, I must say, runs counter to one of the basic principles that the developing countries fought hard to gain acceptance of since UNCTAD 1 in 1964. This was the principle that preferences extended to developing countries, while being needed, should at all times be afforded on a generalised basis without di SCririlatio or distinction between such countries. Otherwise, developing Countries, it was felt, Would come to be grouped under the umbrella of one or the other of the major industrial powers reflecting a kind of patron-client relationship. Well, as I said, recent developments in the realTill of regionalism hawe witiated the concept of generalised preferences. The GSP, the Generalised System of Preferences, still continues in various Ways; but it has been Seriously eroded by these and other developments including the narrowing of preferential margins following trade liberalisation, the application of the concept of "graduation" to exclude various developing countries from its benefits, and Tore recently, the introduction by the European Union of conditionalities to test the eligibility of recipient countries for preferences.

Page 7
For Sri Lanka and the Countries of South Asia there is, in addition, a more specific problem. The countries of our region do not belong to any of these emerging mega-blocs. They are excluded from the free trade arrangements these blocs provide for their members and, in consequence, suffer discrimination and competitive disadvantage in the Tärkets of Elcoscrier Tıbērs, Whether dewe|oped or developing. The phепоппепоп of the new regionalism has, however, its advocates. They argue that the creation of large free trade areas will not only stimulate trade and economic activity among a growing number of The Iber Countries but will also, because of the spread of liberalisation, facilitate the eventual goal of Universal free trade. The new trend is labeled "open regionalism", constituting a kind of "fast track" along the path to such a goal.
Well, all this rer Ilains to be seen. The concept of regionalism, however, is not Cofiled to the industrialised Countries and the mega-blocs. There is also a process underway - also a facet of the evolving external economic environment - aimed at strengthening cooperative relationships among neighbouring groups of developing Countries at the regional and sub-regional levels. SAARC, of course, is the example that concerns us most it has recently celebrated its first ten years of existence. I do not think that anyone would claim that the first ten years of SAARC saw any great change in the degree of integration among South Asian courtries. But, at the same time, I believe it would be valid to say that important foundations have been laid. SAPTA, the South Asian Preferential Trade Arrangement, has now been la Lunched, and constitutes, whatever its limitations, an important first step. In fact, the SAARC member countries hawe now pledged to extend and speed up the process of liberalisation. They hawe set the Inselwes the goal of moving from SAPTA to SAFTA, a South Asian Free Trade Arrangement by the year 2000 if possble, or the year 2005, if not. This, of course, is of particular significance to Šī Lākā. Šut A vert SLCCē in becoming the third Wave of Asian development, following the examples of East Asia and South East Asia, SAPTA of SAFTA Will present immense opportuInities for Sri Lanka, opportunities We must strive to take advantage of South Asian regionalism will then become an important part of our external economic en Wironment. There Would, of COLSE EJE safeguards We Would need to look to,
safeguards that W possible imbalance: South Asian coope by the vast dispariti ting countries in re. of development, an
So these are so El ETICrls of the Ext romment. I hawe high se they prowide tif domestic efforts of OLUTS to a CClarato formation. Sri Lank: leverage to influence TiC eTwifoniert allt its part in helping the developing Cou negotiations. But all as I have said be make use of the provided by the ch scene and at the against the danger SCILI O SO FOI policy and its dome The er Tiphasis Con COtext of the tran tion and integration has certainly impl policy Which must F possible benefits fri It requires, more th our foreign policy, Contacts With the governments, busir groups of Warious
qctiWist rather i thlar aspect. It requires the bilateral linkage Sewera I : Certres o North America, W. also say Eastern the Middle East. Ni requires that Wa stri Of the extraordinar region to the East o of EST ET SOLL Chiria.
Already, the ASi: many linkages. It is of technology, and kinds. It is beginn 0 Lullt fOf Our labij OU also a significanto Sri Larka"SirkS W economic. They a and religious and of history. We sh many of the rapid of Asia, the emergir East Asia, hawe ; COLltri ES. O the significant players global econonic sta

ill take account of S in tha process of ration brought about ies armong participaSpect Of Sizë, le Wels di SO O.
me of the principal rial economic envilighted them becaule backdrop to the Countries such as growth and transa, of Course, has no the external econdhough it should play 0 Unita and activate tries in Iultilateral the same Sri Lanka, fore, Tust strive to positive openings 1änges in the World same time guard S and dra WECKS. It Jgh both its foreign stic economic policy. "opea rinness" in the ls towards globalisain the World economy ications for foreign help to maximise the In these processes. an ever before, that our dealings and World outside - lesses, and interest ids — tāk arī a largely reactive the strengthening of as We have With the f economic power. astern and, I Would Europe, Japan, and o less important, it We to take advantage y dynamism of the fus — the dynamism ESt Asia ärld Of
in region affords us a source of capital, of irports of Various ing even to be ап Is asid Could be CDITE utlet for our exports. ith Asia are not just El as TLCh Cultural cover a long period ould not forget that ly growing Countries ng Countries of South a strongly Buddhist
Way to becoming on the regional and լցB, China and Japan
themselves have a strong Buddhist tradition. This provides an additional dimension to our linkages with Asia, linkages that supplement the ties of geographical proximity and of economic interchange.
Sri Lanka's Foreign Policy must also respond to the trend towards regionalism. It was announced recently that Sri Lanka had decided to apply to join APEC - tre A5ia PacifiCECOOTC CollUnity. I do not know What decision APEC Would take on this application. But Weller or riot We or the other Countries of South Asia become elbers We should use every opportunity to insist that Whatever arrangements APEC members make among themselves these should not be to the disadvantage of neighbouring Countries. In the Bogor declaration, adopted at the last but one Summit of APEC, there was a sentence to say that the trade liberalisation actions afforded by APEC members to each Other could also be extended to other developing non-member countries. It is Tot clear as to Whether this is falt to be merely voluntary but it is an opening that we should certainly pursue.
There are also other developments pertaining to regionalism. We hawe heard of the initiatives to Create a dia Ocean Rim Community. More recently, there has been talk of establishing a Bay of Bengal grouping that would include India, Thailand, Sri Larika, Bärigladesh and Certain other countries. All this suggests that new linkages are opening up for Sri Lanka. One of the Coclusions draw from all this is that regional groupings are no longer likely to be closed or exclusive Communities. There need to be openings to the outside World. This may give rise to a concept of overlapping or multiple memberships for individual countries. In fact, this is already siri evidence and could become a tred for the future — Witness the USA, already in NAFTA and APEC, Pakistan in SAARC and the ECO, and other examples. Regionalism, though it may continue to gain in strength, may progressively lose its self-contained and inward looking character and become more open to the World outside.
Lët më turn now to our own domestic policies. I need hardly say that a s.
La 707 for Sri Lanka's rapid development, for her ability to profit from the positive forces at Work in the World outside, is peace internally, and stability and good order. Without these we would Scarcely be able to benefit from the
5

Page 8
extermal economic environment, no matter how strong, how dynamic it is. All this goes without saying. But there is also a need to consciously orient our domestic economic policies to take maximum advantage of the positive developments and to minimise the disadvantages that flow from the several trends unfolding on the global Scene.
Now I do consider it important that our domestic economic policies reflect an openness to markets, to investment and to private enterprise. But, at the same time, I do not believe that We should be purists and follow literally the teachings of neo-classical laissez faire economics. We need to teiper all that with a strong dose of pragmatist. We need to adopt a policy stance tailored to our own conditions, to modify where necessary precepts that are externally inspired or primarily academic. We need to take a CCGL ut of the realitie:S that reflect our own stage of development, of the disparities in Our Society and their implications for social and economic justice. I do believe that our policy Stance must put sufficient emphasis on soundness and discipline in the realm of macro-economic policy. Sri Lanka and other developing Countries Would not be able to pursue orderly development or profit from the impulses emerging in the World outside if they are Weighed down by the processes of economic dislocation - massive inflation, depreciating exchange rates and growing physical Controls. Reasonable acro-economic balarıCBIS double SSakinlıd qafir Tıpperative,
Butlet me also say this. I do not believe that essentially monetarist policies, no matter how Well conceived and implemented would suffice by thenselves to ensure that Sri Lanka benefits from the dynamic forces at Work in the world economy. I spoke earlier of the danger of marginalisation facing many developing Countries such as those of Sub-Saharan Africa. Wirtually all these countries have, for more than a decade now, been pursuing policies of structural adjustment under the prodding of the multilateral firlanciaI institutions, Mornetary-fiscal discipline and macro-economic balance hawe been the principal element of these policies. But these hawe not served, even When implemented with relative success, to Ward off the dangers of marginalisation. I believe there are other and even more irportant requireIlents. Of these there are at least two that I believe to be of OwerWhelming importance and to which I have drawn
ES
atteltiJi on TUTE believe, in fact, tha to successful integra World economy. The and substantial Tic basic infrastructure f in a Lumber of rele upgrading of the sk at all levels. If a
progress on those fri success it can sh( macro-economic a discipline, it will no the opportunities;рге til and Efall Sati] nomy. If, on the C advance rapidly in th ture and skills, it can or by-passed by t expansion.
So I would like emphasis on the tr. country's infrastruct. nological, and Serv like to Sēlē Luis dra Will tive plans, showing ture capabilities Wol fifteen years from will compare with ti to the newly indu how they can be protection of the en L0 k10W What Ouf ! would look like, whi power and teleCom Would be ower the need is not Only f head start in imple not understand Why We are not occupie and programmesof major highways, of power projects, projects and So Ol thern periodically b lost? In the pursuit We cannot go Wrong do too much. I h; about the importar thirik We hawe a fi cheap and unskill development is inc driven calling for a Workforce at alley The evolving glob. premium on manag Call skills and O1 hig
| believe also tha to take advantage afforded by globali tiOn We ThList at the our national ident interests. Globalis:

TOUS 0CCäsions. | t they are the key tion into a dynamic Se Teithig Tadical delisation of the acilities of a country want fields and the is of its Workforce
country does not onts, no matter what W in the real of ind monetary-fiscal be able to grasp sented by globalisain the World ecother hand, it does e area of infrastrucscarcely be ignored le forces of global
з to place stгопg ansformation of this Ire-physical, techCe related || Would g up plans, perspec
What OLJr. infrastTUCuld be five, ten, and now and how they le facilitiés available strialising countries,
reconciled With the Wironment. We need network of highways at our ports, aviation, TLJICEtio 15 facilitiËS se periods. But the or plans. It is for a menting ther. I do at this wery. To Tent, d with Tiajor projects With the Construction With the Construction
talacJTITILIličäliÖfls 1. One reads about ut is time not being of these objectives J; We can even hardly ave similar thoughts ce of skills. I do not ture as a Source of led labOUT. Moder reasingly technology increasingly skilled Els and in all SectOTS, ial economy puts a Jerial and technologih labour productivity.
t Whila We eldeä WOLJr
of the opportunities sation and liberalisasame time Safeguard ity and Our national tion should not lead
developing countries to lose their individuality. I do not believe that openness to foreign investment, for example, should take the form of inviting outsiders to do the job of development for us as was done in Colonial times. The essence of development is to strengthen and transform the indigenous capabilities of a nation - the capabilities of its managers, its entrepreneurs, its workforce, its aptitudes in the realm of Science and technology. Foreign investment is necessary and desirable as sources of capital, of know how, and of business linkages. But the greatest merit of foreign investinent, if used in that way, is that it could serve as a learning process that helps enhance national or indigenous capabilities, capabilities that Will remain WHile Outside inWEStors COrre arid gL), That is why I Would like to see closer linkages between our own entrepreneurs and foreign investors - linkages that Would encourage joint ventures, collaboration arrangements and the like and leave behind a residue of knowledge and skills among Our people.
Well, I have touched, as briefly as | could, on a Vast and Complex subject. But I do wish to end by saying that | believe that the changing external economic environment, despite its drawbacks and its inadequacies, offers opportunities that Sri Lanka must grasp. I am optimistic that with the right policies, the right endeavours, and the right orientations We can benefit from Sortle of the forces low at Work in the World economy, benefit from the forces of change and dynamism that have gained strength in many parts of Asia. I Would like to see us put together a kind of "road map" that points to the goals We want to reach and the path We need to follow. This should provide a perspective that helps us see beyond present problems and gives us Confidence in tB . futLurB.
So let The conclude by expressing once more my deep appreciation of this invitation, l art glad to see members of Prof. Kodikara's family in this audience, I had Wanted in Selecting the Subject of this address to pay tribute, even in a small way, to Prof. Kodikara and the concerns that occupied him throughout his career. He was deeply interested LL LLL LLLLLLL LLLLGLLLLLLL aL LL Lanka's problems and I thought that should endeavour, as best I could, to highlight some of the economic aspects of this diTelSiOl. Let The, OTCB T108, say thank you to all of you.

Page 9
Free Trade Vs. Neo
Otto Graf Lab Sdorff
I
nfortunately, there is a long
tradition of mercantilist at the expense of Southern Asia. A Roman emperor even banned all imports of Indian spices and cloth, in order to stop gold disappearing out of Rome along the silk road. And the days of imperialism and colonialism were marked by very One-sided trade links at the expense of Southern Asia. Is it right, given the end of the Cold War, the breakdown of the SOWiet Union, and the road to a me3W World order, to say today: "Mercantilism is dead; long live multilateral free trade"? I am afraid it isn't. Mercartilism is alive and kicking. Protectionism, strategic trade policy, bilateralism and regionalism in trade, and state industrial policy are its moder forms. Like the TerCatilism of long ago, its advocates are trying to hoard prosperity at home by selling goods and Services abroad whilst awodiпg imports.
Many people regard the interpretation of international trade as a competition between nations as progressive. They believe that, following the collapse of the eastern bloc, economic confrontation is replacing military confrontation. Strategic trade policy is replacing Tilitary Strategy. They believe that, like war, World trade consists only of Winners and losers. (With reference to a book by Jeffrey Garten, they think it's a struggle for Supremacy in a cold peace.
The advocates of strategic trade policy regard their nation as a company that sells goods, earns profits and conquers markets. Another company's success on the market means success for the competition. They think that only one C0Tarly Carl Surwiwe in the erd. In their Wiew, orily one Country or group of countries can emerge as the winner of World trade. However, the reality. We observe is different. Countries aren't companies. The Community of exporting nations is not pursuing predatory competition on the World's markets. Where are the states which, after initial success,
L TLGLO TCCCLCH C LssOHCHCHLO TO LCLCT L LLTLCCLGGHCH OLT LLLLTeHuHTHL LT LLeCCCLCLGLHHL HLHHLS LCLGLLuCuC LLk aLOHS LKOkOY KOOT YT TTTeTeeLeLTkLSLLLLCLLLCHOuOOkHHSL0 ekkHLHkHkOuOY kOkOkS
hawe been drivēt
OS"?
Don't We rather Tore nations – not-so-little tigers C are becoming SUC not only the leading Hasn't India, for great opportunity пеw сопрuler and gies in the field of software? Doesn't se throughout the grows? The oh-s made by strategic plete and Conta LurkriðWS.
Economically, str Without foundation. sum game... Спe si the other gains. Tra about Comparative since Ricardo.
Improving the int labour serves ever economists of the in their first Sele: ExarTIs are OWEr, W forget the clearly fo of international trad has prowed itself practice, not least European Union. It given all the TembE and econd lic stab achieved in Europe
Indirectly, strateg very ппшch recogni free trade. Why Countries endeaWOL regional markets b zones? The only half-Way. If even zones promote the rity, What sort of p be bound to derive tid ff || ?
The focusing of : on the triad of Germany reveals limited this approac neither to the geo

-mercantilism
bankrupt by "competi
See how more ard
such as the four if South-east Asia -- Cessful traders, and industrial countries? 2xas Tiple, seized the ffered by the use of information technolomoder Services and our prosperity increaWorld as World trade o-simple calculation rade policy is incomis a number of
ategic trade policy is Trade is not a zerode doesn't lose what de theory has known COst advantages ever
ernational division of yone's succeSS. The World learnt this back sters. But, orice our We all too frequently Tulated advantages e. And yet the theory many times over in
in the case of the sinternal larket has Jr. states more growth ility than ever before
lic trade policy does Se the Superiority of else are so many ring to open up large y Creating free-trade thing is: they stop bilateral free-trade ir members' prospe
from multilateral free
strategic trade policy aբan, the US and OW back Ward and h is. It corresponds olitical changes We
are observing, nor to the trade policy changes, which we describa as the "globalisation of markets". What role Would the concept of the triad allocate to, for example, South Asia-India, Sri Lanka - orto China, South Africa, Latin America, Australia and New Zealand? How Would it integrate Russia into the World economy? Strategic trade policy has no answEr to these questions – questions that are vital for peace and prosperity for US all.
III
Despile many convincing arguments, the signs of incipient World-Wide liberalisation of trade are far from good.
(1) I am sceptical about liberal World trade because of What I Saw When the Uruguay Round was concluded and ratified. Individual national interests Were all too frequently to the fore. And Europe was no model pupil either. For example, the so-called Blair House compromise on agriculture became a central political issue which almost caused the downfall of the European commitment to free trade. As though Europe was an agricultural country and not one of the World's greatest industrial regions. All this political manoeuvring produced a most ambivalent signal for World trade.
(2) Another reason why I think it is right to be Sceptical about free trade is that, even after the ratification of the Uruguay Round, the protectionists stil| hawe plenty of instruments up heir sleeves. Integration in Europe brings with it a risk of isolation from abroad. Agricultural policy is one example. The initial success in the GATT contrasts with a sophisticated system of quotas, tariffs, market Surpluses and exports at below World market price. Similarly, Washington has at its disposal a wide range of highly protectionist tools, from the excessive use of dumping and counterwalling duties through to the recent re-implementation of the Super 301 Act. And India also relies too little Om oper markets and too TTuch om protectionism. For example, it has
7

Page 10
(3)
a negative import list. There is wirtually a total barı On iTriports in the consumer goods sector. Expoting textiles to the Whole World, Whilst banning domestic imports, is based on mercantilist thinking.
Bilateral agreements are no replacemet for Lutilateral free trade. The trade talks between Washington and Tokyo or other Countries are by no means pleasing to, for example, the German eye, Especially as the US, for what are really domestic political reasons, is banking on strength and Compulsion to force markets Open. The Americans' rough methods should not meet with approval. They clearly remind us of the historical connection I mentioned earlier betWeen mercantilism and imperialism. The consequence of these trade talks is to make market access for other suppliers more difficult, if they don't actually block it. We need to open our markets not just bilaterally, but generally.
For the Sarne reason arn also concerned to observe the boom in lateral free-trade zones. At the end of last year, 109 regional agree Tients were registered with the WTO. All the leading trading nations are Tembers of One Or other of the Se agreements. Whether it be APEC, AFTA NAFTA, ASEAN MERCOSUR Of TAFTA — a transatlantic free-trade Zone Currently under discussion: the one-side Tarket opening to the benefit of the contracting parties creates new trade barriers for outsiders.
Even if it is only that the bilateral gduction in tradE Barriers TäkE5 imports easier amongst the Countries involved, whilst leaving the trade conditions for others Latered. It may even be that trade within the bloc increases. But the international flows of trade are diverted and distorted. Each internal preference contrasts with a whole range of discrimination against the outside World. The various free-trade zones are covering the World With a consusion of country-of-origin rules, sectorspecific regulations, preferences and tariffs. The exporter, both inside and outside the trading bloc, is confronted with something as clear and comprehensible as a plate of spag
(4)
Hetti. This WieWis 8 Bhagwati, frOIT CC N. Y. Prijtg tiris" Will lake losers ners. RegionalisT1 thing to do with g
Il te debt b4 WEen trade ad E social standards, g to strike a difficult the principle of o İSolti). FOT EXIT can opponents of can Free Trade Mexico pointed to massiwe job loSSE Serious environme years on, that Arıyorlle Who mer Words like enviro dumping Without doing his cause a do is supply prote arguments for its protectionism is acceptable nor friendly.
THg abolitial of Sil, lity of education assembly and fri Workers aga di made by Liberal achieved, and not Of LHB WTO).
| must admit th problems with the such as the Ru the Carpet Expor Cill's Kale:EIT trade child labour, bec to differentiate a However, the inf to stop a genera of Indian carpets: Etter infoTTTlatİC" lands to the WT WHETE it:Tlatio her wages, shot ard ewery Other Link of Gliriniis ces to develop th and Societies the the developing C ÎlC[[JSipT1 []f SCC Uruguay Round Waring agai St
Why is it saying til in trade damag: economy? Why
exporters feel thị

shared by Jagdish lumbia University and bilateralism fall trading partis trade has nolobalisation.
out the links betinvironmental and ÖWernments ha WE balance betWEéin pen markets and nple, many Amerithe North AmeriAgreement with the possibility of is in the US and Ital darnage. TWD hasn't happened. ely bandies about [[TleritaI OT SOCial distinction is not favour. Allie Will ciolis. WitleW Continuation. But neither socially enwirornmentally
avery, the availabiFor all, the right of ee speech for all lands wigorously s. They must be only in the context
at I have Certa ir
use of labels - gTark initiative of tPTOITCtion COLIITmark —to CCIT 1 bat ause it isn't easy
Tiit ter oTTiation Cär help) | collapse of Sales abroad by providing ... The limit for deTC) nBeds to b8 SBt al pressure for higter Working hours
standard you can es Countries' Charl= air own economies imselves. Why did ountries reject the ial clauses in the "Why is UNCTAD
leo-ecastilis T1? at social standards the Whold World
do even Spanish at German environ
Tental rules Create trade barriers for լիtm?
Anyone who over-emphasises enwironmental goals and Social issues risks losing the advantages of free trade, greater prosperity, income and employment. Only free World trade is fair.
International trade policy is not the only hiding place for mercantilist thinking. Protectionism also lurks in policies that are supposedly purely national. The calls for dirigiste industrial policies fit in only too well with strategic trade policy. Here, too, military thinking is trying to justify something that will allegedly bring econdtic benefits. How else can We regard the dispute about sales of Airbus or Boeing aircraft, other than in ter TT:s of a military struggle for power? How else can we understand the battle for large public-sector orders for national firms? Why do heads of state become sales
e
Alleged key Sectors are Supposed to be supported in order to create advantages for national industries. Government intervention is supposed to replace corporate decisions. The advocates of dirigiste industrial policies Want new subsidies to give birth to the industries of the future. Strategic aliances are to form Cartels in Order to use the restrictions on competition to shape the future. I have no time for that sort of policy.
Agencies, bureaucrats, politicians and Ilbies Take their dCiSiiOS iri line Wit the political mood, prestige, their own feelings, and the media impact. They prefer large companies. They place Smaller Companies and the indiwidual entrepreneur operating at his own risk and on his OWI initiative at a disadvantage. They enlarge the public sector, which displaces the market. Dirigiste industrial policies are conducted at the cost of the taxpayer and the individual. Dirigiste industrial policies distort national prices and international exchange rates. Dirigiste industrial policies are thus clearly opposed to the aims of World trade and open markets.
Only the market is in a position to collect and coordinate a vast range of information. Only the market forms a selection process for new technologies and processes. Only the market allocates

Page 11
economic Success and economic responsibility properly. Free trade and globally open markets, as the Core of a new World economic System, make high demands. It is therefore Wital for the WTO to be developed into an international system of competition. The pressure for globally open markets and thus more market economics throughout the world must emanate from it. Japan, Germany and America must support this approach.
TW
The allernpt to build a new World economic system on the basis of thercantilist ideas is not only Wrong: it's dangerous as well. Mercantilisrn and imperialism hawe always gone hand in hand. Trade was the means of oppression and exploitation. Southern Asia has often felt the effects of this in the past. AS has the United States - there Were good reasons why its independence began with the Boston Tea Party. In the days of mercantilisTT), War and COnquest Were an Inevitable Consequience of the underlying economic ideas. They Were the normal and obvious form of exploitation. As a counter-Towerment, the free-trade movement had not only an econotic, but also a moral thrust.
| regard Ty advocacy today of multilateral free trade and my opposition to strategic economic policy as part of this tradition. The triad and bilateral and trilateral approaches to trade represent a political and economic restriction on international relations. That is Wrong: politically and economically, in theory and in practice. Reducing the tariff barriers and obstacles to trade on all sides will Creata tha Chance of increased properity, greater economic dynarnism, more progress and improved quality of life. Multilateral trade without protectionism also provides an opportunity for a new and more liberal World system. After all, it and a new World ecolonic Systern Are WD Sides of the Samle Goirl. Everything else is discrimination and contains the seeds of instability and Conflict.
Souther Asia has a largely untapped economic and political potential. Developing it is a great challenge which must be tackled positively in the interest of Thankind. Free trade is the central precondition if southern Asia is to assuThe an appropriate role in the new world economic system and in the new World order.
The Fri Founda
Јшrgen Axer
his history
FOLJI riidation ir S to 1972. When Wed tion with the Marg: this day ranks hig intellectual inquiry E organisation.
The Marga Institi by a large group
Totiwa tad Sri Lääki mental Centre for d We supported a p of the Marga ln: Seminars and Work translations progral the solJr. TäIII äTeäS political, and Scier FOLJIČå til FlaS - El with the Marga Insti les On d'Orfestic libé ture, private secto Wironmental and eco Tentary and elect party System, politi Tulti-ethnic: Ultirèl lution and decentral
In keeping with th: tion's objectives at gra SS root lewel Self Lanka Jatika Sarw MowerTent becate in Sri Laka i F Damsak Mandiraya ya Head quarters Patlakacja Col Training Institute are of our the thirteen ye with Sагwodaya.
AS, Sri Laka ar market economy in []LIT CCT1tributiøf18 t! process by assistir Sarwodaya, Economi |орппепt Branch.
SiCl3 thig lagt two til With i Sri Lalka by Working with a S. diTESO, AS libera

edrich-Naumann tion in Sri Lanka
if the Nauman ri Lanka dates back weloped a co-operaInstitute, which ti|| hly as a centre of nd multidisciplinary
Juta Was established of professional and AS a S OngOVeTeVelopment studies. lethora of activities stitute like Studies, shops, publications, mmes etc. Covering of economic, social, tific research. The to been associated tute's Te Search studralisation of agriculdevelopment, enlogical issues, parlia3ral process, multiCal Structures for a igious Society, devo
Sätign EtС.
2. Na Luman Foudahat time to promote help organisations, adaya Shramadana our second partner 1e early 70's. The Where the Sarvodais situated and the unity Leadership two living examples lar long co-operation
ched towards a free
the 80's, we made the development ng to establish the ic Enterprise Deve
years, Our Co-Operahas also expanded outh Asian Regional ls Webelieve in the
need for the free movement of people, goods, capital and services, for the international division of labour and for international co-operation on the widest possible scale in monetary, social and technological matters. We advocate regional economic groupings, provided they do not become instruments for regional protectionism or for economic exploitation by one country of other countries, and do not degenerate into bureaucratic technocracies operating outside a system of democratic controls.
In the Foundation's regional co-operation within the SAARC countries, FCCISL is an active member of the SAARC Chamber of Commerce and Industry. I have therefore no doubt that our co-operation in this filed will strengthen further and follow the liberal doctrine.
Presently, we are working closely with the Federation of Chamber of Corrierce and Industry of Sri Lanka the leading private sector establishment this is an essential pinion in the Wheel of development. The Small and Medium Scale Enterprise Development Project - SMED as it is popularly known as has been established as a joint venture of the FCCISL and the FNSt. is not only considered as a pioneer in this field but also asa Very Successful Service Organisation highly acknowledged for its qualtative activities. Project SMED hasamply demonstrated that if institutions are to Work effectively, every citizen must hawe a sense of moral responsibility towards his fellow men and take an active part in the affairs of the community for service is the necessary compliment of freedom and that every right of the citizen involves a corresponding duty.
In conclusion, I wish to record my appreciation for all those who hawe made Our Co-operation in Sri Lanka a most cordial, fruitful and feasible, and it is also my sincere hope that our future co-operation will continue to be equally successful and beneficial.

Page 12
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Page 13
SAFW ALAMWAKAW COWALIWACTW
The New Regime an
Hurmayun Kabir
he new regime is electorally
pledge-bound to give it a human or social face." This explains the rationale behind the government's programmes of fertiliser subsidy and reduction of prices of certain essential commodities like bread, dal, diesel and kerOSene, This is bound to widen the budget deficit and cause high inflation. Inevitably, Sri Lanka's donors expressed concern over the PA government's economic policy."
Preserving good relations with countries like USA, which are important for aid, investment and trade, are essential to develop Sri Lanka's есопоппу. Апу mis-steps, even if forgiven by the executiWe branch in Washington, will create problems for the Chandrika government With the conservative Republicans Who favour free markets, trade and inWestment over aid. Therefore, the real challenge before the government of President Chandrika is to be able to make its economic policy acceptable to the donor countries and lending agencies, and not to get stigmatised as "socialist government like those of her parents in yesteГyears.
Winning the confidence of the foreign investors to West in Sri Lanka is the government's second biggest challenge. What appears to be needed for this is to create an environment congenial for investment. For this, several steps are to be taken. One, there has to be a program. The for privatisation and tax incentives. Two, there has to be political and social stability in the county, both in short and long terms. The ongoing labo Lur un rest has to be immediately dealt with and the civil War has to be brought to an end as early as possible. Despite President's policy statement on 6 January 1995 announcing, among other things, a Sweeping privatisation package and a promise of no new taxes, the foreign investors still seen to be holding back having its reflection in the ongoing bearish trends in the Colombo stock market. Apparently, this is because the policy statements hawe not yet been followed up by any action plans and concrete steps for ground implementation. The challenge for the government is to get its acts together and streamline the administration.
Third, tackling th ting in the Cabinet before tha Chlamdr ruling PA is a cong than 12 big and s a rainbow Coalitior parties Were put te CΟΠΠΟΠ LIrge to UNP. Apart from in nality factors and th natural to a motley partners wary. With C issues concerning policy as well as C attitudes to the We privatisation are O mples. The challer government, there and also to appear fundamental issues the international p economics and po
Fourth, competiti of Asia, Africa, La Old Cormir i'r Unlist bl iTVgStletarld tra World presents the with a challenge. liberal World trade System is going tc Lanka has to comp producers. This cal tic skills as Well as W nal economic polic Lārikā.
Fifth in the face tegic tilt towards t the Indo-Pakistaf PTA, the Challe government of Sri CC) tribut to StTE as to reap benefit edea WÖLJTS Cof the not only in South such other Organis. dual Countries.
Finally, an early TmĐflt Uf thE CũI1trũ." Lanka agгеement c ca(WOA) relayStati LIET THE UNP Weetunga on 9 De tutes a challenge fic: Under tremendous

d the Economy
e problem of in-fighis another challenge ika govemment. The lo Terate of no fewer small parties. This is l, as the Constituent ogether only by their electorally fight the fighting due to persole factional Squabbles Coalition, the Coalition Ile another oncertain the country's foreign lor mestic policy. Their st powerS and to nly a couple of exaige for the Chandrika fore, is to be united to be united on SOThe i, like rightly choosing artrears ir Tratters of |liti CS.
On for the countries til All Eric ard the oc in terms of aid, ide with the developed Sri Lanka government Also, under the new
regime when qшola ծ be phased out. Sri ete With Tore efficient ls for a lot of diplomaWell-defined internatioy on the part of Sri
of India's econd-Strahe United States and actor threatening SAge before the neW Lanka is how it could gthening SAARC so S for the Collective regional organisation | Asia but also With ations and With im di Wi
and amicable settleversy over the US-Sri in the Voice of Amerion at Iranawila signed government of D.B. Ceber 1994, Constior the PA government. pressures in the fom
of persistent Waves of protests from the Iranawila People's Solidarity Forum and the Buddhist and Roman Catholic clergy, the Sri Lankar Cabinet has appointed a Ministerial Committee to review the agreement. The US government has tratele O Lit Off si if the WOA project was not permitted. Eventually, the Americans hawe Softlered their stance but the problem still remains as an irritant in the US-Sri Lanka relationship. Sri Lanka's diplomacy indeed has to demonstrate its real finesse in placating the concerned PA electorate while avoiding antagonising the World's only Superpower. However, the greatest foreign policy challenge for Sri Lanka under the PA government seems to be to redefine her relationship with India.
This means going back to the India policy of the earlier Bandaranalikes, the 'pilot-fish' policy. Indeed, President Kumāra tunga's Warmth for India was transparent from one of her statements cited above. Lakshman Kadirgamar also appears to have implied that India policy WhÉT É Säid that the traditia||friedships which were forged during the earlier premiership of Mrs Sirirrawo Bandaranaike Were being renewed. He characterised this as "a kind of harking back to these days".' He also said that Sri Lanka's relations Were at their best after the new government took office following the general elections on 16 August 1994. And he said that this was reciprocal. Indeed it was. A War I message of felicitation was sent to Prime Minister Chandrika from Indian Prime Minister P.W. Narasimha Rao. He also despatched A.N. Warma, his Principal Secretary, as special envoy with a message to Chandrika. While Kadirgart lar appreciated this as an expression of New Delhi's goodwill towards Sri Lanka, Nareshwar Dayal, Indian High Commissioner to Sri Lanka, said that Indo-Lanka relations were entering a neW pohla Se With the establish Tert Of the PA government.' However, despite this initial bonhomie, the Indo-Sri Lanka relationship appears to continue to be governed by India's Security interests and the way Sri Lanka's ethnic conflict is going to be resolved.
11

Page 14
The Indian position was reflected in a report from New Delhi even as far back as in March 1990, soort after the withdrawal of the IPKF. The report said that the issues of national security and the harmonisation of the ethnic aspirations would continue to be inputs in Indo-Sri Lanka relations." The attitude in Sri Lanka is manifested in some reports in Colombo. One editorial of the Daily News noted that Sri Lanka was up against seemingly intractable problems for the resolution of which her immediate neighbours' help and Cooperation Ware Wital, A similar WiéW Wä5 expressed in another report which said that the impossibility of forging and maintaining internal stability and peace in Sri Lanka. Without the cooperation and goodwill of neighbours was evidenced in its troubled relations with India in the 1983-87 period. However, there is another view in Sri Lanka regarding sts desired attitude towards India. This view is similar to that of the pre-1977 SLFP governments which liked to be free in dealing With the ethnic question, While pursuing OWI strategy in its foreign policy.' But it appears that India's interest in Sri Lanka's ethnic problem has mot flagged so far. While New Delhi says that it is not opposed to the Lankan peace process that was initiated by President Chandrika on 13 October 1994 to settle the ethnic problem through negotiations with the LTTE, India WOLuld like to hawa Sorte sort of role for itself in the Whole question of Sinhala-Tamil ethnic conflict for several reasons.
A major problem for India would be if the LTTE got for the Sri Lanka Tamils more than What India's federating units currently enjoy, for this Would add fuel to the demands of the various separatist elements in the Indian Union. Y. Chavan, WOT NEW|le Kalakaratr Ca||S. an Indian foreign policy Czar, is reported to hawe Said: "The threat of militant TaTi liberation is a greater threat to India's security than it is to Sri Lanka's". India's Concern about the talks between the Sri Lanka government and the LTTE was expressed by Indian Minister of State for Home Affairs, Rajesh Pilot, who said that India Considered it a crucia matter." India, therefore, Would like to closely follow the developments in this regard and would like to be kept posted about them by the government of Sri Lanka.
The question of extradition of Some of the LTTE cadres including Welupillai Prabhakaran, the LTTE supremo, by Sri
12
Lanka to India for th ent in the assas Indiam Prime Ministe eisure an Indian etic conflict. The C denies India's havir but if it is really ra Tlalde for extraditio ment's position On
unclear. This may b One, that the Sri Lar be only too aware
just turned; it may b did not honour Sri La foT SOTIEWhat thĒ : the early 1980s. TW poisition on the que extradition to India inhibiting factor for TTT-it We tO COTE lity. And three, ir Extradition Treaty
Countries, the ChE may face a politicoevent of an Indian re
India's position Lanka's ethnic probl peacefully in the CC unity and territorial Clear that India's non-LT TE Tamil gro WOLJI DB irited reste is accorded by the C to various Tamil gr LTTE.
In the Went of C. talks, the Chandrik be constrailed tore And even if the g. in bringing the civi defeating the force the ethnic problem that Would en Sur : like tha Sri Lärka the genшіпе griewar THrsli||5.
Ewen to militarily of insurgency, Sri need of India's hi in Several respect: the Tilitants' infiltri from across the F the STuggling of a
Therefore, unlike the 1980s, India's ethnic problem has and as such any go Would find it real the India factor E domestic politics. recognition in Sri lē, TīS S vid Karlakarāt S

heir alleged involveSination of fOTITier ar. Rajiv Gandhi will "olea in the island's olombo government graised the issue, ised and a request n, the PA governthat seems to be for tree reaSOS. ika government may hat the tables are e recalled that India nka's Sir Tilar Tequest Sala individualSi
, the obvious LTTE bstion Of Its Cadres is of course, an he Chandrika gowÓsider such a possibiabsence of any between the two indrika government legal problem in the quest for extradition.
is known that Sri g Siould bg Settled text of the island's
integrity. It is also sympathy lies with ups. India, therefore, d t Sigg Willät TÖlē Colombo government oups other than the
ollapse of the peасе a gowler Tir Tlient may sort to military option. vernment succeeds war to an end by s of Tamil militancy,
would remain. And a role for India. Which government to Teet Ces of the Sri Lanka
solve the problem Laikai Would be in elр апd cooperatioп s, such as checking Fatic into Sri Lanka 'alk Straits, stopping IIIs and the like.
in the period before
Tola in Sri Lalka'S become entrenched Wernment in Colombo lard to do away. With weer in the island's
In fact, there is a lākā of Sch India
it from what Newille to say regarding the
peace negotiations with the LTTE. He said: "The Sri Lankan golwernment should notify India of such negotiations...". The Daily News carried a revealing view reporting that a popular perception in Sri Lanka was that the PA government would consult India about doing any business With the LTTE, Indeed, Foreign Minister Kadir gamar, during his first visit to New Delhi as Minister in early December 1994, felt it imperative to keep the Indian leaders abreast with his briefing on the direction of the new government of Sri Lanka." And it is only after Kadirgamar had briefed the Chandrika government on his visit to India that the stalled peace process with the LTTE was resumed and the date for the second round of talks was fixed for 3 January 1995.
As usual, India Continues to show its security concerns about extra-regional military intrusion or presence in the Indian Ocean area. The Sino-Indian strategic schism seems to have extended to the Indian Ocean Bay of Bengal area. India appears to be increasingly Worried over the reported Chinese naval base on Myanmar's Coco Islands and over China's arbition to build a blue water navy. In October 1994, an Indian intelligence report highlighted India's Worries over China's increasing monitoring in the Bay of Bengal. The Indian authorities captured near the Andaman Islands three Chinese fishing boats carrying maps and communication equipment.' India also remains apprehensive about any extra-regional broadcasting facilities set up in any country in its neighbourhood for any military or intelligence gathering purposes. The Indian leaders mentioned to the Visiting Sri Lankan Foreign Minister, in passing but unmistakeably, about the WOA relay station at Iranawila during their discussions, With a wiew to Just politely cautioning that Sri Lanka should not permit its broadcasts to harm Indian interests.' Indeed, this may have contributed to the PA government's decision to appoint a ministerial committee to review the WOA dea With the United States.
Clearly, India's hegemony, formalised through the Indo-Lanka Peace Accord of 1987 in respect of both Sri Lanka's foreign policy and ethnic problem, is in operation even under the People's Alliance government of President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga. In fact, the seëls to be o retur to the strategy, insofar as it involves only foreign policy. What appears remarkable

Page 15
is that the Chandrika government seems to have accepted the inevitable in the relationship between a regional great power and a small power, Without coercion on the part of India. That may, in effect, give much leeway to the Sri Lankan government in dealing with India, resulting in continLIGd close, Cordial and mutually beneficial relationship between the two asymmetrical South Asian neighbours.
Concluding Remarks
It is clear from the foregoing that India has always been the most fundamental consideration in Sri Lanka's foreign and security policy, irrespective of the political-ideological complexion of the party in power in Colombo. Sri Lanka's apprehension and fear of India, caused by their asymmetry in size and power, and by the locational factor as well as New Delhi's strategic ambitions in the region of South Asia and the India Ocean hawa been the prime foreign policy concerns of all Sri Lankan governments. The position of those scholars who tend to argue that India posed no threat to Sri Larika ārlid that certain Sri Lankar leaders envisaged no threat to their country from the north is difficult to sustain. Lack of hostility and at times even sшrface appearance of friendship aaHLaaL LaL LLLL LLLLLLL LLa a LaLCLLL to explain away the threat perceptions that the successive Color Tibo govern
ments hawe held wis-a-wis India.
The successive Sri Lankan governments hawe differed from each other only in the mariner of expressing their threat perceptions and in the devising of strategies and instruTients that Were employed to neutralise such threats. The UNP governments were explicit about India as a source of potential threat and pursued a pro-Western non-conformist foreign and Security policy towards the big neighbour. Sri Lanka's India policy under the SLFP-led governments hawe been to redress the imbalance of power without provoking India, Indeed, the Bandaranalike governments hawe demonstrated skilful diplomacy in enlisting regional and extra-regional counterwalling powers wis-a-vis India without obviously antagonising the latter. This assentially is what is called the "pilot fish strategy" that is followed by a small state wis-a-Wis a great power neighbour.
But the Indo-Sri Lanka Peace Accord 1987 has changed the nature and content of relationship between the two countries. The relationship essentially assurned the hallmarks of hegemony as
Certain areas in SI affairs as Well as fomally became Sut siwe to India's poli Lanka Was Compell. and force of circul SLICh a StatUS for its: The dormestic, regio had, indeed, irpin India policy. The fi national integration VLlerable fOT EOl The island laid its of India interwentio for regional Hegel became more powe Tilitarily by the 198 of Sri Lalka's mati ilflug Cee entre Chile İslard'S ÉthisTiC İSS foreign and securit Asian neighbours W erless to help Sri
and, due to chang tems at the glot Tid-19ECl5, Colo.ITE in the West and be reluctarit to COIr the Island nation
increasingly more the end of the C. enhanced India's poc its obvious implica India's Sri Lanka pi hegemonic and the Lanka that came to
delle la We COrtin L to the spirit of the
TWO fundaeta defence of a small: stability and skilful of Sri Lanka, both WEE brÖkEr. ASffla Which hlas a CLuta tra 15-border FETifi situated in the ill a great power, ca snowballing of fissi its polity. Such as utmost prudence in and global environ I te fir3SSE3 in SEIECI foreign and securit abol t0 build a gl fields a lot it neighbour which is hegemonic interes internal and exter
The study has de of the power of a сопfroпts a regiопа is on the lookout impose its hegemo a domestically sec

ri Lanka's domestic its foreign policy jected to be responcy preferences. Sri ld by policy mistakes тnstances to accept If i relatio to Ildiä. hal and global factors geld on Sri Lanka's ilLIra in Sri Lankas made the country Within and Without. lf open to a variety 1. Given its ambitions Tony, India, which rful economically and 30s, took advantage onal crisis to get its ld in respect of the Lue aS Well aS tile y policy. The South were practically powLanka against India es in alignment patBal le Wel SinCe the o's traditional friends East Were found to TE} to tha TESCLUB Of and antagonise an mportant India, And ld War has further Wer andposition With Licos for Sri Lārska. olicy continues to be governments of Sri power after Jaye Wared to be responsive Pē3:E ACCOrd.
|ly essential lines of state are its domestic
diplomacy. In Case tg59 defECE iles |state like Sri Lanka, ethnic problem with :ation5 Earld Wich IS Thediate proximity of n hardly permit the parous tendencies in itate should exercise
reading the regional ents and detonstraing and pursuing its y policy so as to be twork of dependable o provoke its giant JErCEswEdtO Entertain is in its neighbours' all affairs.
Ostrated the limits Small state when it al great power which for opportunities to ly on the former. But Jre and Strong Small
state that is armed with a sound foreign policy strategy which is cushioned in a national consensus may maximise its manoeuvrability in its relationship with an ambitious neighbouring great power.
Notics
1.
98.
199.
ETI
한마학,
2O3.
5.
O.
2.
||.
LLLLLL LL S LKTLkLLkLHH LLLLLLMLH GLLLL LLLLLLLHLL O election campaign speeches were full of this promise, Lal Jayawardena has succinctly put what the PA Ticars by 'market economy with LLL LLL LLTkS LL LLL LLTL LL LL SL LLLLL LLLLLLLK
LKMCLT LL LLMCLOLL CL0L LLTCCCS LLLLLL LTTa LLLLLL LLL LLLLm LLLeLLLLLL L LLLLLL TkLLLLSS S LC PA EGOITI Thic philosophy and policity akso & BearTlis uH LLLLLLLLuuu LLLLLL LLLL LL L SS LLLk LLL LLLkuLLLLL OkOHu O LLLLLLL HH LLLLLL L LLLLL LLML ML H LCLL LLLLLLLHkHMHC of a "laissez faire" type 15 totaly Outdated now, and carrio ba expected to solve the problems of growth with aquity, Sea, The Island, Colombo, 13 July 1994.
For example, the World Bank has chided the aHHLLMLLLLLL LL LLLLMLCL aH LLL LMMLLLLLL LCLL0LS LL LkLLL S aL LLMMLLLLLL LL LLLLLLLLS LLLM MTGGGS LLLTLuH00S 0 LLLLLL a0aS LLLLLL LL LLLLLL LCL0 TCCLL C CCLGGLHMLL LH LLMLC LLLLC delicit. SBE, The Island, Col. Th, 4 Decather 15:54,
Daily MWS, ColoTibo,5 DBCaTiber 1994.
CLMC CCKKSCLLeMMMHMeLkS 0 aCCLLMLLLLLLLL GLLL K0L
LIET T.
"Sri Larıka: After the IPKF Pullut", Maristir Bann, NEW DE, 31 March 1990.
Daily MaW5, Colombo, 23 Augustrid EDITԷյցr 13:14,
This view is that while Sri Lanka should attempt CC LLGLOLCL LL LLLLLLLLM L LLOLCCMLL HL LL GLOHS LLaaLLL certainly not be a restraining factor in discussing hlhlidia delic and sicurity Titlers which LL LC LL MM TTCLCL aL LLLL LLLkLLLS LLLLCS Tha Island, Suriday Edilici, Celcimbio, 4 DEcGIT
of 1934,
Irudia's position Walls stiated by Krishan Sirinio Bas-Rn, Indias Frregn Secretar See, Tha Island, LLLTMaS0 LLMLLLLLLS LLLL L LS aMLLL LLLLLLL Minister Narasimha Rao told the visiting Sri Lākā Frig Mist tai ir 5 3 LLLLMMMLL LLLL LL CL HLH LCaLLS LLLL LLLLLLL Kadir garTiar: "Mg hard ser The bad apariramas LY T LLL LLLLL S LLLLL LLLLL LD LL L D LLLLLLLTL TLLLL Sri Lanka ocept to pursue place through GaaaLLLLMLLCS CHLLLL LLLL CLLLLCLLLSCCLaTkkLMLL HMLL LMMaH S CL L C LLeLLL THL LLLkS See, The Sunday Times, Colombo, 11 December 19.
| Es Wirth LIgling an iribrguirg salement Hy Läksi Thail Kadirgar TiBr, which is "I ar Ti going to believe the Indian governTieri Taans what CLCCCS CC CCCCCLCLL L MLHHLCLLLLC LLLLLL LLLLLL LLLLLL CLLLCCLL aL HMLC LLCLG LLLS aeT0SLa0S
SBB, Thila SL unday Times, Colombo, 4 September 1EH4.
Tha Islamid, Colombo, 12 October 1994,
The Sunday Times, Colombo, 4 September 1934. Daily News, Colombo, 10 October 1994.
TT aLLMMTTL LLCCLS LLLLLLeLkLaLS L LLeLLLLLLLL 1 .
BBC Television News (ETW, Colorrbo), 6 October 1ցցվ.
LMLLLLLL LLLLLMTMLLLLLL LLLL L LLkkuTMLL LLLLLLL MLCL LLLMLL LLLLLL MMLL LLLuL LLL LLk LLL LLLLtLLtLLLLLLL LLLLLLLLS GLCL LkL C LLLLLL LLLLLLLLM LCLMaS CLCaLS LLM News, Colombo, 15 Decomber 1994.
13

Page 16
The Colonizer and the
Jeanne Thwaites
characteristic of Woolf is that he sees both sides of every issue which, instead of making that issue clear, creates a feeling of fuzziness. He makes brilliant insights but then such cutting generalizations as "the Women (English) are all Whores or hags or missionaries or all three" (Spotts 74). The following cold-blooded statement, which I quote in part, does not seem to ha WE COE from the SaTTe Tan Who on the Voyage to Ceylon protected a little girl from her father's senseless beating. Woolf describes the infirm in a hospital:
They are drawn up in ranks & files of stinking loathesomeness... you have no conception of what degree of foulness a naked body is capable. One, horrible fat naked brute Whose only mode of progression possible was upon his buttocks and one leg, the other black shining swollen and Suppurating stuck straight out in front of him (75).
Also, he not unpredictably falls into the trap of what Memmi calls creating a "mythical portrait of the colonized" by generalizing thern negatively (79.89). When he is thwarted by a villager he calls all villagers lazy, stupid, Cunning, yet an intelligent Sinhalese is "so quickWitted, so intelligent, so anglicized and Europeanized" (193). One of his most outrageous statements is, "very few natives can be got to understand machinery" (LW. Diaries 186) and the machinery he is talking about is an English plow he is trying to get the farmers to use. He makes the statement in a country where there are two thousand-year old irrigation systems - that is, they were there long before Europeans discovered Ceylon. The ancient Sri Lankan methods of conserving and mowing water systems are famous for the sophistication of the engineering skills needed to design ther. But When Woolf Writies to his superiors about "the scandal of having a row of bridges standing in a paddy field with no method of getting on to
the bridges or acro (176) - and he ( single piece of Briti ness on the stupid
The protective aп Woolf hid behind carefully in place, it slip for an instant he Wasted much C Ceylon because ha it go. Woolf's me Dutch-Jewish family Which martle is als: the Dutch Burghers it is spelled "de Jon possible that during WOLuld not hawe hE Jong" or seem it Writi Surely he became CL the families Were C Tot, hoWawer, ewe Lankan family having ΠΕΙΤΕ.
Woolf also treats
customs with typical tivity, which one si Buddhism "in many gion," but shows he it at all. When he had the authority to relic, reputed to be Buddha, which in 1 a Caskēt ad ewe housed in the Mali dhist hierarchy may the British insisted th ves in Kandy be allo therefore Was Within asked to see the T. scoffs, "what ever has never been a Growing 144). Dаг privilege when he wä but never once askE He explained, "It i felt the Buddhists W. tg."
However, Daniel English is more amb He says nothing :

Coloniser
is the paddy fields" DES Tot blame this h engineering mady of all Britons.
mor - the carapace in School - is so Flat he Will 10t let
and one feels that F his experience in Would could not let ther Was from a named de Jongh, prominent among of Ceylon, although g". It does not seem sewen years, Woolf ard the name "de еп somewhere, and Irious about whether onnected. He does f mention any Sri g his mother's family
age-old beliefs and y imperialist insensiees when he calls
Ways a good relidoesn't understand was in Kandy he Sk to Sea a fa TiOUS he tooth of Gotar Tla 566 was placed in Sin Ce has been Jawa, Certain Bud
see the relic, and at their representatiWed to do so. Woolf his rights when he oth three tiTēS. HE BlSB It TTlay be, It uman tooth..." (L.W. iel had the sar The s stationed in Kandy d to see the Tooth. ā saced reli. ould prefer me not
s attitude to the guous than Woolf's. gainst them as a
people and does not attempt to whiteWash or denigrate colonialism, but he clings to his own integrity as if it were Excalibur - the single weapon that even the British cannot destroy - and they do try. On only one occasion does he sound spiteful and that is when describing a senior officer Collins who seems to have a crush on Barbie. Without his own wife he visits the Daniels every evening after Work. Daniel does not explain why he dislikes the Englishman but comments Collins was "a very rotund, short man, Who Wore a red and White striped swim suit with the strips running horizontally" (82). His usual comments on the English are dry descriptions and one particularly liked is: "the Marshalls finally retired to a place known as Tidenham Ba TOW in BandaraWella, and became famous for their fruit cordials" (53).
One story Barbie asked to be included in Ligter Was how she met an aging English Woman Miss Bill in a hotel in Kodaikanal, India, and found out the Woman had been governess to Edward VIII, George Will and their sibilings, and was now the housekeeper at Buckingham Palace. Barbie was visiting Barbara and me in our boarding school and Miss Bill was being treated to the holiday in India by Queen Mary, then the Queen Mother. Barbie found herself becoming a friend of the old lady. One morning she found Miss Bill distraught because the radio news had broken the story that Edward VIII, who is she called David, had abdicated. She knew what it must have cost him emotionally to Corle to that decision.
Daniel Writes, "Your mother Would listen for hours to Miss Bill and felt at that time that she sustained the old lady through all the sorrow and unhappiness at not being near her beloweds to help them in their hour of need" (98).
The following year, he and Barbie Were in England for the coronation of George WI and had bought seats close to

Page 17
Buckingham Palace Gates. As they arrived, Barbie saw Miss Bill walking down the Palace driveway and, to the consternation of the Guards at the gate but the delight of the Crowed, ranthrough them calling her name and embraced her. Miss Bill Was delighted to see har young friend again. She was on her Way to see the Princess Royal and Daniel says, "We Walked back With her."
What is interesting about this story is that it shows clearly that away from Ceylon - in India and England - how little the Daniels' lives were fettered by colonial protocol - in fact, how free of social hang-ups Barbie was, Miss Bill was a Working class Woman, a housekeeper, and she was very old. Barbie WäS säSCinated that SE lad SUCI Exotic employers but, when she spoke of Miss Bill to US as children, it was always as a fascinating friend.
Woolf, hoWewer, CCLuld newerbe un Sēlfconscious long enough to accept others as simple human beings. When the G.A. was away from Kandy, Woolf the Office Assistant found himself having to be the official greeter of Empress Eugenie of France, then eighty-one. He was in his twenties and you'd think he'd hawe been intrigued by this Woman who had lived through some of the greatest turmoils the World had known - the Russian Revolution (she was related to the Russian Royal family) being one of them. There is photograph of her in the book and she was indeed gorgeous when she Was young. But he proceeds to criticize her viciously: "She was a tiny little bent old Woman... she seemed to me positively ugly ... she made Curious thin little јokes ... апd gave a wегу Іопg, wivacious, but slightly silly account of how she had seen a dog and a chicken fighting in the middle of the high road" (LW. Growing 138/41). Writing to Strachey he IS also Luriolea Sant about the incident, "It was most unpleasant as I could not hear a word of What she said to me. One of the curse of this place is that distinguished visitors make one's life a burden to one" (Spots 136).
A Trio Luite to Melli
In 1957 Albert Memmi, Tunislam noweist, Wrale Mé Lyzer Fr so „ess
zed to "put an end
the book he perceives to be the til WorkS froT W experienced and C from that experient 10 footrotgs or E surprise he found the fate of a Wast World" (vii), and th provided a bible, be quoted by any st process. Because produced a highly-c in its Empire, and so When it withdrew, it Britair as är irls COCEI İTET tulis that a Way, if only beca Writtern BWiciBri:C3 tC) mi's break-through recent Writers Who of the Colonized, she se there is no writtel of a theory, the dismissed as in Wali
Hidd i S:t and Leonard Woolf additional clues of colonialist thought other and to tes he was writing his Childer Would kr.) He did What he di Woolf took a T1ör trying to explain CİZET E3 til k system he belonges tյf them, but that tՒ right because the sy WalLJB in bölf Cast that each produce tirrile Wher people ir very little, and by shed light into the oppressed Ten W trio W r girl It WM
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ExtS ES REX Dall'S showever, there are low both sides of and reacted to each alves. Daniel thought life story so that his W not so much why d but that hē did it. e complex route of that acting like a flew tie Wils of the to and disapproved is was somehow all
YSE WESTE, TE Si Was, hoWewer, is d Work Written at a Ceylon Were Writing doing so they hawe mental processes of hen they decide to ith their oppressors.
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- Growing. London: Hogarth Press, 1961, - Sowing. New York: Harcourt Brace, 1960.
- The Willage in the Jungle, Delhi: B.R. Publishing, 1975. First published 1926.
Wooll, Virginia The Letters of Virginia Woolf. Wol, I'W 1929-1931. Gd, Nicolscs & Joannig Trautman, New York: pp. 195-95.
UNESCO Nat. Commission of Sri Lanka, An Anthology of Sinhallege Literature of the Twentieth Century. Ashford, Kent: Paul Norbury PLElitijos,
15

Page 18
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Page 19
OOMS
Social MOV enments
Alit KLITT Shara
Ponna Wignaraja (ed.), WerwSocia/ Моиелтелts /л (fle South. Eтроyering ffe People, New Delhi: Wistaar Publications, 1993, Rs 275.
his is a very timely book
in the Indian context, when people in the Country are divided between support to the Western industrial development model and globalisation, on the one land, and to an alternative model of development based on Indian realities, thought and culture, on the other. This book is a serious, thought-provoking Collective endeavour of a group of third World Social Scientists to look at Flular and social development with a special emphasis on how different regionis of the World are conceiving their deveopTent and political processes. Two points of agreement are evident among the differt ContributOS:
a) The regions' states are in deep crisis and are unable to cope with the impact of global changes on their internal crises,
b) There are a wide range of social movements which are becorning increasingly important as people's responses to the deepening crises.
There are tWelwe, Contributions Out of which five deal with conceptual issues and sever are illustrative profiles of 'new' Social movements in the South. One may identify in the different chapters of this book at least three viewpoints:
1. People's пovements and experiments are new responses manifesting the true nature of the contemporary world crisis. According to this standpoint, there Was a time Wien all Social TowerTherts in Third World countries were engaged in the commonstruggle against colonisation. After independence, there was competition among these movements to assume power in the post-colonial states.
Ar Arg கேரி: ; a &tra f Srg GY MEGGYILIY LW7řiversay.
Now, since these W. Crisis, and hawe S. their authority, th TWEILS ir til longer fighting for
2. A SECOld Wiew TOWE TlatS AS TE multiple functions - SOCill gald Cultural. set of actors, strug space in which society Can emel Society' is often U. space which is ni Stat3. TIESE TOW foT of CultWai||
3. A third viewpoi experiments prepa rable Society. The ments and experit not only state po to go beyond the With their built-ii authenticity hidder dressing of "dem Ierit'.. Tile Social Carriers of a mes: emergence of a ne
The editor of the the accuTulation philosophical mate. res that this philos. tradition inforts ol. today. In these Cannot merely Cor the Sale" of what in the past 40 years Nor can We go on from other Culture Without Conscious myths that ha We E. іппposed paradigm: thinking — hawe te only Way to do th ground and begi rethinking. The re. |S bound to Corti rethinking by seel ofiterature On Soci AITlerica, Africa an Burma, Indonesia, Palestine, Nicarag. Brazil and ecologi in Particular.

in the South
Bry States are in deep uffered an erosion of e Tyriad of social Third World arë nd stalE POWer.
point looks at Social W actors, performing - political, economic, They represent a new gling to create a freer a Tore de TOCratic ge. The term 'civil sed to represent this ot dominated by the "ements represent a ing poWer.
it sees in the Social ring for a future desi
Tola of the SE TOWElightStu StrāSCEIld:S Wer, but also Wants existing civil societies nequality and lack of behind the WindowOcracy' or 'develop
mQWErflErlls dré Fle Sage of hope for the W type of civil Society.
Wolute believes that of a large Volume of rial In the South requiphical and intellectual Ir strategic responses turto Lulert times, We lillIE - "Ti TE (f We hawe been doing 5, only more efficiently. accepting institutions S änd EWirol Ilents s adaptations. The ecome a part of the S – TāifēStigd i glite ) ble de mystified. The his is to look on the in the long road to ia der of this Wolume inue this process of sing a growing fount a movements in Latin di Asia in general and Philippines, Thailand, Ia, Mexico, Colorbia, cal struggles in India,
What is new about this book is the attempt to conceptualise a synthesis of dBas With SDCial praxis lt wie WS the process of social change in its totality, Wherein development and der Tocracy are integral components. It also introduces into the debate the missing elements in conventional paradigms: Culture, wa|Lues, democracy, participation and people's mobilisation. However, the editor as Well as the Contributors hawe BBÉri cautious in introducing cultural themes into the debate. They assert that a re3=Ewaluation of SOTle of the funda Terita values in Our Own Cultures and of the intellectual tools and resources at Our disposal Trust be II made before We use COLUIT CLUltLUTā| traditio to dewise our dewelopment path.
Most contributors also acknowledge that the use of knowledge systems that are available in the South to facilitate this Lunderstanding is mot an easy task. The Contributors assert that in the new people's movements and experiments, One sees glimpses of an older civilizational rhythm in their relationships of people to people and people to nature. But they also note that understanding these pedple's responses and relating them to the earlier civilizational rhythm are not easy tasks. The objective of the exercise, they feel, is not to go back to the past, viewed romanticaly, but to Understand the Contradictions and the praxis, and then to observe the seeds of change that reflect Sole of the democratic and Wider development values. The hardlessons learned can then point towards a more humane and qualitively better society for larger numbers, building on the Sustainable processes already initiated in the people's movements.
The book also suggests the need for a new reading of indigenous value Systerns and traditions both from Written and un Written sources for a deeper understanding of the nature of democracy and the human development and accumulation process in the southern context. It is strongly recommended to all those who believe that the dharma of intellectuals is to intervene in the Contemporary affairs of their time.
17

Page 20
The Lankan Guar
Sudeep Sen
The Tribal Hangover, by James Goonewardene, Penguin India, R5 125.
The Aeasures of Conquest by Yasmine Gooneratne, Penguin India, Rs 25.
A/V/s Afu/r77/r7g, by Jean Arasanayagan, Penguin India, Rs 125.
Servants, by Rajiva Wijesingha, McCallum Books, Colombo, Rs 100.
the last half a decade
Cor. S0, Sri Lankan Writers of fiction in English hawe, With regularity, made their presence felt, both in the Sub-Continent as Well as Con the interTlational Scenē. In recent times, the Tore familiar names hawe been the Canada-based Booker prize-winner Michael Ondaatje, the UK-based Romesh Guriesekara whose novel fees was on the Booker shortlist, as Was the young Shyar I Selvadurai's first novel Finly Boy. But before them, novelists like Carl Muller and James Goonewardene had, along with poets like Reggie Siriwardane, Anne RanaSinghe, Alfreda de Silva, Yasmine Gooneratne, Jean Arasanayagam, and scholars such as D C R A Goonetilleke, paved new directions in Sri Lankan fiction.
Aptly timed with th (Association of Com re and Language S Conference held at Penguin India rele Jales Gooler Ward 7 Fiata/ Hangover, Ya Second novel 777 q7UWEST, and Jean A book of fiction, a stories, AWS EWW McCallur Books, OTE COf Sri Lalk': Rajiwa. Wijesingha's It may be interestin of the above-tentio Muller, GooleWard are all poets (or p Of them With publi making their prese Works of fiction.
GOOneWardene's his reputation as one in the indigenous narrative in We 77 WĒS TOUTld the Sri L. d'Richter who is ad couple. The essenti. dra's growing up in S implications that su and World. Later Wg CaltraUma Which tr: foster father tum: sive". The story is . a poUingency that ari experience and richi
America in Black and
Kari M. Trio
The End of Racist, by Dinesh D'Souza, Free Press. Rs 900.
f, as the title of his book
The End of Racist suggests, Dinesh D'Souza's aim is to point the Way towards an American society undivided by race, he certainly has a strange way of going about it. The Bombay native has penned a polestic arguing the inferiority of African American cultura and the rationality of legative attitudes towards blacks. As the darling of the American Right, D'Souza now occupies a prominent position in the ArTleriCal da batea Ol race. As the most outspoken NRI in America, his
18
wicWs are no doubt a state let of the community there, if ni
The book Cortles: Tha Republican Com of "White male anger liоп at the apparen rights by governmen minority hiring, is programnes aimed racial chasm. (Critic disingenuous - Wh this spirit of equal civili rights era?) BL argue over whether is the problem or becoming increasing On the Whole are поw thaп they were

tet
e Triennial ACLALS monwealth Literatutudies) International Colombo last year, ased three books: ne's sixth novel 77e Sirmiñe, Goonieratine's PGERSLes Of COTrasanayagam's first
Collection of short g. At the same time, Dolombo, published younger authors, neW NOW El Serwants. g to note that most ned authors (barring ne, and Selvadurai) Detry editors), most shed volumes, but ce felt better with
new novel confirms Who is firmly rooted social milieu. The obal/ Flawigawey" rewolanka-bOTT Harindra opted by a German il story charts Harinydney and the racial fround his own lifa See the psychologiips Harin "when his S physically abucompelling, told with ses out of personal ness of imagination.
ttackles modern-day problems of fragmentation, displacement and rootlessness with clarity and insight.
Yasmine Gooneratne was already known in the World of CortionWealth literature as a scholar, editor and poet, before her prize-winning first novel A Change of Skies was published in 1991. Her latest novel, 77e Peasures of Conquest, is an absolute delight, a book that deftly Weaves various styles and modes of the modern-day novel. At one level it is pure fantasy that throws the reader into the tropical World of the imperial past. But on the other hand, it is a sharp comment on present day Colonisers and their lifestyles, the players insidiously masked in an overt scenario of academia, erudition and hitech glamour, a se a scene that is as adulterous as those of their predecesSors. It is a Lultitired OWell With tha past and presentingeniously structured, Written in an effortless prosestyle, which is, at the same time, bitingly astute and enormously funny.
Jean Ara Sanayagann, another poet, makes her debut with a substantial book of short stories, AWS EW77|Wig. The book deals With familiar issues like Social unrest, politics, post-Colonialism, and the identity and definition of Womanhood. Arasanayagam's stories have a docudrar Tra quality about thern, where fictional
(Солѓулtлеa" ол page 79)
White
taken by many as Views of the Indian ot. Indians generally.
at a critical moment. gress, riding a Wawe "fuelled by indignat violation of equal policies promoting dismantling many at narrowing the Si See this anger as ere, they ask, Was rights prior to the ut While both Sides government policy the solution, it is ly clear that blacks Hot Luchi better off
In 1954
Examining race relations over the course of centuries, D'Souza's contribution to this debate is impressive in both breadth and ambition. He argues that White racism is no longer significant and cannot be regarded as the cause of block failures. If White racism is not to blame, D'Souza reasons, then the problem lies. With the blacks the Ilselves.
He maintains that blacks and Whites are separated by a "civilisation gap" - the blacks genetic makeup may not be inferior, but their culture is. An unabashed exponent of Western cultural Superiority, D'Souza concludes that it is a misguided cultural relativism that has prevented both the black community and its anti-racist white proponents from acknowledging the problem.

Page 21
D'Souza is right in insisting that, whatever the problems plaguing the black community, it is only the blacks the 155 WES Who Can Solwe the T.
But can the racial divide be bridged without changes of the white majority's attitudes? D'Souza evades the question. Indeed, he validates much of what is usually seen as racist behaviour as "rational discrimination" When it is basad on observable "negative group traits" rather than assumptions of biological inferiority. Nevertheles, irrespective of motivation, the effect on the black community in both moral and economic terris is identical.
The book is closely argued and many of its claims demand close scrutiny. But the logic is frequently flawed and the evidence selective. We may question the authority upon which D'Souza criticises contemporary black culture, because there is no indication that he has visited any black neighbourhoods, or even interviewed their inhabitants. By providing "a window into life in urban black America", D'Souza selects just 13 terms referring to violence and misogyny from a dictionary of African American English exceeding 200 pages, These are lurid peepholes, nota "Window". They do little to enhance the Alerican race debate.
For this reviewer, the book's radir is D'Souza's query: "If America as a nation owes blacks as a group reparations for slavery, what do blacks as a group owe America for the abolition of slavery?" He's not kidding. He argues that it was the West that invented the very principle of freedom to which slaves could lay claim. First articulated in the Declaration of Independence, this is the West's greatest legacy to the World.
Indeed, only two pages later, D'Souza even cites the democratic implications of post-independence racist, proslavery thought. By psychologically uniting Whites against an inferior race, he argues, it "strengthened... the conviction that despite conspicuous differences of Wealth and position they were equal just as the Declaration of Independence posited." However, the existence of slavery preceded the Declaration, and if this psychological unity was the Techanism of democratisation in the 19th century, there is little reason why it should not haWe been S0 in the 18th - but then D'Souza's insistence on the ideological purity of the Declaration is Compromised.
Following his own logic, do We not the hawa to ask: "What does the entire World owe American blacks as sacrificial offerings to the principle of freedom?"
The Lankan.. Čanfried
imagination, reflec personal experienc contribute to disp: untruths of the Sri the 19 stories that Some of my fawo Innocent Man", "F "Prayers to Kali', 'A and "I will Lift Up Mi especially towards employ a peculiаг heads or sub-title: a mode that has no themselves. As a лѓ79 is a moving that uses element paranoia and refle effect.
Rajiwa Wijesimha shed and edited fict
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Голл дgge f8) ed reportage, and and observation, all ay the truths and ankan world. Among Constitute this book, rites are " a 1 a re in the Village', Husband like Shiwa" e Eyes'. The stories, he end of the book, ormat of using SubWithin each story, learing on the stories collection, AW is BiwrWork of fiction, one of poetry, realism, ction, with powerful
has already publion like Aars of Fat,
Days of Despair, and 77e Lady Hippopofails as Well as books on politics and teaching English. He has edited the collected poems of Richard de Zoysa, an anthology of Sri Lankan short stories, but most significantly, the invaluable Аліhology of Солleymporary S7 Lалќаг7 Poetry in English, Wijesinha's new book Servants, is a relatively short novel, set up as 10 stories forming a cycle. It evocatively leads the reader through the protagonist's childhood reflections, the crumbling World of colonial living, remory, the fast-shifting needs and morals of a strife-ridden society and, in the end, the pleasures of autobiography for the Writer. The book is a montage, captured at Certain molents in beautiful slow motion, where time changes magically from black-and-White to sepia, to the harshness of virtual colour, and to eventual reality.
Waiting - 18 f the Transfiguration, Mt. Lavinia
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U. Ekar u Tatialkie
19

Page 22
CA/CAE7
The folly of being cric
Samson Abeyagunawardena
El World Cricket i Sri ES ALJ5tTalia WS Sri Lanka has ended in acrimony.
At the heart of the problem is the gulf between the cultures of sport in Australia and Sri Larik.
It is many since top Australiansportspeople readily embraced the American practice of regarding sport as a profession in which there is a lot of Toney to be made - if you play hard and are successful. So what matters most is prize money in millions of dollars to both players and sports administrators.
Alas, the Sri Lankans hawe not yet got Over lhe old English idea ofregarding Crickel as a sport for gentlemen; they play for fun and go for broke. It is a grim irony that thiasa days thB geritlemen of Cricket of the old English style are perhaps to bg found only in Sri Lanka. As a prerequisite to winning, it is imperative that Sri Lankans should get rid of this idea of being gentlemen and absorb the modern sporting ethnic, which is to do anything to Win.
Yes, anything.
Sledging, abusing the batsmen when he hits you for six, growling, intimidatory bowling, showing opponents, and generally being the boor — these are the modern sporting virtues that in Australia bring success and money, Friendship and gentleThariliness are old voices. Act the gertitlerTien, shaka hands farwinning, na War While the gard ISOs.
Why is it foolish to be a gentleman? A gentleman is One Who, When he has nicked the ball to the wicketkeeper, gives himself out and Walks back to the dressing room without waiting for the umpire to raise his hand, Better to forget being agentleman and Wait for the umpire's decision. As it happened here, the umpire could behaving an off-day on the field and give the batsman not out. So he continues to bat, adding the extra runs that rob the opposing side of Victory.
Australian Captain Mark Taylor was disappointed that the Sri Lankan players did not shake his had at the end of the series at the Sydney Cricket Ground. Perhaps the Sri Lankans had so the important points to make to Taylor, to One Urmpire
CLCCC CLT LSL C CaLT TTLTCMMSsTLCCC TTCLMTTS CCHGTH
: கேரி ஈர்g ல் A: f ப்ே :33,
2O
in particular, to ther | lg || li | ii | lg || Crick': elecasts in Australi: South Africa and the Bgen af the receivin sportsmanlike tactics.
atac i ile World S: 21 January), for the N Rotbi:Luck Wstotle is thit 22 Jarl Luary 1996): " LE TE || Lake hi [[]] CGIlløfIIplale fl:S { night. He is a boy SLUTĖSS Carlot og Perhaps, too, somec It WWS, 3 FPkitT'S .. in Hobart for drop McGrath's bodrish be
Ē."
No-one has yet ex Wert unpUrlishad,
Perhaps the Sri La had shaken Taylor E have implied that all Was IOL. Before goi Taylor should hawe tol Se to the Sri Lankar behla WiOLJr.
Mark Taylor is repc that Australia is being of international Cricket оп 23 January 1996. г. "The problems the S thay"|| See Hs being C It's got nothingto di Cricket til Id the World, especially We play hard Cricket quiet on the field. W but don't think it has
Not all Australia
and Australia Cricke Australia friends of sed their shame OWE McGrath. As Well, the disgust at the atroci Poorumpiring robbe it first World Seri When, as the Austral poration's radio sport Lord observed, urt appeared to be ha the Wicket.
Ptā F bourne Age (22 Ja Writing about the SEC

ket’s gentlemen
Thatch referee and to at fans Watching the the sub-continent, Caribbean. They had gend of Some UnReporting the Second Series (in Sydney, on MelbourThe Age, Peter a Melbourne Age (on If G McGill is for, he Will 10t Care conduct on Saturday from the bush, and
his natural temper. are can explain how Air Shi WES fillEd ping his hal, while haviour Wert urpuri
plained why McGrath
nkans felt that if they y the hand, it would was hunky dory. It ng to shake hands, dMcGrath to apologi
TIT. fOT IS EOS
rted to be concerned labelled the bad boy arra TAT1635ללCar) פלאT . Eported himnas stating Gri Larikaris hawa Häd aused by Australians. With the Australian hope people around in Sri Lanka. Seetat. and We're not always le say the odd Word
gut cut of hand."
Cricket Collentators fans See it that Way. his Writer have expresr the boorishness of have expressed their ously poor umpiring. di Sri Lanka of victory es final in Melbourne, än Broadcasting CorS Corfirsièrllator DäWid pire StewG Rari dell wing "an of day" at
Telt in the Melnuary) is interesting. Old World Series final
in Sydney, he stated: "Something deeper lay behind Sri Lankan agitation than mere loss of equalimity. It has had no luck with the umpiring. Nor did Pakistan. It can only be a question of fortune. Steve Randall is open-minded and fair but ever he lost for IT in the finals."
"It can only be a question of fortuna" These Words say it all, Eway dubious umpiring decision - and there were many this Summer - Went against the Sri Lankans to the benefit of the Australians, Who WETE inded fortLUTlate.
There used to be a time when the umpire could trot out the point that he was out there in the Tiddle and therefore in the best position to judge, Television cameras have changed all that. The camera car LLHHLHL LHLaLaLL L LL LLL CLL aLLLLLL LLL LLLLLL a ball to the keeper, whetheran IEW decision is dodgy, and so on. In fairness to the game, Cricketing authorities must drop) Umpires who lose form, Why was Randell retained for the Sydney match?
What of the World Cup matches Schedulled to be played in Sri Lanka, India and Pakistan during February and March? Former Australian captain Greg Chappel told this Writer: "Sri Lanka Will be a force in the World Cup".
Not just a force, but World Cup winners if they emulate the Australians and play hard, disciplined cricket. And, as one-day cricket is mainly about hitting the ball hard and running fast, captain Arjuna Ranatunga Will flod to do Sofile roadwork Of digt. LLLaSLLLLLL SLaLLLLLL S LaLLL LLaLLLHLL LLS report to the Melbourne Age on 22 January 1996: "He (Arjuna) is several curries over parand has been run out in his four previous one-day innings. But he is a cool and clever batsman. Undoubtedly, he dreams of starding in his crease and playing his strokes while Sorne whipper-snapper runs for him."
Finally, when the first matches in the World Cup Series are played in Colombo, Sri Lankar fans Would do well to remember that Tarly thousands of Australians Willed Sri Lanka to Win the World Serië5 here. LLLLLLL LLLLLL L0LLLHHLHHLLLLLLL SLLLLL Gaa Greg Chappel, Tony Graig, Richie Benaud, Mike COWard, David Lord, Neville Oliver, and many others have been absolutely fair in their match reports, Sri Lankans would La H OLLK a LLLLLL LLL LLLLaLL LLL LLL LLLLLL cricketers feel genuinely welcome in their country. That will bring them great credit.

Page 23
aWe been a Colombo (eas Company Worker for 5 years and personally Wiessee so delle Can privatization turn things around?
- Colombo Gas Company Employee
 

In a most dramatic way.The Colombo Gas Company has tremendous potential, not only nationally but internationally as well. It is at present the sole importer and distributor of Liquid Petroleum Gas in Sri Lanka and can conceive of supplying the Indian marketas Well What is missing are the funds to do so, which the government can ill-afford, But they are desperately required to expand handling and storage facilities, and to enhance safety standards to protect workers and consumers alike. As part of the privatization of Colombo Gas, a strategic partner has been selected, one that is committed to further investment and the introduction
of international management practices, technical know-how and safety standards. The whole infrastructure will be overhauled and modernized. New applications for gas will be explored. The decline will not only be reversed, Colombo
Gas can look forward to its best times yet.
It is important to realize privatization is a means to an end. It is a Teans to improve our living standards, foster technological progress, create employment and take Our nation into a more prosperous tomorrow. In order to achieve these aims, privatization has to be executed in the
appropriate manner,
That is the task of the Public Enterprise Reform Commission (PERC). Its mandate is to make privatization
Work for Sri Lankans today, and for generations to come.
Every privatization is a carefully considered decision that takes into account the interests of all sectors of Society; the general public, the state employees, the consumers, the
suppliers, as well as the country's overal economic vision.
PERC's mission is to see that privatization Works. In doing so, your interests are always being well looked
after.
With privatization everybody has a stake,
P E R c WATCH FULIN THE PUBLIC INTEREST
PLJBLIC ENTEF PRISE REFORM COMMISSION
Bark of Ceylon - 30th Flcar, No.4, P.C.Ex. 2001, Bark of Ceylon Mawathi, Colombo - Sri Linki Telephane ș4-I-3387553, Fax: 34-|-3)ăilă

Page 24
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