Page 1
LANKA
GUAR
VO. 19 No. 5 July 1, 1996 Price
P. A.'s TRADE
INDIA : THE BUR
BANGLAD.
DOOR-To-Doc
RIVER WATERS A
FEDERALISM: IS THE
SRI LANKA AND A

} RS. O.OO Registered at the GPO, Sri Lanka
UNION TROUBLES
- MERVYN DE SILVA
IDIAN
DEN OF DEFENCE
- NEERAJ KAUSHAL
ESH POLLS
DR CAMPAIGNS
- NEELAN TIRUCHEL VAMM
ND INDIAN ISSUES
— NIKHIL CHAKRA VARTTY
SWISS MODEL RELEVANT?
— KAMALIKA PIERIS
NMERICANIMAGES
ANANDA WELIHENA

Page 2
NECW FR
IDEOLOGY AND THE CO) CONSTITUTIONAL
b
Radhika Cot
The collection of essays on Constitu to understand the process of constitu action from a framework of human I
Cont
The Uses and Usurpation of Consti The Constitution and Constitutiona The Civil Liberties and Human Righ Legitimacy and the Sri Lankan CoI) To Bellow Like a Cow — Wormern, Et Civil and Political Rights - Some F Devolution, The Law and Judicial C Let Fools Contest - Parliamentary
(ICES, May 1
Hardcover: Rs 8:00
U. S. S. 20.00 (Hardcover) for SAARC U.S. S. 25.00 (Hardcover) for other
U. S. S 15.00 (Paperback) for SAARC U.S. $ 20.00 (Paperback) for other
All orders to ICES, 2, Kynsey Ter. Telephone 685085 / 698048. IFէ

OMICES
NSTITUTION: ESSAYS ON
JURISPRUDENCE
y
maraswamy
utional Jurisprudence is an attempt utional decision-making and political ights, democracy and social justice.
ents
tutional Ideology
l Reform
nts Perspective
LStitution
hnicity and the Discourse of Rights Regional Issues
OnStructiOIl Democracy vs. Presidential System
996. 178 рр.)
Paperback: Rs. 200
: countries (Airshipment) ountries (Airshipment)
: countries (Airshipment)
countries (Airshipment)
race, Colombo 8, Sri Lanka
x 696.68

Page 3
NEWS BACKGROUND
THE UNIONS ARE
Mervyn de Silva
the new post-Cold War World, neither military power mor economic resources nor democratic practice is taken as the surest index of a nation's health. The Stock Exchange is the new Oracle.
The down Ward TowerTent of the indiCes at the Colombo Exchange into the fifth successive Week, says the FORBES RESEARCH weekly review, was "far more significant" in the past few weeks than at any tine in the past Tonth or more. The Review underlined (a) the ContinLed absence of mamy inwestors (b) low trading volumes and turnower levels were the main features. And why? In the idiom of the market analyst, this trend was largely the result of "negative Sentiment created by the econorinic and political uncertainty in the country". This also explained the low trading volumes and turro Wêr le Waals. The A||I-Share index was down by 16.8 points, a 2.9% drop While the Blue Chip Index registered a decline of 35, 2 points, a 3.78% drop from the Week before,
Meanwhile Trade Chamber President Patrick Amerasinghg has Warred of a new danger- unemployment. So many Companies have closed down that thousands hawe lost their jobs. And the effect of this has been quite sewere because many private firms, alarmed about the P.A.'s "Workers' Charter", hawe adopted a policy of retrenchment. The Workers' Charter, a P.A. polls pledge and a strong personal Commitment of Minister Mahinda Rajapakse, has caused mounting concern in the P.A., leadership.
As a result, President Kumaratunga told a party rally in Mirigama: "The time has come to say NO to strikes. First the War Tust be Won, Second We have to develop the country and third we Tust accelerate the drive to create employппепt’’.
RESTLESS UNIONS
But the unions are restive. And the best organised unions are still controlled or affiliated to the Leftist parties, like the L.S.S.P., a major S.L.F.P. partner. The L.S.S.P. leader, Mr. Bernard Soysa is a Cabinet minister. Thus the trade
union unrest affects TU.C. action distur Strato il Brita. Al Nanayakara M.P. W. to quit the Cabinet.
The Thain dena unions is a Rs. 10C that would promote already a cause Finance Ministry.
But PT.Sidet KL. strategy is to remind se, the U.N.P. sup the army's splendid against the L.T.T.E Wäst Strides ir diri of the Tigers. Since not Waging a War popole, We hawe tor grigwarlCes".
Sir Cae Mr. Wa Sud has already raised L.S.S.P's role as a of the P.A., this is: a SériOUS débatë in and in the Constitue the Left. Preside thought it necessar Filălce Mini5tgI. P. Bank employees th Will NOT privatiseth So P.A. policy, um SLFP's Leftist partin TOWes forward bai ways — to the di. BakK ğ th| IMMF and foreign investo
RANILS LINE
Opposition Leade ghe SLImmedit up in Parliament:
"We have had a electricity strike. Th SLUTT'Ord. Thė C: Sulted. The Ministe wanted the agreeme Brothers set aside. Suddenly there was the Ta Wakkal CO. Treasury and PERC that decision Was C
A proposal to raise bus fares by 15%i

RESTLESS
the P.A..just as any 0S a Labout adrTimiready, Mr. Wasudeva ould like Mr. Soysa
ld of Some of the pay hike - a step | inflationary trends, of Concern for the
naratunga's Counterthe majority Sinhaleporters included, of victory in the North : "We have made nishing the strength a the government is
against the Tamil edress their genuine
wa Nanayakara MP the question of the Constituent The Tiber Sue has now led to
the P.A. hierarchy, Incies dominated by Ilt Clashdrika has y to instruct Deputy Tof, Pieris to infoTTT
at the government ethree State banks. der pressure by the ers and the Unions, Ickwards and sidesmay of the World the private sector S.
r Rällil WickremāSiin a recent speech
blackout due to an El Cabinet was mot binet Was mot Cor of Foreign Affairs rit With the Tawakka The Cabinet agreed. a meeting between the officials of the and all of a sudden hanged.........."
is likely to be implemented this week
What has happened today? There is a total loss of confidence in the government. The business community has lost confidence....... Investors big and Small hawe lost confidence in the goveriment..... I do not think all these Concessions you have given, will get one more ship to Sri Lanka or create any more employment. Without investment how are you going to create jobs? Prof. Pieris, Deputy Finance Minister, пBaПwhile assured the Sri Lanka Independent Bank Employees Union that the Bank of Ceylon, Peoples Bank and the National Sawings Bank will NOT be privatised.
Policy moves forward, backwards and sideways.
GUARDIAN
Wol. 19 No. 5 July 1, 1996
Price Rs. 10.00
Published fortnightly by Lanka Guardian Publishing Co. Ltd. No. 246, Union Place Colombo - 2.
Editor: Mervyn de Silva Telephone: 447584
Printed by Ananda Press 825, Sir Ratnajothi Saravanamuttu Mawatha, Colombo 13. Telephong; 435975
CONTENTS
Ethnic Conflict and Is Wider
Direisiors
/l The Contradictions of
Consensus Bangladesh
Politics and Elections 9
Ethic Conflict and
Dewcolution (4)
EikS Correspondenc9

Page 4
Ethnic conflict and it
Tracing the genesis of the prevailing eth its exacerbation, the author feels that té perspective would help in providing a Soli
Rajiva Wijesinha
Hg | Ethic; Corfflict i Sri Lanka has roused considerable attention internationally. It has been seen as arising primarily from repression and resentents based on ethnic differences. While not claiming these to be of minimal importance, one car also trace other contributory factors based om the denial of indiwidual freedorns in the pursuit of collective goals that were So fashionable a feature of the preceding half-century and which still for II the rhetoric of most parties to the conflict. In short, I propose to examine the ethnic conflict to show that it also encompasses other areas of dissension involving economic, educational and deographical factors. Besides, it is apparent that the absence of practical mechanisms as Well as motives for regional Co-operation hawe also contributed considerably towards the exacerbation of the Conflict,
A Comparison with Southeast Asia
In exämining the situation in Sri Lanka it may be useful to glance at some other countries in the region who set about nation-building in the aftemath of Colonialism. In this respect a sharp distinction between the nations of South Asia and those of Southeast Asia is noticeable: Whereas on the one hand Pakistan split apart and is still racked by conflict, whereas India has had problems with minorities as Well as Warious conflicts between states
Railwa Wijesinha is Academic Co-ordinator as the University Grants Corrrrission of Sri Lanka; President of the Sri Lankar Liberal Party and also Representative of the Human Rights CITTITTÉleg Of "Liberal IllerThaiföläl",
and the Central go Sikki Wanished as in its demographi whereas both Nep in different Ways blems; Thailand, M and even Indonesi; hawe managed it identities that by a racial and religious their citizens. For people are - eWen { concept of a Thai is Creation, aid that people who now C as Thai Were more Lao or Muslim OrbE trib)BS.
THE SIT19 ES trnLB, Countries in there rence StLuck Telfo tly a Tamil in Mal: even though his from Jaffna, he C. the rationale for a movement. "I am said. "That is my I'm also Tamil, important." Integra abandoming a cul is ally important with and marital relatio tion of say the S of ChineSe deSCer they inhabit, eve Malaysia and Indor racial tensionS, tes ty of Creating a of what sometime absolutes of nati racial or religioU: equally important Ofte SiOS DEW Asiar lationS, has the dwindling int

ts wider dimensions
mic COnflict in Sri Laka and reaSOS for ackling the issues involved in their wider ution to the Conflict.
Wertherit; whereas i a lati Orl after Shift:S c composition and bal and Bhutan are facing similar proMalaysia, Singароге a 0 the other hard of evolve lational Lind large transcend diversities amongst instance, very few aware low that the dentity is a Post-war earlier, most of the les Cribe therT1SelWES conscious of being elonging to particular
with regard to other Igion; and the differcefully when recenaysia remarked that grandparents were uld not understand Tamil independence a Malaysian", he country. Of course out that is mot SO tion does not in Wolve tural identity, which especiregard to business ns. But the absorpSiO-ThlEiS Or thOSBe itir to the COLUltrieS n in Countries like hesia, despite earlier tifies to the possibilination QI defiarCe as seem to be the onaliST baSed On S diffTECES. Ard y, the minimisation een the SOLutheast Contributed towards o insignificance of
SOLICES of COflict BaSEd OI1 distinctions between Communities. Further, the development of contacts between indiwiduals in the WariOLUS SOLutheast Aiālāti lā lifti ātionā|listic ethoS that had Contributed SC much to the exacerbation of temsions ECIOSS arld W|thin flational BOLIsldaries. This is unlike South Asia where governments continue to be suspicious of each other.
Exacerbation of the
EtiC COfict
The 1977 elections SaWSEVeral Tamil parties coming together as the Tamil United Liberation Front (TULF) campaigning for a separate Tamil state.The United National Party (UNP) that won that election, defeating the incumbent Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP), had in its own manifesto noted four areas of Tamil grievances that it promised to settle through an all party conference. Many Tamils Woted for it but, instead of holding the pledged conference the UNP contributed by its own actions to the increasing violence that has now dominated Sri Lanka politics for over a decade.
EdLuccafora D5CrlrTTrTaffor
One area where the UNP government indeed acted swiftly enough (though within a couple of years it mu||ified its OWm actiõm undēr chauvinistic pressures) was with regard to university admissions, where the preceding government had introduced a policy of positive discrimination to increase admissions from underprivileged areas. The major area to lose out as a consequence, apart from the capital Colombo, was Jaffna, the main Tamil city in the north, where education and academic qualificarions had long

Page 5
been a cherished goal. But whereas the denizens of Colombo had other outlets, in terms of employment as well as education abroad for those who could afford it, such avenues were not open to the youngsters of Jaffna. This became a potent cause of disaffection. Later when the UNP government reimposed a system of quotas, resentment Was particularly bitter. It was not surprising therefore, that a number of educated young people moved to the terrorist movements since nothing else seemed capable of resolving their problems.
Language Conflict
In Some other areas of grievances that the 1977 UNP manifesto had identified, the problems were clearly intensified by the statism which the SLFP socialist regime had practised and Which the Ostensibly more rightWing UNP did nothing to change. One area Was that of language rights. An earlier SLFP government had made Sinhalese the sole official language of the Country. Though Tamil was subsequently permitted for official communications in Sorne areas, the fact was that the vast majority of officials knew no Tamil. So even when Tani was finally recognised as an official language in 1987, though it did help in assuaging the feeling, the people were not benefited in their dealings with government. The fact remained that the country consisted of two sets of people who spoke differint languages, and state educational policy and practice ensured that they could have no language in common,
It may be useful in this regard to Compare the situation in Southeast Asia, where a common language has In fact been imposed on those of different linguistic backgrounds. This has surprisingly caused little resentment. Indeed, even in South Asia, we do not find other instances of linguistic dichotomy. In India for instance, after the initial abortive attempt to impose Hindi, States have developed their own linguistic policies so as not to leave sizeable minorities in general
unable to deal W Lankan the other and policymakers, With identity, hawe policy of aparthelic ScrupuloUS desire therefore linguisti againstall historic: tinguishable, that tence that Sinhale Sinhalese and Tar (and that this tak entirely segregate. politician challeng perhaps because of pride to uphold a rial status of a la an official status. cians Who Codific Communicated Wi English. With that it stage was set th two distinct groups cate and boundt a territory dominat it Was the Tamils most, in that there Which they could in the state sector dominated the eco at large.
Елтроуппепt Im 5
Given their disab ir i Which T10St SI Conducted, fewer гnmentemploупе bers Warranted. Y thought it necessa nation-building to this. Whereas succ Veloped quotas Sinhalese Who Cor parities with reg סlSSions, nוadrT thought of a quota With regard to stati
State-Aided Colo
And the same ap nCe Of State-aided in time came to as greatest practical complaint was thats

ithi Officials, in Sri hand, governments confusing language
maintained a rigid Perhaps it was a Drespect ethnic and identities, seen li evidence as indis
led to the insisSe children learn in nil Childre1 ir1 TarTniI eplace in almost schools). No Tamil ed this insistence, t became a matter tleast the educationguage that lacked Ironically, the politi2d these positions th each other in oo doWingraded, the irty years later for Unable to COITTI Lurio feel alienated in ad by the other; and who suffered the } Were few roles to aspire to, not only but since that sector nomy, in the nation
Fale SECO.
ility in the language late business was Tamils found goveit than their numet, no government ry in the interest of take action about essive regimes deystems to benefit nplained about disard to university government even system for Tamils е епployment.
TsSaffor
|plied to the grievaColonisation, Which sume perhaps the
significance. The since independence
this had contributed towards the changing of the demographic Composition of what Were termed the traditional homelands of the Tamil-speaking people. It was unquestionably true that in the fifties and the sixties, a great many Sinhalese had been settled in the Eastern Province through irrigation Schemes. However, this was in areas not previously populated. The Sinhalese had been targeted because there were far greater numbers of landless Sinhalese than Tamils in overpopulated areas. In addition, While the eastern coastal areas had long been inhabited by Tamil speaking people, that the jungle beyond it was part of the same province was a matter of historical contingency rather than demographic rationale. Nevertheless, the fact that mainly Sinhalese had benefited from these schemes became an emotive issue in the seventies. And certainly the composition of the Eastern prowince had changed, in that the Tamils were no longer in an absolute majority there.
Strong - Arm Tactics
it Was these issues then that the UNP highlighted in its 1977 manifesto, but then proceeded to ignore or exacerbate the conflict while in government. Instead of the promised all-party conference, its leader J. R. Jayewardene, introduced District Development Councils. Apart From the fact that these Councils had minimal powers, the government alienated the Tamils of Jaffna even further during the elections by intimidation that involved the burning of the Jaffna Public Library. As a Consequence the most extreme Tamil terrorist group, The Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), whose demand that the election be boycotted the TULF was able to ignore, was immeasurably strengthened. A few years later when the LTTE ordered the TULF to boycott the local elections, the TULF promptly withdrew its candidates.

Page 6
Tamils whose votes had helped him get the massive parlamentary majority that had allowed hiri to amend the Constitution. In 1980, he removed the civic rights of the SLFP leader Mrs. Bandaranaike, so that he practically had a free run at the Presidency the following year. After that he announced a referendum to extend the tern of the existing parliament for another six years. He won that referendum by an incredible amount of violence and intimidation, amply detailed even in the Election Commissioner's report on the referendum. What is even more shocking is the manner in which many governments which claimed to uphold democracy continued not only to countenance Jayawardene's regime, but even to support it actively. Even though Jayawardene had taken more of the BCOrlOrny, into State Control tham his Socialist predecessor, his opening up of the economy in some respects allowed him to enjoy uncritical favour from the West, it cannot be too strongly stressed that it is such responses that have led Human Rights Groups, and in particular those associated with governments, being suspect in countries such as Sri Lanka. The inevitable result of Jaya Wardene's policies within the country was the marginalization of democratic opposition and the emergence of terrorist groups as the dominant force amongst the young who felt disenfrachised.
Having thus got away with perpetuating his power, in mid-1983, Jayawardene attempted to hold the all-party Conference he had originally promised six years earlier. No one came. He fixed another date; and inspired perhaps by the success of his strong arm tactics in other areas, he permitted är i a SSault Or the TamTills i Colombo and elsewhere in July 1983, which he claimed on television Was the understandable response of ordinary Sinhalese to Tamil separatism. There was little doubt then, and none now, that the attacks Were organised by government Supporters. HoWewer, Jayawardene had not perhaps anticipated the levels of violence that occurred, which may
4
explain why, after reference to the mayhem, he ann the Communists Wh It is doubtful, how hismostferventsu Were takenin. Ci late as far as the Certed.
Accord withird
The number of internationally as apace, and they residents abroad more concertedly now Were represen tly by the Warious ta in particular by the already alienated attempts to belittle region while he so the West, began to openly with the Though the gover tween military actic negotiation, it beca end it would have t than it had initially In part this was bec Was determined to so that at no point c a generally accep reforms. Instead it Would only yield ti inevitably prowedm he signed an ACCO bly designed to se Sri Lanka but in f:
to affirm Indian region.
Certainly the Tige
that the Accords thar the Tamilig. Oth accepted the prop Contest elections, that they should charge of an inte When agreement cc On this, hostilities E Indians this time and though they Control of the area Violence for which

his first indulgent perpetrators of the Juriced that it was OWere responsible. awer, Whether ewen oporters in the West ertainly it was too
Tamils Were Con
lia
* Tamils accepted refugees increased and Other Tari began to contribute :o the cause. They ted more prominenerrorist groups, and a LTTE. India too, by Jayawardene's : its position in he ught alliances with involve itself more terrorist groups. nment lurched beon and attempts at The clear that in the o concede farmore ever contemplated, cause Jaya Wardene ignore the SLFP, lidhe try to present rtable package of was clear that he D force; and India Iost forČėful So that din 1987, Ostensititle the Conflict in act designed more Supremacy in the
ers Were of the Wie:W BTWedi i India - rather her terrorists groups Osals and tried to Jut the Tigers held be put directly in rim administration. uld not be reached rupted agaim, with larching on Jafna; Were able to take the result of the they were conside
red responsible was that the Tigers emerged as the unquestioned favourites of the people of the North,
Negotiations with SLFP
There is no point going into details about the development of the conflict since then, and the steady increase in violence. For the present what should be noted is that the current SLFP-led Sri Lankan government depends for its parliamentary majority om minority parties, and despite renewed hostilities by the LTTE, the general impression amongst both minorities and the international community is that the President, Mrs. Kumaratunga, is genuine in seeking a fair settlement.
The negotiations that she initiated however broke down in April 1995, when the LTTE withdrew unilaterally and launched a series of military attacks. The excuse offered was that the President had reneged on various Commitments while failing to put forWard any concrete proposals. Certainly it is true that she had been restrained from granting many of the LTTE demands by an army which was convinced that the LTTE was using the cease-fire to build up its striking power. That this was happening was unquestionable, though the LTTE position was that his was unavoidable, given that it could not rely on the government.
In the context of mistrust developed Over the preceding decade, such suspi. cions on either side are eminently understandable. At the same title, it is generally acknowledged that Mrs. Kumaratunga has always upheld a pluralistic approach, and it is more likely than most politicians to propose measures that would address the grievances of the Tamils. This indeed was substantiated when in the midst of hostilities she unveiled apackage that in principle satisfied the requirements of the other Tamil parties. Equally it was recognised by observers of all Comunities that the LTTE Was unlikely to accept any measure that

Page 7
did not leave it in overall charge of the combined North Eastern Province Which it claims is the traditional holeland of the Tamils, even though Sin
Yet it should also
such governments tive towards Sinhale be absurd to Sut
ghalse and Muslims, who now consider Muslim minorities
therselves distinct from the Tails despite sharing a common language, Comprise 2/3rds of the population of the East.
conflict Resolution
intra-Regional Co-operation
in seeking solutions to the present conflict it would take sense to look at the Wider dimensions as Well. The deteriorating relations between India and Sri Lanka in the eighties clearly Contributed to its i eSCalation. The absence in this respect of institutional mechanisms to resolve regional problems before they reach crisis point is very much regretted. Yet, given the dar Image: Caused to all Countries by lingering suspicions as well as actual hostilities, it is clear that forceful efforts to ensure co-operation is an urgent necessity. In this respect the region can learn from the example of the ASEAN COLUtriēS WHO hawe SUCCEeeded in building up by and large coherent nation states that Work together in promoting their mutual interests. The importance of economic co-operation, particularly between to private Sector organisations, can be seen to have contributed significantly to the awareness that security and mutual confidence provide the best guarantees of prosperity.
Need for Constitutional Safeguards
With regard to the actual conflict Within Sri Lanka, clearly the principal concern should be the restoration of Confidence between the Communities. There is little doubt in my mind that the primary responsibility for the conflicties With SLCCeSSiWe Sinhala do Timated governments who hawe displayed a callousness towards minorities, and a tendêncy to assert power om the basis of parlamentary majorities without a due process of consultation.
Ulder TETildOT compensation for pl the part of Tamils eSSential Is the déw tutional safeguards of power by any g or regional, and indiwidual Choice in trictive policies hav alienation of Cornu from each other,
English as Mediu
The extensive d the present educ; prevented the integ When children, a Carlot COITTI Lunical it is obviously imp confidence. In the Would be insensiti children to lear they would have it so) and Sinhalese Tamil. English as instruction. Would ar SWEer, but that at to the extremely So-Called Internatio though technically i closed for the simpl leading politicians childrėm to : SUchi SC the Callousness oft hawe made no atte OpportunitieS topo Tami Children he straitjackets by gOW
International Pres
MEWhile ith are steps that the in ty can take to e) process. While inte nation has been will government forces against civilians, it i that abuse of civil

be recognised that hawe been destrucSe too, and it Would bject Sinhala and to similar abuse nated regions as "evious suffering om i. Rather, what is elopment of constiagainst the abuse overnment, Central the expansion of areas where resre encouraged the nities and regions
ir frf
amage caused by ation system has ration of the races. nd indEEd adults, te with each other, ossible to build up present context, it fe to expect Tamil Sinhalese (besides no incentive todo children to learn the Tedium of be the obvious present is confined rich, Who attend rial Schools Which legal Will never be le réaSOn that mOst send their ow chools. This shows nese politicians who mpt to extend such orer Sinhalese and dioWindivisive 'ernmental flat.
STE
short terthere terrational COTUni(pedite the peace rationa cordal in ensuring that refrain from action s equally important ians by the LTTE
be condemned. In addition, renewal of terrorist activity by the LTTE should be discouraged through constraints
applied internationally, is unless the
LTTE is prepared to return immediately to the negotiating process.
Such actions must of course be dependent upon the government pursuing mot only the package it has proposed but also ensuring that the constitutional changes finally decided upon are based on clearly recognisable and generally justifiable principles rather than mere responses to the excesses and abuses of previous governments. This it has suggested it will do, by announcing a comprehensiwe revision of the constitution that will also fulfil its pledge to abolish the executive presidency; but proposals with regard to electoral reform for instance still suggest a hankering after the massive majorities of the sewenties and eighties that nullified any tendency towards seeking consensus.
菲
Efforts by Human Rights Organisations
Efforts made by international human rights organisations in this regard Would help in dispelling the notion often propagated in Sri Lanka that such organisations concern themselves with minorities alone and ignore the abuses suffered by a majority community, have argued above that there is some truth in such an allegation, given the international support extended to the Jaya Wardene government despite its subversion of all democratic noms; and I should stress again my view that it was precisely because of that subversion, that the ethnic conflict in Sri Lanka developed so horrendously, I should end therefore by reiterating that there can be no question of classifying some rights as important and others as less so. While trying to understand clearly the situations that hawe caused the conflict, those conCerned with the resolution of conflicts hawe to be constantly on the alert to note and object to violations of fundamental rights and liberties in all Contexts.

Page 8
The contra
Neeraj Kaushal
A ConcenSUS of sorts appears to have emerged among Indian political parties regarding economic policies. The minimum economic programme of the United Front government, which is a conglomeration of 14 political parties, and is supported by the Congress () from the outside, promises to proceed with what should be Called "alternate reforms". The programme, most of which is unlikely to be opposed by even the Bharatiya Janata Party, the main opposition party, has done away with politically unpalatable reforms. These are reforms With a human face.
However, there is one basic contradiction in the minimum economic programIThe: While Finance minister, PChidambarant has promised to increase the food subsidy and government expenditure on education, he has also promised to reduce the fiscal deficit to four per cent of the GDP from 5 per cent promised by his predecessor, Manmohan Singh merely three months ago.
No one believes Mr Chidarbaran. At the moment, he must be tightening his girdles to scrounge around for at least Rs 15,000 crore of additional funds to perform this heroic task in a few weeks when he presents the Union Budget for 1996-97. (Around Rs 10,000 crore to bring the fiscal deficit down by one per cent of the GDP and at least Rs 5000 crore to cover the additional food subsidy, bill and additional educational expenditure).
How Will he do this? By slapping additional taxes? He can try but will find that higher tax rates do not often lead to increased tax collections.
By cutting down expenses? Good
6
lictions of
idea. But Dr Sing Chidambaram with In the past five ye (I) government had wily, that several f will have to coug thel ar Lual rewer debt.
Mr Chidarbarar of every one rup revenue, 50 paise repaying past debt. 50 paise, Mr Chid: to run the affairs mment. Plus, pay food subsidy and th tion expenses pro, murn economic pro
So what should
At East foLIr t defence expenditu perfect. With defenc after Benazir Bhut to improve trade tie mohan Singh pro crore hike in defer 1996-97. But at th; Was engaged in against India and On both sides of pitching high. Butth noW. Mr Chidamba the defence capital year's level. Thus, 1590 crore. Apart precious money, si a long way in imp between the WOCI
in the Teantitle, rent should initi modernising the a have a small, mode in place of the pres
 
 
 

hi has Tot left| MT
much of a choice. ars, the Congress |i borroWed So heauture governments half or Thore of Je in repaying this
Will find that Out ее оf goverппепt will be used in With the remaining ambaram i Will hawe of this huge govefor the increased Ie additional educaJosed in the mini
|gramпе.
he do
mings. One, slash re. The timing is ce hawks lying low to's announcement S With di MalJOSE da RS-239 ice expenditure for at time, Ms Bhutto a strong rhetoric he defence haWkS the border Were lings hawe changed Larm should freeze expenditure at last he Will Save RS from saving this uch signals wilI go rowing friendly ties OUmtries.
the present goveate the process of Irmy. India should папdyouпgarmy, emt OWET Orne million
strong army, which is not qualified to use modern war machinery. Besides, Ordnance factories should be trir Inted and asked to operate on commercial lines. Defence forces often hawe to purchase front Ordnance factories durries, jackets, caps and several other things at double or three times their market price.
TWO, Mr Chidambaram should put the fifth pay commission's report om hold. The Commission has proposed fancy salaries for governmenterployees. Mr Chidambaran should insist that his government will review the entire report. He may not save much Toney in the process, as he will find that although the Congress (I) had promised to accept the Commission's report, its government did not provide for any funds for it in this year's budget. But this step will check any sudden sharp increases in government expenSes On thlS aCCOUTht.
He should also take steps to prune the size of the government. Several departments have become redundant after reforms. Workers in these departTents should be retrained and relocated to other departments of the goveright.
Three, introduce a minimum tax on the net Worth of companies. The 1995-96. Corporate results show that While profits have continued to boom for the third consecutive year, a large number of private companies, which include corporate giants like Reliance, TISCO, do not pay any corporate tax as they avail of tax concessions for reWinWestments. The finance minister should introduce a minimum tax, of around one per cent on the net worth of Companies. This will ensure a

Page 9
minimum contribution by Corporates in the country's tax kitty.
Four, the government should enact a law to make presumptive tax compulsory. At present, the presumptive tax is voluntary, and a large number of small businesses simply do not pay this tax.
These four steps will not take Mr Chidambaram close to the magic number of Rs 15,000 crore. But it will send the message that he is serious in bringing the fiscal deficit down; that the government cannot be profligate with him as the chief controller of its finances.
However, if he has to bring the fiscal deficit down to four per cent of GDP, Mr Chidambaram may cut the government's capital outlay. His predecessor, Dr Singh often used this option, But Mr Chidambaram may not repeat all the mistakes that Dr Singh made. With private investment in infrastructuresectors like power, roads not coming forth, public sector investment in these TES I Will| hawe to be iraiSed t0 SSLJfe a sustained growth in the medium to long run, Cutting downplan outlay may take the economy off the high growth trajectory on which it is at the moment, That may not be acceptable to his political bosses, who have promised
the best of everything to everybody.
So what should Mr. Chidambaram
Լlմ?
I suggest, he should Wriggle out of this promise. The minimum economic programme has been vague about the tille OWer Which the fiscal deficit: WOLuld be reduced. Mr Chidarbaram should claim that the programme will be implemented gradually over the next three to five years. In the present, however, he will merely try to honour his predecessor's promise. He can be sure that he may newer have to face the embarrassment of mot fulfiling his
government's prom
Mr Chidambarant very soon that ewe mohan Singhos pr an easy task. His s him that Dr. Singh several Small expe additional SUbsidië mment has proposé to hOTOUT , eWem. Sii
Mr Chidambara option: go back promises he made like reducing the grains. However, government's untin Chidambarant cert that. Besides, des of officials in the fi claim, this may option.
There is enough that fiscal bankru
reforms have 10 kindly. High econ past four years ht mitigate poverty. S claim that powerty three years of foodgrains under by over 120 per ( years. Attempts IT baram's preWiOLIS Rao to put his hur by tinkering with programmes did politically accepta government wish human face it sh the upward spiral is restrained.
A revamp of distribution syster the cards. A study shows that not TC of the poor in the of the poorest st: Pradesh, Madhy: foodgrains from !

ise.
will in fact, realise m keeping up Manomise may not be taff Wi| Schor infoffT1 did not provide for r1885. Arld With the is that his gove3d, it may be difficult 1gh's promise.
im has One last
01 SOTE Öf the to his leftist bOSS8S, PDS price of foodthis may bring his hely demise, And Mr ainly does not Want pite what his team nance ministry may not be a desirable
evidence to suggest ptcy and economic t treated the poor onic growth of the as not been able to Ome estimateS even Worsemed irm the first reforms. Prices of the PDS hawe i riSe cent in the past five hade by Mr Chidamb0SS, Narasimha man face on reforms
a few anti-poverty mot Take reforTTS ible. If the present as to give reforms a hould see to it that in foodgrains prices
the existing public T is very much on r by, Prof Kirit Parekh }re than two per Cent
rural areas of SOThe ates like Bihar, Uttar a Pradesh get any he PDS. Therefore,
proper targeting of PDS is required.
In other Words, the hurThan touch in the minimum economic programme of the United Front government is essential to bring the poor out of their penury existence. But the means to reach this end is not merely to allocate more funds. But to use them in such a manner that their benefits actually reach the poor.
SUBSCRIPTION RATES
Air Mail
Canada/U.S.A.
USS 65/ for 1 year USS 45W for 6 months
事 摩
U.K., Germany, New Zealand, Australia, Netherlands, France, Japan, Holland, Philippines, Austria, Norway, Sweden, China, Ireland, Switzerland, Nigeria, Belgium, Den Ilark, Paris, London.
US$ 55W for 1 year US$ 35W for 6 months
事 直
Hong Kong, Saudi Arabia, Dubai, Baharin, Arabian Gulf, Syria, Singapore.
USS 45W for 1 year USS 25W for 6 months
India, Pakistail.
USS 40W for 1 year USS 22W for 6-IIonths
事 事
LOCall
Rs. 250/- for 1 year Rs. 150/- for 6 Inonths

Page 10


Page 11
Electoral Politics in B
Neelan Tiruchelwam
no other part of the sub-continent has the question of free and fair election is SO Central to the political discourse as in Bangladesh. Controversy relating to integrity and fairness of the electoral process has traumatised the nation and deeply divided the Bangladesh polity. It brought the parliamentary process to a standstill and severely disrupted the social and economic life of ordinary people.
The role of Civil Society in bringing about the national Consensus. Which resulted in June elections Was Critical. Bangladesh has distinguished itself in the innovation and success of its non-governmental organisationsin managing developmental projects. Two of these organisations BRAC and the Grammeen Bank have gained international recognition. In addition, there were many important human rights groups which continued to document huTan rights abuses and engage im legal literacy programs. The Free Election Monitoring Alliance (FEMA) is one of the largest and probably the most effectively organised do Ilestic election observation group in any part of the sub-continent, Public outrage over the lack of moral and legal legitimacy of the February 15 elections galvanised these civil Society institutions. They formed a broad Coalition of non-government organisations, business house and professional organisation to support the dissolution of the government and of the Parliament installed by the February 15 election. The assertion by civil society of its political right to a free and fair election culminated in civil disobedience by the bureaucracy which almost brought the entire civil adlinistration to a standstill. These forces played an important part in facilitating 13th amendment to the Bangladesh constitution which defined tle institutional frameWork within Which a new Parliamentary elections would Ebe - COnducted.
The Writer, a T.L.L.F. M.P., was a Tier Iber of he S.A.A.F.C. "Ubserver Group".
The 13th amend tio established 2a. governmenttobeh Chief Justice Moha hman With a mani Chief Election Cort assistance for hold tiOntO th3 Pari3TE and impartially. T rent Was furthE Out routine functio policy decisions. T a non-party goveП increating conditio and fair elections important to mott significant differei context within Whic tion headed by J operation in 199 provided that the of the deferCe SE the President and shall be regulate. aTTed Tert furthE law shall during th is a non-party ca Lude article 580 the President". Thi interpreted to exclu from the executi caretaker govern them under the PE in creating a for the conduct of th routine functions were entrusted to rnment While the responsibility for control of the distinctior WES Of significance. A Cor almost precipitate of two Senior ger of Staff almost elections. The P assert his authori forcës even afte been concludedic further dismissing officers thereby fl. intrigue and uncel

angladesh
ment to the constitunon-party caretaker eaded by the former immad Habibur Rade to render to the mission all possible ding a general elecint, "peacefully, fairly he caretaker gove2r directed to carry ns but not take any he establishTent of ment Was decisiwe nS favourable to free 3. It Was hoWBWBr that there Were ices in the legal hinterim administraLuStiCÉ SahabLuddin 1. The constitution Supreme Command WiiCSS3|| Westi the exercise thereof i by law. The 13th radded that "Such a period where there retaker government be administered by sprovision has been Jde the armed forces we authority of the ment and to place sident. This resulted n of dyarchy where e elections and the of the government the caretaker govePresident retaimed defence and the armed forces. This more than academic 1stitutional crisis Was ld by the dismissal erals and the Chief On the , eWe of the esident Continue tO ty over the defence the elections had in the 12th June by 8 other senior army Irther contributing to tainty which accom
panied the electoral process. Another gap in the constitutional arrangement was that it was the President Who Would decide to choose the next Prime Minister and in the exercise of this discretion, he was not required to seek the advice of the Board of Advisors, In 1991, Chief Justice Shahabbudin was not only the Head of state but also the Head of Government and Was entrusted with the power to choose the Prie Minister.
Another T factor which Contributed significantly towards creating condtions favourable to free and fair elections was the reconstitution of the Elections Comission. The Elections Commission in Bangladesh was by convention headed by a member of the High Court and the Commission enjoyed security of tenure. But the February 15 elections had so deeply eroded public confidence in the Commission that the political parties were adarant that a new Commission should be chosen by the caretaker government through a process of consultation with political parties. The entire Commission including its Secretary were called upon to submit their resignations and a new Commission and a Secretary appointed. The caretaker government took further legal steps to armend the People Representation Order to disquality bank defaulters. This was ostensibly done to minimise the LuSE of SLC. funds tO di Stort the electoral process. The Commission also fra Tned a Code of Conduct fOT candidates which was made legally binding. An electoral inquiry commitee was established to inquire into pre-poll irregularities and even leaders of major political parties such as Sheikh Hasina and Khalida Zia Were Thade accountable to Such a COmmitee. The Caretaker government also took visible measures to disarm and detain potential law breakers and to clarify that the role of the army would be limited to assisting civil forces in the maintenance of order.

Page 12
Impressions of Bang
Nikhil Chakravartty
he general election in Bangla
desh has many lessons to impart to its neighbouring democracles in the South Asian region. This is largely because the problems and responses to thern are similar, as also because Bangladeshis have a tremendous attachment to their mother tongue, Bengali, Which has been the bedrock of their freedom struggle and their fidelity to democracy,
The Week spent around the poll day On June 12 as a Tember of the OT-official obserwerS"tean from fouT SAARC Countries — Pakistan, Nepal, Sri Lanka and India - was extremely геwагdiпg as it gaveопе the opportшпіty to learn about the cross-currents of Bangladesh politics, while at the same time witness the massive upsurge for the election at the level of the COTTOrl Citizer in Which the WOTEr not only spontaneously came in large numbers but in a mood of assertion, One has seen large political turn-outs at the polls in India, but the difference between those and the one just Witnessed in Bangladesh lies in the fact that such mass mobilisations in India are largely the outcome of the efforts of political parties, but in Bangladesh it has been an overwhelmingly spontaneous movement which Went far beyond what the accredited political parties could do. The long and patient queues that one could see stretching Out for HOLITS While. WOT19), With babES in arms patiently waited outside the polling centres provided a Ternorable sight. And this assertion of people's will was dominated by the emergence of only two giant parties - the BNP (Bangladesh Nationalist Party) and the Awami League.
In the 1991 general election although the Awami League which was virtually the national platform in the fight for liberation, came second to the BNP
largely swinging round the personality.
Of the for Ter Prim Millister Khald
10
Zia, this time the close second, desp party Presidenth because of the fias poll which was boy Opposition and ha In reality, these tw. the Bangladesh pK the imprisoned Geni Party, much smalle holding the balar development this it Wirtual elimination O' mi, gaining only tw. of 300, with most doing no better. Ir politics of Banglad with the polarisatior mil League and the overwhelmingly ma tween these two pa campaign, there little Violence, ExCE in Chittagong and no violence. The ci - five dead and a in a general elect with the highest pc the world. Repoll Constituencies, arc yet to be known wh Written.
What is striking occasional outbrea vention into politic de Tonstrated thro elections of 1991 ; democratic urge of has proved to be urge is linked tot an acutely impoweri wileged people. Th the leaders of thes have to keep in m Gandhi had slogani. and What Zulfikar IE tEd in the dBrrlär makan. The pool Jarmaat is rh0 doubt though the struggl bigotry and obscu

ladeSh
BNPESCOrne a te the disiCredit its as had to SLuffer co of the February cotted by the entire dlobe cancelled. o parties dominate litical Scene, With eral Ershad's Jatiya *tham both of them, Ce. A significant itle has been the f the Jamaat-e-IslaO Seats in a House of the other parties other. Words, the ash is today faced i betWeem the AWai BNP. The people de their choice beLrties. Despite brisk was comparatively apt for the pockets Comilla, there was asualty toll was low few scores injured ion in the country pulation density in Was Ordered in 27 their outcome is En the Séline:SWETE
g is that despite k of military inters, Bangladesh has ugh two general and 1996, that the the common people irresistible and this he basic needs of ished and underpriis is a point which e two major parties irid - What Irtira sed as Garif Hatao Bhutto had articulahd for... roti, li kapra, showing of the a sign of the times, e against religious rantist is realised
PO
as an urgent task by a large section of the intelligentsia as could be sensed by meeting the community of enlightened intellectuals who place their prime attachment to the mother tongue Bengali, than on religion as gleamed from their culture and intellectual activities.
瞄 嗣
During the election campaign there Were reports of clashes in areas where there is a high concentration of minorities - Hindus, Baudhyas and Christians - but these were wery few as against the huge number of over 26 thousand polling Centres in the country. Such tensions are mostly the outcorne of the suspicion by rival parties that the minorities might vote enbloc for one party and not for the other. The election-machinery faced strain as the huge turnout was obviously not expected, Some places as high as 72 per cent, and on the average of over 60 per cent. This debunked the anxiety of some political pundits that the fear of clash between the two giants, the Awami League and the BJP, might keep a large section of peace-lowing Voters away from both; actually, the Very opposite had happened, and the large concentration of voters in front of every polling centre seemed to have Scared away the miscreants, and the Election Commission, despite all the handicaps it had to face, managed to keep the election process under effectiWe control. One could see that as a result of many of the new restrictions - particularly against ostentatious, lavishly money-spending campaign - the candidates had to depend largely on door-to-door campaigning. Although the rules against Ostentatious spending Were publicised, there was no monitoring on this score during the election campaign as in India. An interesting feature of the Bangladesh People's Representation Order is that it disqualifies bank defaulters from becoming candidates, while the code of Conduct

Page 13
for candidates is legally binding.
The Army has played a complex role in Bangladesh politics from the very beginning. The BNP was founded by General Ziaur Rahman who had taken over power after the turbulence that followed Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's killing in 1975. General Ershad when he later seized power formed his own party, the Jatiya Party. The fact that Begum Khaleda Zia, the leader of the BNP, resides in the Cantonment is often the subject of polemics against her by her political opponents.
Against this background, one has to take note of the fact that after the flop of the February election, the BNP Government had to concede the setting up of the caretaker government. Unlike as in 1991 when the caretaker administration (under the then-Chief Justice-turned-President) was born out of a political agreement among parties that had brought down. General Ershad's rule, this title the Constitution itself Was amended - the Thirteenth Amendment - which set up a caretaker administration under a Chief Adwiser (a former Chief Justice) but the portfolio of Defence was held by the President, who is known as an ardent BNP stalwart. Since the Opposition parties had won their point in the Setting up of the caretaker government to conduct the election, they did not Wait for the removal of the anomaly of the President controlling Defence.
Obviously, the Opposition did not bargain for President Biswas move Who Soon after removed the Chief of Army Staff, Nasim, which drew strong protests from the Opposition. Some other changes in the Army structure Were also announced. All this Was strongly resented by the Awami League. It was soon obvious that the President had virtually forfeited the confidence of the biggest Opposition party. Which has turned out to have Scored higher in the election than the BNP. Towards the end of the election campaign, the BNP lodged a complaint With the Election Commission that in as many as 111 constituencies the election had not been fairly conducted.
This seemed as a move to reopen
*
the entire elector unlikely that this election as a who observers Comme and fair.
One of the impo Bangladesh electic Voter turt-out Whic could be ascribed of a broad coalitior organisations, bu. professional group WhiCh Carre Out de land for the government and the farcical electi Out of this move be called citizen's the FEMA (Free Alliance) which cc number of local 25thousand polling the country. In fac ment can be rega contribution by E liturgy of parliam South Asia.
L
Makir Wales As at TETE AIt Usk. Talko Toyo In leg Only
And
Blut il The a II thiE UIlIe. Cattle
Withii Made Tiere Butt In the And : 0 TE Leads
 
 

issue, though it is could nullify the le, which all foreign nded as being free
rtant features of the in has been the high hto a large measure to the steadfast Work of non-government siness houses and is and organisations
in support of the
dissolution of the he Parliament after on of February 15. ment of what may activisT WaSborn Election Monitoring ould rope in a large ob)SerwerS irn about g stations throughout t, the FEMA experirded as a significant Bangladesh to the entary election in
Did India figure in Bangladesh ellections this time? One of the points of the BNP polemics against the Awami League was that it was under its rule the Indo-Bangladesh Treaty had been signed in 1972. This point was, however, punctured on the television When two of the topmost Bangladeshi journalists asked the BNP spokesman What his party had done when in power to repudiate the Treaty- a point which is actually more eloquent than the charge, it Would, however, be a mistake to think that the Bangladeshi parties have no complaint against India. All parties in Bangladesh and an overwhelming majority of the public cry out about the shortage of river water, as a sequel to the Farakka project. Over the years, the governments of both the countries have been unable to settle this Vital dead of the citizens of Bangladesh. It is time that Our present government in New Delhi took this up as a matter of urgent priority. Concern for the future of India-Bangladesh amity,
Waiting - 25 etter from Grasm
ng do, as home from home
was beautiful and not quite wild
hole
was the breath of old Kingdoms
he lilt of song iwe , aIld the hills
i, hushed, of Callelot u, there was no myslery end. Illugh1 liike OLIS the grace of faith in ancient Tuths uests not of this world.
this wild Northward borderland of lakes fternoons darken for Thunder
: strange half light and stillness before stor leemed by hullian voices
ere
: scatter troubled from the pasture.
Dove Cottage and Rydall Water prinn and victoria II by Museum men is no echo of prattle and laughter. in rough the windows the high crags : daylong night of ravine in the lake awaiting the gnash of wind ymn from the heaving, purple water
you, to the Lake Poets, altar,

Page 14
ETHNIC conFLICT & DEVOLUTION (4)
The Violent tendencie
Kamalika Pieris
he Violent is tendencies of the Sinhalese is presented through references to the Several attacks om minorities, notably the Tamils and Muslims. These are presented as taking place without provocation. However, the 1958 riots were prefaced by considerable amount of overt Tamil resistance, including a Hartal in 1956, the Anti-Sri Campaign, and the defacing of buses. In the Eastern province there was some violence against the Sinhalese at the start. (This does not mean that I Condone these riots). It appears that the Sansoni Commission found that the main cause for the 1977 disturbances was the Eelam cry. This report gawe a detailed account of aggression on the Tamil side. (Wittachi. "Sri Lanka what went wrong, p 63) Michael Roberts has looked at the Muslim side of this. He has found 4 Sinhala-MUSlim COnfrontations Detween 1899-1915. He suggests that the 1915 riots Were a chauvinistic operation, not merely a protest against British rule. ("Exploring confrontations")
The International Centre for Ethnic Studies, Colombo has had a project to Systematically monitor and study cases of ethnic violence, it was at an |CES conference on ethnic violence, Kathmadu, 1987, that Roberts was enCouraged to tum his attentiom to the 1915 riots. ("Exploring confrontations p53) when Tamils were attacked in Galle in June 1955, ICES sent a team and issued a report. Clearly, in the
publicity given to ethnic violence, there
is relatively little emphasis on the death and displacement of Sinhala and Muslim villagers from the east, or the departure of the Sinhala bakers from Jaffna. However it is only fair to report
12
that the ICES proje of these areas as
Te Woerf i fer Sinhalese is pr referen CBS; f0ff on minorities, na and Muslins.
It has published ThaSSacre:S at Wel at Mediriginiya (19. slims retaliated by ghbouring Tamil vil the Bo-atte village the LTTE had targ amd awoided the Ta held a Retrospectiv and some of its C mention. The partic
lar agreed that meaSue of State CI not been there it that parochial disp| keeping rivalries W. at this time. This : the assistance ren lese in resculing affected. Finally it r been no repetition continuing ethnic Patio Wol 6(4) 199.
Writers of Englis
| and poetryhave als in this respect. Th
lot on July '83. Je i her Work"A||lis the Diary of An description of July геfereпce to the p

S
ct does cover some Well.
decies of the 2sented through e several attacks ptably the Tamils
eports on the LTTE ikada (1992). Also 32) Where the Muy attacking a neilage. The report om
(1995) noted that etted the Sinhalese Til S. CES has also 'e on the 1983 riots, onclusions deserve cipants at the semihere had been a Omplicity which had he earlier riots, and utes such as shopere also played out Seminar also noted iered by the SinhaTamils Who Were oted that there had of the riots, despite tension. (Thatched 3)
sh language fiction to been Very helpful Ley hawe Writtem a an Arasanayagam
burning refers to ne Frank in Flêr '83. There is a ersecution of Jews
the Sinhalese
in an account of illicitimmigration into Germany. This is of course a suggestiWe linking of the Tamil separatist cause and the Nazi persecutions. This will probably be effective with a western audience, Arasanayagan writes in an "ethnic mode' but many of her writings lack action, character or resolution, so the ethnic references sound artificial,
And now let us look at the lighter side of the modus operandi related to Tamil ethnonationalism. Any ethnonationalist group is entitled to take steps to keep the ethnic issue "high', but some of the activities in the cultural field are artificial. In my review of "Framework 37", which provided an excellent coverage of contemporary Sri Lankan cinema, I gueried the need to devote so much space to Tamil cinema when there were hardly any Sri Lankan Tamil films. (Daily News 8.7.92p15) Regi SiriWardene uses a critique of postmodern literary criticism to draw attention to 'Sinhala Buddhist ChauvinisTh". Reference Riis Thade also to “1958, 1977, 1981 and 1983" (sic). The existence of 'Swabhashas' in the plural is questioned, while in fact, there Were two language streams in secondary school at the time. The idea of pleasure generated from good Writing was discussed with reference to death and starvation. Specific reference was made to the pleasure of observing the Writer's craft using exaTiples from ethnic violence. They were, Anne Ranasinghe's Holocaust poetry and Arasanayagam's poems of July '83. (Pravada, Nov 1995. p. 23, 26)
The literature on the ethnic issue in Sri Lanka contains some interesting manoevres intended to influence the

Page 15
reader. One method of bolstering up the Tamil separatists cause was mystify it. This was attempted largely through the pronouncements of intelle. ctuals. Durand Appuhartly has called this "argument from authority' (Daily News 29.1.96 p. 14). In order to achieve this, groups of professionals Were marshalled into what was fondly imagined to be a monopoly of the academic areas relating to ethnic relations. This group included some of the best social scientists in the country, certainly Several whom greatly respect, Also Tarly wery able lawyers. However the ideas put foward were so shaky that professionals and intellectuals outside this circle had little difficulty in contesting then. In addition, statements by professionals. Supporting the Devolution proposals were promptly countered by statements from other professionals opposing the Proposals. A statement supporting, I believe, Tambiah's "Buddhism Betrayed" was so badly Worded that it merely evoked amusement. In addition, there is also plenty of empty rhetoric. Lucian Rajakarunanayake observed that people still had "the audacity to ask what problems the Tamil people hawe" (Sunday Leader 4.2.96). He does mot emlightem us om What these problems are. There is dismissal. "Our precious colonial heirloom, the Unitary state' (Sunday Leader 28.196 p 9) elsewhere the sacred cow of a unitary state'.
Next We Corneto unfortunate examples and Unlikely bedfellows. S. W. R. D. Badara laikB ad Leonard Woolf as advocates of federalism for Sri Lanka (Thatched Patio Woli 54) 1992 p. 6). Sir Ponnablam Arunachalam and Handy Perimpanayagam as freedom fighters (Daily News 3.2.96 p. 19). In addition to S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike, the propaganda also presents Colvin R. de Silva as a champion of the Tamil cause, Colvin R. de Silva's statement "one language, two countries, two languages, one country' has not been Supported by events. We now have two languages and are about to get nine Countries. It is scarcely possible to consider him as a supporter of
minorities. The 19, Which he was chief away Provision 29 Constitution, though feguarded the min the 1972 Constituti guage was to be
subordinate legislat
ar separatist longer refers to Constitutions fr world, but th SWZerfarer
Tamil separatist ger refers to wariou tions from allower example of Switzer zerland Was select because of certain ties, particularly the proportions. The SV Was Sustained by t tanous topography generally ignored. T in Sri Lanka has indicated that Switz för Sri Lanka. It ha that the Swiss Syste Cated, not allways - r and that it "Was model. It did not problem so much (Swiss Day Supple
Lastly let US loo the ethnic issue Ol of the social Scier Some Wery good stL Michale Roberts is COrhflict irl Sri LE perspectives: barrie published in "Mode dies", 1978 wiwidly ( lopTTlent Clf a Sinh sciousness and its excellent starting wishing to parach There is also Kurt excellent and great

72 Constitution for ly responsible took (c) of the previous 1 this provision saOrtes. Further, in om, the Tamillam
Considered Under Ol.
-
propaganda по
WaFCLS federa or a were e example of ains....
oropaganda no lorIS federal Constituthe World, but the and remains. Swited as an example superficial similarisimilarity of ethnic Wiss Canton system ne COUntry's mounbut this fact is the Swiss embassy MOire thar DiCE erland is no model s been pointed out m Was Very compliational nor efficient Tot a transferable solve a minority as prevent опе. ment of 1.8.91)
k at the impact of the development CBS in Sri Lanka. dies haWe resultéd. study titled "Ethnic Inka - and Sinhala
StOaCCOTC Catlo eT , Sri Lanka StLUdescribes the deWealla Buddhist. COn
fears. This is an point for anybody ute - into the topic. 1ari Jayawardene's ly underrated Work
on the relationship between ethnicity
and class in Sri Lanka, Lastly, there
is Newton Gunasinghe's study of the 1983 riots. He suggests that the riots could be looked at in economic terms. The open economy had created certain tensions. People were now forced to Compete with each other for economic
survival, the rules of competition broke
down and this resulted in open violence. Both these studies could be found In the CorIITittee for Rational Development's 'Sri Lanka the ethnic conflict".
However not all the work dealing With the ethnic issue could be commerded. Susantha Goonetilleke looked at this area. Some years back and concluded that there was an 'ethnic studies industry in Sri Lanka (Lanka Guardian Vol. 10 (11) 1987). Some aspects of this are not healthy. Researchers are attacking "the inhibitions of the middle class" and the 'Jathika Chintanaya' When they should be studying them. Some researchers are now getting Marginalised.
This material may eventually come up on charges related to the uses and abuses of Social Sciences. But such charges will have to be made by a person totally devoid of a sense of humour. These Writings are full of blunders and howlers. Michael Roberts says that the Word for "relic' and for Sennen' is the Same in Sinhala, dhatu". This is a natural mistake for a person not familiar with 'Sinhala, but in this case it is a serious error. ("Exploring confrontation" p 51,67). Look at the notesto Kapferers “Remythologizations of power and indentity: Sri Lanka' in the book "Culture of violence' edited by Rupesinghe and Rubio. The notes can be read independant of the text and they are very entertaining. Michael Roberts says that one of his essays on the 1915 riots was rejected by the referee for the Journal of Asian Studies on the grounds of jargon and incoherence. Referee observing that "night' was not 'space' but 'time". (Exploring confrontations' p 24)
ரோபேded)
-
13
-
ܒ ܢ .

Page 16
The Colonial Aspects Sri Lanka through Am
Jeanne Thwaites
mages of Sri Lanka. Through
American Eyes is a collection of Writings by United States citizens all of whom Visited the island of Ceylon-over a period of 150 years - from 1813 to 1968. The first travelers arrived before electricity, before trains, before notor transport, when America was breaking away from British colonization. The last came when the United States Was an industrial giant and had become the number-one-world military power. The entire British Empire was coming apart at that time and Ceylon had been declared a dominion, that is, it was no longer a mere British colony. Four years later the island Was to become the Republic of Sri Lanka.
H.A.I. Goonetieke the editor of Images is the island's best known librarian besides being the World authority on its literature. At the request of the U.S. Ambassador to Sri Lanka, Christopher Wan Hollen, he put this book together in 1972 as a U.S. 200th anniversary issue (xi). The librarian had already compiled a list of Works Written by visitors from many different countries and he Selected from his American Collection 41 Writings from a long list of 227. These are listed in the book's Bibliography.
Images can be read on different levels. find it particularly interesting as a study of colonial and post-Colonial Writing. It gives us an opportunity to examine Whether the Americans SaW the ITISBWes more like the British colonizers or the coloпized Ceylonese they wеге епсошпtering or as separate to both groups. What was the extent of their identification With their own country (a once-British Colony) when brought face-to-face with th05 Samme Colonizers ir total Control of another people? I particularly Wondered if the Americans would express pity for the Ceylonese as the underdogs they themselves had. Once been, or Whether they Would disassociate from their own colonization and show racial bias - for they came from a country riddled with racial bias. Would they feel contempt for the Sri Lankans' inability to break their shackles, or Would they see the British as oppressors who had taken
Jearrie Thwaites is a citizen of both Sri Lanka adhered States.
14
advantage of the is they were unable also possible they for its fine, if self-se One of the most Colonization is tha behind Wide-spread that takes a coupl recoWaf from. A on Ofter1 = 100k back m days. When the Very fredOfOCC
StitutiOirateS cope outside its cor they have mot imp social discipline ont ly followed orders them.
Te Uited State:S
It is not Well urm United States that has been educatec grows up with a st a young indepen AmeriCarS are fer0 what they see as the freedom. YOLI Can : veness when the against gur control noia about a possi. One hears, "If ever even our gover IIT ower," as the speak dictatorships and a World. "That Could will continue happi founding fathers pri us the right to be that this right is u: gun down innocen the lesser ewil.
Britain Was the Br Rewolutior and, EWE lost its World clout to no treat, Aerica OWEf théir loWè-lätt Behind American air of a wictory after attitude to those WF is: "Toughl. If you are you going to dc us to prove again than you?" This a directed at once-en Which have show others.

of "Images of erican Eyes'
and people because to hit back? It Was WOuld adrIlirE. Britain rving, administration. insidious affects of it it always leaves pemanent Crippling e of generations to ce-colonized people Istalgically on those "lack of equality and rder - as in a penal become unable to fines because in jail losed any moral or herSelve5butereor enjoyed breaking
Today
derstood outside the
the American Who I in his own country trong Sense of "What dent country it is. ciously protective of air so recently gained See this self-protecty persist in Voting
showing thóir parable military take-over. household is arried et i Carnot take LuS arlists some militarily rmy rule all over the 't happen to us," he ily, "That's why our otected us and gawe lar als". The fact sed by hoodlums to t people ls Seem as
emy in the American an if that country has day and is obviously ns hawe not yet got a relationship with it. rogance is this sense a ättle WOT. THE to criticize the states
don't like I LUS - What about it? You Walt
that "We're stronger titude is particularly emies and countries territorial designs on
There is however much cultural heritage and a language Shared betweenthe U.S. and England, besides a desire to keep in touch and be proud of one's foreign ancestors. The U.S. is a country of immigrants: people who came seeking a better and fairer life. Today Britain has been delegated to the role of a once-tyrannical old grandfather who has becote fun to visit during the Summer Vacation. If he tries his old tricks you can pack your duffel bag and go somewhere else. Visiting Grandpa has become like a trip to Disneyland - a place of mere entertainment. The Royal Family's dilemmas are soap opera scripted for American II t.v. - once family entertainTelt now R-rated because the players came up with the Tampax-tapes, nuisance phone calls and Warious revelations of infidelity.
The American attitude to other COUntries is not the same as to England. Canada is a deeply respected and trusted brother: Australia a Cousin songWhat in the Wild West tradition. The Continent of Africa with so many countries trying to Work the Tselves out of their Third World blues and colonial oppressions is appola Ludėd. Russia alternates between being a powerful ally and respected enemy.
With regard to colonization, this then is the United States today: it has disrespect. It also has wide-spread confusion for it remains an adolescent who has newer quite matured. What was it like in 1813, 1878 or 1910? The answer is less in history books than in writings such as those which fill Images of Sri Lanka in American Eyes,
The Editing of Images
In 1994, while on a Fulbright scholarShip to Sri Lanka, I Was able lo fimid Out Thore about the Collection front lan Goonetileke himself. As always, with a book you want to examine closely, there didn't seen enough of it. I Wanted it longer. I had questions as to the choice of Tlaterial - that is, the omissions. He had made the final selection himself, he told me, but had only four months to deliver the book to the printers and Would have liked more time. He talked of a sequel to coпe bшt поте recently haS | Written to Te that the idea has become a "fugitive dream".

Page 17
Il te book's introductio, GOOėtilleke dESCribESt9 first ATerica tra VelerSto Asia: "They were brought up on the пostalgic Eшгореапіпаge of theрессапt and savage nature of a composite Asian man, waiting to be liberated by God's шntiring and шпетing compassiоп..... the American missionary view" (xvii): "Then care educated Athericans Who Wisited Ceylon because of their fascination with Hindu and Buddhist philosophy. Letters and commentaries from mavericks provide a refreshingly individual approach. There Were also doctors, clerics, sailors, diplomats, businessmen, writers, artists and students among the travelers. Each seems bursting with excitement at the business of adjusting to a culture which is drastically different from his own. The book has gone to several printings.
Racism, Bigotry and Orientalism
The Ceylonese, during the years covered in Images, were the victims of both räCis 3d Oriental Sm.
"Racism" is not the Sartle as bigotry. Racism is the declaration by one race With the military power to make it stick that another race is lesser. A poterit example of racism is the pattern of behavior in a male-dominated Society in which the putting down of Worner by men is automatic father than rational (as if they are an inferior race). Because almost any man has superior physical
strength to almost any woman the female
is powerless to protest effectively. A Woman may know she can out-think her husband, for example, but she still has to bow to his superior Wisdom and clean his shoes if he requires that. Once the concept of the inferior-woman is in place, any Womanly quality becomes a subject for derision: hEr breasls, hér tears, hér higher voice and So on. Even if a powerful Woman claws her Way past so the of the prejudices and by sher brilliance and aggressively establishes herself as equal or better than men in her field - she is explained away as "Tasculine". The WordsOTieties used is "dyke" - she is presumed to be unfeminine. But the whole point of racism is that shemList be Compared to a mam and there she will always be found lacking because she has no penis.
The attitude of the Ku Klux Klall to Wards Afro-Americans is racist. No matter what the Afro-Arterican does to prove he is equal to a White - whatever
": The Wortls powerful Strøng: BgråSSIWE, Bre, in such a society, used as a complinent to e ad ar insult to : WOTE.
һв does proves hir good" for he does r Unless he has there Jackson. He can re.
Bigotry is mot as racism although it to people. Deciding a r as you because he of illegitimate birth is family deciding tha ar 10thBT are-Inferior has a particular job.l nated against is not lacking but guilty.
A racist Tust have away with his standDäck it With fact. O outcomes of racist pleasant people si concept whole. If yo your birthright has mi your dark-skinned ni Without i question thE lucky sperm club.
"Don't worry abou says whвп yош поti mourning her lost chi life is cheap".
So you give that instead of putting yol
It's always "us" a mot as awful as the E. We Were boT t
There is no such Іittle гасist anуппог a little pregnant. All Portuguese, the Dul all colonized Ceylor when in power. With not be. They were the TOTès. WS fought each other, so as ordinary er people fought each as real enerTie5. opропепts. They п. Henry W made Cath of the defeated king Wher a Colonial der se he acted as if a fly.
A for of racist Sirr a Word Coire Said. Orientalism is applied by Westerns live east of the SuE is that Orientals ar Occidentals is that intelligibly instead Western languages.

in only "almost as othawe. White-skin Sources of Michael WEST hilde that.
wide a concept as lo embraces many man is not as good
is homo-sexual or Sbigotry, as is one tall members of because the father The person discrimseen as intrinsically
a the muscle to get because he cannot e of the deplorable is that otherwise Tiply swallow the Lur mother tells you ade, your better than =ighbor, you accept at you belong to a
ther," your mother Ce this neighboris ld, "To those people
neighbor Rs.200 Jf. arm5 afDUnd ET,
Td "thers". "We are ey are. We : cannot hat way.
thing as being a a than one can be
colonists are. The ch and the English T and Were racists Jut powerthey Could the mighty race of these Europeans however, they did leries. Wher the
other they did so They honored their arri3d thegir WorTel. herine the daughter of France his queen. nolished a Ceylonehe had stepped on
sknown as Orlersai by writer Edward that form of racism rs to all those who az. The proof given enot as good as orientals gabble unif speaking normal They Write inscrib
bles. They dress comically. They fook peculiar. Their skin color is mot fair enough. Their facial features are ur-European. They worship the devil.
WesterT, literature ad Towies hawe reinforced the oriental male as being Bither ewil or obsequious. Oriental Women's best chance to escape their own rtner even in quite recent Hollywood movies Was in the arms of a white man, preferably one taller than an oriental and with blue eyes.
The Missionaries
Equality in the eyes of God was conspicuously absent in the early American missionaries who had been brought up in the Orientalist tradition - their prejudices were tight when they arrived.
Definitely, the first part of Images is the most engrossing as accounts from these several missionaries overlap and set up in juxtaposition a powerful crossWork wiew of the earnestness and often manic eagerness. With which young Christian men and Women risked their lives to save what they perceived as hordes of lost souls - olny to appear most unChristlike themselwes. As thère were few early 19th century Writings to ChOOS9 frOTTOSt III ETE include**: letters and diaries. The missionaries newer question the validity of what they are doing. They see the native Sinhalese and Tamils through a Warp as without culture as if their ancient arts, engineering skills, philosophies and traditions have to be a violation of the teaching of Jesus.
In the early 1800s Britain closed India (but not Ceylon) to American missionaries. Some came intending to return to India; Others Were en route to Africa. To their delight, they found thousands of na TeleSS-faceless pagans to convert. Rev. Samuel Newell exults: "What a field is here for missionary exertions" (2). The eight missionary accounts confirm Franz Fanon's view that, "the serf is in essence different from the knight, but a reference to divine right is necessary to legitimize this statutory difference" (40).
The missionaries are formidible in their SimCerity and willingness to die for god. Nineteen year old Harriet Newell (1813) wrote to á friend when she was about to depart for Asia with her missionnary hLIsbard:
Works excluded are such documents as The AITErican Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions' Arirua Report Eff

Page 18
All will be dark, everything will be dreary,
and not a hope of Worldly happiness will be for a moment indulged. The prime of life will be spent in an unhealthy Country, a burning region, amongst pedple of strange language, of a returnless distance from my native land, where Sha|| 19Wer. TOrg behold the friends Of my youth (129).
It is no surprise that Mrs. Winslow (1819), "approached with trembling the hideous figure called Boodhu" (33) in light of what she had "read and heard in America" (33). She newer did behold the friends or her youth again for she became sick and died shortly after arrival. The missionaries seem curiously careless about their health both courting infection and not seeking adequate medical help. Probably, they were suspiCiOLIS of thë nativë medicinës Offered and Were, of Course. Without the anti-bodies to protect themselves from malaria and other tropical diseases which aboulded.
They had no motor transport and often covered hundreds of miles in palanquins and ton-jons (chairs set onto two barnboos. carried on the shoulders of two Ten) but commented only on their own discomfort and the relief at being set dOWT) fOT1 time to time. One do85 Wonder why, with so many buffalo and cattle used as beasts of burden, they didn't move by cart. Possibly human carriers were cheaper.
Mrs. Harriet Winslow, the great grandmother or John Foster Dulles, (Dwight Eisenhower's Secretary of State), came to Ceylon with her husband Rev. Winslow and alone shows some compassion for "the poor bearers who waded with their burdens in deep water" (35). But the couple observe, tell and do nothing to relieve the situations they deplore. They shift the responsibility to their creator: "Canthese dry bones live Were it mot for the promises of God?... Common laborers will carry heavy buridens in the Sun, from morning to night Without taking nourishment in the mean time. They look verythin; but see them after they have eaten their rice and you might think they have swallowed a pumpkin" (32 and 39). There sees to be no feeling of "there but for the grace of God go".
The Protestant missionaries also deplored the Catholics who were scoopingup souls for their crucified Savior and his mother with pagan abandon. Prote
16
stant Rev. Warren ( by a Catholic Servic or seven thousand lasted from 9 a.m. ti basins were placed
of offerings. In one the Virgin with se through her heart W. placedon top of Je So she could be ima SÖrn. Then the statu 8 HOUT" OrtWO tOW of the crowd and bECOTe Tirtolerable
again and this sor titillation repeated (2
Theosophist Hen 1906) was to take Catholics: "In truth MSSilāries ar a E Calcic S. WE Word" (146).
Olcott (1880-1906) Orientalist on the image of the "paga and Madar the Blaw: Theosophical Socie Ceylon alone and is reWitalization of Bur. disappeагіпg гарidly ching was enchanti he newer pretends there to help the beCortles furious. Wh dhists begin to Wen and other likenesse om public display: in S that Christianity had forget their finer phi Christians provided pagans, which broug Werts. Olcott opened
- Sophist Schools and
CatechiSr. HiSmeSS had to do to get to Taking negatiwe kall hawe to reimicamate
The Later America
As the yeагs pro, of material becomes the available Writing excluded. There are bibliography list which Lup a Sense of SaT the material which WeakneSS - Which Irma potent. I feel as if this tea. Where lowe-cake poatties ard-Sardwik enjoy, Ordinarily, grateful for being in

1816) was repelled e attended by "six I persons," which ) 5 p.r. Two large to receive the flow
ritual, a statue of El SWOS trust as brought out and sus on the Cross de to mmbräC har a was renowed for het the-exciterTielt after the suspense
it was produced neWhat incestuous 4).
Iry Olcott (1880a differBlt wieW Öf these protestant pestilent lot. With lèWEr läd à hard
i pLuts the blan8 f0ľ Christians and their "1875 OCOtt atsky founded the ty. He came to responsible for the ldhism. Which was His religious teangly santi-Colonial - any foreigners are local people. He len the local Buderate hit. Statues s of Olcott are still Sri Lanka. He taught Thade the Buddhists losophy. The early schooling for the htthern many con205 BLUddHi5t Th30compilad a Buddhist age was that all you Nirvana was to stop Tma because you'd if you did.
T1 i WisitorS
gressed the choice Wider So Thore of ShaWe hård to be
Some texts in the might have broken eness in some of
SÕnbecOTSa kes the WordseSS SWere a Sri Lankar is not served - only thes which also
would be merely TwitEd at all bLrt if
Sоппеогhe Wегеe to sayto-ппе, "Was it a four-star tea?" I would have to reply, "It would hawe been if there Was lowe cake." On reading this book in my particular context, I find the CWB Cake occasionally lacking.
An omission deplore is Duke Ellington. All other World-famous Americals listed in the bibliography are included. was initially surprised at the ornission if only because the American jazz pianist ls Afro-AITleriCarl Earld the Other Writers are all "white". Why exclude the only available writing by a Black Americam? Ellington's genial account of his visit to Ceylon Would also hawe been the only Ong, b)3SidēS ThOrTaS - Mertori'S, With no Tention of skin color. Wondered if Goonetileke, a Once-Colonizedman, Was being careful to please the white Wan Hollen; or (which is really the samething) had he detached himself from the responsibility to those dark-skinned like himself? Hadh bör Wität Merli CIIS "condemned to losing his memory" (103)? Had he been like the teacher who doesn't realizing he is favoring one child over another just because of the way that child looks?
On meeting Mr. Goonetieke brought up the subject and he seemed startled. Plainly he had not realized that he had omitted the only Black Americam. He later Wrote to The "I am not in the east affected by race, class, caste, religious, colour or other biases" which was my own conclusion after meeting hirin. His omission of Ellington, he explained, was because the account was so "meagre" - it is only a couple of pages long. Ellington's brief account of his visit to the Island, however, "Would also have been the only one which showed how deeply interested the people of Ceylon are with music-here the jazz of America. The ColorTıb oraceCOLUrSeİS Lused asları outdoors arena and thousands stood in it to hear "the Duke"Who Was astonished at their numbers. There is also an incident unlike any other which gives insight into the acumen and worldliness of some Ceylonese. Ellington wanted to buy a large number of precious stones but did not hawe enough cash with him. The jeweler told him to take the stones and that when he himself was in New York next he would visit Ellington and pick up the money.
NEXT. THOMAS MERTON

Page 19
A Selecti Finest Internal
SSSG
CHEESE DIAP
°′′′ DIAP
PRUNES | colg
old
DENTAL
Palm
PERSONA
DARY PR
ToBLERONE
CHO.COLATES
需
BERRI HAIR
Sole
SA
PURE FRUIT JUCE
833, Sirima Wol Bandarcanaike McIW Tel: 522871-2,522830, 5228 Telex: 21418 Tassiea CE, 21991 Selpro CE, 23.426
Quality and Variety
- LLSSrSLLSSSSrSSLSLSLSLSLSLSLSLSLSLSLS
Available.attal Superi
 
 

On of the tional Brands.
ODUCTS
ITA
CARE
Agents
SSEN
BREAKFAST CEREALS
MāXWE
HOUSe
COFFEE
Ardmona
CANNED FRUITS
LURPAK
EBUTTER
SOUPS AND PASTA
TOMATO PRODUCTS
MAMEE
INSTANT NOOOLES
CANNED MEATS
"atha, P.O. Box 1970, Colombo 14. 32,522934,522155,522373. Selte OCE. C0ble:TOSSted, Telefox:(941) 522913.
within your reach.
kets & leading groceries

Page 20
EBOOKS
喜雲
F. - ܒ ܒ ܒ US-Sri Lanka Relations in the 198 By Dr. Ambalavanar Siwarajah, Kandy, Sri Lanka:
ܒ ܕ Reviewed by Ananda Wellhena
Let Frar ir - Fita Scarice, Departir Terit of Pasificas Sclerce, University of Paradariya,
elations between a small State
апсd a big. powerful, extra-regional State is an interesting area for investigation because one can identify the special Context of and the reasons for the emergence and growth. In South Asia, small and big State relations can spawn SLISÕİCİOnS ar di Conflicts if it is pLUTSUed carelessly without an in depth analysis. The South Asian region Constitutes the presence of a giant State at the centre surrounded by six small states. The actual inter-state relations among these States have progressed since the formation of the SAARC; it has become more cordial and friendly. The South Asian association has enhanced regional cooperation, but it does not necessarily follow that these states must remain like a fish in a water tank or neglect their extra-regional State relationships,
National interest
The decision-making of Small to pLurSue relations with extra-regional big powers is impacted or motivated by factors of national interest. Sri Lanka's Cordial relations With a big, extra-regional state does not imply that it is pursued to jeopardise the intra-regional state relationships. In principle it should not
V b S0.
It is fruitful to exa Tirehow the intra-regional states of South Asia and in particular India perceive Sri Lanka's decision-Taking to purSLJe friendly relations with a big powerful, extra-regional State USA. But this is not the intention of Dr Siwarajah's book,
The author's endeavour is to examine US-Sri Lanka (SL) relations in the 1980s and discuss three aspects in particular: First, "how the internal political and economic changes in Sri Lanka since 1977 had affected its relations. With the USA" Secondly to "analyze how the political changes at regional level affected US relations With Sri Lanka" and
18
thirdly "to test the
Lanka followed a pr in the 1980s" (p.4). into five chapters : the reader to grasp to the pursuit of frie Since 1977. Ea
stinct, is inter-relate
System analysis
The first chapter systems analysis a tions. This approac to the discipline System analysis is disciplines but poli used this tool of an research aims. It "enwiro Tental fac both the actions of tions of the syste between the dormin subordinate syster environmental facto tical and economic, the system, stimuli decision-making to : interest. The syste study of politics a enabled the Studen nature and functior political system. It sh system maintains it: a Crisis. It is usef P. Warma, a politic: to say on Systems
"The very design орел, places b possibilities of ge problems under
frid CLiffo Waff: the system is ope ries bafweer 7 OTE are, how far dhe through this tour of damlage ordes arld OW sar maintaining 7, ai concept of mainte whether stability, was itself" (S.P. W Political Theory: Delhi: Wikas, 187
Chapter two pre features of US-SL
 
 
 

髻
0s
nstitute of Higher Education, 1995, pp 1-150, Rs.350.
assumption that Sri o-USA foreign policy The book is divided and planned to help the factors that led indly US-SL relations chapter, though dild.
is on the theory of nd the US-SL rela:h is a new addition of political science. і соппоп to папу tical Scientists have lysis to achieve their directs the Third to OrS o Which i Cordition nations and operam and the relation Iant system and the " (Ibid., 4). These rs are principally poliandtheyіпрасtupоп ating it to resort to safeguard its national m approach to the nd government has ts to understand the of the state or the hows how the political self. When faced with ul to know what S. all theory scholar has analysis:
ation of a system as efore LS ir 7f7f7e7Se Jing deeper into the study and trying to actors and influences år, What 7e bo Lurdasystem and är other rifluences that creep Idarу Іле аге a case truction to the systern eyare helpfu in Id finally, what this Tair Cel Would ir Wranwg, éqLIMbrium or survi'arrila, 1975, Moder
A Cгіїical Survey. ).
sents the essential elations since 1948
1976. In the preface the author admits that Ramprasad Sinha has already exarTitled this tirTB-fra Te. A brief o WerView, the author thinks, Would be fruitful to delineate the continuity and change in the proceeding period of 1987 - 1989.
Chapler three analyzes the US-SL inter-state relations from 1977 by addressing the economic and political factors:
Non-alignment
The first major political change was the UNP's 1977 election victory. Its foreign policy of non-alignment remained unchanged, but it did not experience "too much dynamism" as in the past which the government purported would be harmful to the national interest (p. 38). USA endorsed the UNP foreign policy and promised to resuscitate the economy of Sri Lanka.
Second factor Was the domestic constraints of Tamil Secessionist and Sinhala youth uprisingS. They encouraged the state to violate the principle of non-alignment by increasing its dynamisrn towards the West for help (p. 47). Most states recognised the pre-eminence of India in South Asia, and despite this fact Sri Lanka pleased USA by Criticising USSR's invasion of Afghanistan in 1979. Since then, South Asia Was a priority region for USA. Sri Lanka's response to global issues during the UNP regime did not radically differ from the Western standpoints. The issue of violation of non-alignment principles is evident in the government's approach to issues of Trincomallee harbour, Trincomalilee Oil Tanks, The WOA, and the Israeli Interest Section. The official Sri Lanka visits to USA to sort out political and economic issues were important for the strengthening of friendly ties between the two states. It is true that India's relations. With Sri Lanka in the 1980s Were not too Cordial, because of its role in the ethnic conflict of Sri Lanka, and it could have been an impulse to shift toward USA.
Chapter four is on economic relations since the 1980s. During the UNP era market economic policies compelled Sri Lanka to adopt closer ties with USA

Page 21
and the latter was pleased with the economic attempt of Sri Lanka. Encouragement was granted to revive the economy; the author indicates that GDP increased marginally, unemployment declined, and private investment satisfactory. USA provided aid to the accelerated
- Mahaweli project, Free Trade Zone,
Greater Colombo Development and the Housing programme. This chapter provi
| des Statistical data On trade SOThe Of
which areаппехed in the appendices. But all this did not elicit political development and democracy and it failed to address the issue of growth with equity.
The final chapter is an assessment of US-SL relations since 1977. It notes that Sri Lanka's foreign policy was "greatly influenced by the internal political development as Well as the new economic policies introduced by the UNP government" (p. 90). One can argue that India's role in the ethnic conflict of Sri Lanka stimulated US-SL relations, particularly during regime of Indira Gandhi whose doctrine was to drag the stall states of South Asia under India's influence. But the Indian "hegemonic" impact diminished with the change of Indira's government. The policy of Indiatoward its neighbours was more cordial and friendly. The non-congress govern
ments regarded nel more important th: the Western states ngthened, and ite powегs to recogпі position of India in
Indian factor
Sri Lanka's relat not be perceived as national interest. It to : Sri Lanka to purs With USA. Without Sensibilities, becaus Sri Lanka can be a Ved with the co-op of both States of L is how Sri Lanka's differ from that of P
The students an pleased that they ha Tlation on US-SL rel has continued from Sinha has stopped One examinės Wha' this field since the
There is an on-goi relations due to tWC issues:
First the marketexpanding developm
CORRESPONDENCE
The Muslim Claim
Your esteemed i Lanka Guardar of March 1st 1996 carried a heading under "News Background", Muslims: No more an invisible minority. Hon: Minister Ashraff, is reported to hawe said "We go step further and say whether the North and East is merged or not, the Muslims of the country need a separate unit for themselves as there is general agreement among all for the devolution of power". He was quoted in another newspaper, the Thinakaran of 28th of March 1996, under the heading "North and East Region belongs to the muslims" published an appeal by the Hon: Minister Ashraf, calling on all Muslims in the Island to support, his effort to establish North and East as the homeland of the Muslims". We have finished With the claim that North and East is the traditional homeland of the Tamils. Now Minister Ashraf is staking his claim to the North and East as the traditional homeland of the Muslims. It is this type of careless talks, that has created problems to the
Muslims of the Jaffna and the Muslims of th
Let The enlighten M We Muslims clai TheW. as our homeland just Se and Tamil is entil guese record, when ched Colombo, the painted minarets an led Moors. The Po coming after the cri Moors as they call Morocco, declared Muslims.
The invasion by t met with opposition The Muslims joined thousands, in thea and fought by the sid Portuguese hawe re battle the Portugues slims; Under the Por MUSIlirTS Wêre the r

hbourly relations as friendly ties with SAARC, Was Streabled the Western e the pre-eminent South Asia.
With USA Tust threat to the Idian
is more beneficial Je friendly relations intagonising Indian 2 national issues of ldressed and resolration and Support SA and India. This oreign policy Would Bakistan.
readers, Tust be ive access to inforations. Dr. Siwarajah where Ramprasad and it is time that has happened in 990s.
ng interest in SL-US | principal domestic
based and labourlent strategy of the
PA government, attempting to execute with extra vigour than the previous UNP regime, demands an enhanced relations with the USA government of the Democratic party of President Clinton. The PA government's market economy and the labour-expanding development strategy is centred on employment generation from foreign direct inwestment. Technology, skills, finance and expertise are essential if Sri Lanka is to attain the status of NICs like the States of East and South East Asia.
Secondly, the promotion of SL-US relation is essential because the PA government has initiated a peace process to diminish the adverse impact of the violent Tamil political strategy on the economy and polity by introducing a package of devolution of proposals. Its aim is to increase the scope for good governance and political modernization with democracy and justice for all. These two factors Will determine, stimulate and promote healthy and cordial relations between USA and Sri Lanka. But the Success of these relations Would dépend On the healthy relations between Sri Lanka and the SAARC, particularly India. SL-US relations must not BVer bECOme a threat to India's pre-eminence in the region nor act to the detriment of its national interest.
Peninsula, Mannar, e Eastern Province.
inister Ashraf, that ry inch of Sri Lanka as every Singhaleled to claimin. Portutheir ships approay saw the white the White turbantuguese who were sades against the !d the Muslits of heir enmity to the
e Portuguese Was y the Singhalese. the Singhalese in my of Mayadurine ! of the Singhalese, orded that in one 2 killed 5,000 Muguese Occupation Ost perSécuted. It
was the Singhalese kings and the Sanga who protected the Muslims. History records, that the Portuguese rounded up Muslims and killed thern. In Matara, when Muslims of old, cross the bridge, they recite the Koran in memory of over 2,000 Muslims, who were beheaded by the Portuguese on the bank of the river. Even during the reign of the Dutch. Every effort was made to make life impossible for the Muslims.
This is the laid for which Muslims
died along side the Singhalese. The
kings of Kandy settled the Muslims in strategic places to defend the kingdom, The presence of Muslims in Ganetenne, Galagedera, Gampola shows the trust the kings had in the Muslims. In the battle at Ganetanne, it is recorded that the blood of the Muslirts flowed with that of the fellow Singhalese.
Minister Ashraff must know how the Muslims, came to be settled in the
9

Page 22
Eastern province. It was to prevent the Indian marauders invading the area. Therefore Mister Ashraffirmust know that his claim to homeland in the Northern and Eastern province is fictitious and baseless, just as the claim of the Tamils.
We in the All Ceylon Muslimin League have considered this ethnic question, as far back aS 1939, We hawe disCLISSEed the Muslim view, With the Tamil leaders like late G.G. Ponnart balam and late federal Party leader, Mr. Chelwanayagam. Our late President Dr. T.B. Jayah addressing a Muslim political conference Om protection of ThinOrities, in 1939 had this to say "that does not mean, that We should have a Tamil rajor Singhala raj, a minority raj or a majority raj. It simply means that when a majority or minority is spoken of that term must be understood not in religious sense or racial Sense but in a political sense as understood in all democratic countries of the World". He also Warned, "but if you have a permanent racial or religious minority invested with plenary powers, you are only creating an organized tyranny of a kind which is calculated to subvert the political foundation of the Country". Ewen Minister Ashraff with his Sewenteen Muslim Congress Provincial Councilors, was helpless when the Tamil National Army of the EPRLF government massa Cred the MLSliTS.
l, as the President of the All Ceylon Muslim League, appeal to the Muslims throughout Sri Lanka, specially those in the Eastern and the Northern Province, that every Muslim must consider every inch of Sri Lanka as his homeland, just as it is the homeland of the Singhalese and the Tails, Minister Ashraff intends to barter the Muslims of Batticoloa, Eravur, Trincomalee, Mutur, Kinniya, Mannar, Wawnlya, Mulaitivu and jafna, for a homeland around his house, Comprising not even 10% of the Muslit is in Sri Lanka. The rest of the Muslit COTTI Lunity Will hawe to face another Bosnia. Instead of making every effort to see that the Muslims who are refugees are settled back in their homes in Jaffna and Mannar, Minister Ashraf is trying to Create more refugees out of Muslims in the Eastern Province as well. Please remember, that when the Tamils of Jaffna and Mannar joined forces with the LTTE, to drive the Muslims out of Jaffra Demirs Lula ard Marimar, it was the Singhalese who welcomed the refugees to their midst. You, Hon: Minister owe them a sense of gratitude.
A.L.M. Hashim
Presiderf All Ceylon Muslim League
2O
Bernard So
"We (of the LSS stood for parity of s Tam|| āS Official:T four decades and this policy with the nation. We still say, tWO ratios and ty One nation, and in t made great sacrific
This quite astonis reported to hawe Bernard Soysa at Saraswathie Hall, ard Soysa's friend nOW pushing ninety some signs of that inevitably afflicts the JR's claim, made ti TEWEr derlässigd resignation from his 1982 referendum.) Ore Would hawe tf reached that stage COLuld he hawe f0 antics fort arou found that parity
OWere
Has he forgotte Life Hasle fo Communal, anti-Tai followed by his pa forgotten the Janua Wihara Maha Dewi to protest against DI Ce regulations unc Use of Tamil Act of Soysa forgotten tha
The Nemes
Lowers of plain En appalled by the disi nist language thath literary-critical and S today may take h episode in the Ameri Dr. Alan D Sokal, York University, se journal Social Tax about a new theory Which he claimed implications. He proc 0Lut, using fashioni language and citing (Lacan et al).
The editors of S

ysa’s Amnesia
P) hawe persistently atus for Simhala and guages for the past we continue to forge objective of a United pпеlanguage meaпs O languages mean mis process We hawe
2S.
hingasseverationis been made by Mr
a meeting at the Bambalapitiya. Bern
J R Jaya Wardena, , has of late shown sort of amnesia that very old. (Example: a reporter, that he undated letters of MPs just before the But Bernard Soysa, hought, has still not
of senility. So show rgotten the LSSP's i 1963, when they was getting thern
n the Masalawaday rgotten the openly Thi editorial policies rty papers? Hashe ry 1966 march from
Park to Parlialent udley's bill to introduer the ReaSOrhåble
1958? Has Bernard at Colwin R, de Silva
enshrined the Sinhala Only Act in his constitution thus ensuring that it could not be amended or repealed by an ordinary Act of Parliament? Has he forgotten that in that same constitutional provision Colvin rubbed salt in the Wounds of the Tamils by specifying that any regulations made for the use of the Tamil language "shall not in any manner be interpreted as being a provision of the constitution but shall be deemed to be subordinate legislation"?
And now here is Bernard Soysa assuring us that the LSSP always stood for parity and had to make great sacrifices in the process! One Wouldwery much like to know exactly what "great sacrifi. Ces"the LSSP made. Was it the Cabinet posts they had to do without? A few members of the LSSP have shed their blood and even lost their lives, albeit not in the cause of parity. But they have always been Working class people, never the gentry. One isolated case was the exception: Colvin felloff a table he was standing on and injured his knee when the police fired tear gas shells during a May Day rally which JR had banned. There was some bleeding. Unarguably, a great sacrifice, but again, not in the cause of parity,
The voters of Sri Lanka are not, and do not relish being treated as, gullible fools.
W. P. Wittachi Colombo 3.
sis of Nonsense
glish who have been ease of post-moderas infected so much ocial science Writing eart from a recent can academic World. a physicist at New 2nt a paper to the ї (revealing папе) of 'quantum gravity', nad important social ceeded to spell these able post-modernist
fashionable names
ocial Text solemnly
published the paper, whereupon Dr. Sokal Wrote to another journal, revealing that the paper, "liberally salted with nonsense", had been Written as a hoax. in order to expose "the intellectual arrogance of Theory - post-Todernist literary theory'.
Can We be surprised that post-modernist gobbledegook has reached the point where some of its practitioners themselves can't distinguish sense from
OSESe?
Regi Siriwardena

Page 23
Will privatization mean the end of the union represent oW Wille interess of my members be protected
Trade Unionist
 

Privatization will in no way dilute or reduce the powers and rights of your union. British Airways was privatized in 1987, and the unions remain to protect worker interests just as before, Some of the world's largest, most powerful and vocal unions exist in the private sector. For example, the United Auto Workers (UAW) represent over 100,000 workers at the three biggest American car Companies, none of which are state owned. In fact, there is every likelihood that Working conditions will actually improve in privatized companies, since there will be substantial investments made to upgrade facilities and training You can look forward to representing a considerably more
prosperous Union.
It is important to realize privatization is a means to an end. It is a means to improve our living standards, foster technological progress, create employment and take Our nation into a more prosperous tomorrow. In order to achieve these aims, privatization has to be executed in the
appropriate manner.
That is the task of the Public Enterprise Reform Commission (PERC). Its mandate is to make privatization
Work for Sri Lankans today, and for generations to come.
Every privatization is a carefully considered decision that takes into account the interests of all sectors of society; the general public, the state employees, the consumers, the
suppliers, as well as the Country's overall economic vision,
PERC's mission is to see that privatization works. In doing so, your interests are always being Well looked
after.
With privatization everybody has a stake.
WATCH FULIN THE PUBLIC INTEREST
PUBLIC ENTERPRISE REFORM COMMISSION,
Bank of Ceylon - 30th floor, Mo.4, P. Bax. 2001, Bank of Ceylon Mawath. Clb , Sri Larka. Telephare: 34-I-33|5éI8, Fax, 84-l-178|8

Page 24
INTEREST FREE CRE
CONVENIENT RE
Yes. All and benefits arey
CEYBANK 'N
Contact the C
CEYBANK C, Bank of
No. 4, BANK OF C
COLO
BE WISE CARD - WISE
BANK OF CEY
Rankers to the UNation
TELEPHONE: 447823 - Ex. 41808, 41

DIT?
PAYMENT TERMS
OWEST JOINING FEE?
many more rours with the
VISA CARD.
entre Manager,
ARD CENTRE,
Ceylon
EYLON MAWATHA,
MBO - 1.