Page 1
LANKA
GUAR
VO. 18 No. 22 April 1, 1996
THAW. — selling the í
ANURA Vs.
SRI LANKA WHY P
BUKHARIN ”S V
MARX : WESS
NATIONAL SEG
WOMEN INS
in searc

EDA
3e RS. 10.00 Registered at the GPO, Sri Lanka
AKKAL
family silver -
LAKGHMAN
EACE MOVES FAILED
- Houvard Wriggins
VID OW — Regi Siriuvardena
A MO VORE
- Dayan Jayati/leka
URITY LAWS
- Adilur Rahman Khan
Zaved Hasan Mahmood
SRI LANKA
h of a role
– Selvy Tiruchandran

Page 2
ICES PUB)
JUST RE
“ “SRI LANKA: THE DE
Articles:
Аррепdices:
ICES, 199
Introduction by Regi Si Towards Effective Dewol Some Thoughts on the Lakshman Marasinghe DeVolutioIl a1ld POWer Development, by Bertra Devolution of Power, T. NeelaIl TiTL1Cll ClVal.11 Towards A Compromise Breakthrough in Sri Lal Control of State Land - SllIlil Bastial The Structure and Cont Choices and ProbleIlls ( Context of Devolution P
President Chandrika Ku August 3, 1995 Text of Government's De Text of Gowell Illelt's D January 16, 1996 A Commentary on the I Government January le The Bandaranaike-Chel The Senanayake-Chelva A11Il exulte C Text of the IIldo — SIri LaI The Interim Report of til Parliamentary Select Co Excerpts form Gamini Century'
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LICATION
LEASED
VOLUTION DEBATE''
6, 232 pp.
TiWaIdeIlla ution, by G. L. Peiris Devolution Package, by
Sharing, The Means to Peace and In Bastia Inpillai Le Problems and Challenges by
Solution, by Sumanasiri Liyanage nika, by S. Guhan - The Devolution Debate, by
ent of Education: Policy of Implementation in the roposals, by Sasanka Perera
IIlaratunga's Address to the Nation,
volution Proposals of August 3, 1995 evolution Proposals of
Devolution Proposals of the 5, 1996, by G. L. Peiris Wanayakaill Pact InayakaIn Pact
lika Agreement of July 29, 1987 he Mangala Moonesinghe Illittee, 1992 Dissanayake's "Vision for the 21st
RS. 250 Countries (Airshipment) untries (Airshipment)
Terrace, Colombo 8, Sri Lanka. Fa5 696 618

Page 3
WEWS BACA(GFOUMVD
THE THAWAKKA
Mervyn de Silva
SUD the family silver is the first option of the "socialist" or "social welfarist". Third World regime that has compelled by circumstance to take the capitalist path with the IMF-World Bank as guides. In an increasingly unfriendly economic environment where propects of "untied" assistance are rapidly drying up, cash-strapped under-developed (or "developing") countries cannot resist the temptation to sel State assets. First to be put on sale in this "Privatisation program" are State Corporations which have incurred large losses for many years. These State Corporations were of course the proud symbols of "Socialism", the socialism promised to the electorate which equated "socialist" with public ownership, free of corruption; a management accountable to ParliaTent and modest prices for its products. In practice, the chairpersons, the members of the Board, and the top managers Were loyal party cadres active supporters of a minister, junior minister or MP, or kith and kin of some WWIP, or his "extended family". Jobs for the boys shouted the press until the press too Was shackled or "nationalised". The privately owned media were arm-twisted Or "taken over" or "broad-based".
The sale of the family silwer, State property, is not always truly transparent. It could be rigged so that party financier or kit or kin Would become the new owner. President J. R. Jayawardene who led the way on the capitalist path in South Asia - historically, his most important contribution — could get away with almost anything. A massive fivesixths majority in Parliament ready to support any measure taken by his "Gaullist" regime allowed President J. R. to ignore "the whims and fancies of Pariament". Not So alla SiSP.A. successor Who, despite an unparalleled 62% wote at the presidential polls is severely handicapped by () an eight-party. Peoples Alliance with divergent views and (ii) a single wote majority in Parlia
ment. The 8 par parties still commit and strongly anti-t political-ideological WAKKAL debate.
HOWewer it was explained its impa recording, the coin. LA Scandal in India ned the fair name C and the WATERG by the rimedia. Bul LEADER, no great Kumaralunga, WTO. right Senses Wou President took 2 a Cabinet decisio Lakshman Kadirga tha dra Tacited the in his statellent to
The debate itsel duel bgtWeen thg assembly - Foreig mar a renowned C and Mr. Anura Bar who had demons parliamentary skills battered Oppositio gOWernment T10re Here a TE SOITE Kadirgamar-Bandar (More excerpts will issue).
MR. KADIRGAM
| Will The Wer Stand to a minority con political ambitions : to do one thing, my Country as be: the gravest proble if I Can Tlake a ni towards that effort, for The ti| the end nothing else.
Mr. Speaker, m bBen asked, some of attention, I Will of 19th Јапшагу,

L DEBATE
y coalition includes ed to Socialist ideals, apitalist, That is the Context of the THA
the "drala" that :t - a 'Secret tape dece of the HAWAwhich nearly blackef Prime Minister Rao, ATE parallels made
here the SLWAY difer of President e: "Nobody in their |d belig We that tha million to change 1". Foreign Minister Thar, a key player in | SUWDAY LEADER
Parliament.
Fitured OL ut to be a
best Orators in the Jn Minister, Kadirgaxford Uni0m debater Idaranalike UNP MP, trated his unusual When he led a small, against a mighty than a decade ago. excerpts from the anaike exchange.
appear in Our next
|AR
for election, belong munity, I have no tall. I am here only and that is to help t aS | Cal to Solwe m of our time and iniscule Contribution that will be enough of my days. I seek
uny questions have oolish, some worthy start with my letter 996. With which Mr.
Ronnie de Mel made great play and others too. I ask the House, Mr. Speaker, to look at that letter objectively, calmly and analytically.
When that latter Was Written there Was no party politics involved. I am talking about my feelings in writing my letter. You can make your own judgement about what you think of it. That is your business but I want to explain the thoughts that Were in my mind when put pen to paper. It is right that on the 23rd of March, 1995, I gawe an opinion at the request of Her Excellency the president on the Puttalam Cement matter. In that opinion, Mr. Speaker, took What I Would Call a classical WieW,
ប៉ARDIAN
Wol. 18 No. 22 April 1, 1996
Price Rs. 10.00
Published fortnightly by Lanka Guardian Publishing Co. Ltd. No. 246, Union Place Colombo - 2.
Editor: Mervyn de Silva Telephone: 447584
Printed by Ananda Press 825, Sir Ratnajothi Saravanamuttu Mawatha, Colombo 13. Telephone: 435975
CONTENTS
Elusive Peace: The Negotiating
ISSUE5 and Prix:BSS 3. From Egypt to Pakistan
the Crescent under Crises The Feminist Challenges 9 Crisis of Marxisrn (2) 14 National Security Laws
and Human Rights 17 Anna Larina 20

Page 4
a Strict wie W in aW. Wat I Said that We were in a situation where because of a breach of Section 55 of the Companies Act on which question there is almost una nimity — there is the Attorney-General's opinion, there is the Securities and Exchange Commission opinion, there is my opinion, there is an opinion of a senior lawyer, a private lawyer, we have all agreed that there Wä5 a Breach of Section 55 of the Сопрапies Act.
The question is What Was the Consequence of that breach? I took the view that it rendered the underlying transacticarlı woid in la W. Woid meanı S that it is null and void - that it has no effect whatsoewer, That is my wiew. I do not for one second say that art infallible. No lawyer in his senses ever says that because one thing that we lawyers know and the judges know is how fallible We are. That is why there is litigation. That is why there is a hierarchy of courts where legal issues go from one court to another till they are settled by the highest courts.
Then, even the highest Court Say they arg (10t is lfa||ible, Under Cgrtiair gxtreef The circumstances even the higest court may revise itself. Lawyers know that they are not infallible. But they give an opinion. They may be right. They may be Wrong. The opiпіоп пnay be acted upoп it ог may be disregarded. It may be tested ila COLt.
| took the WIBW that the transaction Was Woid and I suggested that to put matters right, the TaWakkals be asked to pay the full amount of Rs. 900 million which they have refused to pay or that the matter be restarted. That is my view.
Opinion
Мапу попths lapsed and in December 1995 Mr. Kadurugamuwa asked me this question. "Was there a change of the LLLLLL 0LLL LLLLLLLaaa SSS Laa LLLL KLaLLLL T15 a letter fTOIT the ClairTT131 of PERC dated first August 1995 which seemed to indicate that there was a change in tlisS CECISIO.
Now, I say, Mr. Speaker, frankly on this point, I do not care what anybody else's opinion is, say I had no recollection whatsoever, independently, of a change in that decision after March 23rd LaLLLLLLLS LLLLLLaa aS L aa S LaCT SLa recollection, but I would like to check
it OU. It for T On an official visitar the best person Who. answerthis questior ry to the Cabinet, Whgther HE COuld
Cement matter an Was, "Yes, Sir, the in March or somew | Said, "No. Not th subsequent one?" that he did not re. coming back in thi Thailand. Could yo and let me know."
Whan | CarT18 ba I askEd Hill WHat t he Said that he had that hCG CÖLuld not fir decision, Now I ITU that at that point I di Mose thiar a little a іп пny shoes.
MR. ANURA E (UNP)
When the Tawa totally unexpected
TUC EITETT, hEiriTTiTTEi diate TE33 files of Wrong doir GOVETTEt" st expected from you you in the hope of an act of Himalaya exposed it should ted promptly, I will Sir, and the culprits hawe been expost found guilty. Instea up and say with — okay, if you ta will talk of what ye. years." To Cower Lup: to the past your
As We go SOCkEd til tle SWAP privately-own Rita baCEThe
HItt Јарап's top г SE. WaS. Ele ASSociation.
THE WA MWAKA professional
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

ailand the next day |d from there Caled ) in Ty opinion Could for mille, the Secreta
and asked hill recall the Puttali | his anSWEr to mB re Was your opinion here early in 1995". at. Do you recall a ard Fe3 S3id TO gard call it. I said, "I am "Ee day's tinTe froT u please look it up
ck called it and he position Was and | made iпquiгies апd da SECOld Cabot st say, Mr. Speaker, dget a little alarmed. larmed. Put yourself
BANDARANAIKE
kkal affair ble W up by the government a SS Tert, What Was clir?" "We Häweg 42 gS by the previous at What the Voter 2. When they voted a change, and When curruption is being nawe been investiga
då With that la tër or the culprit should ad and punished if d of which you jump B. knee-jerk reaction IK of Tawakkal, We IL di il 1517 the sins by referring main plan Was to
RITA SEBASTIAN
to press the sudden death of RITA SEBASTIAN has media community in which "Rita', the former editor of MES, was a much respected personality. After the ed MES was taken over by the Jayawardene government, the Colombo correspondent to many renowned regional inal newspapers, including the WDAWEPRESS. KYODO, Iews agency, and INTERPRESS SERVICE (IPS). Recently ited the first President of the Foreign Correspondents'
4 GLAADAW salutes a colleague and friend, a first-rate and an un compromising defender of Press Freedom.
perceive corruption of the UNP and some of its members. It was your hobby horse. You devoted four pages of the People's Alliance manifesto which will quote later, from page 11 to page 14, dealing with your views and your solutions to the question of bribery and corruption. I will deal with that, Mr. Speaker, during the COUSE of the debate.
Mr. Speaker, the three ain issues arising from this whole saga which call it sordid saga are:
1. The role played by the Foreign Minister, the Hon. Lakshman Kadirga mar in the TaWakkal affair.
2. The Conduct of the IPA golwerriment arising from the Foreign Minister's letter to the President and the allegations Contained in the letters of the Hon. Lakshman, Kadirgarmar,
The third question that arises, Sir, is the altempt of the People's Alliance Government to cover up this whole episode once it was exposed, which they did not expect, Sir, these are the three Tā ir Eirgs, reg fundamentā areas of the Whole Tawakkal Scanda Which Will devote the Tajor part of my speech. Sir, now I wish to briefly refer for the purpose of information to the Hon. Members of both sides of the house, whom I consider my Hom. Friends, the CirCUITStances that led to this SCandal. A lot of people in this country, and perhaps in this house are not aware of the sequence of events that took place from around March, 1995. Therefore, Sir, as I am dealing with the Tawakkal issue and the Tawakkal issue alone, I will give this House and to you, Mr. Speaker, a Very brief background of What really has happened.

Page 5
ELUSIVE PEACE: The issues and Process
Howard Wriggins
he first issues to be negotiated
concerned the structure and powers of proposed district development Councils. Jayewardene saw districts as the smallest administrative entities (apart from Willages) and therefore the least risky as focuses of decentralization. The Thore articulate Tamils Wanted to ensure that such councils could cooperate with one another in the northern and eastern provinces, and even amalgamate if they wished. But to the Sinhalese that raised the specter of secession the development they most feared.
The powers to be enjoyed by each Council were subject to detailed bargaining. Recruitment of local police and their deployment, as well as taxation, education, economic planning, land allocation to farmers, and Water management had to be defined. Tamil spokespersons Sought as Tluch discretion and as many resources as possible for the councils; the government appeared to be parismonious as possible.
Haggling over each of these details was often protracted. But as it turned out, non of the government's Cabimet ministers were persuaded that they should sacrifice such centralized political resources as allocations, hirings, and policy decisions to novel district entities, The government was too preoccupied With issues, and too reluctant to risk the Sinhalese backlash, to bear down heavily on the reluctant ministers.
As to the negotiating process, at first Jaye Wardene met informally with spokespersons for the Tamil United Liberatio Front, seeking to craft an agreed upon formula for a settlement and negotiate specific details. For nearly two years distrust between Jayewardene and the Tamil leaders remained high and JayeWardene moved cautiously. Fearful of precipitating a backlash of Sinhalese opposition to any form of decentralization, Not until mid-1979, two years after Jayewardene's election, Was a commission appointed to specify details of the structures, responsibilities, and powers for the proposed new district development councils the parties had been discussing. The Commission's report of February 1980 became the basis for
instructions to the by August 1980 Pa the necessary le Création of the COU
Tamil Critics thou duly tardy, which suspicions that the ernment, like its pr Serious about reso Ces, Ngwerthele SS, i ment to hawe pārlia SLJChl de Wolution a: cils after two previc tralization flad fale popular opposition.
Time, however, of moderates eithe ог in thв governme been accepted by Satisfactory a year to be seen in the too little, too late. M
violent opposition fr
Tails in të No provinces, the firs district developmen throughout the isla
Unfortunately, in district developmen pered When budget by the World Bar Monetary Fund (IM runa Way expenditLII political consequer Larika was them ri per Cent; Lunder the r budget cutbacksmo Were Cut by 25 per fог пеw expenditu! for district develop out of the question did not receive thi had expected, and persuaded that the SeriCuS about iristi even though it had a is no assurance ti development counc financed at that pol TB, vērts Vu differently; but an Hla WÈ EO TISSgd.
The Changing Se During the year a

Negotiating
legal draftsman, and rliament had passed gislation authorizing Ilcils. *
ght the process Unonly confirmed their ! Jayewardene govdeceSSOS, Was not |wing Tamil grievапt Was a real achieveTentary approval for S the district COUUS efforts at decenin before Sinhalese
WES - Ot Of the 5
among the Tamils nt. What might hawe " Ti Till CtiwiStS ES Or tW0 earlier Car TIB end as niggardlylewertheless, despita On the Ost Tilitant rthern arld Eastern t elections for the Councils Were held nd in Jung 1981.
plementation of the t COLITICIS WES - ary controls required ik and International F) in 1980-81 curtail res had unforeseen CGS, Tiflation irl Sri unning at 30 to 35 equired controls and st ministries' budgets cent. Any allocations "es, including those Tènt COLuncils, WErg I. Thus the Councils e funds proponents
Tore TaTills Were government Was not tuting the Councils, greed to them. There lat, had the district lls beеп generously itically sensitive mod hawe tuled out opportunity may Well
!curity Context nd a half of negotia
tions on the district development councils events on the ground did otstandstiil. The Tamil militants improved their ability to disrupt governance in the north and east. Their coordinated skills in amb Lushing police and armed forces, assassnating chosen personalities, robbing banks, and performing demonstrative violence Were all improving. The evidence of the government's reluctance (or inability) to meet Tamil grievances through negotiation only strengthened the militant's conviction that the central gQVErriment COuld rot bei SEricLIS in responding to their concerns. And unforLunately for the future, the moderates of the Tail United Liberation Front Who had staked their positions on those negotiations were discredited by the insufficient results achieved.
In view of bitter Criticism of even the modest concessions negotiated, Voiced by influential Sinhalese members of his OWn party, by the opposition Sri Lanka Freedom Party, and by Buddhist priests, Jayawardene could see the difficulties he Would face if he rowed at a faster pace. Moreover, the government's efforts to restore order in the north, to protect the safety of those Tamils who opposed Eelam (at the outset there were many), and to raise the costs to the militants of their activities, Were often Counterproductive. The language barrier left the Sinhalese troops in Tani areas isolated, nervous, and ill-informed, and it was difficult for the troops to distinguish beatWEET TaTill Tiilitants ard TaTills Who opposed the militants. Militant attacks on the troops sortletimes led to random, exaggerated responses, which increasingly overstepped the bounds of traditional legal restraints.
Multiple Negotiations after 1983
In June 1983 massive anti-Tamil riots in Colorbo, precipitated by Sinhalese Who Were enraged by Tamil amb Lushes of government troops in Jaffna, intensified a cycle of violence. The riots sharply radicalized more of the Tamil community, and led the government to pass a sixth amendment to the constitution, which require dallenbers of Parlianetto take an oath to defend the unitary Constitution. In the lata 1950s a Similar

Page 6
requirement had camed a Tamil independence movement in southern India; but in Sri Lanka in 1983 all parliamentary representatives of the Tamil United Liberation Front felt compelled to resign their seats, leaving Tamils without elected spokespersons in Parliament.
Further Tore, the riots induced thouSands of Tamils to flee to Madras, where India's highly competitive parties outdid each other in dramatizing support for their beleaguered kiri across the Palk Glrait. 10
These events provided Indian prime minister indira Gandhi with an ideal opportunity to involve herself more actiWely in Sri Lanka's affairs as she sought to shore up her faltering political support in India by backing causes that attracted Madras politicians. The events also strengthened the solidarity and determilation of the mora radica||Tai Ti Tiilität S. TULF leaders had no option but to delaid a more arbitious focus for deVolution — in this case, provincial councils - which inevitably intensified the anxieties of the Sinhalese.
Madras politicians and elements of the Indian government had already been helping Sri Lanka Tamils by providing Sanctuaries and communications, and by turning a blind eye to fund raising and arms Smuggling. Now Support from the neighboring capital, New Delhi, became public and far more active, Worried Sinhalese feared a reprise of a role the Indian arrily had played in the 1971 breakup of Pakistan - a result that Tamil spokespersons in Madras and Jaffna еageгіy demanded.
in Sri Lanka militant Tamils, disappointed by the results of the 1979-82 negotiations and aggrieved by the 1983 riots, Were encouraged by India's support to oppose any government offers. At the same time, the activities of the security forces and of militant Sinhalese supporters of the government intensified the Worst fears of the Tails and sharpened their suspicions of the gove
fillet,
Mediation by India, 1983-84
The 1983 anti-Tamil riots induced India to undertake a series of Tediation efforts in the Sri Lankan Conflict despite its involvement in the Conflict." A close foreign policy adviser to Mrs. Gandhi, a distinguished Tamil Brahmin, paid a number of diplomatic visits to Sri Lanka. He helped the Tail militants to moderate their more extref The Constitutioilla||
demands, and indu government to offer of devolution. But progress in closing t the two sides.
Four months afte CorTirTon'Wgalth Fe met in New Delhi, Ja Gandhi had arm frt:0| ty to consider the These Were detail known as Ariflexur out principles for de land distribution, an for the creation of ar to encompass both Easter Provices
However, the ne delimited by contrad the Sri Lankan go View, the larger the overarching council Tora ext:El SiWe the Wolved, the more lik become the base deter Tired SECGSSi that reason the go of 1979-82 had spe assigned to the s adThis istratiwa distri perspective, the mo devolved, and the TTOTE: th3 Tali|S WOL their own interests; to achieving Eelart could be seen as a independence.
Th1e Thedia, tOr'S b( kened by India's militants' firepower, the Wisible (but der militants by India's ir On Jayewardene's his cabinet colleagu tad Alex Lure Cast
The All Parties C
Adopting another party песtiation, ea Lankan president known as the AI Participants in this Lankar CarlsēSLIS Spect TLIT Of Sri Lank, Sinhalese oppositio priests, Christian spic as others. Jayew: hoped that neW coa then his hand ag TEITEJCS of both hili: opposition. Meanw goWernment di SCLUS United Liberation Fr

|ced the Sri Lankan more effective forms he made little real hē distal CE betWeer
the riots, when the ads of government yewardere and Mrs. Spicuous opportuni3 diators idās. Ed il a OCTEt e C, which spelled 2Wolving local police, d other powers, and overarching Council the Norther and
gotiating space was ictory interests. From Wernment's point of El tity (such as ar | Per Titted, and the : powers to be deely that entity would fJT ET EWE TlCf3 inist movement. (For Wernment"S Initiative cified limited powers Taller entities, the its.) From the Tail repowers that were arger the entity, the uld be able to protect for those Corritted 1, that arrangement
major stride toward
Ja fides Were WeaContributir to ting and resolve and by led) support of the telligence service.o return to Colombo, as Wehemently rejecotally unacceptable.
Olference
expedient thari thirdfly in 1984 the Sri called the meeting Paties Conference.
Search foro al Sri
reflected a broad an opinion, including in parties, Buddhist kespersons, as well ardene may have litions might strengdit ti ir: S OWn party and the hile, inconspicuous isions. With Tamil ont rêpresentatives,
Without either party having to make a negotiating first move, could continue. Although former prime minister Sirira Bandaranalike took her Sri Lanka Freedon Party out of the conference after One morth the Conference Coritinued to convene off and on during the year. In the end, although discussions had brought to the surface all possible alternative modes of decentralization, differences among the participants rertained as Wide as ever.
The government Security Services and militants used the time gained through such protracted negotiations to strengthen their respective military positions. Tamil military units were becoming larger; their training in India by retired Tamil-speaking officers, and supplies from India and Singapore, made them more effective. Fearing revenge from the militant Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelain (LTTE, or Tamil Tigers), fewer Tamils dared voice dissent from the rejectionist position insisted upon by the Tigers."
Realistic members of the government Were becoming more impressed by the difficulties of achieving an outcome acceptable to the bulk of the Sinhalese. Six years into his regime, Jayewardene's political room for concession was more limited than it had been in the early years of his government. However, during 1983 and 1984, with better equipment, with assistance from Pakistan, Israel, and China; and With more serious training and experience for its forces, the government stepped up its military activity against the militants. But deadlock Continued. The guerrillas could not defeat the government, and the OWEarl Thielt Could not reStablish Ordēr in areas the Tilitants claimed as theirs.
Meetings Brokered India, 1985
When Rajiv Gandhi succeeded Indira Gandhi as prime minister, India's policy became more neutral for a time. Rajiv Gandhi saW the inconsistency between India's meddling in Sri Lanka While objecting to Pakistan's meddling in the Punjab and Kashmir. He feared that Tamil Eelam in Sri Lanka might reawaken Indian Tamil secessionist sentiments that had so marked Southern India in the 1950s. He also needed a foreign policy victory after a series of by-election defeats. At the same time, his concern for the opinion of his Tamil constituency in Tamilnadu led him to press for maximum Tamil autonomy within a unitary Sri Lanka.
an effort to break the deadlock

Page 7
between the Tamil secessionists and the Sri Lankan government, Rajiv Gandhi brokered two consultations in the summer of 1985 in Thimpu, Bhutan, which for the first time brought the Sri Lankan government and all the Tamil factions, including the Tamil Tigers, to the table together. Thus with the support of the neighbor-host even the intransigent Tamil Tigers gained the hard-won right to negotiate directly with the government. The government proposed a three-month cease-fire and hoped that, far from the press, the parties could engage in serious convergence bargaining about the specifies of a provincial council formula. However, the Tamil Tigers raised the ante, now insisting that Sri Lanka's Northern and Eastern provinces be merged and that the Tamil community be recognized as a separate nationality possessing a right to a Tamil homeland.
The desire to COSolidate the two provinces, which had been a sticking point for many years, was important to the Tamils for a number of reasons. Tamils looking ahead could imagine that some day the magnificent harbor of Trincomalee, in Eastern Province, could be a free-trade industrial zone, the center of a thriving regional economy Comparable to HongKong; or that it could be a potential naval base leasable to an external power for a stiff annual rental. If the two provinces were linked, Tamils Would clearly hawe majority control in the region. For precisely the same reasons the government, fearing the Worst, was firmly opposed to linking the two provinces; it saw a demand as presaging the Very partition of the island that it so opposed. Moreover, the population of Eastern Province was mixed, divided about equally among Tamils, Sinhalese and Muslims. The Musiris Were strongly opposed to linking the two provinces because they Were unWilling to be dominated by Jaffna Tamils, even though they, too, Were Tamil-speakers.
The issue of a Tamil hor Teland had other significance. Historically, land has long been a prima Value in Sri Lanka, the source of social standing and of income. As the population more than doubled over the past thirty years, Spokespersons for both Sinhalese and Tarnil CornmUnities have stressed a growing sense of landlessness. Ironically, as large government and foreign resources Were being devoted to expanding irrigation systems, the newly irrigated acres became apples of discord between what had become two jealous communities. For sorne Tamils, to declare a Tamil homeland was merely one
Way of confirming a meaningful shar allocated in the futu Se, such a claim a step toward Tam
Despite ControW meetings, however, made. Through fur tWeel the Sri Lan the Indian governm Settler left of the out that seemed Tamil groups and the government, a Seemed ready to Su Work of Accord an Out Some generalpi rable detail. It provic Council im each1 pri Certain law and O allocation, educatio among other things
On the other ha the Tor extremie reained COmitte goal of independe remained skeptical to sustained India. Lankan governeml to accord enough a the Tails.
Each side stepp bring pressure to E Coloribo had nea of its forces to som use of foreign mil equipment became its troops more disci groups continued rnment's troops, property Such as Stations, rob ban de OnStrative and show how widesp. Wéré Fler Cadr85. E or fear, the Tamil po to provide evidenc rnment identify or lo ble.
Ower tille the roads in key spots i. Province and impro their principal head Of TarTill civilias hi dreds had been thousands had bee army or by militant indiwidual Tails : information to the gc ting the Wrong milita of troops had bee damage in many In Jaffna the milita the rudiments of ap:

the TäTi ClairT to of the lands to be e. To many. Sinhalevas seеп mainly as | independence.
rsy at the Thimpu SOThe progreSS Was her negotiations bean government and ent, a for Tula for a onflict Was Worked easonable to most J SOne TherThbers Of ld that the Indians port. A Draft Framei Understanding set inciples and consideled for one provincial Vince, devolution of rder functions, land 鸟 and cultural affairs,
ld, it was clear that among the militants d to their separatist nice, Indian Officials that unless subjected in pressure, the Sri
Would be un Willing utonomy to reas Surē
ed up its efforts to ear upon the other. ly doubled the size e 37,600 as it Tade itary assistance; its
more sophisticated, plined.'The militant o harass the govedestory government
buses and police is, and engage in Selective violence to ead and dedicated ither out of sympathy pulace Was unwilling 2 to help the govecate those responsi
Thilitants Flad Thiriced 1 Jaffna and Eastern Wed the de far:188S Of Juarters. Thousands ld fied abroad. Huralled, and perhaps in killed either by the S retaliating against uspected of giving Wernment or SupporIt faction. Hundreds 1 killed. There Was Jf the Tassil areas. its had established i ralel administration.
Thus a stalernate persisted, but at a higher level of destruction. It was approaching a mutually hurting stalemate that might presage compromise (see chapter
1).
but was not yet sufficiently severe
to induce either party to concede enough to conclude a negotiated settlement.
(То Де Солѓулшек)
NGES
B.
1.
TT
13.
13.
15.
15.
17.
For details, see K.M. de Silva and H. Wriggins. AS KS LCTTuOLOLOO kL OEH TLTekLSS S CLkeS Bigriv vol. 2 (London: Lič-Cooper, 1994), pp. 435-41; A.J. Wilson, 7 FS EFFEI. Ak-și af Sri Länkas," "Who Sir WLE:SG-77, W CYNNWY" (University of Hawaii Press, 1953), pp. 140-55,
See K.M. da Silva, Faixa Fases and Sla Stie Sairy Kida and St Linki, 1977-1990 (Washington: Waxodrow Wilson Center and Thig Johns Hopkins University Press, orthcorting); WilsÖrı, Break-LP of Sr.'liğrika'Sinha Fatmalurigu, LLeEekeeLeLeeL L T S CCGGLeLeTeuHS CSLCL LTS TT LLLTeLOTOeHeLeL (Belcorner, Australia: International Fellowship for Social and Ecolonic Developriat, 1983). SEE also Barrett R. Rubin, Cyck's of Walance, Harar சிy: ரி ர்ே காச விட்ச நீதி ஃபிர்ே : Agreer III (Washingtori: Asia Watch, 1967). For a theoretical discussion of such problems, see Myron Weiner, "The Macedonian Syndroid: LLLLLL LLYLLLL LLL LLL LLLLtLLtttLttt LLLLLL LGLLLLL Political Digglopment." Fris, wol. 23, nin, 4 (July 1971), pp. 665-85.
For discussion of the "partial mediator," see Saadia LLLLLLKS S C CT L LeeeLueu CTOLOLuS YTekkLkLu LCC keHueuLL TMueaSLTCT LLeGGeeTeS LLaaT0S 00LE LLLLLLLL aaaaS Warsity Press, 1982), pp. 3-23; Saadia Touwal Bnd LS LLLLL K LCLLCLBSCkLGGLGLuCuHOL S LLelYYLCH T 7Fairy Edward Freifica (Bulder, Ciclo.: WEastwiew Pre55, 1985), pp, 7-17 and 251-E59.
LLLLLL LLLLLLLO LLLL LL LCHaLLLMLMLL0 LLL LLL LLHL LC drafting of Arrexura C, see Siriha Ratinatunga, PEis firrors, pp. 322-29.
For details of India's active support of the militants, LLLTL SaMMMaHLLLL LLLLCLLLLHHL L CLLLLLL S LLLaMaSCHee Pola:, March 31, 1934, pp, 83-94; Anthony Mascarinhas, "Tamil Fighters Prepara for War" Sorry as London, April 1, 1934, p. 9. "Colombo Rides the Tiger," Sut London), no, 53 (March 1985), pp. 13-15; and Edgar O'Balarice, LHOLL LLLLCCCGLuLLL LLCL HeetHLS LeuGLCC LH0 LLS TLTtLL — 79735ä (LCrndarn: Brassey, 1933), Especially բբ, 14-15, 3B.
Formed in the mid-1970s, the Liberation Tigers LL LLLL LLLL LL LLL LLL LLLL LL LLL militants. Their leader, W. Prabhakaran, claimed parsonal responsibility for the assassination of the mayor of Jaffna, defeated all rivals within the LTTE, and overcame other militant groups to dominata tha Jalinha peninsLila, For a discussion o typical stages of an insurgency, see Edward E. Rice, Wars a Big Third Rif (University of California Press, 1988).
For datails, SBB Drań Frtycstas – 32535 t 7.2&5 (Cçkombo: Government of Sri Lanka, 1.d.).
See Intamatioral Institute for Strategic Studies (HSS), MWay Bašarka 1935-55 (London, 1985) р, 134
I. William Zartmär, FS stir FéFausty Cariño
and fleein in Afrika (Oxford University Press, 19Hg), pp. 255-33.

Page 8
From Egypt to Pakistanth
MLShahid HUIS Sain
ha November 19 bombing of the
Egyptian Embassy in Islamabad, the lost serious incident of terrorist in Pakistan's history, has sent shivers down the spine of Western governments and Muslim leaders as they seem to be increasingly confronted With the factor löf Viola CE that haS a Totiwati Om 50th in politics and religion.
The bomb blast in Islamabad, which killed 17 and wounded 70, Was a warning signal for both Pakistan and Egypt that the Egyptian civil strife, which has already claimed 5000 lives in the last two and a half years, is now internationalised and that the gun, or in this case a car-bomb to be precise, is a deadly weapon in the hand of those with the capacity to kill and the Willingness to die.
As it is, within the span of three weeks, the entire Middle-Eastern region has witnessed a surge in violence and terror which is today aimed at unconventional targets. There was, for instance, the killing at the end of October of the Leader Oftle Palestinial Tilitart TOVeTent, th Islamic Jihad, Dr. Fathi Shaqaqi, who was mysteriously murdered in Malta, allegedly by hitmen of the Mossad, Germany’s "Der Spiegel“ nawspaper had reported that the killing of one of the Tost WartEd e Orl Srael's hitlist had been Lindertaken at the best of Primg Minister Rabin himself.
A Week later, Rabin Was a wictim of an assassination While the assassin umäd Out to BS. El ExlIET ist JBW. Interestingly, had the assassin been a Muslim he Would Ticost Certainly hawe been dubbed as a "terrorist" by the International media, but in this case, the prestigious "Willer afsonds Horasa 777Eure" published the Jewish assassin's photo on the front-page with the rather respectable label "religious nationalist" LLaaLLLL LLLLHLL0L L0LLaLLLLLLLaLLL LaL LLLLLL of "exertist Arabs and Muslims", has now entered the Jewish political landScape.
Soon after on November 13, a military building in the Saudi capital, Riyadh,
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Where Americans We National Guard, ble a car bomb. NEWEr
COIScious Saudi A Eorach of its Securi its capital.
A day later, Pak through Defence Mi announced the arri high-ranking and se military officers wh alleged, had been Coup"by eliminating civilian leadership, country that had s successful and fou coups during its ( history.
Interestingly, whil Inter Services Public ta' refrared frOrTI a Pria Minister Bar speech of Novemb teled te Would=| "погау аnd financ amounts to public Everl before thÉir However heimCUS th them, like all a CCLI: "Islamic Coup-naka fair trial, but the Pri Uncing thern guilty tried, amounts to : is prejudicial to the
THE Elast in life. UrlderlinBS the Wola which is brewingi through a combin: States political role, regimes and an ex radical Muslims whi tgTOri5T S a t00|| perceived to be bc. artij-democratic. Til eWident SOITEties |ke Egypt, Algeria, ments such as the and the Harras in SLC1 Senti Tigrt.
TE CriSiS ir til 5 tJEG 'ExaTiCd it | First, Egypt's inters Which is engaged a variety of Islamic began in earпest VELEfStria in tha SuprefTTE M

he Crescent under Crises
ire training the Saudi came the target of before had Security rabia Sean SUChi a ty, and that too, in
distan's government lister, Aftabi Mirarı, est of a Couple of Weral middle-ranking o, the government lanning an "Islamic the top military and another first for a teen at least three Ir aborative Iniilitary :hequered 48 year
the Armed Forces Relitics Directorny public corniment, lazir Bhutto, in her Er 3D in Islarnabad, pe coup-makers as ially corrupt", which ly prejudging them
trial has opened. e allegations against sed, these so-called rs' are entitled to a me Minister's pronoawen before they are prejudgement that dua procēSS of la W.
Egyptian Embassy tille, political Cocktail Title MLS World ation of the United pro-Western Muslim Eremist fringe among his Willingto deploy LO COLIIT ter Which are oth pro-Western and is pattern has been | MLISir T COLITTIBS TLSia Witle TyeHizb Lu||lah in LēbäTO
Palestine also fuel
MusiT1 World needs hrge différent le Wels. all political structure in H Wirtual War Wil groups. This conflict ETT MCT || 993 if 48 civilians opened ilitary Court in Alex
andria on charges that these individuals aided ad ab etted "attacks Om to Lurism" where Western tourists were the target and the Egyptian government feared that such political violence would seriously damage the country's vital three billion dollar tourish trade.
It was during this period that President Hosni Mubarak told journalists that "I refuse to allow human rights to become a slogan to protect terrorists". Eight of those on trial Were sentenced to death and later hanged. These trials had already sparked an internal struggle within the Egyptian regime as to the best method of dealing with the Islamist challenge to Mubarak's 14 year long secular regime. Soon after the trial began, on March 15, 1993, the second most powerful man in Egypt, a former Defence Minister who was then holding the position of Presidential Adviser, Field Marshal Muhar Tad Hager T1, AEL Ghazali was dismissed for allegedly taking a soft line against the Islamists.
Ghazali's point of View was that repression against the Islamists would trigger the radicalisation of the more moderate Islamists, a view apparenty shared by the then Interior Minister, who too was sacked on the grounds that he had approved a proposal by a group of intellectuals and religious leaders for a dialogue between the state and the Islamists. Since then, the Egyptian regiThe has been battling it out with these Muslim extremists Who failed, last SummiTer, in their bidito aSSassinate PresiLLLLLL SLLLLLLLL LLaaaLLDLLLLSS S LHHLHHL La LaL travelling to Ethiopia to attend the Su Trinit of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU).
A related aspect of the crises facing Muslim regimes is that long-standing secular governments, enjoying Western patronage, are now unable to deliver economically or politically to their people despite long stints in office. Even in Turkey, the Islamic party got 20% of the popular wote in the local elections with the Islamists capturing the two main cities of Ankara and stanbul. the coming parlamentary polls, there are the prospects of the Islamists garnering 30% of the popular wote, which make it a Serigus gandidalg to enter the Corridors of power. Apart from the factor of the

Page 9
protest Wote, the Islamic party, Refah (Welfare), is also promising a political solution to the long-simmering Kurdish civil War, which has tied down almost a quarter of a million Turkish troops.
The second aspect in the context of these crises and the Egyptian Embassy bombing is the Pakistan connection, a country which is increasingly seen as a haven for well-trained Muslim fighters Who are essentially hold-owers from the Afghan Jihad. Ironically, these Muslim fighters were trained under American auspices when the United States had fashioned together an International Islamic coalition under the leadership of Pakistan to combat the Soviet Union after the Red Army's occupation of Afghanistan.
It was then, during the 1980s, that Pakistan became host to a large assemiblage of radicals from the Muslim World ranging from Sheikh Omar Abdur Rahman, who was recently convicted for master-minding the bombing of the World Trade Centre in New York in February 1993, and Shawki Islambuli, the brother of Capt. Khalid Islambuli, who assassinated President Anwar Sadat during the Military parade on October 6, 1981. It is perhaps, thus, no accident that another accused in the World Trade Centre bombing, Ramzi Yusuf, was captured in Islamabad last February and promptly extradited to the United States.
At around the same time that Egypt launched its War on the Islantists at home, it started putting pressure on Pakistan to expel or extradite some 3000 Egyptians stillswingin Pakistanthen who Were pre:SUITed to have Islaľnists Banings of Islamist connections.
The third dimension of the Egyptian Embassy bombing is the growing internationalisation of this problem of violence in the Muslim World, with Muslim countries seeking cooperation among ther Selwds on this issue as Well as With the West, Pakista's Prie Miriste for instance, has already termed Pakistan as "a frOnt-line state against fundarnentaISIT" |last March Of thlG EWE Of Het Wigit to the United States, and Pakistan and Egypt ha WE WoWed to Cooperata with each other om this issue. President Clinton has already despatched US experts to Pakistan for assistance in the investigation on the Egyptian Embassy bombing, to determine whether any linkage exists with the car-bombing in Riyadh.
One reason Why has acted decisively over Bosnia by h0 Dayton, Ohio, is the Western military pl: conflict prolonged, WOLuld E3 "Isla Ti Söd of Muslim Woluntee rent Countries, figli Bosnian Army an genocide of Musli stoking the fires Col Muslim Countries, Muslim regimes to process that had E Malaysia's initiative through the Daytor now pre-empted th;
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the United States to broker an accord sting peace talks in llingering fear among allers that had the
the Bosnian War "given the hundreds "Si, draW frOIT diffehting alongside the the fact that the ms in Bosnia was F arti-Westerri SITT irn
Basically, the crises facing the Muslim World are home-grown, developed through decades of deprivation, with the political structures in these countries failing to provide any democratic outlets that could lead to a semblance of Justice. The Western proclivity to prop such an iniquitous status quo ends Lupo pitching the West against the forces of change, who, in most cases, seek their inspiration in slar.
Eldri Oes
pulling pressure on unilaterally act, a }egun in October at . The Alarica Tola Peace Accord has at possibility.
1. The Refah party emerged as the single largest party in the parinentary alactions though it failed to obtain an absoluto majority, It has not been able to form the government Since the other parties have refused to join the Refah İrı 3 CO3İLitiÜı.
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oUer Llle streets, hurshed eges rased TQftle Relic caber, Lied ad old
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U. KaT LIlatilake

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Page 11
MMOMMEMM
The Feminist Challeng
Selvy Thiruchandran
"Gi'w gydytWye vote to stwie 7o 7-ve/Walla
castas avoid fо иroуттем и азs yof oуму a gvaие г77/sfaќе /eaоўлд7 fо л77o5 луѓе Бул ижаз алп алаWheyma fо НWлдуу имаy of We (Faranathan 7934:4)
“Сал7 иvov77ел7 асијse yoүy oу7 ќ77оиleaga po/tics, and /l/71a1 nature?” (Froy77 M%77ñ77gKahal: 425-425)
hese quotations taken from different
periods and from two different religious adherents are similar to the disCLurSe or the "ratiorla| rʼrlar" irı the political theories of the West.
The former was said by a Hindu States lar of the colonial era in Sri Lanka On the eve of the granting of universal adult suffrage to Sri Lankans by the Donoughmore Commission (1934). The latter was from a second century (AD) Tamil Buddhist Epic. The irrational Woman theory had persisted for nearly eighteen centuries perhaps reflecting the wiews of the two major religions in Sri Lanka. Men and Women in political thoughts and in other discourses related to politics and state craft have been placed rather umambiguously within dicotonOUShierarchical division S Of WalUE such as rational irrational, public/private, family state, political/personal. Plato while discussing the ideal city has classified women and children together with possessions. He refers to a "comunity of wives children and all chattels."Women, Children and houses" he reiterates, "remain private and all other things are established as the private property of indiwiduals" (Republic, 423e, 462e). Rousseau's argument to remain with nature and to accept natural things lead him to accept Woman as passive, dependant, chaste, irrational or sub-rational, sensitive and caring, a process which would marginalise all Women from politics.
Non-Vellala castes; are lower in social ranking to the high castle wellala caste group.
ROLISEGauss the is K. Wit It is an irony beyond the person who set equality and freedo riSed hierarchia di between the two of lature. WOTE, that ought to obey ( lity p. 166). Whileg eflddWed both Sé passions he has g and modesty to restrain thern (Emil
Aristotle maintair naturally inferior to are terefore "natL While taking note asserts, that by W nothing Carl be dort can only exist betw those Widawe an and being ruled as f relegated Women citizens, he saysa" can only be disper However, he could melaphorical justic household justice W political justice.
The Asian thoug Way dissimilar to t Patriarchal Tilds ideology has cut ac ming a Uniformity th parallel Wie:WS expr: terminologies. The Manu has Spelt OL inferiority of the ferT risms, intellectar irate atur E WHIC and lastly on her WOTE T t t State Sacrats and N on important state : the kings to remove are likely to betra (Mamu WII. 149-50). persists in the lega "One Tlan, Manu front Coweto USIESS a Witness but no

€S
yry of Woman's nature proCreative function. i comprehension that s out to philosophise rm should hawe legitivisions more deeply genders on grounds he urges, is the Sex Discourse or Inequaranting that god has xGS With "LurıliTlited iwen reason to man Woman in order to іе р. 694).
S that WOTTE ETE" ringn and that they rally" ruled by them. of the inequality, he ay of compensation 2, as "political justice" een G|Lais, blet Weer equal share in ruling ellow citizens. Having էt a Status tյf rigm 'metaphorical justice" Sed With to Worler. i not clarify what is e but speaks of a "hic is differert from
jhts are not in any he Western thoughts. hawe Tet. Gërder ross regions maintaiat SOITletiries strikes assed through similar Hindu Law gives It extensively on the ale conduct, maleld conscience, her ch is Wicked, |Lustful political incapacity. to detrusted. With Wien On Con Sultation affairs, Manu advises 3 the Women as they y high level secrets . The Sartle ideology | administration also. says," who is free may be accepted as it even many pшre
Women because their understanding is apt of Wawer" (Manu WIII. 77).
The "Taleness' of reason and rationalty was emphasised all along which eventually lead to a process of deploying power to the rationality. The central focus of the feminist Critique has been om the diCiiCtOrITOLIS dWiSiiOS and ta BxClLsions of the political from the domestic, familial and the private (Pateman 1983, Olsen 1983/4. Ellen Kennedy and Susan Mendus 1987). The assumption that Women have so the natural qualities and those should be harnessed to serve the SO I Called natural divisio Was also challenged by Okin (1991) who has reiterated that the divisions are defined functionally to Serve the men's reeds. That both the natural qualities and the lä tural diwiSiOS are Constructions ald they are then used to legitimise a lesser socio-political status for Women, later to disqualify her from politics became the main feminist premise of the debate. Relegating the Woman to the realm of the private family the Ten took over the functions of ordering the Society and gendered both the family and the society. Political theories were drawn up from this gendered position to further legitimise the Women's position resulting in the creation of an ideology of the political man and the private Woman wife,
Rationality treated as the highest expression of politics by the Greeks took a EW tur in the di SCOLITSE of liberaliS and Enlightenment. The dualism of Enlightenment discourse which is defined by its masculine and ferminine order has evidently a symmetrical nature. This dualism. Which excluded Woman from rationality, no doubt has linkages to the exclusion of Women from politics. (Lloyd, 1984, Hardinge, 1984) lidentifying Women with irrationality and with the so called natural qualities in the meta narratives had serious implications to the role of Women which robbed the of a Series of gifts that personhood should halwe Conferred om them. Politics, it car be argued, is one such gift.

Page 12
However, the male constructionists are not alone in this Womanly Wirtues Such as passivity, sensitivity, of caring and nuturing, and non-competitiveless Constructed as the natural qualities of Women by the cultural feminists have dangerously brought into focus again the dichotorily, but this time, by the feminists thĒTSGIWES. BLIt this tiITE the WalLJES EľE titled towards the Woman's Side. The debate Wewer is not on the WirtuOLS qualities as such, but on the dichotomy which is Socially constructed. By arguing that only women have these qualities and monopolising on these virtues We are ridding men for ever of these qualities for posterity. Man changeth not and LLLLLL LLLLLL HL LL0aL LLLLL aLLLLL LLLLL LaLLLLLLL is no plausible argument. Equally dangerous is the assumption held both by the cultural feminists and the political theorists that aggressiveness, competitiveless, individualism together with rationality and reasonlпgleadership апd capacity for judgement are ппапly qualities and quite out of place for Worrien, Increasing ernphasis on these gender demarCating qualities and treating them as static and as explanations, for Women's exclusion from politics which they are not, leads us no where towards a new theorising.
There is yet another dilemma in the feminist theorising, Strangely even Mc Milan (1982) after taking to task the Liccolor:LIS dualism of the TodBIT political thoughts and the idea of the "Tian of reason" succurribs finally to the new version of dualism. She rejects the hard abstracted rationalism and argues that feelings and emotions and intuition should not be separated. She concludes that feminists by rejecting them hawe LLLLaaaLLL LLLLHLHHLLLL LLLLHHL LaLL LLL GLLLCC (1982:118). This kind of confused thoughts and partial radicalisII which rejects part of the notion of dualism and reinforces the other part is wery sir Tilar to the CLlLLIFall feminist ad arti feirist stand. This affinity with anti-feminist argument also has other implications of creating universalism and essentialism (Grimshaw 1986:17). The positing of an al-historical feminine and masculine nature as parts of human nature ends up perpetuating asymmetrical relationship between the genders. Asymmetrical nature and feminine inferiority are in built in the dualism approach and hence has to be challenged both theoretically and practically.
to
Transcending the tomy on the One F the natural qualities and WorTlen on grou Crice Sofia W bost it, neously. Hence fel transfērring the rima politics (Gillingan, 1 1980) аге по сопvir argue that all Worlier and non-competitive | black för åTE || Black WOTE potent. If the both Smack of Tacis Til thE and Sexi St. T1E3 futi||E. mising feminine qual LP and Political Sle directed againstre called Constructed created capabilities so that politics and making and nurturi Walued to be share as powerful and so
The problem with
Along with postm feminists haWë als ghtenment concept rejection by post-ITC leging of rational di a weriue to truth, dichotomy of male/f rejects the idea of as the ultimate tru! for til filist5 LE like Tlen Can be fa the concept of ratic lued? It does Create feminists. HDWSVer questioning directe narratives (which ar. gender based) an definition Of Truth Sł the feminist though have no problem E of politics to accE knowledge Systems tual and historical : ting the "prejudices prejudices of the p fall into the historica Cg5 Which ha Wg rel C WCTE). WIE rational irrational is man/WOTian lines privileging of one also equally reject: post-modernism. H Within post-modern

Valle ridden dichohand, and rejecting s assigned to men nds of Sexual differEg dge Simultaminising politics or ternal thinking into 982, Sara Ruddick, Icing arguments. To are passive, caring ! is like arguing that aggressive or that are sexually more | L1252, StatETTEITES lattET IS OCH TECİSt exercise of relegitiities should be given terments should be questioning the So differences and the based on gender, | home-making, law ng Can ble Equally 2d gerider neutrally cially necessary,
rationality
oderns, postmodern criticized the en
of rationality. The dernism of the priviSCOUSE as the Sole while rejecting the emale thinking, also
rationaliST per Se th. Does this mean to argua that WOTE tical is fulile, Wher imality itself is dewaa dilemma for liberal the rejection and d against the Ticta e anyway sexist and d seeking a plural TOLIld Eg irl irle With S. Felists Suld Ven in their project pt a view that all are rooted in Cortexsituations incorpora" Of OIL CLILLI re... TH olitical theories also and cultural prejudiaga ted inferior rolles
the dichotomy of
itself rejected, the of thinking and the against the other is dal diSTISSedi owever, the attempt ism to privilege, as
Gadamer does (1975) contextuality and relate dness as fertinine is equally dangerous. This assumption is drawn again from the dichotomy of inferiority superiority Which is femininemasculine. Hence like dislodging the superior feminine maternal thinking of the cultural feminists, the Superiority of feminine contextuality and relatedness have also to be dislodged from a ferininist discourse. Substitutinga feminist epistemology fora masculine epistemology is again falling in to the trap of dichotomy and forgetting the emphasis of the plurality. It ends up legitimising the Enlightenment epistemology after Taking so many concerted efforts to overcole it.
The Athema of the State fOT Feminist Discourse, Theory and Practice
There are only a few studies on gender and politics, and feminist inquiry into politics has remained ambiguous for many reasons. To begin with, the femilists treated the concept of the state as alien to their discourse because they considered the state to be patriarchal (Agarwal 1988, Afshar 1987 Parpartand Stā Ludit 1989). Mackinricorn (1989: 157) Said that "feminism hlas no theory of the state", because the articulation of their arguments, in her view, remain inadequate and hawe urdue er Tiphasis on the negative Connotations. Posing the civil Society and the state within a dichotomous relationship, feminists hawe opted to deal with the civil Society and its gender relations.
However, their focus on the civil Society by itself did not warrant any homogeneous set of theories, but the ambivalence they exhibited on the theories of power and authority hawe had a direct connection to the inadequacy of the theoretical stand they took on the question of the state. While they considered the state to be not genderneutral and as an entity to be identified With power and coercion, they also LLLLLaL LHa LLaLaL HLLL LL 0 LLLLLLLHCaaL LLLLLL a uniform entity with a coherent ideology. HEFCE the State as al i Stitutio ramained in a state of ambivalence for many reasons. Interventionist politics with the state was rare, though they have revieWedd Capitalist developortnerlts and hawa identified the gender bias in the policies and implementations of state aided projecls.

Page 13
Two reasons could be speculated for this, First, the state in lost of the LLLLLLL LCLLLL LLLaLLLLL LL LLLLLLLa of power, authority repression and coercion and with an ideology of dominance. This kind of radical separatism from the state had lead many feminists, to hawe nothing to do with it or to take to Oppositional politics. Herce they afienated the Selves frotheinstitutio state and the process of politics. Second, the demands that the Women's mowament and feminists made as part of Women's rights and as part of human rights invariably got into conflicts with the status quo Which the state had to uphold. Hence the state has become one of the institutions against which the Women's movement has to struggle.
Apart from the conscious neglect of the state and politics at the level of theory and practice by feminists, a process of marginalisation has taken place unconSciously. By ConCentrating on the ideology and the structure of patriarchy at the socio-economic lewels ard pre-CCLpation with the tasks and strategies of challenging and correcting patriarchal institutions, they hawe marginalised the state and the political process. Such Wiews Wera further legitimised by Either the inactivity or the compromising attitudes of the State units created for Women's development. The state sporiaLaL S LLLL S LLLL S SSSS KK S LL0 S LLLaLLLLLLL0 Bureau and the Ministry of Women's Affairs are wiewed as non-productive mouthpieces of the state, which hawe a CDSmetic attitude to Women's problems. FЕПmists were made to EJECOmЕ ПОra and more skeptical about these state organs when no meaningful pronouncements towards challenging patriarchal tradition Were made by these state organs. In the Words of Gugin, Women's lobbids lend their support to Women's issues and not to Women, "to functional feminist not to ideological feminism" (1980:255).
That the state is patriarchal is a view that cuts across the Warlo US feminists theories such as liberal feminism, Marxist feminisri, Radical Feminist and Sociallist feminism. Marxist feminism (McIntosh 1978) holds the view that oppression of Women is supported by the state because it is functional for capitalism. Radical feminism simply maintains that the state is patriarchal and Zillah Eisen
staim elaborates Cor where both capit: both are mutually ir 1990 151-160). Pa descriptively to de relations. Which are dinata discriTimate through particular
socio-religious pra State apparatuses the agents throug operationalised. It apparatus that We in the analysis of
The State ir rost i är anti-fertifist T and making econo gical interwentions
zing and refrhforcing newly constructed Women adversely, wage differentials unjust rules relating and rapa are a fe: WEIT3 til Stat3 || historically and at dewelopmental ac
Which are state
in-built gender bla:
The Special Con Free Trade ZOTE tETTIS Of a CLJ a abour laws of t technological char bring in gender adversely interact ideology of sexual a much more rigid before to Create Sit gender inequality. N ly disadvantaged a cases of oppress suffered by Women opening up of Sri paradise for foreig tOuriST1 a tJOrla fiČ exchange eаппіпg. Workers from Sri Li. highest foreign There hawe begal Women's bodies having been sex Warious studies di. the injustice suffe hawe suggesteldrer as Tornitoring the pli by the foreigners missions abroad, b a bliпd eye. The mental policies are

a dual system theory lism and patriarchy terdependent (Walby triarchy is used here note a Syster and Constructed to SubOrand oppress Women SOCio-economic and ctices and patterns. also usually beco Te Which patriarchy is Si the latter, the State TE CONCETTEd With the patriarchal state. iristances hias acted manner in maintaining mic, legal and ideoloboth towards legitimiexisting patterns and regulations that affect Property relations, based on gender, to marriage, divorce IW areas to Inertion, has intervened both resent. The SO Called tivities and policies sponsored have an
cessions given to the factory ownership in El difEl fICT. E. Te COUntry. Modern "ges hawe failed to equality. They hawe 2d With the existing division of labour Wit
control systern than tuations of Worsening Women are particularsid tilere are recordéd ion and exploitation (de Silva 1994). The Larka äSaturist JErs hāS TIEąd E SEX le means for foreign The migrant Women Inka bring the Second exchange earnings. instances where the Were sent back after Lally Tolested. The brne hawe highlighted red by Wormen and medial measures such rocess of employment through our foreign ut the Stät hä5 tUTTEd state aided developsustained by the ex
planation that they are bringing foreign exchange earnings to Sri Lanka. These actions and sayings are clearly manifestations of a patriarchal state.
However, state ideologies and actions change with the kind of people with which it is constituted. Many of the feminist Scholars have emphasised the nature of the state as gendered. The state, however, is not a monolithic coherent entity. The state is itself a complex entity With multi-dimensional facets though one set of ideology may be predominant. The new emerging trends where the state is compelled to include gender neutral legislation are not studied adequately to decipher trends that may contribute to gender equality in some respects. The early studies have concentrated on the religio-Social dictums which had the legal status as the laws of the country (Koran, Bible, the Dharmashastras) and on property relations (Holcombe 1975) and the Welfare state (Wilson 1977). The state is not merely an organ of coercion. B0th COërcion and ConsgnSUS are USed by the state either separately, alternatively or simultaneously. The easy collapsing of the political and the cultural into the area of the state has been overlooked in the theories of the state Wic ConCentrated On the administrative and the constitutional. Gramsci’s analysis of the political has coopted the civil Society, the realm of religion culture and kinship and this view is insightful in analysing the state within the patriarchal relations. Cluoranic, Biblical and Dharmashastric (religious) tenets have acquired the force of laws by state regulations. The "moral regulation" (Corrigan and Sayer: 1985, 4,2) speaks of the cultural Content of 0 S KLL SLaLaaaS LLLLL0 S LLLLL S LLLLLL regulation of the culture of bourgeois civilization borders on a patriarcha control by the state. The civil society or part of the civil society collaborates with the state to give legitimisation to the hegemony that the state seeks.
In Sri Lanka the state had no specific policy directed towards Women ti|| the UN de Clared 1975-1985 as the decade of WorTen. A Complacency, attitudinally and structurally existed in Sri Lanka Which explained the inactivity thus: the Women of Sri Lanka are already liberated due to various historical reasons. The liberal attitude of Buddhism towards Worther and the historical factors such
11

Page 14
a the granting of Universal adult Suffrage to both Women and Tien simultaneously in 1931 and the granting of free education to girls and boys in 1948, when the country got independence, are cited as reasons for not needing gender specific legislation. Till 1975 discrimination in the Wage structure, property relations, divorce and rape laws Were
LL LLLLLLaLGLLL LLLL LLLLLLCL LaLLL LLaLLLLL a be reviewed and revised. Of late due to overt pressure from the UN System and the donor agencies and COvert pressure from the Women's movement the state has responded rather ambiguously to a few demands to fulfill Some of their expectations. As a result we hawe in Sri Lanka a WOTEer's Bureau, a Ministry for Women's Affairs and of LLLLLL 0Y LLLLLLLL0 LLLLaLLLL LLLL LLLLHLHHLHaLLaLLL With it a Wollen's National Committee.
Within the above discussions it is important to realise the role of the state in collaborating with the civil society Selectively with sub-national civil and political structures to consolidate and perpetuate repressive Socio-economic structures. The power of the state begins to collaborate with the dominant groups. This "collaborative hegerTony" (a COnCept used by Pathak and Sunder Rajan 1989) becomes detrimental not only for democratic process but also to the general climate of human rights (Women's rights included) wiolations, Fundamentalist religious bodies and ethnic majorities can also dictate terts to the state on exclusionist lines. Which can furtHET CO Strai WONTEF. Il Sri Lafka cases of either Buddhist of Hindu fudamentalism which dictate against Women is hard to come by. Muslim fundar TentaiST ha5 räised its Head Wilf ils Véry specific dictates for Muslim Women. That the state is collaborating with it is brought out by the fact that it has neither condemned it nor paid any attention to it. TIE Stati tratSita S a 101-SSLB. Politically and culturally the well has re-emerged as symbol of Muslim exclusivity. Taslima Nazrin's story is a case in point. Taslima's Book Laja. Was bārīrīēd ir Srī Laīka de to the inteWЕПtОП Of thВ State Tlinistar fОГ МЈЕТП Affairs, a case in point of the collaborative hegemony. This is clearly an example of the moral regulation and the cultural COrtelt of the State Where The State Ilinister for Muslim Affairs interwees in the area of another Tinistry, the ministry
12
Of InfoTTiatic Which II: and publications.
Behind the reason the feminist anathem is an unhappy implica passivity has been When politics is assl an actiWg for CG. Nai is again brought int. politics and statecr: marginal to the proje takes us to the old wersus the public, W Wig Wed as the oth Women are again powerless and nang are invariably dewal. the state is perpetuati strengtharling gende| king to foster patriar. laws, then that shoul for fETillsts to iti that HS to be Chile gender Specific pol development and SOc in the polity.
The concept of po arld CIVII
lf the discursive pr gender has in its ag. implications or an in should be posed W should bÊ Érmp00 WE3|| to enter politics thr challenging those hawe Crept into the ald Tal that are Ir to Targinalise Wome we are compelled Of the di SCOUTS3 Cof Extensive debatës Or ty by Foucault an neglected areas in power. The сопсерt commonly construct tla, Rousseau, Man a5 Hobbes and LOC theorias Wielded thE as a male попoрol reason and public a with "morla agent" political пman and th Well. The Tasculin power are equated power ower other Colquests, CerCİOr punishment on the constituted the polit property ownership E

sin charge of books
s and eզuations of a of the state there to. The Women's accepted implicitly, Irmed by others as LUTE WETSLIS CLUI LUTE I the debate When ft TE treated a5 ct Offeminism. This debate of private where the public is er of the private. placed within the CSS door Thair S Which Jed ideologically. If ng gender ideology, relations and seeha institutioFS and be the very reason Wélé. It is flé Släté nged to incorporate icies of economic cio-political changes
wer, political
oject of politics and senda either Certain perative a question 'heter the Worther red and convinced ough a process of telligatiOS that psyche of Women 1strumental partially in from politics, then to enter the arena power. Despite the power and authoriothers, there are the di SCOUTSa of of the political Tan ed by Plato, Aristou and others such ke hawa Within their 2 concept of power y. The capacity for ctivities are equated rational actor and erefore powerful as ist COI structions of With a concept of S. Military duties, imprisonment and one hand, which ical power and the and Control of eC010
ricrESCLCES. Olt e Other WiiC1C05tituted the base for Socio-econostic powers are both construed as powers Over things and persons. The discourse of power has created subjects and objects. The modern episterTig, in short has created a gendered construction not only of reason and rationality but also for a whole discourse of thoughts. Knowledge and power, subject/object, inferior/superior, active/passive are the follow up Subjectivities of the project of the rational man. The hierarchy of the dualistic thoughts though critiqued and challenged, continued to hold sway in the consciousness of mer and Women and the meanings created thereof continued to be deployed and experienced both in the Corminor ser See and intellĒCtual parlance. Foucault's discussion of power has an innate ambivalence, which is both illuminating and defeatist. Though illuminating theoretically at a practical level lacks insights for usage. Power, hе еппphasises, is pervasive, permanently repetitious and self producing. It exists in its exercise. It is omnipresent he reiterates, by being present in the TUltitud ES of institutions that CCDS titute the Society. It should be understood as "capillary (1980: 95-98). But he has failed to name the individuals, the groups or classes of people who may wield power under specific situations or circumstances. This, however, fits. With his scheme of the argurTient of the perWasiVeness of power. His insistence on resistance does not offer a theory or a chance of corrective process. That the resistance has to be continued perpetually, leaves no room for much hope. However, there will be others who would go along with Foucait and argue that Woman's subordiration cannot be captured in essentialist universalist theories, Neither is it in a single institution. Hence solving one problem whether, it be the right to vote or women's entry into politics or equal pay, does not necessarily lead to total liberation. His failusa to ma mē hē deminators whether they be пеп, епplayers, ethnic Tajority or the colonizers does explain the fact that even among the Category of the dorminated Wor Then, Workers, ethnic minority and the colonized there are at various levels people who dominate others within their own groups that are placed dichotomously above. Though there is no doubt that the dominated do sometimes participate in their own domination what is more

Page 15
significant is to identify and single out the process of how consent was exacted for such participation in the domination. This is where Grantisci's theory of how both coercion and consent are used in the creation of the hegemony becomes more useful to understand the process of itdTriation. Uri der tile SclerTel of Foucat we may fall dangerously into the pitfall of blaming the victim. From the process of a perpetual resistence, We hawe to move to a process of empowerment of the powerless to achiewe a status of equality. The process of empowerment should be perpetual always following the resistance. The empowerment to transfor in the existing social order is merely to seek power to and not power over. The power exercised by one particular group in power, which is gender blind Carl be extinguished and power taken over to challenge and resist and act towards the transfortation of such institutions and Society which are per meated with negatiwgPOWêr, power Which oppresses the dominated groups. Power is needed to resist and oppose, the militant power that can effectively challenge oppression, exploitation and discrimination.
Power by itself, has connotations of a division. Within feminist discourse. Power With authority, coercion and repression is different to internal powers, powers of përsuasion, power which subverts authority Cowetly and does difficult tasks without the power of fists. The concept of power had to be redefined and reconstituted not as power over but as power to influence and transfor in situations through Consensus. This power I call the civil power as different to the political power which is coercive aggressive and physical. However, the question whether such expressions of Cowest power can make meaningful intervention in the process of state craft bégs an ansWer. Can Women bel Conlernt and inactive with such a covert power base? The project of transformation, in the last analysis, should also transform the concept of the political power as Well S0 as to create new meanings into the concept as emanating positive and constructive aspects.
Central to the question of power and repression is the argument that women's agency, both participation and representation may become a meaningful and
tactical device for tra democratic proces: Agency then Woul. the qualities of Cap geability, both reqt. of transformatic. TI tion Cante ba tran power to act as enabling force, W. WHICH I TE WOII all human beings) ' and capacity of th strategies for chang changes, should b ISO ILUSE TOr Effi not simply beings Women become ag. are not passive. He effecting process i. position or placeme ries of caste, class There are different act, Hlence WOTE : the space for acting political theories hav agency.
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Page 16
Crisis of Marxism
Dayan Jaya tilleka
FE took it furth Er. "Who Will Take the revolution? The people, with or Without the Communist parties.
Mao's fofTitulation demonistrats a view of the historical process as a complex articulation of struggles for independence, liberation and revolution - with three subjects or agencies identified, namely countries, nations and peoples. It can be correctly argued that independence and national liberation are not at the core of the Marxist project and therefore, "countries and 'nations' arg igt Caldidates to fil. the VagUUT. of agency. But revolution is and the people are.
Alesser known, more private response of Marx, to the defeat of the Commune, is of relevance here. (This thought was neither amplified by Marx, nor referred to by Lenin or any other Marxist leader). If Marx's public response to the defeat of the Cоппшпе орепеd up a paradigm shift in Marxism - the dictatorship of the proletariat - his second thought on the samle subject could hawe constituted and may still constitute the beginning of an entirely different paradigm shift. The text in question is as follows: "W K CHOHOkLkLtLLtHLHLH HTL T OL000HCHCHCHO0CH KLCL0 Y L0YLY Mäe räFC/Sco a Lorrycyse vor Versa/Wes Se/LW re twelve risis of We pgop/a — Іhe олly WWg Глаf cou/a/ be LCLCLCCCLLYK LL YOLOCKSY LLLK LLLLLL aa L 00S a LaL LaLaLLL LLaaLLL La a0 Сопmuпе идs 77еѓely fү7e visўgy of а city under exceptional conditions' and that its majority was 7 to Wise socials, or coL8 II at SC p. 410 cited in MilibJär d.
Every phrase of this passage is pregnant with an alternative strategy and GWel ELIT alternatiWe World WiëW: G 17767oegcur of corris on sense... a compose gwifrif Wearsa (West '.... 'r 5efi W fel Wia wifioleg LGGL CC THTH CCCCCTS CCC LCHGTTTT HLHHLHLS
We see "We We
The formulations break. With the clasSist paradigm and introduces a new Corsideration, flew to Marxist: useful to the whole mass of the people. What makes this departure all the more significant is that it occurs precisely within
14
mature Marxist, Ma 1. A question rem: Whether this eW secondary option, a "the only thing that Ett tiITE". All t3 = into the debate of W
WES - Tetrat OT 1 Case LOO.
FIOTT *te Otler" bgcorris à Tätgriell f gripped by the mass Mao and Fidel, the E masses, the people,
Why then are we i Se We know, deep W something is dead When did it die? W hope, confidence, oр that history was on gains were "irreversi SSCB'dan alterflati WÉ Does this Constitute or a Crisis of our M gd of MaxiST 0 MaxiST. S. S. of morale rather t a Whole? Whar a defeated, the Thor. Shattered ever to th should that be taker of or eWella Crisis of of People’s War, oft Warfare of Mao and Sun Tzu)? Certainly may hawe been irre context (including the Would IläCESSltäle even outright aband quite different from theory of guerrilla or dead Wrong.
The defeat and dis 'army", the overrun "encampments, the le of this Army, are death of Marxism, in but, I Would argue, a realm altogether. Wh our morale last on Were We last his Surely, during the
lent, when it. SeeT1: split between Social

(2)
rx after Capital Wol. ains though, as to perspective was a fall-back, a retreat:
could be reached Lrguments that Went Heter Ligi'S NEP it, are Walid in this
Marx then ("ideas orce when they are es"), through Lenin, agency remains: the
mourning? Becaurithin ourselves, that 1. Wat is it — ad lät died Was faith, tiniST e Certitude
OLIr Side, that Our ble", that we possethat was superior. a Crisis Of Marxistil Marxism? IS this tha f the End of OUT ota Crisis of faith, art of Marxist as I guerrilla army is ale of its fighters a point of Surrender, to leatha death the military science ле theогy of gшеггilla Glap (not to mention Some of its telets slevant in the given a global context) and E-Bxämlilation Cr onment, but that is declaring that the Warfare is dead -
persal of the Marxist ling of the Marxist collapse of the moralot Sourced in the the realm of Science, fE located is aslothits len were our hopes, the upswing; When torically optimistic? Gorbach ew experiad that the old tragic ism and Democracy
had finally been overcome and a Liberal Socialism was being created, which Constituted an appealing alternative to capitalism. Equally Surely, the Gorbachew experiment did not fail as a result of the crisis or death of Marxist as philosophy and theory. If faith, hope and morale of its followers are the index of the Walidity of a theory or philosophy, ther ole Would hawe to COITIÉg to the absurd Conclusion that Marxism Was alive and Well in 1987 and dead four years later in 1991 with the collapse of the USSR
In retrospect it would seem that Marxists set greater store than Marx, Engels & Lenin, by the capacity to envision, believe in and propagate a model of society and economy as an alternative to capitalism. They needed something to construct, defend, point to. This was of course, a carry over of Utopian Socialism's impulse into the Marxist movement, an impulse which Marx, Engels and Lenin were in tune to, Lenin's Waried versions of socialism and the transition to it, from 1917 to 1923, stemmed from shifting political and Social conjunctures. It is the residues of the Utopian paradigm that hawe collapsed. What has died is Utopian Marxism. What has ended is the prehistory of Marxism, opening the door a S aLLLL S LLaLHaLaaH S aS SLLLLLLH LLL SCİECG 0-3.
But is it really that simple, that easy? Perhaps Marxism was never a science, but there was much that scientific (social Scientific, with its well known distinction from "hard' science) within Marxism. What Marxist as lost is not so much its eschatological (the sense of the end of the World) aspect which Ronald Aronson focusses on, but its messianic, redemptrist (redemptionist) character, Outlook and lone. That cannot be recovered from Within Marxism itself and perhaps Marxism cannot inspire without it. The scientific eleTets or "kerne' - to Luse Marx and Engels phrase concerning Hegel - Within Marxism must be retrieved and reassimilated. With 'Sorgthing else", for the emotional charge to be ignited.

Page 17
Where is this 'something else' to be found? Mao's 1973 pronouncement indicates one direction. Countries, rations, people: the national, the popular. Independence, liberation, revolution. Marxism then, must plug into, combine with, Work through, in those causes in order to regain its emotional appeal, causes Which are CrOSS-class, le SS Luniwersalistic, more concretely and culturally rooted,
TOT ETT otw5.
Another path, quite complementary to the first, has been signposted by the Sandinistas and particularly by Fidel: a dialogue, a unity with religion. Where better to rediscover the lost Messianic - redemptionist dimension?
Who's Afraid of Sgt End Freud?
Before Gramsci, Engels. AlthusSer Wä5 CCörrect When he described Gramsci as the theorist of the superstructure but less correct when he identified the Marxist science of politics as originating with Gramsci. Engels was the founding father of a Marxist theory and practice of politics. Marx and Engels comments on political events of their day, in their journalistic Writings, correspondence with each other and with various representatiWëS of the international TOWement and particularly Engels" interwentions in the Geral TowerTent and other fledgling socialist parties after the death of Marx, contain the elements of a Marxist theory of politics. The absence of the Collected Political Writings of Frederick Engels is that which has obscured for so long, the foundations of a Marxist politics.
In the texts referred to abowe, Engels makes interesting references to individual behaviour, sketches subtle patterns of social stratification, points to distinctive consciousness, altitudes and behaviour of these various strata - all of Which demonstrate an analysis of politics which |Sfar from cläSS reductionistand Contains insights Which Werge – as do Marx's Tary analyses of the petty bourgeoisie and its attitudes - or a Marxist social բSychology,
On the Left, there are almost as many identifications of MarxİST'S da Curae, a:S there are Marxisms. Marx's Hegelian residues, the influence of Positivist of Engels, a class reductioniSTn, a Techiariistic base-superstructure model, a privileging of the economic, a privileging of the proletariat as social agency, Euro
CEtriSIT, Tial Chl tiSIT and TacisTla Cations of Marxis come ready tomi
To each, his or the major flaws Marxism and itsma Stall froT1 arl Erlcol a massive structuri avoidance of Psy analysis.
Darwin, Marx, Fr created the rewo spawning the spec tids ald til E CD 15. century. Marx's re Da Will & TE WEIl-kli German Social De Kautsky, in Piekh burg, Gramsci - Concerns and acc Wain even a Crit diversity and richn these figures only IS COTITIC -- ith the CominToTheWaSi their intellectual contemporary, Fr
It is possible t indirect, remote inf lysis in the Work of MEChl. It is ITIOTE || subtlety of the Aus cal insights on tr arld O CLlture Ca With reference to sphere of Viеппа by the revolution disciples. Certainly Was founded as it of and attempt at : Freud. But Ewe raise the questio Marxist tradition hi. a Wolded Critique Col - Surely a rarity? and his disciples. disparate i arid mi thiKerS SLujCh 3S Ki throughout their by intellectual CU dence to the poin this huge innovatic Why has no one, SCO 15 di silence, contentir attacking Stalin fc psychoanalysis as science? Why this

auviniSrl, anti Serie3 sole of the identifim's Original Sin that id.
het OWTI). I think that and weaknesses of in post-Marx currents, Inter that wasn't; from a Wasion: Marxism's chology and Psycho
"eud - the three Who lution of modernity, ific: knowledge rewoluciousness of the 20th ferences and debt to own. But in the leading mocrats, Bern Stein & anow, Lenin, Luxemwith all their varying cents - We seek in ique of Freud. The ess of the thinking of UndersCore that Which n abSEricaטוחוזrםe c Ol. The avoidance of ly most significant ELIC
That thĒTER WIS SOTIG luence of psychoanaBogdanow, Via Ernest han probable that the To MaxiSS" LETENatiola | OUE-Stil n be understood only the intellectua | atrTloWhich Was affected | IF FTG FT IS the Frankfurt School Were, on the advocacy synthesis of Marx and is 's' it n of why the entire ad avoided encounter, F and polemic against - the Work of Freud Why is that so Widely utual lostile Marxist autsky and Lenin, who WES WEEr5 - COTSLUITEd riosity and self-confiof arrogance, avoid in in Knowledge? And including the Frankfurt sciples, explored this ng themselves With ir banning Freud and abourgeois pseudoconspiracy of silence
among Marxists, on the most silent of Marxist silences
As Althusser correctly asserted, Marx "opened up the continent of History to Science' - which is precisely what Freud did for the continent of the psyche. What does Marxism's evasion, its Suppression of the psychological, say about th E 5LIHCDISCOLISE5S Of Marxisn? Just as the repressed in the psyche, returns, so too did the psychological diTETSİ01 Te3559rt itSelf t0 haUnt the Marxist Towerelt in tha foT of the bloody internecine Strife, Pol Potism, etc. (see ch: 1З of my "Sri Lanka: Tгаvails of a Democracy", Vikas, New Delhi 1995.)
Had the circuit established between Marx and Darwin, been extended to encompass Freud, then the history of hur Tian thought, social science, Marxism, the Marxist movement and even World history, may hawe been different. Why did the circuitry not encompass Freud? Is these a clLE: collais léid in Maifix's farious Eleventh. Thesis on Ferbach which adorns his gravestone, narinely that philosophers have hitherto interpreted the World; the problem is to change it. The eппphasis, the focus, was oп the World-out there, larger than man, than the individual, The ernphasis was also on change, not interpretation. Freudian psychoanalysis Would hawe been seen as entalling a several fold retreat- from the World to the individual; from macro to micro, from Tlaterial to mind; from science to quackery, from change to interpretation, But then, why was this
Tot Sai?
TO TEUTTI O Altlu:SSET. HE WES COTEC when, in his letter published in with the English translation of "Freud & Lacan' (cited in the Althusserian Legacy p. 177 & 182), he concluded that "no theory of psycho-analysis can be produced Without basing it on historical materiaSIT", EILIt Fle WOLIld havB HEBI evEn more Correct had he also concluded the near-converse, namely that "no theory of) historical materialisII would be complete which does not incorporate the theory of psycho-analysis'.... and further, that no theory and history of Marxism ard the Marxist TOWgrIBrit WOLild BE complete if it did not pose and tackle the question of why there was no mutual recognition, let alone a cross-fertilization or convergence, between the two.
5

Page 18
淺 *茲
8xxx.
38. * 3.x: 8x. ! ) 毅
& 8
 

8.
ñayake Maswatha, Căličinib
&&
.
இப்

Page 19
FEG/OW
National Security Law
A di Lur RailTar Kha
Za Wed HaSan Mahnood
1. INTRODUCTION
Penal laws and Codes of Critial procedure contain ample provisions to grant punishment towards, and keep in control any violation of public order and security. There are now, unfortunately, more stringent provisions, in the form of national Security la WS, which hawe formed a parallel system in the criminal
a W. Scenario.
The doctrine of national security originated in America after the Second World War, and was soon adopted by the governments of Third World countries. HOWEWEr SOLIll Asian COLIntriés HawE known such laws ever since the British Raj.
One of the most intractable problems to exercise the inds of civil libertarians the World over has been the long-standing Conflict between national Security and human rights. The conflict revolves essentially around the need to find the right balance between two strongly competing claims: society's interest in surviwal and the individual's interest in liberty.
Although these interests are not always ir reconcilable, much less fundamentally antithetical to each other, they hawa Termained a so LurCÉ Of Considerable tension in even relatively enlightened societies. The United States of America, for example, felt constrained to indiscriminately confine tens of thousands of
Aаїw RaЛ7їл7 Кѓал7 čs a fтиуgr; дасѓsѓу LTT kT TTC LLTTL LCLTOeLTOLL LL LLLLLL asCCGuGGHO LTTTLLLLLL T CGGTOTGLH TH TLuLe K CCGGOCHO O eT TCSTLSLaTTTLH CCCTCTTTS K LCCLHGH THTetCCHuH CGCHGH Legal'Aü'Cenrya,
Zoo H7537 Maryl7007is à Kayyarand Torrilogr OkL TYSLSLK0SLOY LCLu HHHL SLLLHuSAKLCCOLOLCCCCL H ekS LLLLLLS CCCLOS TLGuLHuLuS 0GGLGLGCuGuLS LTCCCHCHO CLOTe TTuT CC0uuu00OHCHOHS TTTTS L L TSLLS SJLCCGLGLL LeT
}
Japanese-Americar during the Second suspicion of threat - an action whic judicial opprobrium Supreme Court's in Ewen inpeace time tion federlains an inte regime in many of
The iSSLe of lati strong emotive resp te. But the argum Either Side are Ea One end are those hUTa. Survival itse rity, national SECuri Other intgreStS. At thi Wh) bolig WC3 tlit : and by no means One, of Several Con rests, and that SCCi extent, be Willing to Security to individu:
Whatever the m the fact retails it ments tend to pla Om fināltiral SECL-uri formulation of policy try in the World today human rights on gr public Security Consi reality, lawyers haw Sri to COICentrate years on devising the exercise Cf Stät with varying degr different jurisdiction:
2. NATIONAL SE
SOUTH ASA
After the ending c. South Asia has bet mian experience o Laws which were e of National Security. rience and practice of these National

s and Human Rights
sin detention camps World War on a here
to national security l, far from drawing received the U.S. primatur of approval. administrative detergral part of the legal Countries.
onal security evokes Conses in public debaents canvassed On sily summarised At who argue that, since |f depends on secuy should yield to all e Other end are those ecurity is only one,
the most important peting national inteBety should to a large Subordinate national all liberty.
erits of Either wieW, lat modern governCe a high premium ty doctrines in the ... Almost every couny has laws that Curta il ounds of national or liderations, GiīWe this e pragmatically chotheir EffortS 0W er tha suitable controls on a power in this area, 23 S Of SUCCeSS irn
ECURITY LAWS IN
if the British Colony, faCed with dra COf National Security nacted in the name . But from our expe, the main purpose Security Laws is to
suppress the peoples movement and to protect the Security of the anti-people government. More0Wer, When the question of self-determination has come to the floor, these laws also have been enacted and exercised against the people who have been fighting for their rights. At the same time, ethnic conflicts due to arbitrary demarcation of boundaries during partition, political suppression and violent protest against the state in many parts of this sub-continent saw the introduction of National Security Laws in the several countries of South Asia.
3. NATIONAL SECURITY LAWS IN
INDIA
On the Surface, India is the largest functioning democracy with a parliament, judiciary, executive, and many political parties representing the Whole spectrum of political idealogies, and regular elections at national and State level. But if one Were to scratch the surface, a different picture of political violence and human rights Violations Would emerge.
Each area and each region of India faces their own peculiar problems. In the North East the army enjoys virtually a free гuп in Assапп, Мапіршг and Nagaland. In Bihar, the class divide among the peasantry is both sharp and frighterningly wolatile.
In Uttar Pradesh Communal Violence has taken its toll with the loss of many lives. Caste war and Communal Violence hawe become a fairly regular feature in Gujrat. In Andhra Pradesh, the government has distinguished itself by its single minded pursuit of the Natalities. In Tamil Nadu, the press and the suspected Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam face the Weidetta of the Chief Minister Ms. Jayaram Jayalalitha. In Punjab, the state in the name of fighting terrorism has unleashed repression on
17

Page 20
iroCert Sikhil S. In JanTI LI and KassFirThir, in the name of CrOWed control, the security forces massacre innocent civilians. National Security Laws in India cover the whole gamut of preventive detention legislation and anti-terrorist legislation.
3.1. The National Security Act, 1980:
The National Security Act (NSA) permits detention of persons considered security risks; police anywhere in India (except Kashmir) may charge suspects under NSA provisions. The Jammu and Kashmir Public safety Act (1978) has corresponding procedures for that state. To be released from datention under the NSA, a Court must determine that all grounds for detention are invalid. NSA detainees are permitted visits by family Tembers and lawyers.
Under NSA's strong, special and preventive detention provisions, a person may be detained for upto 1 year without charge or trial (2 years in Punjab) on loosely defined security grounds," but Ilust be informed of the grounds for detention within 5 days of arrest and brought before an Advisory Board of three High Court Judges within Seven Weeks of arrest. At that time, the detainees may be released on the basis of "insufficient grounds".
3.2 The Terrorist and Disruptive
Activities (Prevention) Act:
The Terrorist and Disruptive Activities (Prevention) Act (TADA)“, although enacted in 1985 to fight terrorism in Punjab, is applicable to all States and all Indians abroad. In 1992, 23 of 25 State governments had formally invoked TADA, although a handful of States face actual insurgencies. The TADA which was subject to renewal every 2 years expired in May 1995. The law was promulgated to punish those found guilty of Terrorist and disruptive acts with no less than five years imprisonment and up to the death penalty for certain terrorist crimes." Disruptive activities are defined broadly to include speech or actions which disrupt or challenge the Sovereignty or territorial integrity of India.
The Terrorist and Disruptive Activities
(Prevention) Act (TADA) first enacted in 1985 ostensibly to deal with terrorist
B
activities in the Wa transistor bombings other parts of North Selts til TOS:t SÉric dUI'S funda Tērta | f rights and democrat country.
The dгасопіап pr were only to remain for two years. Howe, of time the Act beCa and was applied ev free" state like Guja was last extended in force in 24 states :
Those Who felt th law as armed by this trade unionists, ciw politicians, journalist Court judges will a use of the Act as minority groups an throughout the cour
Tejala CE betW Eind the freedor T1 historically a very d Any legislation whic blish this balanCe r basic safeguards to not only for the sa but for the sake democracy itself. M Out in interlational India is a party.
TETE WETE TO TADA TITETE WH: evidence about th: It was a commong liberties groups, foi was rarely grantec TADA Was LISEd as that many charges that tituUTE WES legislation, that it W, minorities, that TA for political purpose
The statistics porc Inment expose a SE A total number of 6 out of which 1926 of Gujaratalone, S. Tugt of India Om . Rajesh Pilot, Minist rity, said that out people detained L.

ke of a series of in New Delhi and India, today repreus threat to indiwireedom and human ic institutions of the
Visions of the Act On the Statutë book Ver With the pa SSage Tieġ ITOTE: draCOrmilar1 "ën in the “terroristrati, The Act Wich in Many 1993 was and union territories.
e strong arm of the Statute -- peä sants, il liberties Workers, Els and for Ter High | testify to the real
a Weapon against Voices of dissert
try.
een national Security of the indiwidual is ifficult one to strike. ch altempts to estaTILI St Coritair Certairli protect human rights Kg of the dividual
of the Survival of any of these are set conventions to which
such safeguards in a great deal of 3 BabЈUSES Of TADA
round a longst civil r example, that ball I under TADA, that preventive detention, Were trumped up, encouraged by the as only used against DA was used mainly 5 НПН Ед farth.
ywided by the Gowad andsordid picture. 7,509 Were detained, 13 WETE in the Stät peaking to the Press 28 August 1994, Mr. er for Internal Secu
of the total 67,509 Inder the Act, Only
8,000 cases hawe been tried. That means that 59,509 people have just been detained and no charge sheet has been brought against them. The rate of Conwictions is reportedly less than 0.05 per Cento
The Act was being used primarily against the underprivileged, ethnic minorities and religious minorities.
3.3 The Jamu and Kash Thirt Public
Safety Act:
The Jammu and Kashmir Public Safety Act, 1978, permits detention for acts considered prejudicial to the security of the State for a maximum of two years." Political prisoners have been detained without trial under it for engaging in alleged "anti national activities." For example, one was released by Court order in December 1987, when the State High Court declared the newly introdLICĒid Sectio 10-A of the Act un constitutional Section 10-A permits detention on any of the grounds specified by the Deputy Commissioner of a district. Under the original Act a person had to be released even if one of the detention grounds was found to be invalid and unreasonable; but the new section 10-A, incorporated into the Act in early 1985, permits detention for "prejudicial activities" even if only one ground was found to be Walid. The Court ruled out that section 10-A reflowed existing constitutional safeguards and infringed the fundamental rights guaLLaaLLLL S a LLLLaLaLaLaaS LLLLL LLaLLL ordered the release of an alleged mernber of Muslim United Front, saying that the detainee was not given any material With Which the Could hawe Tada ar effective representation against his detention, as the Constitution required.
3.4 Janu and Kashmir Disturbed
Areas Act, 1990:
This enactment is part of the draconian laws seeking to west the armed forces and other forces subject to the control of the Union and the State, with arbitrary powers of arrest, seizure, Search and of causing death of persons and destruction of property and, as a first Consequence thereof, the Indian "Security'. Forces burnt down two big villages namely “Adinal' and "Wattal-Magam" Which displaced more than 250 families and deprived

Page 21
them of their hard earned possessions.' The Jammu and Kashmir Peoples Basic Rights (Protection) Committee feels that, LLLLLL LL LLCLLL LL LLL LLLLLaLLL LaLLLLLLL00L (Jammu and Kashmir) Special Powers Ordinance, 1990 are symbols of blatant exercise of extra-constitutional powers and proposes to challenge their validity in the High Court in due course. It was brought to the notice of the Committee that copies of these enactments were La LtLaLLLLLLLa aLaaLL a LLLLLaLLLLHHLLL press or to the Information Department of even to the State Law Department and Whe the Collittee itself tried to check it, it found that this was really so. The local press no doubt carried news about each enactment contained.'
3.5 Armed Forces (Special Powers)
Act, 195E
The Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act 1958 was brought into legislation by the Government of India to suppress the peoples movements in the North East, The Act extends to all the seven States of the North-East, ASSam, Maripur, Nagaland, Meghalaya, Tripura, Mizoram, and Arunachal Pradesh...'.* The Act represents the ugliest pictures of state terrorism in the post independence period. The "democratic" Government of India sought to resolve a political problem through military night. The armed insurgency still persists in the samg manner after 36 years of promulgation of the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act, 1958.
Hundreds of innocent people were victims of human rights violations under the Armed Forces (Special Powers), Act 1958. TEA tallo StiglO-COTTISSiO= ned officers to shoot and kill innocerit people.'
There is no accountability process for human rights wiolations. The Security forces feel that they are above and beyond the reach of the law; this en CÕLuragė humani rights Witolations. The security forces were given a free hand to tackle the situation, with the result, extrajudicial killing, torture, rape, custodial death, detention and disappearances became arı integral part of the administrative system in the North East and other parts of India.
The Terrorist Affected Areas (Special
Courts) Act, the the AFITEd Forces the Unlawful Activ and other state law part of the States in India.
4. NATIONAL SE
SRI LANKA
During the last as eated a ba of the Worst Violat
ta Wirt Te under the emergen for the last 13 ye to date except for TLS ir 1989. estinates, betweer nuary 1992 over disappeared, mo: extra-judicially kille burning on tyres C Common sight all o' 15.000 people wer ention camps and lõng periods – 3 t trial. Tortura ir GL Det:airl335 ar3 ildi Victed solely on the extracted from the police custody.
| Sri LakathEFE With lational SECLIril Ordinance (PSO) of Terrorism (Temp (PTA).To
TE PLEIli: SgCI passed by the Stat of Sri Lanka, til independence from Lulër S. It WES HILJrri the threat of a gen by the leftist trade
7
Notes
Article 3, Fäätiklil Si
KEHITIT 3 it:
M. N' JITJFH.
Article 13, The Flati
Artiçiğ öı. İlid,
F. EE 14E.
Article 3 TB TCrist EL Weintion ACH, 1987.
Explaity Note SEC Al idia. C. Attilis.
 

Disturbed Areas Act, Special Powers Act, iti (35 Preg Wention ACL El Statutej5 al:50 fOT
repressive armoury
ECURITY LAWSIN
few years Sri Lanka reputation as one ors of human rights securily is governed cy laws continuously tars from July 1983 a short spell of 6 According to certain 1 July 1987 and Ja60,000 people have stly presurned to be d. Human bodies in road sides was a Ver the country, Ower e languishing in det
police statioris ower o 4 years - without stody Was raripant. Cted, trĩErl ar1[]. CCIl
basis of Confessions m While they were in
} are two laws dealing y; the Public Security
and the Prevention orary Provisions) Act
urity Ordinance Was E, CULITICill Cill the Ewe; en Ceylon, gaining the British Colonial edly passed to meet Ieral strike organised Imigris, im Jume 1947
Солѓулшеg/
Bcurity Act 1B).
Public Safety Act.
El SEÇLurity Act 1 BC),
Tid Disruptive Activitie 5 (PPE
п TADA, presented all the risultation of Hurtial Rights
1.
1.
3.
14.
E.
17.
1邸,
19。
CCCLLLLL LL LLLLL HuLLLaLL LLL LLLeLLLLLLLL LLLL Hte CfSultation of HITE Fights Activities.
Section 8, Jammu and Kashmir Public Safety
E.
HurTian Rights Wolation under National Security Laws in South Asia, Ravi Nair, pg. 72. Ins, Hy Act 4 of 1985,
KashTir Flariie Wol. 1 Aug. 1990 pub. by Institute of Kashirrir Studies, Srinagar.
Report of the JartırmıJand KaşghtTimir Peopla's Basic': Flights (Protection) Committia, Pub, in Aug. 1990.
Section 1, Arried Forces (Special Power Act, 1958.
Section (a, bid.
ATITES International Repr.
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19

Page 22
Death Of an EXtraOrdin
Regi Siriwardena
he heroine of the first play I ever
Wrote died in February in Moscow at the age of 82. She was Anna Larina, the Widow of Bukharin, one of the Russian revolutionaries victimised by Stali. In 1938 ha Was Senterced to death in Orle of the MoSCOW Trials on tгшпреd-шр сһагges of treason, esріопаge, Wrecking and other crities, and executed. Before he was arrested, howEvere ha di forese e his fate, CorpoLLLLLS SSSK LLLLLL aa La aLa L0LLLLLLLS SL the party' windicating himself, and made his wife learn the letter by heart (to leave a Writtel doculet With her Would have been too dangerous for her). She was 25 years younger than him, and he hoped that she would survive him long er lough to clear his marthe.
Anna Larina kept the letter in her memory through the twenty years of her owп iпcarceratioп іп prison camps, saying it to herself "like a prayer, 50 years after het husband's dëäth Shië was able to tra Smit the letterto Gorbachey, th.LS initiating Bukharin's rehabilitation.
I have told Larina's story in the play 777a Lov7g Дay5 7asќ, поw included iп the collected volume of my plays, Cafe. In 1988, When I Wrote the first version of the play, I sent a copy of it to Anna Larina in Moscow, but foresightedly accompanied it with a letter in Russian explaining what it was about, because | di't kOW Whether She COLuld read English. This turned out to be prudent: she couldn't read the play, as she explained in her reply. Her letter, which | still treasure, Was Written on exercisebook paper, probably an indication of the hardships under which she lived. (Translations of both letters hawe been included in Octet) She also sent The a Copy of her memoirs, which Were then being serialised in a Soviet journal: they were subsequently published in a book Under the title Wizatiyaan ice (The Unforgettable). "Here is supplementary material to fil Out your play, she Said, and I Was able to draw of these Terroirs in Writing a revised version of We Long Days ask, now printed in the collected Wolur Tig.
Particularly in that revised version, Al la L3 filla COTTES 3 Lut as a WOT of great strength and dedication, with
2I)
the single-minded pou mission that kept her of Suffering and lo in fact, a stronger husband, who often Way to emotional he sobbed and SCrea in 1929 When Stalin tion of Trotsky.
A5, ofte in tille country, it was the SLiffered and Erldur bands, fathers, brot Wictims of the Stalinis silent martyrs ha WE anonyTTIOUS, but at fUJПЈ за WOICE IП ПI Anna Akhnatowa it Faguier, Written WF prison, Nadezhda M memoir of her poet in Siberia, Hyde Aga Laria Crself. Like shtam, Larina had ni sional Writero, but li proved herself a W. unsuspected until th rience compelled he
There is ar episod EWg that I have aw intractabl3 for thB St; hawe been poWerful ma. La rina is being imprisonment by tre officer. In the corn three other World taken to prison - a Woman and her a TlEre are a 50 Cţle are excitedly talking Iläl Il BWS Flät lä5 | погпіпg's пеwspapt khachevsky, a her and Several other of the Red Army h executed on charge of the passengers ar Wesky, when, with a Larina realises whic im Lha compartir Terit : chevsky's mother, striving to Concealt of outrage, Larina's : most by the aged peasant origin with peasant name, Maw

lary Woman
rpose of fulfilling her alive through years heliness. She was, person than her
wacillated or gawe outbursts, as Wher
led at the Politburo secured the deporta
s of terror in any WOTE WHO most ad When their huslefS OF IOWEFS WÉTÉ
dictatorship. These } largely remained la5t trgg of the T1 morable Writingher great poem, Il 3r SC Wa Sil Mandalsh tam in her -husband Who died Wтs//їСре, апd Anna Nadezhda Marilidalawēr baer a profeske er again, she iter of born genius epressure of expe
to Write,
e in The Uлfo/gg/їаways regretted was age, though it could ly rendered in cinetaken to her first in, escorted by an partгтепl there are Who are also being in old lady, a young iolescent daughter. }r passengers, who about the sensatioDET EOTOken ir tilla 3S -- MaSha Tuof the Civil War, ligh-ranking officers ave suddenly been s of treason. Some E: THựiling Tukhacheshock of discovery, to other WOThe are: they are Tukhawife and daughter, leir grief and Sense attention is occupied other, a Woman of
a characteristically
Only the death-like pallor of her face and the trembling of her large hands, Once accustomed to labour, betrayed her agitation. She retained the traces of a forir mēr beauty, and | discerned the features she had bequeathed her SOI. She was big-built, appeared still strong, and astonishingly proud even in suffering, even in humiliation.
Larina recalls the legend of the Wives of the aristocratic army officers, exiled to Siberia after the abortive Decebrist revolt of 1825, who chose to follow their busbands into exile and thus became Celebrated as heroines:
Princesses Trubetskaya, Volkonskaya, forsaking the luxurious life of St. Petersburg, and travelling by postchaSE LO thĒir DēCEI TEJTiSt LSDS ir Siberial No question, theirs was a heroic act. But how did they travel? In overcoats, in a Well-appointed Coach With six horses.... and further, they Were going to their husbands
Larina contrasts their journey with that
of the Women prisoners of the Stalin E.
on foot, for kilometers, from the station to the prison camp, under a guard with sheepdogs, worn out, dragging their pitiful baggage - Suitcases or bundles - under the yells of the guard: "One step aside and I'll shoot without warning', or "Sit" and Whether in Snow or Lud, Corea Hlad to sit all the same. And it was not to our husbands we were going.
She recalls Mavra's destiny, representative of that of a whole generation of Women who paid the human cost of the historical process:
At that time she still did not know, and perhaps never knew, that two Tore of her sons, Aleksandr and Nikolai, Were also shot only because the same Mawra who begot Mikhail Tukhachevsky had begotten them t00. At that tirIE SE I Sti|| did tot klow that her daughters had been arrested and Conder Tred to eight years in Camps. Mawra Petrowna died in exile. But One must believe that the ting Wi|| C0mg When MiaWra PatroWra too will touch the heart of the poet.

Page 23
晶*
په لكj
闇
My family has been Working on these estates for generations. What future do my Ghildren have With privatization
Estate Worker
 

If they choose to remain on the estates, they can look forward to a variety of interesting prospects. With
private ownership, long-needed investments can be made to replant the tea-bushes and improve yields. There will be
diversification within the estates to vegetable crop farming, dairy industry and other integrated agro-based Ventures.
Estate schools and health services can improve, With
privatization, your children will have many more choices
and many more chances for rewarding employment.
It is important to realize privatization is a means to
an end. It is a means to improve our living standards, foster technological progress, create employment and take our
nation into a more prosperous tomorrow. In order to achieve these aims, privatization has to be executed in the
appropriate maппег,
That is the task of the Public Enterprise Reform
Commission (PERC). Its mandate is to make privatization
Work for Sri Lankans today, and for generations to come.
Every privatization is a carefully considered decision
that takes into account the interests of all sectors of society;
the general public, the state employees, the consumers, the
suppliers, as Well as the country's overal economic vision.
PERC's mission is to see that privatization works. In doing so, your interests are always being well looked
after,
With privatization everybody has a stake.
WATCH FULIN THE PUBLIC INTEREST
PUBLICENTERPRISE REFORM COMMISSION,
Bank of Ceylon 30th Floor, No.4, PO Box 2001, Bank of Ceylon Mawatha, Colomiho I, Sri Lanka. Telephone: 4-1-3387,568, Fax. 94-1-378,16

Page 24
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