Page 1
September 1, 1996
 

Ce RS. 15.00
L LSSSMMSSSM SS SS SS SS
- ജല
AutoNOMY FEDERALISM
K. M. de Silva
As without rules
Kumar Rupesinghe
Nchassocial INDIFFERENCE
H. L. Seneviratne
STAMy FASAPAR Mervyn de Silva
AND STRUCTURAL ADJUSTMENT A LAN AMERICAN WOICE
Alejandro Bendaña
DA's Economic boom.
esSOinS (Onc Limits Neeraj Kaushal
He transmonAL PROGRAMME
Dayan Jayatileka
oMing PRIVATIZATION WAR Negotiating A CeCefire
Tisaranee Gunasekara

Page 2
WOW A
Second Ena
“ “SRI LANKA :: THE DE
Articles:
ICES, 19!
Introduction by Regi Si Towards Effective Devo Some Thoughts on the Lakshman Marasinghe Devolution and Power S Developilent, by Bertra DeWollution of Power, T Neelan Titu chlelwa In Towards A Compromise Breakthrough in Sri La Control of State Land - Sunil Bastian The Slucture and Con 1 Choices and Problels ( Context of Devolution I
Appendices :
All order
Prcside Ill Chandrika Ku August 3, 1995 Text of Gower IIIlent's D Text of Gover Illnent's D January 16, 1996 A Cornminentary on the II Gow crnment Januar y l l The Bandaranalike - Chel The Senanayake-Chelva AIl neXure C Text of the Indo-Sri La The Interim Report of t Parliamentary Select Ci Excerpts from Gamini I Century" Thirteenth Amendment
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VOLUTION DEBATE''
|6, 255р.
riwardena ution, by G. L. Peiris Devolution Package, by
sharing, The Means to Peace and m Bastianlpillai Le Problems and Challenges by
Solution, by Sumanasiri Liyanage mka, by S. Guhan - The Devolution Debate, by
tent of Education: Policy of Implementation in the *roposals, by Sasanka Perera
1 mara tunga’s Address to the Nation,
2volution Proposals of August 3, 1995 evolution Proposals of
)evolution Proposals of the 5, 1996, by G. L. Peiris vanayakam Pact Ilayakan Pact
ka Agreement of July 29, 1987 he Mangala Moonesinghe hmmmittee, 1992 Dissanayake's "Vision for the 21st
to the Constitution (1987)
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race, Colombo 8, Sri Lanka. լ: 696 618

Page 3
in 1978 and has been in uninterrupted existence for it 18 years. It has come out
as a fortnightly from its inception, and has
remained so throughout. In fact the most
noteworthy single feature of the LG has
been continuity of existence, followed by its - frequency and regularity.
Sri Lanka in the last 18 years has been characterised by discontinuity; by tumultuous, turbulent and violent change. E-Many institutions andentities have gone out of existence. The continued presence
of the Lanka Guardian in a context Ofi discontinuity, rupture and rapid change is P in and of itself an astonishing and
outstanding achievement.
-
---
|| 를 The magazine's durability and frequency of publication is best attributed to the person of it's Editor, Sri Lanka's seniormost and internationally best known professional journalist, Mervyn de Silva (who was elected the first Presidentofthe Editors'Guild ofSriLanka).
These COIn01 oststrikingfeatureofthe Guardian has been it's perspective and outlook. Throughout 1 1/2 decades or more of crisis, with it's attendant passions, the LG has maintained a steady drumbeat as it were, of rational commentary and criticism of the unfolding political conflicts. Therefore the Guardian's ability to speak outin awice that wag critical yet rational, progressive yet mðderate, grappling with the local but always informed by a knowledge of the global, has been a remarkable victory - a victory for certain values, for a certain sensibility.
While emphasising these two main achievements and indeed contributions made by the Lanka Guardian,itis also necessary to address squarely the crisis of the magazine, which was perhaps no less than a crisis of survival.
The crisis of the Guardian was, in part, a spin-off of it's moral-ethical success. This may sound paradoxical, but in a country and a time in which political alignments have rapidly shifted, in which political positions and stands have been in constant flux, in which blocs and coalitions have decomposed in what Mervyn de Silva has called a kaleidoscopic fashion, the readership of journals and newspapers has also displayed enormous fluidity. Since this journal has chosen not to take the easy way out of: being 'faddish', or following this or that political (or academic/intellectual) trendin an op istic or market driven fashion, it has also meant that 蠶permanent readership has undergone a process of shrinkage. In other words, those who hawe remained faithful to theirational; critical commentary that the Lanka Guardian has specialised in, have undergone a natural process of ageing
 
 

|- Apart from these two reasons of political sociology, the crisis of the LG was also sourced in material, economic
layan Jayatilleka
factors, not unrelated to the overall context of crisis. The repeated eruptions of large scale war in the Northern and Eastern part of the country have effectively closed off an important segment of the LG's original market - in the
towns and the University campuses of the largely Tamil North-Eastern part of Sri Lanka. The phenomenon of
inflation which affected the price of newsprint also affected the Lanka Guardian badly. The availability of fairly high paid jobs in the corporate sector, resulted in the Guardian being unable to offer competitive salaries to its staff. This led to a shrinkage of the permanent staff of the journal. Over the years, the Guardian, because of its inability to pay 三 salaries comparable with those in the booming corporates sector, was forced to downsize its staff drastically.
Consequently
(particularly its distribution, the number of sales outlets andсараcity for reve
nue collection)
suffered disa
gnise that if the Lanka Guardian is to survive, it cannot go on as before. Survival is inextricably
linked with the
task of transformation, a radical restructuring
which retains all that is bestin the
Lamika Guardiari while going beyond it to reach out to new audi
sences, to whole
new strata -locally, regionally and internationally.
鹭、
day we seek
to simultaneou
sly achieve three Alejandro Bendana broad objectives, I Neeraj Ka all of which are e гај и aushal శ్లో in extricably interlinked :- | T H E I D E A S M A GAZINE
the si functioning = of the
magazine . ܝ ݂ ܨܘ ܼ
ܝ ܗ .
Wol. 19 No. 9 September 1, 1996
Price Rs. 15.00 Published fortnightly by Lanka Guardian Publishing Co. Ltd. No. 246, Union Place Colombo. 2,
Editorin Chief: Mervyn de Silva Editor: Dayan Jaya tilleka Telephone: .447584
Printed by Ananda Press | 825, Sir Ratnajothi Saravanamuttu
E. Mawatha, Colombo 13.
Telephone: 435975
CONTENTS 非莓、
Dayan Jayatilleka a la Mervyn de silva K. M. de silva -
KumarRաքesinghe EsiH.L., seneviratna
i Tisaranee Gunasekara
ܕ ܡ

Page 4
a) The survival of the Guardian;
b) The rejuvenation of the LG and the restoration of the
| capacities the magazine had in its early years;
c) The transformation, re-designing and in a sense the
re-invention of the Lanka Guardian for the New
Times; for the 21st century and the 3rd Millenium.
An ideological re-orientation of the contents of the Lanka Guardian will also be effected. The Guardian was originally a journal with a Radical-Left emphasis, which after its first 10 years shifted to a Centre-Left orientation. But the run up to the 21st Century requires a transcending of traditional Right-Left dichotomies, and indeed a search for a new synthesis.
The broad goals and objectives of the new look Lanka Guardian areas follows:
1) To use the unique moment of the turn of the century and the end of the millennium to stimulate an important, Janus faced discussion in the ranks of the Sri Lankan, South Asian and Third World intelligentsias. This discussion would involve a critical, retrospective look at the history of Sri Lanka, South Asia and the world, certainly in the 20th Century and possibly even in the 2nd millennium. The other aspect of the discussion would be futuristic - the direction in which Sri Lanka, South Asia and the Third World may and should move in the 21st Century. What are the likely trends of evolution based on what has happened before; and what are the desirable directions and models for Sri Lanka, South Asia and the Third World in the new century? There has to be a permanentforum in which these two macro (or rather, mega) problems Scan be subject to informed, rational and continuous discussionand debate, rectification and refinement. The Lanka Guardian shall function as one such space in which this imperative intellectual process can unfold.
2) To address the question of a viable model of socio-economic development for Sri Lanka, the South Asiam region and the Third World. Today, the crisis of humanity is a crisis of alternatives. The collapse of the socialist model has tended to obscure the failures of the so-called free market model, which are at it's most stark in the Third World as attested to by world leaders at the 1995 Copenhagen Social Summit. Unless a viable developmental alternative which addresses the question of "growth with equity is found, the tremendous disparities generated by the free market model are bound to result in serious social disequilibria and political violence, propelled in many instances by, or finally feeding into, various forms of fanaticism and fundamentalism. Sri Lanka with its own continuing saga ofviolence, isin dire needofa detailed discussion of viable models of balanced socio-economic development if the transition to the 21st Century is to be relatively free of massive, bloody dislocations,
Such an exercise is necessary not only for Sri Lanka but for many other countries in the South Asian region and the Third World, and probably even for post socialists: Russia and Central and Eastern Europe- which are all in the throes of open ended transition(s). The Lanka Guardian shall constitute a forum for the chalking out overtime, of such a blueprint of a viable alternative model which combines increasing prosperity with a | greater measure of social justice.
 
 
 
 
 

3) To act as a disseminator of the Sri Lankan experience throughout South Asia and globally. Sri Lanka has been a laboratory of sorts in that it has experimented with a statist-social welfarist model, a pioneering free-market open door model (the first of its kind in a pluralist democratic setting in the Third World), and, in the late '80s and early '90s, an important attempt at a synthesis of growth with equity. The balance sheet needs to be drawn up and its lessons, both positive and negative, offered for discussion, specially in the Third World but also in other parts of the world (not least the parts of Central and Eastern in which new Social Democratic-type forces are now groping their way towards such a synthesis).
Sri Lanka has also been the cockpit of numerous conflicts, some ethnically driven, others socio-politically driven - conflicts which have resulted in high intensity armed struggles, and terrorism in various parts of the Island. This country, therefore, is an experience rich environment from which lessons-again, both positive and negative-can be
derived for conflict prevention, crisis management/conflict management and conflict resolution/reconciliation. These lessons may prove of enormous value in parts of the world where such crises and conflicts are either ongoing or latent. The Lanka Guardian shall function as a space for the discussion of the Lankan experience and a vehicle by which these lessons can be made available to the reading public and policymaking strata globally.
4) To act as a bridge between the exponentially growing Sri Lankan expatriate community and Sri Lanka. The Sri Lankani expatriates have not only grown numerically; there has been a significant change in its composition in as much as it now comprises of large numbers of professionals and an upwardly mobile second generation of migrants. The skills that these people have learnt in their new environments have remained untapped for the country of their origin. The Lanka Guardian will strive to act as a two-way bridge whereby Sri Lankans abroad can be kept aware of the
processes unfolding in their country of origin while the
Enew knowledge bases and the skills of these Sri Lankans can be rapidly channelled to the Lankan intelligentsia resident in the island and through them to the citizenry as whole. This is one method which, by acting as
(Солld. опраga TC)

Page 5
W. E. W. A U W
THE
CRISIS AS
í sí Fair from being the basis of the good society, the Jαrnίί), τυith είς ηαη οτι ρητυας) and laudry secrets, is the source of all our discontents, yy
-Sir Edmund Leach, E.E.L. RLLLSLL1r 11
Neither Universal = franchise - nOr parliamentary democracy could destroy the power and influence of the family. Ceylon was the trend-setter. Post-independence politics was dominated by the Senanayakes and the Bandaranaikes. Thefashionsoonspread to India, the World's most populous
Enter another Rat
Anour uddha - R Bandaranake's COL Chardrika -- KuTha
Defence Minister,
OPERATIONRWIRE climaxed. With the F (Siпha) flag oпthє Jaffna, capital of t province, and the
Prabhakaran's SeCl
Tigers of TamilEela
For the SriLankan RatWatteit W35Un
victory - until the " heavily fortified Mull:
democracy and Sri Lanka's largest-least 1,200 Sinhala
neighbour. The Nehrus and Gandhis of India were soon matched by the Bhuttos of Pakistan. Bangladesh, the newest of the region's states, has been receptive to the trend too. South Asia has prowed the
most fertile terrain for modern dynasties,
-
Wопепs emergence has been a
parallel force. Mrs. Sirima Ratwate Bandaranaike was soon followed by Indira Gandhi, Benazir Bhutto, and Khaleda Zia. Once again, Sri Lanka is the fashion leader..... Mrs. Sirima Bandaranaike is Prime Minister While her daughter Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga is the elected FTESiderlt.
Mr. Anura Bandaramaike, the Son of two Prime Ministers, has quit the party (S.L.F.P.), his father S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike founded and joined the conservative U.N.P. his father quit, when he suspected that Prime Minister D.S. Senanayake was grooming his son Dudley for U.N.P. leadership.
casualty figure in as
of WWI
T. U. WARS
But it is a hostic conflicts rather th separatist revolt whic anxiety over the futu prospects of a War stability. From family political party, and t parties (8? 11 ?) kne A|idsskE. THE fould C.W.C., the large pl: S. Thomdamam, arri Parliament" (1977Minister Linder Presi Premadasa and W. The CW.C's ag COServative U.N.F abrogated, but he Alliance (P.A.) front Minister of Livestoc Rural Industries, Sir wina stable majority
 
 

Mervyn de Silva
Watte-Lt. Colonel
ātVātē, Mr.S. sin now President ratunga's deputy and the hero of ESA (SLumrise), Which hoisting of the Lion tallest building in he (Tamil) northern lastion of Velupillai essionist Liberation Tn (L.T.T.E.).
army and for General doubtedly a famous Tigers" overran the aitivu Campo, killing at soldiers, the largest ingle battle since the
If OB "Wäfs" äld
the LTTE's h now cause greater se of the P.A. and the Id order, peace and We Tust turn to the he grand alliance of wn as the Peoples er President of the antation unior is Mr. |ember of the "Long 94) and a Cabinet dents Jayawardene, etunga (all U.N.P.). reement. With the
as NOT ge sits in the Peoples roW in the House as k Development and Ce thë P.A. did not at the parliamentary
Er-in-Chief
polls in August 1994, it needs every vote it can get-on whatever terms. It was P.A. Candidate Chandrika Bandaranalike Kumaratunga who swept the Presidential polls-an impressive 63% vote. The P.A. victory was unimpressive. Mr. Thondaman, the veteran of many 'Wars will demand his price before the year is out...probably a Wage hike...if he gets his way, President Kumaratunga will Surely be confronted by other unions, and some are closely linked, if not controlled, by the L.S.S.P.-C.P., parties which are partners of the not-so grand "Alliance". Already the L.S.S.P. leaders Messrs Bernard Soysa and Batty Weerakoon are putting on their "trade union" caps quite often. The I.M.F. and World Bank would urge the Treasury to resist all-wage demands. The PA's relations with these parties and the main
trade unions will be increasingly strained aS 199 da WS.
The Nurses Union (PSUNU) has already issued what it has described as a "final warning". The Union will launch an islandwidestrike and paralyse all major hospitals if its wage demands are not met. The Union's Executive Committee meets on August 31st. If the P.A. concedes the derlands or compromises, it Will encouraga other State sector unions to flex muscles..... before demanding a pay hike.
CENSORSHIP
P.A. policy on censorship is anothët issue which has proved to be divisive while at the same time, alienating the privately-owned media. It was the D.U.N.F. (Lalith Front) memberi Rawi Karunanayake who took up the matter in Parliament.

Page 6
"Sir, before venturing on another type
of war, l, on behalf of the DUNLF sincerely request the immediate lifting of this Senseless press censorship which only leads to the truth being reported in a Convoluted form and the untruth in any form. If We believe by NOT reporting, people will believe that it did NOT happen, We are only fooling Ourselves..."
c
The differences of opinion reflected in
Mr. Karunanayake's speech are even
learer when the Trotskyist firebrand, Mr.
Masudeva Nanayakkara addresses the House - on almost every major issue. A question that seems to trouble many party leaders and MP's on both sides of the House is "telephone tapping". Isthere tapping and if so is it now routine? Are MIPSITTLEF
TAML SSUE
From the start, President Kumara
tunga's strategy was to win over the
nti-L.T.T.E. parliamentarist Tamil groups ridisolate the militarist "Tigers". But she
Was clever enough to go through the motions of "peace negotiations" with the
returned to the battlefield. In part, it was a necessary gesture-the audience was the all-important donor group. Many pro-minority groups in those aid-giving
Eelam-obsessed"Tigers, before she
SUBSCRIPTION RATES Air Mail
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initiative soon aftert Besides, Prie Mi Could hardly be
Parliamentary electi in August and a majority candidate
the Presidential p disillusioned band (the respectable T. parliamentarian Mr.
included) is demand a. Cea Sefire Coul aggravation of there Mr. Sivasithamp:
THE
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

on a P.A. peace e August 1994 polls. hister Kumaratunga
happy over the
yn results, Frori:150%; .
tiny Parliamentary Chandrika K. swept ls, Right now, a of Tamil MP's 1.L.F. led by Veteran M. Swasithamparam ing a ceasefire. Only
leader. PLOTE, EPRLF, EPDP and other pro-P.A. Tarnil parties are increasingly critical, sometimes hostile, and ready to
vote against the P.A. in the House. But back to the family, Anura, Anuruddha and
Mrs. Bandaranaike. The Prime Minister. DON'T DEFAME MY FAMILY - PRIME MINISTER TELLSANURUDOHA is the froпtpage headline in the Island, a paрег owned by Mrs. Bandaranike's niece. General Ratwate, the hero, had cast doubts about the paternity of Anura
di preventi further i Bandaranalike — a young MP who has fugee problem, says been born with a silver tongue, not just Lram the party a silwer spoon.
P.
Α. : TWO YEARS ON
●後
- الماء ادارا

Page 7
AIKE AND1
ON DEVOLCTIC
Introduction
SWR D Bandaranaike's comparatively brief period of office as Sri Lanka's third Prime Minister (1956-59) is associated With the genesis of the Currentrational debate on two of the most complex issues in Sri Lanka's ethnic conflict: language and devolution of power. His initiatives on both have had a lasting effection attempts at resolving the Crisis that has confronted the Country since then. His initiative on language has been reviewed at some length in an article in Ethnic Studies Report in 1993. This present essay is, Surprisingly, the first to analyse his attempts to introduce legislation on provincial councils. It is a task that should have been undertaken by his biographer James Manor, but the latter's analysis of the background, and the genesis, of the legislation associated with provincial Councils under Bandaranaike's initiative is, to say the least, unsuccessful, and unsatisfactory.
We begin our survey in 1956-7 with Bandaranaike in office as Prime Minister. The revival of agitation on the language question after the fiasco of the early attempts to introduce legislation on Sinhala as the principalif not sole national language - reviewed in depth in an earlieressay in the Ethnic Studies Report - was not long in coming. Within three Inonths of the passage of the Official Language Act through Parliament in June 1956, the Federal Party had indicated its intention to begin a satyagraha campaign. its demands Were identified at its Convention held in Trincomalee in August 1956: these included "autonomy" for the Northern and Eastern Provinces under a federal constitution; parity of status for Sinhalese and Tamil as official languages; the satisfactory settlement of the problem of citizenship rights of the Indian plantation Workers in the island, by which they meant the recognition of the vast majority of these persons as citizens of Sri Lanka; and finally, stopping of Sinhalese colonization in the Northern and Eastern Provinces.
Bandaranalike published a draft of a egional Councils bill in the government
---
gazette om 17 May year from his pressic 1956 at which he introduce Such a bil draft bill on Regi intended to be ages -the-Tamils after the in language policy - campaigned in 1955 had caused grievo L between the Sinh especially with the e riots in the Wake ol Official Language bil
Early in 1957-w When - he bega the Federal Party aCCOT modation, if main issues that sepa as representatives C Tamils. The discus: negotiations, and ine agreement oпa the Settlement. One of th in this settlement W of the Regional
Codifications to Federal Party's dem of power.
In 1925-6, when leader of the Prog Party, had set out th structure for Sri La main plank of the po party," he had receiv from any section of T As We shall see his a Cooled. Somewhat ov Was a grim irony the his greatest triumph
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

E NATIO
ON - 1926 - 1957 -
DEBA
K. M. de Silva
1957 just short of a :onference of 30 May had promised to i Parligt. Te onal Councils was ture of Conciliation to fundamental change - for which he had with rare passionSharm to relations alese and Tamils, ruption of Comunal the debate on the
a do not know exactly discussionS , With leadership for an bt asettlement of the rated the two parties if the Sinhalese and sions. SOOn beCartle 'gotiations led to an framework of a |e principal elements "HS tflE , arTIET1[ITIETIt Councils bill with aCCOT |ITIOldate the ands or devolution
Bandaranaike, as gressive Nationalist El CaSB för a federal ka, and made it the litical platform of his sted no support for st amil politicalopinion. LrdÖur for federalism Ver the years, but it at at the nonent of he should be called
: case
upon to articulate the strong opposition of the Sinhalese to any attempt to establish a federal constitution. is is
Bandaranalike and Federallisrin
The second part of this essay begins With a look at his earliest years in Sri Lanka's political arena when he began to argue the case for a federal constitution for the country. That, however, was only One part of the story. He also argued the for what he called External Federation, that is to say, for Sri Lanka being converted to a unit in a wider regional or even international federation of states.
On his returnfrom Oxfordin 1925, after an undergraduate career distinguished by his Oratorical and forensic successes at the Oxford Union debates if not by his academic performances, he began practicing as a lawyer, and turned to a political career as well. At this time the political Scene was dominated - if that is the correct Word - by the Ceylon National Congress and its efforts to cope with the opposition it faced from sections of Tamilopinion. These sharp divisions on matters of policy on the future shape of the country's constitution and political structure had been conducted on the Customary lines of a demand for representative government. At the centre of the debate was the issue of territorial representation which the leaders of the Ceylon National Congress advocatedfollowing the example of the Indian counterpart- and communal representation, either through communal electorates or nomination by the Governor of the colony or more generally a

Page 8
combination of these, that the minority groups led by the Tamils urged.
ܒ ܢ .
萎
Bandaranaike's advocacy of a federal political structure for Sri Lanka as a means, so he argued, of bringing about Etter understanding anong the island's several ethnic groups should be viewed as a serious attempt to introduce some new ideas into a debates that had continued on Very conventional lines up to that time. A student of his political ideas of this early period has wery inited sources - indeed only two-to rely on, of which the first and more elaborate was a set of six articles published in The Ceylon Morning Leader. The second is a stantalizingly brief account of a lecture he = gawe im Jaffna advocating a federal
structure for the island. The brief Of his lecture and the debate that el Sud was published in the same newspaper. In refutation of his
addition a detailed
applicable to o
difficulties -
The Writer believe: the problems ment the federal syster are intended: INTRODUCTION:
Even a cursory articles Will show it Ore. With What federation that iso of a wider federa provides at least t with the adoption ture in the islan goverпппепt. Iпdє problem is not anal
- Summary One of the options
he discusses is of S a federal India, "orto Thost of the other cy
proposal by a young contemporary world, to be membe
political Commentator, James T.Rutmam, in the form of a letter to the editor of The Ceylon Morning Leader was published in its issue of 1 July 1926,
The Six articles Orl FEdération are rot so much a Work of mature Scholarship as an atter Tipt to provide Tlaterial for a debate. The opening paragraphs of the very first article capture the essence of the
problem as he sawit:
"At a time when the desire for self-government appears to be growing
er stronger,
instalments of "Reforms"seem to bring that goal almost within sight, two problems of vital importance arise, which require careful and earnest thought. The first is the question of Ceylon's external status, that is, what is to be her position as a nation in relation to other nations? The Second refers to her internal status, adoption of a form of Government, which would meet the just requirements
of the different inhabitants.
No effort has yet been made seriously to consider these problems, nor indeed in Some quarters is it realised that the problems existat al There is the usual vague thinking, there are the usual generalisations, to which politicians are only too liable, the catch Words are the bane of politicians allower the World..... In Ceylon we find in constant use, such phrases as "Self-government," "Cabinet-government." Without any clear understanding of either what they really involve or whether and to what extent, they are
"Co-operation;"
Nations". In justifica he argued that:
"... OUT polítical pr be influenced b respects, keep ра BBSideS... it WOLuli that our great and When she attain WÕuld be CÖrtė lt | short, it could not that, in any ways self-government
subsequent to the must necessarily E and modified by ev be absurd as it. W. India altogether a can proceed on c. reference to her al
Bandaranaike's pr federation was ident articles, I of Sri Lar from the League ConterTriporaries. WOL proposalboth Wisior He explained that:
"There are reef Band C, according of the Colonies. W belong to A.
Briti: from the League, granting the Mami that, while givingr: to the Britishi abOWe, the governi to US, according (federal or other most suitable with
 
 
 
 

UroW particular
s the true solution of 王 ioned is contained in l, and these articles the Independer
as a II GENERAL to the subject".
at they deal much le-Caled external fSri Lanka as a unit tion (of which he тree options), than of a federal struct d's Own for of Hed this - Second ysed at all.
in external federation Sri Lanka as part of gether with India and lised COL"trie:S Õf the rs of the League of tion of this proposal
gress must naturally ly, and, in some
ce with that of India. be futile to suppose
powerful neighbour
is self-government, to leave us alone. In
Basonably bedenied ံး၀ur ey towards and our course attain Tert there of be greatly influenced ents in India. It Would are unwise to ignore indiragine that We ur Way Without any
..
al
'eference in external fied in the sixth of his ka as a mandate of Natio S. THIS uld have found this lary and unrealistic.
brrTIS of Mandates, A, g to the development We Would of Course,
Ioldus as a Mandate and the instrument,
date, Would provide asonable protection nterests mentioned TentbehandedoW er
to such a system
wise) that would be
in a certain specified
i operate".
"it is interesting too
glance at these
filme, when the "trust". Would cease O
in support of this, he argued ht:
bserve that recently
ent Labour Party (ILP) in England has adopted this suggestion
that the dependencies of the Empire, until attaining self-government, be under the "supervision of the agents of the League of Nations".
The ILP seems to suggest the Mandatory system for the interimperiod until We attain self-government within the Empire; the present writer Suggested it until our attainment of independence, outside Empire. Whatever form of autonomy we finally evolve the Mandatory System seems to offer the only peaceful and certain means of attaining it within areasonable tirThe". 苇
His proposals for internal federation, or a federal structure for the island, were outlined in a public lecture entitled "A Federal Government for Ceylon," in
Jaffna on 17 July 1926. This time the
models he had in mind were the US,
Australia, SOLuth Africa ard Carada, but
most important of all, Switzerland.
not published and we have only the
summary in The Ceylon Morning Leader to go by. We quote below an extract from
that summary:
"In Ceylon each Province should have
Complete autonomy. There should be
one or two assemblies to deal with the special revenue of the island. A thousand and one objections could be raised against the system but when the
objections were dissipated, he was convicted that sorte form of federal
government would be the only solution. He had not delt - Wit communities, for such communities teпрогагу агтапgemeпls could be made for special representation. Those teпрогагуаптапgementswouldexislti|| the fear existed about one community trying to overlord the other. He would suggest the same for the Colombo Tamil seat. The three main divisions in the island Were the Kandyan Sinhalese, the Low Country Sinhalese and the Tamils. It was difficult to find a system that would completely satisfy everyone. That was in brief the federal system. He Would be amply satisfied if it was recognised that the problem did exist. If there Were a betterform orplan he hoped someone would think about it and place it before the people".E.
--
Unfortunately the text of his lecture was
smaller

Page 9
This could scarcely be described as a well-considered plan. Indeed any federal structure that viewed the provinces--the largest of the administrative units in the British system - as essential features of such a system could hardly be described as well-considered, especially in the context of the historical evolution of these provincial boundaries. In most instances the changes in provincial boundaries
under British rule, from 1833 to 1889, had
unmistakable and generally unconcealed political motives and objectives.'
His audience was clearly Sceptical about his proposals - indeed the Tore importantipolitical leaders of the day, Sinhalese as Well as Tamils, were not at all receptive to the appeal for a federal political structure from whatever source it came. The rejection of his proposals which came from James T.Rutnam, in a letter to The Ceylon Morning Leader on 1 July 1926, has as much relevance today - 1996 - as it had 70 years ago in its systematic demolition of the case of a federal system for the island based on the Swiss model.
Bandaranaike was at great pains to point out to his audience in Jaffna, and to his readers in The Ceylon Morning Leader that the country Would hawe to face the issue of the constitutional structure of the polity at the next phase in constitutional reform, due in 1928. As it was, that opportunity came a year earlier than anticipated with the announcement from Whitehall in 1927 that a Commission under Lord Donoughmore Was being appointed to examine proposals for a reform of the island's constitution.
-- When the Donoughmore Commissioners arrived in the island and began their sittings i Bandaranaike i appeared before them as a member of the Ceylon National Congress, mot the Progressive Nationalist Party. The latter had disappeared from the Scene. The Ceylon National Congress delegation made no demand for a federal structure for Sri Lanka. Bandaranaike had either failed to convince the Congress about the Virtues of federalism, or he had lost interest in it once he was rebuffed in Jaffna. Nevertheless, the concept of federalisrn did not disappear from the political debate. it was propounded by a delegation
representing Kandy evidence before the Kandyan National As the Donoughmore r constituted body. Wh express the Views
mainly of the feudalc These Kandyan chie
"put-forward a scf island intO three : 5 (1) the Northernar in which the Tails Kandyan Province ard WestBT Prowi by Low Country these tE COTTI granted a governm purposes affectin entire island these would be unité Government, thus section. Would b dominate OVer the
The Donoughmor that this proposal W byl various Other o however, all of thert SOTg Irdividual Kai Commissioners dew, of their report-Cha examination of this the Kandyans for " the Kandyan Provir Lanka, Ora Sri La They rejected this cl: that:
"The tirB IS II) an experiment of g three largest cort government for
occupied by the attempted withol inflicting hardship ther.....the inter the people are interWower that it to attempt to diss
They proposed i provincial councils
government betw legislature aride: government bodies their report cited be of what they had in proposal. More
recommendationso

an interests in their Commission - the sembly, described in eportas "a recetly sich may be said to and apprehensions hiefs and headmen".
fs =
Iere for dividing the self-governing areas d'Eastérth FrOWinCES predominate; (2) the as; (3) the Southern nCes peopled TalmY Sinhalese. Each of LInsties WOLuldthusbB ent of its own.....For g the Welfare of the three Governments Bdina Federal ensuring that no one 2 ir-rap-OSitiOrtO others".
e Report pointed out as strongly opposed rganisations - not, Kandyan- and by
ndyans'. Indeed the
oted a whole chapter pter VI- to a careful claim by a section of self-government" for Ce5 il a federal Sri nkan Confederation. aim with the argument
since passed When ranting to each of the munities a separate the area principally T1 Could hawe been ut the certainity of S OTL One - Ora|| II of ests of all Sections of noW i Sol closely would be criminal folly
ciate them".
instead a system of as a Second-tier of eel the national Kecutive, and local i. The extracts from IoW provide a picture mind in making this
important, their in the powers of such
councils and the preliminary measures for their introduction had considerable. influence on the legislation that was proposed in the early 1940s to establish such councils, legislation. With Which Bandaranaike was associated as Minister for Local Administration from 1936 to 1947.
The reporterTed on the side of caution. in its proposals on provincial councils:-
"We recognise that progress in the spread of popular local government may not be immediate, but we should not expect it to be long delayed.
...it is clearly desirable that the full possibilities of the scheme should be explored... without delay, in order that, if it commends itself to the Executive Committee, an experiment with a council of this nature may be made in is a more highly developed province within the next few years, and, if that should prove successful, the system rapidly extended 3 throughout, the
mg lslarnd 25 מלי
The Commission viewed provincia
I
councils as..... .
"....... co-ordinating bodies to which certain administrative functions of the Central Government could be delegated. The argument in favour of the establishment of a Provincial Council in each Province is that such a scheme might result in a large part of the administrative Work now carried Out in the Legislative Council coming into the heads of persons permanently residentin the country districts and thus more directly in contact with their needs....." ii.
BANDARANAKE AND THE PROJECT OFASYSTEM OF PROVINCIAL
coUNCILS FOR SRI LANKA .
The Donough fore Commissioners' proposals on provincial councils had one far-reaching effect - for nearly twenty years after the publication of their report which contained this proposal the concept of federalisII disappeared from the political scene and did not form part of the political debate till SJV Chelvanayakam began raising the issue in 1947 about a year or so before the establishment of the Federal Party. If the Donoughmore

Page 10
Commissioners. had hoped that the members of the newly established legislature would treat the establishment of provincial councils as a matter of some urgency, they were to be disappointed. The first Executive Committee on Local Administration and its Minister, C Batuwantudawe, appears to have done Very little, or, in fact, virtually nothing in regard to this. It was left to SWRD Bandaranaike as the Minister of Local Administration in the second State Council to initiate work on the drafting of legislation for the establishment of provincial Councils.
In the 1930s and 1940s Bandaranaike had turned from federalism to decentralzation (in the form of provincial councils.) As Minister of LO'Call Administration from 1936-47, he was the principal advocate of a system of provincial councils (avowedly modelled on the county Councils in Britain) as the apex of the island's modern local government System. These Councils Were intended to give more formal institutional shape to decentralization and democratization at the provincial level. The point of departure, we need to repeat, were the TECOmmendations on provincial coumicils incorporated in the Donoughmore Report.
In its report on provincial councils presented to the States Council, in July 1940, the Executive Committee of Local Administration" pointed out that
"The establishment Of Provincial Courcils has been under consideration by the Executive Committee for sometime. It Was thought advisable not to make proposals regarding this matter until the passage of at least the more important amending ordinances (on local government - institutions). The Willage : Committee amending Ordinance, No. 60 of 1938, has now become law and Willage Committees With elected chairmen and fairly wide powers hawe been im existence for sorte years throughout Ceylon. Urban District Councils have been established in all towns of sufficient size and importance. A new Urban Councils Ordinance has just been gazetted while a Small Towns Ordinance to replace the existing Sanitary Boards by elected bodies is in preparation. The Colombo
Municipal Cou Ordinance of 1 Operation forsorne extended to Kand!
It is now possiblet of "drive at the CE Donoughmore Col no longer obtaihs, is appгоргiate
Frovincia COLII:| the Local Gover
All but one of the a referred to in this E Bardaranaikë's le Executive Committee tion and if there Wa Centre" So far as lo Concerned he is ent of the credit for it.
On 10 July 194 close political ally, R introduced a motion urging that "...Immed given to the recor Donoughmore Comi tO the BStaliŠIT Councils..."'There Committee on Loca Provincial Councils debate; it set outino these councils- exe Supervisory. The celebratory Stone : attracted wide supp adverse criticism, expressions of regre had not been submitt ago" as one member motion, approved by that occasion, calle OfO WiricialCOLuricils, it w On reWenue districts terminology is seen Executive Committe, and "district are use of administration Bandaranaike's own commending the sc COLCil.
"Though the Word here, would pain Would be restricted The Galle District. the Nuwara Eliya D each have a POWir

İncili (Constitution) 935 has been in 2 years and has been W and Galle.
Oassert that the lack ntre” deplored by the Tirmissioners in 1928, and the present time for establishing stoform the apex of ment structure."
mending ordinances 2xtract came during adership of the of Local AdministraS TOW "drwg at the Cal government was itled to a great deal
10, his friend and S S GLuna Wardene, in the State Council, late effect should be mmendation of the Thission with regard et of Provincia bort of the Executive | Administration On Was presented for utline the powers of -cutive, advisory and ebate took on a and the -proposal IOrt, and wery sittle apart from Some it that the proposal ed for debate "years put it.' Although the the State Council on dit a Schefe of VaS a SCherTheba SEd . The confusion in in the report of the e where "province' d for the Same unit aS | Wellä Sfi
speech of 10 July hė Te to the State
"Pro Wiciāl' is LuSE t out that this body t0 a ľEWe'UE district. the Matara District, istrict and soon, will icial Council."
He re-iterated the point when a member of the State Council asked for a "firm StatesTent" on it
"Yes; that is the intention of my Committee in presenting this reportthat a Provincial Council Shall belimited to a revenue district. It TLust be SO limited. The various parts of a revenue district in many matters, economic and otherwise, for a Unit,
When the mower of the Totion RSS Gunawardene, summing up, "earnestly asked the House to pass this motion unanimously" the House responded by doing precisely that. It was treated as a non-controversial issue, on which there was a consensus of support from all sections of opinion in the national legislature. It is all the more surprising therefore that BandaranaikB did Tot proceed with the next step in the process, the actual preparation of a bill based om the draft prepared by the Executive Committee.
There has been much speculation by scholars on the question of why Bandaranaike did not proceed with the formulation and presentation of a billi or provincial councils for State Council approval, and - on the part of scholars - a surprising failure to examine the evidence already available. On it. One scholar argues that the outbreak of the War prevented him from presenting this bill"but-as we shallsee-the evidence is all against this. James Manor, it Bandaranaike's biographer, either ignores the fact that the State Council had given its support unanimously, to the motion for the establishment of provincial Council moved by R. S. S. Gunawardene or is unaware of it. There is no mention of this in his book. Instead he contends that because "...British influence outside Colombo depended very substantially upon the control exercised by the chief civil servants who ran the Kachcharis or headquarters offices in the provincial and district capitals ...they did not want to see the authority of the chief civil servants in the districts decline further." Implicit in this argument is the belief that the British did not want provincial councils, and Would have discouraged the preparation of legislation for that purpose. In support of his conjecture Manor resorts

Page 11
to the device of anonymous informants who stay or may not have been knowledgeable about events that took place forty years or so before the time at which they spoke to him, Indeed he can only cite his numerous interviews-"with such officials in the island. In 1977, 1978 and 1980."--to supporta view for which he has no othere widence. All the evidence We hawe points to a different Conclusion.
Because of the consensus on provincial councils in the State Council-something very rare on any major issue at this time - and because the provincial councils were an integral part of the Donoughmore recommendations, "The British," by which Manor obviously means the Governorand his British advisors, could scarcely have opposed legislation for their creation and Establish Tent. Besides, therE WES nothing to indicate that the authority of British Officials ir tieġ kategi5 - Would have been undermined by the establishment of such councils, since the largest area of governmental authority. Would hawe remained under the control of the i kachcheris even if the provincial COUNCIS Wêre Stablished. WärtinTe conditions did not prevent Bandaranaike's ministerial colleague C.W.W Kannangara from presenting and Winning support for
LL SLLLLL S LLC LLLLLaLLLLLLL LLLLLLL education, or a backbencher like JR Jayewardene from piloting his equally ControWerisial- bil| Oni language policy in 1943-44. More to the point, the Governor's powers under the Donoughmore Constitution Werewery limited and he could not have used thern to either delay ratification of a bill on provincial councils Once it secured State Council approval, or ask for a special majority, or hold it up for Whitehall approval. Di
We hawe to look elSEWhere i for am explanation of Bandaranaike's failure to Capitalize on the consensus that emerged in the State Council on provincial councils in 1940. Manor himself has provided some of the clues, but does not draw the obvious conclusion from these." The years 1940 and 1941 were difficult ones for him? There was a real danger that he could have been dismissed from office by Governor Caldecott for his indiscreet comments in opposition to the government's war effort? Colonial Office records show that legislation was being
considered at White from officeo Locali Wassaved by the inte the Maha Mudaliya and Manor himse Barda rarake's attit Andrė W. CaldėCOitti 1941 fromTaflauntin One of "the Govern Board of Ministers. Stor TT had bloWITI ON moved to other thing the leadership soon the aging D B Jaya SSепапаyake. thinking of consolids as the most ob. Sепапаyake ifп challenger to Sana Was building up his: for this purpose. Th. WS missed for at COLuncils Were not CC was virtual unanin legislature forestabl the case of Karl reforms and J R Jay:
II.
Bandaranaike's
regional councils independence, but Interlocking obstacl and the other establishment of the called for a reduct Tinistrias Lurder tha colleagues, none of Willingness to accep own political and adı This attitude, it m persisted to the pi cabinet ministers a and provincial Bandaranaike - ap established a Se through the expans of local government the extension oft powerful provincl. percelved as som strengthen and cor base to the point of inWLulnerable to cha: Since he Was the F political riwal within tr regional councils iristitutors, Which if were likely to conf

hall for his dismissal political advantage on him in the cornming opinion has it that he struggle for the succession to DiS arvention of his father, Senanayake, to convert his position from , with the Governor, that of beir presumptive to heir apparent, if points out that To be Continued
ude to Governor Sir Notes
changed radically in 1. K. M. de Silva, "Ethnicity, Language and
g of his claverness to Politics: The Making of Sri Lanka's Official Ors champion in the Language Act No. 33 of 1956," Ethnic "By the time the Studies Report (ESR, XI(1), 1993, pp. 1-29.
ver his interests had o Utopian:
is. The succession to : and P уол1933 dga,
to be abandoned by ge Uniwgarsity Press, 1989.
3, KLM de Silwa "Ethnicity, Language and
ilaka Was going to D Polcs、“cp.c芷、 Bandaranaike "S. 4. On the controversies over aspecial seat for ting his own position the TarTnils of the WestgrT. Prowincg, seg K
rious successor to Mide Silva, "The Ceylon National Congress ot yet a credible :-in Disamlay: Sir Portırmambaların Anuna:Chalları leaves the Congress," Caylon Journal of
Inayake himself. He -
LOLLLeM MMSLeLMMaMMLLLSS CCOC CCLL Sirhala Mahla Sabha (2) 1972, pp.97-117.
sa great OPPortunity - 5. For discussion of this see, K M de silva, this time, provincial "Nineteenth Century. Origins of Nationalism introversial and there it in Ceylon," Chapter VIII in KM de Silva (ed.), ity in the national University of Ceylon. History of Caylor, Vol ishing them, unlike in ill, Colombo, 1973, pp. 249-61.
langara's education 6 See, Ceylon Report of the Special awardene's language Commission on the Constitution, The
Donoughmore Report) 1928, p. 103. .Eid .7 - ܨܒܐ commitment – to - 8. d. P 106. Continued after 9. bid, P 119. ly then he faced two 10 bid, p 118.
es, one institutional 11: Sea Hansar (state Councl), 1940, pp.
personal. The 1355-62, for the text of the report.
secouncils, inevitably PP Ön of thE powers of 13. Hansard State Council, 1940, p. 1355.
control of his cabinet “ ဒြိုဂြိုးပွါ ဒွန္ဒြီး
пПоVвг ої плоIюп,
whom showed much Gunawardene, that a similar motion had ta diminution of their beenintroduceduringtheirsisaecumci ministrative authority. by GKW Perera, bidp37. ust be added, has 15. Ibid., pp. 1362-5 is "esent in relation to 16. B s Wijeweera, A, colonia Administrafive ld powers of district Syster. In Transfor: The Experience of Sri councils. Besldes, Lanka, Čolombo, Marga Publications, 1988,
peared to hawe p 78,
ELITE political baSe 17 Janes MBrr; TE ExploadWar LAfroposari;
ion and revitalization ಙ್ಗBrake and Свуіоп., др сії, pр
t institutions, and so his system through a Councils was
18.Mblid, pp 143-7. 19. blad pop 151-4. 20. One of these was an anti-Indian speech (I.e. ething designed to against the Indians in Sri Lanka) made by Isolidate his political Bandaranaike in early 1940. See Colonial making him virtually office coldespatches series,cosis37 illenges from rivals. letter from Sir Girja Shankar Bajpai, 'rime Minister's Thai Secretary to the Government of India to the
le gOWernment, these -
Wérè wieWEd=as it.
sa I. The Expedistrof, Llopları: established prompty Bararaniko ang ayon agai. Brian overwhelming = բբ1E1-3,
-

Page 12
(Corfd from page 2) feedback mechanism, can helpreverse the disastrous effects of the “brain drain’ om the development prospects, human resources base and the problem of declining quality/standards - the phenomenon of levelling downin Sri Lanka.
5) To function as a forum - actually, a bulletin boardfor the exchange of opinions and analyses among thinking elements in South Asia. This region is notable for the near absence of any publication of an over-arching regional character. There is hardly an equivalent of the Far Eastern Economic Review or Asia Week (India Today is by definition too Indo-centric in its emphasis). While the Lanka Guardian cannot hope to function as a regional newsmagazine, it does hope to constitute itself as a space in which writers and scholars working in the region can engage in discussion and debate, thereby promoting greater understanding. Most efforts at regional networking are dependent on adhoc events, annual gatherings or cumbersome institutions. The Lanka Guardian, providing as it does a fortnightly forum for discussion, could contribute to bridge building and the constitution of a regional intelligentsia, in a more visible and viable fashion.
To achieve the abovementioned objectives the Lanka Guardian hopes to radically restructure itself. This restructuring and reconfiguration involves the following changes:
1) Symbolic of and in order to achieve an optimum mix of continuity and change, the founder Editor, Mervyn de Silva, Inoves up to the position of Editor-in-Chief, and thereby continues to make available his unique, invaluable professionalism, writing skills, experience and knowledge to the journal.
2) The present writer, hitherto the Associate Editor of the Lanka Guardian, takes over the post of Editor, with all executive responsibilities for the running of the journal. Hopefully this will facilitate the securing of new contributors for the magazine, locally and regionally, and the reaching out to a younger audience - particularly the age cohort that will take over political - and economic power by 2000 in Sri Lanka and abroad.
3) The broadening of the Guardian's contents and hitherto somewhat lopsided orientation, to encompass socio-economic and development issues, thereby supplementing its function of political critique and commentary with that of economic analysis. The increasing salience of economic and development policy issues will be reflected in the Lanka Guardian's 'new mix.
4) The spheres of interest covered by the Lanka Guardian will also be expanded while investigative journalism into social issues will be undertaken.
5) Introducing a component entitled Citizens - Democracy - Development, devoted to a fuller Citizens Participation in Society, Economy and Democracy. The LG hopes to publish research studies which deal with the impact of economic and social reforms on the lives of citizens, focusing particularly on the perceptions of citizens themselves concerning these reforms and methods of rectification/improvement of policies. In sum, these research reports will provide a citizens perspective

om sócio economic and development policy; engendering citizens correctives to such policies. The studies will be informed by the overall goal of making real meaningful, citizens participation in development; identifying the material and institutional prerequisites and corollaries for such broad, authentic participation. The philosophical approach governing these studies and indeed the sections of the LG devoted to the earlier stated goals, will be one of commitment to a citizen-centred developmentor, to put it slightly differently, to a process of citizenizing development and democracy.
To reiterate, the Lanka Guardian (LG) hopes to restructure itselfin order to meet the objectives of its own renewal and revivification as a publication; and of helping the citizens of Sri Lanka and South Asia to think through the transition to the 21st century and the Third Millennium. Since the LG is not a mass circulation news magazine or newspaper, and does not hope to become one, it intends to achieve its objective of enhancing citizens participation, specifically by targeting certain crucial intermediate/ mediatory strata, who act as transmission belts between
the mass of citizens and the elected regimes.
By functioning as a relatively inexpensive (relative to the price of international newspapers and magazines) source of serious analysis, opiniom, discussion and debate om local, regional and global issues, the LG, hope to become "the journalists' journal', the intellectual publication of choice for the journalistic fraternity in Sri Lanka.
Thus the attempt to expand our reach would be in two directions, but would beinterlinked outwards (regional and global) and inwards (towards the emergent Lankan policy makers and the youngerintelligentsia).
Our planned restructuring hopes to set-up a feedbackloop between the external and the internal, setting up a flow of ideas and information that would raise the consciousness of the citizenry at large, through the disseminator and "Inultiplicr' that is the intelligentsia. It is only a citizenry whose consciousness is raised to the point of comprehending policy issues and choices as well as the underlying structures and processes, that can effectively and more fully participate in the social, economic and political spheres. Indeed it is only by raising the consciousness of the citizenry to the comprehension of ideas and concepts, that democracy itself can be broadened and deepened.
In the volatile transition to the Third Millennium, it is only such an extended or 'stretched' democracy that is defensible against the new fundamentalisms and the new extremism8.
The Lanka Guardian has always waged two struggles: one for its survival; the other, to disseminate its perspectives and values. These twin struggles have taken place against the changing backdrop of, and have sought to be a part of sets of larger struggles: those of progressive democrats in Sri Lanka and the world over, for independence, social justice, and historical progress. As We move towards the Third Millennium, the LG does so with the firm conviction that there is an alternative to the crisis of the systems. Until that alternative is in place, and as has always been the case with our magazine, the Lanka Guardian's watchword shall remain that of the African liberation.fighters:A Luta Continua!"The struggle goes on.

Page 13
| MULT TRAC
Abstract
The еппегgence of internal conflict iп many regions of the World is a threat to future global security. The international community is based on a system of nation-states, where the Sovereignty of every government must be recognised andre Spected, th US at poreSertithere is no viable system capable of tackling internal conflicts. This paper argues that the management, prevention and resolution of internal conflicts (intra state conflicts) requires a fundamentally different approach to that of interstate conflicts. It is necessary to take new approaches to develop a comprehensive framework of Security. The objective should be to harness the talents of intergovernmental Organisations (e.g. UN, QAU, EU), state and nor-state systems in a co-ordinated and Complementary Tarlner, So that the root causes of conflict are addressed and healed, and Sustainable peace is built. It is argued that within this framework, citizen-based diplomacy - and nongovernmental organisations (NGOs) hawe an important rose so play.
introduction
The genocide in Rwanda, ethnic cleansing in Bosnia, Wiolence and famine in Somalia, and a resurgence of vicious fighting in Liberia are just a selection of events which mark the first half of the 1990s, and Will be restlebered as the international community's and the United Nation's incapacity to manage crises. They were all intra-state conflicts of the most brutal kind, which flickered
Π television SOCIETS Worldwide, arOuSling guilt, апрег, incomprehension, sadness, and
Dr. Runar Secretry || Ger natiomal, Willert, authored fifteen
"Conflict a Rupesinghe K, Siccala (eds) M London; New Y
Self Deter rational Perg Resolutin, ! IF INWELLY Mfecaj D & Williamsor Press Lite: Lond
*Eithricify the Corterripoj singhe K & Tish National Uniwei
* CF Ritupesimghe - K United Nations 1935
"Conflict (eds) Macmillain
“Early Warr, FE8rslufirirt"26 & Kuroda M(e Ltd; London: N
*'''Efray a Post-Corrrrr, Soviet Urior, if (lirin"FLI & Worku nowa i Press Ltd.: Lond
“Iпferлt!
-- Coverrarce'' ({
Ltd; New York,
Conflict பgரnda" (ed), London, 1989
"Special. Wr பேர்ழ"B Proposals, vol. 2( Publications: Lo
 
 

) CONFLICT
TO CIVIL PE
K soLUTIONs
Dr Kumar Rupesinghe
Rupesinghe is the
Igral of
He has edited books, including:
"d Deueopfnerf" van de Goor L. & Dr acmillanı Press Ltd:
k1996
'rir afion: Interpectives, Conflict Curreff Options haruismus” in Clark R (eds) Macmilları on; New York, 1996
плд Рошург. Гл rary World". Rupeiki w W. (eds) United “sity: Tokyo, 1996
res of Violence & Correa MR (eds) University: Tokyo,
Transformation” : Basirgstke, 1995
іпg плd Conflict *3pp, Rupesinghe K Ls). Macmillan Pross w York, 1992
nad Conflict in a Tat World Tig
Eastern Europe upesinghe K, King P O (eds) Macmilliam on; New York, 1992
Cornflict алld d) Macmillan Press 1992
Resol fiori r James. Currey Ltd:
Issze: Military airid Peace illetin of Peace ), no.3, 157pp SAGE ridom 1989
Inter-.
generosity, Humanitarian aid flowed in, but it was not enough. The causes of these conflicts are deep-rooted and long term, leaving many observers thinking there is nothing more that can be done. Robert Kaplan expressed this attitude in his highly controversial essay, The Corning Anarchy, about internal conflicts and environmental and political upheaval. He not only predicted an apocalyptic end to Africa which is 'set to go over the edge" but also environmental and political breakdown spreading to other theatres; the "West African coast, the Middle East, the Indian subcontinent, China and Central Arterica'.
This is, hOWEWEr 3 SOffle What alärmist attitude, which bears little relation to reality, or focuses on the complexity of issues which are emerging. The post-Cold War era has brought the end of Superpower proxy Wars; has been effective in ending apartheid in South Africa and heralded a new freedom in Eastern Europe; but it has also unleashed new disputes, manifested in ethnic and religiÕLIS rivalrieS, I Or Cortests - ower governance and power, onto the World stage. Such disputes, which are predominantly taking place Within state borders are threatening to the world at large, predominantly because there is no international structure through which they can be addressed or managed. The initial taskfelluponthe UN, butthe organisation had neither the means, nor the ability to resolve the crises single-handedly. In reality, the end of the Cold War caught the international community off-guard; on the one hand attempting to reassess the benefits of the changes, while on the other hand unable to foresee or predict the effects.

Page 14
In An Agenda for Peace published in 1992 Dr Boutros-Ghali declared his vision of a World organisation capable of maintaining international peace E and Security, through more efficient means of peace making. Acknowledging the organisation's paralysis during the Cold War era, "the United Nations was residered powerless to deal with many of the crises because of the vetoes -279 of than - cast in the Security Council", he also stated that since May 1990, the UN had emerged as the "central instrument for the prevention and reSOWLfor of Corf7f7fcfS: ard for the preservation of peace. To meet these demands, Dr. Boutros-Ghali presented a fгаппеwогk based on-prevепtive measures, seeking to density at the Earlesf possibla stage sffLJafsafls thaf could produce conflict, and try through diplomacy to remove the sources of danger before violence results."
"Preventive diplomacy' defined as action to prevent disputes fron arising between parties, to prevent existing disputes from escalating into conflicts and to limit the spread of the after when they occur, "became a new catchphrase. Yet, despite intentions to prevent violence and War through diplomacy, little emphasis Was actually given to the non-military potential of both governmental and non-governmental organisations. In retrospect it was evident that although prevепtive a diplomacy, in theory, represented a more cost-efficient approach to conflict management than troop deployment, in reality, the UN could not invest sufficient resources to develop a comprehensive framework for conflict prevention.
Furthermore, the co-operative spirit of
the Gulf War did not immediately extend to Bosnia or Rwanda, and it became ever more apparent that strategic and economic interests still held greater sway than hur Tarnitariais SueS.lt - Was also evident that memberstates were reluctant to commit troops under à UN command. By 1955, in A Supplement to an Agenda for Peace, Boutros-Ghali admitted the UN'sirability to meet the demands for the LSE: OfforCilt fråCOfflictSadditio to the increasing burden of responsibility that was falling on the UN's shoulders, the pervasive financial Crisis was also a limiting factor. Yet beyond the practical
obstacles, there also lay a number of more
conceptual issues, relating to the nature and complexity of internal conflicts that had become more clear to the UN, during
the interim years, 1995.
A fundamental pro today is that the org had an explicit man civil conflicts. The organisation where t governments of r recognised as parë Tardate to interve Tatters. Which fall jurisdiction of Consequently, the resolution of civil disputes is largely ur
A ReWieW of litera
Internal Conflict5 inter-state Conflicts a
Of the 82 armed cor
and 1992, only 3' W. In December 1995 conflicts were recor is not to suggest that a thing of the past. between Turkey amic and Taiwan Show, th Ower territorial SSLes
реacekeeping ope!
since 1982, all but Conflict. Internal COf greatest forced move 1945. Table 1 classification of the and Conflict.Res. Uppsala University ( and intermediate c. classifies interedia as "major-armed C. show that the highpC 1991-2 but since the appreciable and Welk
Ап вven clearer || situation can be obta number of Conflicts the Middle East, A Arfleficas. Table ||bE 1989-94 and provi Conflicts are decrea: region of the World.
Europe remains t pattern but as Peté Margareta Sollenber surprising that the Tic in the number of art haWe , OCCUfred in Eu of the Cold War-HBS in some Cases. Ewe conflicts in Europe ( 1993-94 (from 10 to the situation in 1989,
 
 

EJEtyBén 1992 and
»blem facing the UN amisation has - TEWEär date to intervene in NS a State-balSead e sovereignty of the herber states is artount. It has no heir conflicts and Inder the domestic member states. prevention and WarS järd interal Icharted territory.
Conflicts
; : haWe replaced is the "classic" War. flicts between 1989 are between states. 30 major armed led World-Wide. This inter-state Wars are As recent disputes I Gгеесе апсd China Iere is still sensitivity - However, of thẽ 11 rations, established 2 relat to intēta icts haWe Caused the ment of people since eloW ShOWS the |epartппепt of Peace earch (DPCR) of Sweden) into minor flicts and War. It E COfflicts ard War onflict". The figures intin this period was there has been an :ome decrease.*
icture of the World ined by studying the у геgloп, in Europe, sia, Africa and the low covers the years des eWidence : that sing in nearly every
he exception to this r Walesteen and g Take clear, it in not st dramaticchanges IBC COficts SOLIl Irope, since the end acted as a catalyst in so, the number of iropped markedly in 5) and compared to there has only
an increase of 1 major armed conflict.In the Middle East the figures point to a rough stability, 4 major armed conflicts in 1989 and 4 in 1994. In Asia, major armed conflicts have fallen from 12 to 9 during the 5 year period and number of Wars sees a significant decrease front 6 in 1989 to only 2 in 1994. In Africa, the number of majoramed conflicts was 10 in 1989, and 6 in 1994. Likewise the nurtuber of Wars has fallen from 8 in 1989 to only 2 in 1994. The Americas have seen the biggest developments during this time. In this region, no wars, as defined by over 1,000 deaths per year, have taken place in 1994 compared With-3 in 1989. The total number of conflicts has fallensteadily from 8 to 4 as has the number of locations. Research is currently being undertaken to develop a more systematic analysis of conflict situations within each region, and to identify potentially violent disputes which may arise.
The Landscape of Conflict
Internal conflicts are defined primarily as conflicts which arise. Within state borders. Although there may be outside factors which influence these conflicts, they are primarily conflicts over governance, identity and resource allocation within a particular state. They commence when a government is unable or unwilling to satisfactorily handle the grievances of a group, within the boundaries of normal politics. The parameters which govern internal conflicts are radically different from inter-state wars. These conflicts may also be over problems of identity and a sense of security. Often the state is a party to the conflict and will command power, resources and military might over the contending force. Usually, the relationship betWEB. conflicting parties is asymmetrical, meaning that one party is strong while the other is Weak, Strength is not just a measure of military power, but also refers to legitimacy within a domestic and international system. A government has legitimacy, sovereignty, armies, resources, the media, and allies. It has an international support structure, The insurgents often faced with marginalisation, brutality, ard suppression are fighting for that legitimacy and redistribution of power and resources.
Certain features characterise internal conflicts. Unlike inter-state conflicts which are nonitored and mediated from the early stages, the escalation of internal conflict rarely elicits attempts at mediation by outside parties in the formation stages.
(Cld pg.25) T
--

Page 15
"In the end what | ln the enda coL
judged by whether it's Cl han they did before
Market: World Dev
nas already been di
luńging Sri into darkness:TheStriketas mo three days and caused running water in most pa
merous cities and Sut
The C 时 štrik first salvoofayet anoth
onflict that is loomingo հther
on War. This Warist ime of the PAgovernments deci to privatise almost all state enterprises contrary to its election and pre-election declarations and pledges. The சூரி protagonists of this warare the PA reg (or përhaps more accurately a seg
ליי ליבך"
days her:
enchers Sນີ້ເອed
Ceaseiașinițieci 'ere the results ic gh talking and in day long generalise supply of electricity. g: Which caus Uto izarry and mass
пегatє Böf L
『----- Samounting to billion: amaging ಛೀ: of the stoppage of
円 De W.
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

с. estal government 3 will be broken within age lasted for three me to an endo bf government.b;
d:in negotiating a
EB unions. What the
f the governme transigence? Ath ld breakdown of
epal o
ಸ್ತ್ರೀ:
三
T
st economy is nota - ຂຶhomanon.
llor KWaS probably
adherent of this strategy; under his
tipthere was state intervention in E. a "eas of the есопопу- ELE
ate ownership of railroads and
... . ISBSmarkiar
emichlinotherwor g inherently socialist it state owners

Page 16
had total contempt for those who believed readopted by the C. that there was anything socialistin state and has today becot interwention: in;a capitalistieconomy: Brettenwood Twins. "Since Bismark Went in for state of regulated capit ownership of industrial establishments, a capitalist modernize kind of spurious socialism has arisen, Napoleon and Mette degenerating now and again, Intgs by different Countrie
athing of flunkeyism, that without of time from Attlee's ado declares all state ownership, Kai Shiek's Taiwan' EWB" 蠶 sort, to be between capitalism socialistic, certainyiftne takingoverby Betweeningrama
the state of the tobacco industry socialistic, then Napolean and Metternich
must be ಗುಗ್ಧbë:
long the founders talisin; Utopian and tEg '... Tharks to post S. stortio 干 _. .
*需、 LSSyy ykykyySykukS Eekmmiy yi
between state-ownership of economic Once the ideolc assets in the context of န္ဒိဒ္ဓိမျိုချိ removed, it will 20 economy and state ownership of means S. ခြိုးမြို့ရွိေ 3rgument What isrt ow arship of private
of socialist
SWRDBändarānake of956 th
e United. Front regime of 1970 led by his Widow Sirima Bandara 蠶。
emi-socialist and even socialist!). i spurious socialists had some until |- alties: right : wingo extremists and ooooooo
neo-liberals who shrieked about "reds under the bed' everytime a third World populist nationalised a few private ises often for very Sound and
P T he privatisation of e enterprises (i.e.: natural
are opposed for sound not the streasons, such opposition is ag being branded as 'Marxist and "Left and dismissed out-of-hand,
issues, concerns and prob al O -- 豎
barrage {နိရွိေ|{ Even Adam Smitht T argument 3liberalismingo liberalis
a need for economic ri
1 I FIEETOTE: PETISIE UIlai """"""""
vatisation is not perceived crystances when
the issue of privatisatior
sanideological one; in most parts of the of Nations: "Every T. Third Worldit-netwer was and stillis noti
a case of capitalism vs Socialism. What is at Stake flere is the ဇွိုမှိ{*ဦ:lt:}|ဖြိုဖြိုး
that is most conducive to rapi economic development and th Welfare of the citizenry. The debate is:
really the most appropriate
apitalist strategy for low income Third is conversation ends in Wörld Countrieslike Sri Lanka: is it the is the public or in som strategy of laissez-faire advocated first by prices". The The
Adam Smith' in the 18th century and Adam Smith. (ETE
。
է է
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

as well as that of other countries is that at times private enterprise can fare as: disastrously as (or more disastrously than), many State enterprises. Two Xarples, one Sri tankanand the other
ernational, should suffice to prove this
tThe first is the colossal and costly:
Mercani it Ltd. under the
ofಹ್ಲಿ n of Sri Lankan nd socialism, but |ိပွါ ို႔ရွိေးချို ့ ဂြိုင္ဌိ|ုးမျိုက္ကို
LS
3ாறு
when the acce
the experience of the East Asian NIC's i-particularly South Korea and Taiwan. (This is not to say that We should adopt these or any other development models
only that: We should have a Banalysis and understanding of the 'success stories' and the
"). Both South Kore a
esprise, ECOmomys fEfli II 蠶 arshig to an extent which of many countries cialist pattern of Society". Entre
III F-T FT 0 Luf-GOW EXOri:
է :
E.
agulations under certain...T. he said in his the Wealth
as longas ha does EŬ = " it justice is perfectly free biggest public enterprise sectors in the "Anon-Communist World: "In ဇွိုမျိုး
y fers:Ffrw Pres
1ls in his own way. GJInterestinglyenough, publicenterprises have been used asth
#market chosen instrument for a big push rumfriendly:"...people erf Wat dor In Theet togethgreveno Eidsversian but he
a conspiracy against. 1è:Contrivance toralse; Jry of Moral Sentim

Page 17
non-socialist sénse of thë tēm Bank StaffWorking Paper, 1985
iā
lessons of the history of capitalism state intervention in thélec ownership). Qlf-Life:C) .. ‘မွိုပြိုး develeğin
烹
Ofiąlis: נnisח pre-co n in füးecဂုံ၊ for the Currentwart makers and advisors
inister Mahatir Mot ar 3:1): of being äिtÉ Koši appointment ayat
example Dr. Lal Jaya
Advisor to the Pre Chairman of the Na
Juncil, in a recent Tuan Daim-Zaimuddi the Government
chof the fact that bringing down the led to 3.9% of GDP in 19
E A renmarkableac However, Dr. Jayay ention that this imp as achieved with ክህነሡ | П erts g
EE
WEIPEDIENETILEF applied, it can be a help us to attalinthos Reducing the Budget The other argument W to justify rapid priv နှီးမြုံ duce the budget de should be stated | generation is an im
the privatisation of
enterprises (as the


Page 18
and distribute state landless poor free of charge-in other words to de-statise around seven Within a few hundred thousand acres of state the new own owned land. This land reform was a , increase privatisation programme with a which difference. It was ಕ್ಲಿನ್ಡಲ್ಲ! which directly and immediately benefitted a lar segment of the citizenry since. given to the people of this not in any Way, presentaith countrys nationali intere Properly implemented, such have acted as catalysts o developпепtiп папусоuпt Ethe First World and the Third
Therefore, it was necessary to support this particular privatisation effort. However, this does not mean that every attemptati divesting the state of ownership of land impa should be supported. For example, if of instead of giving state land to the landless. Accordin poor it was leased/sold to foreign/local private individuals and 酯LL a přivatisation progre
់ne
*
have the authority to e the CEB will be forC
irrespective of wheth ictor not, and p
gas, Oil-pip 邱 Airports and Railroads issues that do not apply industries. Natural monopolie Gas pipelines, Local transport
ng will increase ecline-resultir of discontent among
ontinuation of
егSupply these =
provision le be ef cient":
World Bank approach. The privatisa ion of the LP. Gas Company is an exceller
case in point. The Gas Company Wass to Shell in such away that Shell has a Tonopolyion: the importing and in
stribution of LPGasin Sri Lanka. One most important arguments used by PA policy, makers to justify this iš TYYTYPY
SSAAA S SSL S S SLLLSSSASJLL S S that Shell will ". Orest Loo
- 그
E.
___
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

t lol efect II Чпоцct A regime iş Whetherit: e interests of this country
ans or the interes
felements. Äitish ind that accordin
S
lucrative cus LECO.The socă
8:Wodingdaley Creweig5 is against the interests of the poor ór the
all interestandic cause:
ould mean that Qur'C Competitiva in the Onlyt


Page 19
The question as to why there is mo concern in Sri Lankan Therawada Buddhism about suffering caused by poverty and related matters has been raised by Regi SiriWardelaltiSTaleWart to our search for an answer that this question arose in a non-typical member of the culture. After Siriwardena, the question was also taken up by another non-typical Sri Lankan and, like Siriwarderla, a Westernized intellectual, Dayan Jayatilleka (SriLanka: Travails of a Democracy - Unfinished War, Protracted Crisis. Wikas, New Delhi & ICES, Kandy. pp 147-154).
-
Siriwardena has raised the question as to why there is no movement of radical social concern in Buddhism. (Where are the radical Buddhists? Larka Gardan,
March 15, 1979, p. 17 contd., p.19). He
provides an ontological answer: the Buddha was a prince, but Christ came from the artisan class, making him much more aware of the mundane difficulties of ordinary people. Siriwardena also connects up his answer. With the Marxist definition of religion as the cry of the oppressed and the heart of a heartless World. This is a perceptive answer, but It is more important that he has raised the question - for it is striking and suggestive of the directions in which We should look for am ans Werthat the question had never been raised before. Clearly, it is in the comparative context of the post-colonial charges in Sri Lanka, in particular the advent of Christianity that it has been possible to raise the question'.
MML LM LLLLLL LLLLMMMMMLM M LLC 00LMT MMML characteriod contairporary Christian TVOTorts that prompted Siriwardaria to wrks this paper, Siriwardon haru | repressants :: thema"W Social And etual LMLMLLLLLL LLL LL LCLLLLLLL C MMMMM L MMLL TLLLM concern in Buddhism, brought about by Christian activity going back to the 19th century, but brought into clear focus by the recent Christian Tigeringnts of diglocal LLMS SLLS MCT MLMMMLMM MOLLMMLMMS MMM hardly radicitäl, är also al Ent prvoking social concism among Buddhist monks,
-
The Wirfer 5, Proffeg SSI
He is the author of Rituals of the Kand
This means the qu шпnecessагу іп ti Buddhism in Sri Lan one broad reason f the set of the basic cultural aSSU Tiptor despite their Vastp. a Source of Conor Conversely, the a economic goods : only in one directior from the laity, as o the village to the parisalata). Since W Mauss, that a gift r reciprocated, the c What the Tonksga That return gift Was fom of baлaргеacf merit making cerel guidance for the fi World and ultima historical evidence i of mundane goods in Orle direction, SETVicEs in fB Cit course changed or any such, there. We mystical sanctions monastic property produce. That mor a certain ritual quali for the laity and ina, purposes was astr The springs of this, the extreme wit denying nature Textualists: as WE hawe ridiculed this to II see Why in its Buddhism is inc
... I was an article on the Asian Theological conference Max Weber righ
other-Worldliness
context of broadly deriWedi gyfror Phili associated with despite Buddhis conceptions of WF auspicious,
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

estion Was Culturally he long history of ka. There can be only or this: it was part of : and unquestionable is that the Tonks, operties, were never nic benefitto the ality, ssumption Was that and services flowed towards the monks ne-monk put it, from | monastry" (garnen 'e may consider, after must axiomatically be |uestion arises as to We the laity in return. iritual services in the ing, piritchanting and monies, and spiritual acilitation of the next tely liberation. The
H. L. Semeviratne
profAnthropology, University of Virginia, USA yan State (Cambridge University Press, 1978)
auspiciousness in ethical terms. Hence the belief held among rural Sinhala Buddhists, despite the Buddhist textual position, that it is inauspicious to see a Buddhist monk first thing in the morning; that the Buddhist monk should be kept separate from marriage, the auspicious ceremory par excellence; and the Custon that boys with horoscopes inauspicious for lay life are selected for admission to the monkhood. This attitude to the monk expresses a radical separation in Buddhism between the sacred and the profane lives, in Hinduism, though renunciation separates the renouncer from the World, the sacred from the profane, the ultimate goal is a divine and eternal existence. In Buddhism, that goal is the annihilation of the self. Thus in Hinduism, unlike. In Buddhism, despite the presence of Fenunciation, 00pholas exist through which connections can be
sclearfor this process established between the mundane and and services flowing the divine Worlds. Here the sepand ritual/spiritual aration between the sacred and the her. Never was this profane is, logically, not unbridgeable. challenged. Far from The commonest ritual expression of this retaboos backed by connection is puja in which food offerings against trespassing made to the deities are returned to the : or the use of its devotees for consumption as auspicious
lastic property was of ty which made it taboo uspicious for Thundane long cultural sentiment. were twofold. First Was hawagarn/ or World of early Buddhism. III as anthropologists Josition but it is difficult logically perfect form, it world-denying as tly understood. The
food. This contrasts with the practice in Buddhism. Where food offered to the Buddha images are not consumed but thrown away to be eaten by crows and dogs, evoking the ancient mystical sanctions against tresspassing monastic property and consuming its produce.
Ultramundaneity
The second source of the strong cultural idea that monastic property is taboo and
of Buddhism in the therefore the laity cannot receive any Indian ritual attitudes economic goods or services from the Hinduism became monks is the marked success of the inauspiciousness, monk's own propaganda motivated by the im's very different acquisition and custody of property, Most at and what was not of the near exclusive religious literature inlng== as it did in Sinhala starting about the twelfth
、茎 ܘ ܡ ܒܘ . . . . . . . .


Page 20
century, and the rituals designed by the monks Constitute a chorus in praise of giving, i.e., the one way flow of economic goods and Services.
The effect of these two factors was to transform the monks, who were renouncers seeking their own salvation, into a priesthood which gradually receded from the goal of liberation and instead became practitioners of a ritual designed to meet plebian religious needs'. It is true that the monastery became the school as well, but the education imparted Was primarily religious, and any mundane knowledge irriparted was not practical or Substantial, but theoretical and minimal. The differentiation between the forest and Village dwelling monks, despite the latter's greater interaction with the laity, did nothing to free the mind of the laity from the idea that the monk, forest or village dwelling, was a social category separate from mundaneity. From the laity's point of wiew that differentiation was an internal problem of the monkhood, which innoway affected the ritual status of the Tonk in relation to them. Thus village dwelling continued to be imbued with the same ultramundaneity as the monkhood as a whole did prior to this differentiation. This meant that the taboos and interdictions that hedged the general monkMay relation continued unabated. Any monkslay association that went beyond the traditional was an abuse that polluted the monk's morality or monkness. The stamp of asceticism the public imagination placed on the monk was so indelible, and the monastic propagarda about the Lumidirectional filoW of material goods, and services so successful, that the potential the differention into forestandvillage dwelling had for the evolution of a monastic concern for the material Welfare of its flock Withered away. Nor was it only in the Conceptual World of the monk that the flow of material goods and services was a One-Way process. It was unthinkable for the laity as well that they would be any other than givers to the monks. Has giving after all not been elevated by monastic mechinations as the first and foremost step, as well as the most potent, in the generation of merit, and has it not been connected to liberation through the mechanism of interpreting giving as a means of "thinning out' greed and the notion of the self? Thus both the average person interested in merit and the special person with a serious interest in diligently
treading the path Butralised ast accepting the idea g|WErs.
Economic Roots of
In addition, there broader i nature ti monkhood from dewi the mundane Welfa radical separation o' the World, which indifference to econd
Aided by the layg cultural idea that it goods and ser uni-directional led of a Specific moni to the spoilt chill monks became a who gradually c. lay, donatiorns arnd right far in excess made ir the mOra requisites meant t of physical heal mental concentra with the deference all including klim bred in the monas importance well contemplated conceptions of
reflected in the win: is the origin of "king-size egos"
rampant in the
phепоппепоп геfle of long titles whic and their penchant name:S With "Sri" W saw through and ri
his total dependence Subsistence. Though mission was a Saci Combined with his dep made the support giv Teritor||OUS, TE - m0 Terit" Which the la strength to renounce,
 
 

of salvation were
objects usable for merit making it would
any possibility of then be in the interest of the laity to give
hät Tonks could be
Social indifference
Were factors of a at prevented the eloping an interestin re of the laity. The f the renouncer for
Theath S tot mic activity, ensured
reed for merit, the he flow of material
vices is ideally to the formation astic attitude akin di Syndrome, The pampered group TE} to think Of adulation as their i of the alloWarice stic vows, namely, o maintain a state the adequate for tion. This along 2 paid to them by gS and nobles, tic psyche a self
beyond any in the early mOnkhood as
aya literature. This the renowned and narcicism monkhood, a Cted in their love :h mean nothing, for prefixing their hich Dharmapala
di Culled.
on the laity for his selfish, the monk's "ed one and this, endence on the laity en to monks highly nks Were fields of ty, deWold of the found to be ideal
the monks, and foolish to receive from
them: because it would be a source of
demerit to cause to deplete the resources of a category who were pre-eminently deserving as recipients. These ideas contributed to the evolution of a Worldview that was utterly inhospitable for the growth of the idea of monks working for the material Welfare of the laity. Not without the model and challenge of Christianity was it possible for the monks to begin to modify this view, and that under the guidance of a persuasive and charismatic semi-monk, Anagarika Dharmapala.
The factors discussed above did not stop at merely preventing the growth of an ethic of lay economic Welfare in the history of the monkhood. Aided by the lay greed for merit, the cultural idea that the Flow of material goods and services is ideally uni-directionalled to the formation of a specific monastic attitude akin to the spoilt child syndrome. The monks became a pampered group who gradually came to think of lay donations and adulation as their right far in excess of the allowance made in the monastic vows, namely, requisites meant to maintain a state of physical health adequate for mental Concentration. This alongs with the deference paid to them by all including kings and nobles, bred in the monastic psyche aself-importance well beyond апу contemplated in the early conceptions of monkhood as reflected in the vinaya literature. This is the origin of the renowned 'king-size egos' and narcicism rampant in the monkhood, a phenomenon reflected in their love of long titles which mean nothing, and their penchant for prefixing their names with "Sri" which Dharmapala saw through and ridiculed.
The effect of these cultural notions also contributed to an isolation of the monk from any realistic and felt idea of the economic hardships of the ordinary people who held them in reverence. Since they were comfortably and bountifully ensconsed, they became localkings and princes who, like Marie Antoinnette thought that the people should eat cakes if they had no bread. While rural Tonks, like theirfellow villagers Were andare not Wealthy, they are still better off than the villagers: their culture, especially that of the elite monkhood from whom alone


Page 21
ideas acceptable to the order as a Whole could emerge, was non-conducive to the growth of an awareness of the Sweat and toil that the productive process demanded. It was not possible for even ordinary social concern, far less radical concern, toarise insuch agroupanymore than such would spring from the bosom of a mediaeval tyrant. The monastary, taken by some to be a cloister, was more a castle, ifless elaborate in scale. Thus what Regi. Siriwardena took to be an ontology is actually a metaphor for the
Tonkhood's Social indifference.
The Politics of the Parochial
The Social factors discuSSEed ab OWE also contribute to an explanation of the paradox of an allegedly infinitely compassionate order's appalling insensitivity to large scale human suffering as reflected in its defence of War and bloodshed, and in the often quoted instance in the Maha Warsa, its denigration of the non-believer into an object fit for assault and murder. Thus the ideal Luiwer Salis T of Buddhism haS been transformed into the parochialism of Fascistically elevating the Sinhala ethnic group to the status of true owner and citizen of Sri Lanka. The related parochial idlertificati Olof BuddhiST With the Simhala ethnicity explains the monkhood's ignorance of its own history that has enabled it to isolate itself front the Tartil Contribution to BuddhiSTI. It also explainS the failure, Surprising for a missionary religion, to explore the proselytising possibilitiesofneighbouring non-Buddhist populations, In particular the low Caste Tamils who were subjected to religious discrimination by the upper caste Hindu Tamiliestablishment. This is all ther flore glaring when We consider the Work of the Indian Buddhist leader Ambedkar in spreading Buddhism among the untouchable groups in India. It is more than likely that even the elite monkhood, with the exception of a fraction of a percentage, did not know of ArTibedkar, their knowledge of India being confined
to the legends about Buddhism and its
migrations, which are taken literally. The ignorance of Ambedkar's Work is a commentary On the geographical knowledge and intellectual horizons of the monkhood. In both its failure to try and understand the Tamil contribution to Buddhism and to carry the message of Buddhism among low-caste Tamils, the monkhood has failed to use the
opportunities they ha to workfor "country, r
Related to their broad Social and hUI war mongering prop Tonks and the theory äldne WOLuld SOWE when it is perfectly monkhood taker a si the question. Would Solved. The Warlikes the opposition to dew, illustrating the lack compassion, is tellir of the monkhood organisation, which ExtrerIE dBCEntfäli Throughout its histo hawe had the priWilE break away from th majority and estat community of its own twentieth century hi monasticism is Oreo prolific example be Nikaya, which has o The orthodox Siyam had three independ the Severties, now the SOLuth and the oth early nineties by In: who broke a Wayf attempt to Contr resources, which a Dambulla Wihara. II ( belief, the Nikayas completely devoid NÖt Wġm the Silla village monastery, is Control. The monk epitome of deWolL self-determimation th enjoy stands in sh; denial of that righ further illustrates the intolerance and the of the Tonkhood.
In a responsé t in the Larka Ga Wardena has pointel rebel monks aSCO social Concern, t SiriWardėmia.
The problem abc. its failure to distir economic/pragmat Ideological which v With the EtiTE Oha

-
td in a genuine way nation and religion'.
OKOOOSEC Of Tam Concerrn, is the aganda of the elite thata military victory the ethnic problem clear that, had the m stand for peace,
hawe been easily and and its obverse, olution in addition to of UThanist and ng of the ignorance of its OWI social iSiO3 of the Tost sation imaginable. ry, monastic groups ge and freedom to e hegemony of the lish a Consensual i The mineteenth and story of Sri Lankan fisplintering, the most Iпg the Aпагарuга wer 30 such groups. Wikaya which already ent units upto about läS twO TOB, OfB in established in the amaluwe Sumangala rom Asgiriya in an lite Economic e extensive, of the Гопtrary to general are mOmimäl emtitles, of any i organisation. lest Social Unit, the under any but its own hood is ideally the tiom, This profuse emonks themselves arp contrast to their it to others, Which unreasonableness, spoilt child syndrome
Siriwardene, also 'dian, Kumari Jayadout the example of Stitutingevidence of mereby questioning
but this response is guish between the lic and the political was also the problem Thapala project. The
rebel monks no doubt, especially under imperialism, represented CBrtai subalternism, but its context Waspolitical. What i Regi SiriWardemais raising is a question of econostics. Far from questioning Siriwardena's position, the theory of the rebel monks, properly understood, is a confirmation of that position. For it is the pre-occupation With the political/ideological that has prevented the monkhood from developing an interest in the economic/pragmatic. Concern for society is, in that pre-occupation, politicised and sloganised, and denuded of possibilities of actualisation. Ewen Worse, such politicised concern, as the history of the Tonkhood shows, quickly degenerates into a championing of the Sinhala Buddhist cause and the oppression of the minorities. The monkhood's pre-occupation historically has been political and even that has been an interest that is ultimately reducible to maintaining its wealth, influence and privileges. But political concern need not necessarily be ideological and sloganist, and can have a dimension of direct Social concern and consequence. We have an excellent example in Mrs. Bandaranaike's illegal extension of rule by two years which postponed the elections due in 1975 to 1977. This presented a clear case of a political situation that was specific where no slogars about Country, nation and religion were necessary. Had the Tolkhood had a true Social Concert, it could have staged a unified protest, pointing out that the prime minister's action Was Wrong and not in the national interest. But it did not, since its interests were, in its view, traditionally better taken care of by the then existing
(Mrs. Bandaranaike's) government. This
contrasts with the eagerness with which the Torks took to the streets at the 1987 signing of the Accord, and now, their opposition to the package of political solutions to the ethnicprobler. In the case of the postponement of elections, the monks interests, in their perception, Were safe and in the case of the Accord and the Package, not. Hence the divergent responses, silence in the former case and protest in the latter. This private and selfish interest of the monks is however expressed, as it has been for centuries, as "preserving Buddhism, and recently (since Dharrnapala) as "protecting country, nation and religion'.


Page 22
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Page 23
m
REDEFINING THES
Undeniably, the divide between "North" and "South" is Widening and deepening. One need only point to deteriorating terms of trade, the instability in prices for most traditional exports from the South, and the overall net flows of capital from South to
North generated by debt servicing to see the clear divide between nation-states in
the two economic realms of the World.
Structural adjustment programs largely drawn up in the North further accentuate the divide by undermining the already weak capacity of governments in the "Third World" to adopt policies that would mitigate the effects of "free trade" in markets dominated by huge corporate
conglomerations. These programs, or
SAPs, are primarily the creation of such international financial institutions as the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank. Designed for usually impoverished developing countries as the conditions for receiving IMF or World Bank loans, they restructure economic relations in the country by redefining the social contract between the government, the wealthy few, and the rest. "The rest" are the ones who pay the price - through öfter dramatic reductions in State expenditures on Social programs. This
- means selling public Sector enterprises,
eliminating subsidies, de Wåluirg currencies, charging fees for basic Services such as education and health care, dropping tariffs aimed at protecting local production, etc.
But the nature of the system and the depth of the crisis is such that elements of both "North" and "South" overlap and соexist almost everywhere on the planet. Industrial Societies of the North have their internal "South" - usually immigrants and minorities - While the "Third World" maintains its OWI enclawes of the North, in the form of local capitalists who profit from globalization and their nation's own poverty. Some additional facts underscore the appearance of a globally
bifurcated society, a poorer countries ten hit, and the richest it now figure among the and their Countries su disproportionate disti
In 1988 the Secre United NatiOS COCl wulnerable populator women, youth, the di: hawe been - SEWETE affected." Accordin least six million child of age hawe dled ea in Africa, Asia and La of SAPs."* Forbesim Calculates that the irm the World haS irid 1987 to 358 in 1994. a capital of $761. equivalent to the income of 45 per population:
The Critical dividi Within the South is East Asia, including of East Asia, but be capitalist elites throu most of its nationa income disparity bel fifth of the World's a fifth doubled betwee according to the ListribLütjT1 ° C,f|TlC[] grew at a far higher 20percent ofthe Wo til St 150 tiTBS ri 20 percent.' There a income disparity. W
 

OCIAL (
KONTRACT
Alejandro Bendaña
d to be the hardest parts of the South richest in the World, ffer the planet's Tost ibution of incote.
tary-General of the luded that "the most groups, in particular sabled and the aged, aly and adversely g to one expert, "At ren under five years tch year since 1982 til AmeriCab CaUSE agazine, meanwhile, umber of billionaires reased from 145 in Together they control billion, about the
annual per-capita :grt Of L12 WOrld"S
ng line to be made it between Africa and the so-called Tigers ween the governing ghout the South and populations. True, Ween the Wealthiest tions and the poorest 1960 and 1990. But
UN, the skeWedd me. Whn Countries level, as the richest rld's peoples became cher tham thE bottom ire no figures showing ithin the South, but
----------- ----
Forbes' recap: does indicate that the reproduction rate for billionaries has been higher in the South: in Latin America, from in 1978 to 47 in 1994-of whom 24 were Mexican with total assets of S44.1 billion. That extraordinary billionaire breeding program may have been part of the reason Mexico was long viewed as a model of successful structural adjustment and advantageous integration-at least until the indigenous uprising in Chiapas which began the very day the North American FreeTrade Agreement tOok effect, followed by the 1994 collapse of the Mexican economy.
In such a collaborative mutuallyrewarding effort between companionable elites of the North and South, new infusions of Northern (often multilateral) cash to their Souther CounterpartsSerWe to buttress their ideological neo-liberal convictions as well as providing immediate financial gain. The result is to leave the ruling classes in the South largely unaffected personally by the devastating austerity policies they willfully negotiate with the IMF, the World Bank, and Instituti015 SuchaSUSA.D. Orte contrary, bureaucratic elites that run the state apparatuses of the South become entrepreneurial ones to reap the benefits of privatization and free global movement of capital and trade, to create new business opportunities from increased incentives to attract private capital, and partnerships with incoming foreign capital, thereby further concentrating wealth in their own countries. Thus, While it is true. that the profit-oriented World Seconomy accentuates the differences between rich


Page 24
2
and poor countries and people, it also and the economic sc strengthens the bond between elites in the interests represent South and their counterparts in the North, Woods institutionso divorcing both of them further from the is that dispense, with poor in each latitude. colonialism tend topi
and the IMF 5th S True, regional intergovernmental bodies responsiblef
bodies and governments in the South, colonialism is a so including Well meaning ones, as Well as nations both Nort the UN, may ritualistically denounce the winners and lose unjust nature of the present global order. difference, howeve They have been doing so for sometime. process of colonize Of late, however, the intensity of that and growing, limitat Criticism has lessened a result no doubt what degree the colo of the increased influence of neo-liberal acquire the privilege ideologies in those diplomatic circles combined with growing fear of the consequences of opposing the dominant economic powers, While also expressing the indigenous economic stakes in the More often than in same North-controlled structures of powers in the so exploitation. -s. is is the "free market" the multilateral in If there are no substantive ideological own when drawi or prescriptive differences between elites social policies. T of North or South over how to attain negotiated, but it (or, perhaps more significantly, define) specific percentag "development," then it is illogical to to bargaining, not argue that the structural reform programs themsel programs are imposed on unwilling or even economi governments. More often than not, the social implication: governing powers in the South will governments in th anticipate the "free market'. East feel they sh requirements of the multilateral insti- options, politically tutions on their own when drawing up to pay the price fo their own social policies. The terms are market formula: then negotiated, but it is schedules or incapable is one specific percentages that are subject to '95. bargaining, not the nature of the programs And the difference themselves, nor the moral or even in ter TSG of clas economic viability of the social St.
pheres, with all implications. In reality, most governments
廿 in the South and in the East feel they a ai
have no available options, politically or
the free market formulas. But feeling tes incapable is one thing, and being unwilling even to try is another. And The same structul the difference can be explained in stand as an impe terms of class aliances that transcend cooperation for deve borders and hemispheres, with all their on the elites' own reg respective financial underpinnings and might include ith ideological affinities. preferentials or free
agreements betweet it is too easy therefore to denounce and around aire the "imposition" of IMF and World independently of the Bank programs withoutlooking at the Bank, however, unde fundamental make-up of the governing Northernstockholder classes in the South on the one hand, the creation of reg
ܘܝܼ.
economically, to pay the price for resisting
 
 

Ces and geopolitical d by the Bretton the other. Analyses is the treatment of intto the World Bank preme authoritarian r global poverty. But a force at Work in
and South, with Sir each. The is that the very tion imposes strict, ons on how and to lized can imitate and
of the colonizer.
- E
- -
ot, the governing rth will anticipate requirements of stitutions. On their ng up their own le terrrl S are thern is schedules or es thatare Subject the nature of the Wes, northe moral c viability of the s. Inreality, most e South and in the awe no si available or economically, resisting the free i. But feeling thing, and being try is another. can be explained s alliances that rs and hemistheir respective pinnings and S.
aladjustment terms liment to regional 2pment based even onal interests, Which negotiation of гасie or protection Tember Countries ion ( as : a - Whole, North, The World orders from its chief is deadset against onal development
ܕ ܪܝ .
blOCS
"discriminating against third parties," that is to say outside of the global framework of neo-liberalism. Groupings Will either adhere to Common North-dominated liberalization measures, or they shall not group at all. For example, the hope that the new South Africa can bring enough clout to counter the Northern agenda for southern Africa is undermined by active campaigns by the United States'
to bring this nation under effective
IMF/World Bank influence, encouraging it
to borrow heavily. But in essence the same debate is repeated in Europe and the United States when the question is
posed whether further regional integration
within a liberal capital-oriented framework will yield prosperity for si corporations : despite its dislocation of people.
莓
Far from representing a "failure" of the
market system. When a select few of the corporate elites earnistratospheric salaries, far more than the mythical "free' market would allow, the inequality is inherent in the structural nature of Competitions in the marketplace itself. There is no necessary trade-off between market "efficiency" and inequality. Competitiveness becomes a rhyth in a market already distorted by oligopolistic Competition and by the strategic interaction between governments and Corporations. It is these forces, rather than the "invisible hand of the market" that determine the state of competition, according to a 1992 OECD study. And it will also take more than a visible hand or a new version of capitalism to bring about the profound changes in the systern of ownership and management of society's productive wealth that Would be a required to guarantee humanity ai survivable future.
Free marketeers would neglect politics and technology, along with history and recent experience. Government management, in one form or other, has been present, not simply in its most desperate expression during the Great Depression, but after World War II when free capital markets and private ownership of giant corporations were simply goals on the horizon. This was not practiced in France, Japan, or Germany after World War I, when corporations were virtually assigned capital instead of competing for it. Nor can the interlocking


Page 25
financial industrial groups known as the -Kies in Japan be heldoutasashining example of laissez-faire capitalismo. As Schumpeter once pointed out, economics cannot possibly claim meaning outside historical facts and an approximation to historical experience,
||
Notes
1. UNIT General Assembly, Report of the Secretary-general, "Critical Economic situation in Africa: United Nations Programme of Action for African Economic Recovery and Development, 1986-1990." August 10, 1988, p. 29, cited in "Challenging the Leadership of the Global
Economy," in Global Exchanges, no. 20. (Fal||1994), p. 3.
2. Davidson Budhoo quoted in Kevin Danaher (ed.), Fifty Years Is Enough: The case Against the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (Boston: South End Press, 1994), p.7.
3. Forbes (July 1994), cited in "Verdict of the People's Permanent Tribunal on the World Bank and the IMF". Envio (Managua: Universidad Centroamericana), vol. 13,
no.161 (December 1994), p. 34.
4. Human Davelopment Report, 1992, pp.
35-36.
5. Dot Keet, "Regional and International Factors and Forces in the Development Perspactives for Southern Africa," s: Southern African perspectives (Centre for
Southern African Studies, University of Soint Western Cape), no.29 (November 1993), We are p. 17. EWEIli
6, Robert H. Frank "Talent and the Atlee's Winner-Take-All Society", Arrerican To a St Prospect, no. 17 (Spring 1994), pp. So we 103-109. :Ands
螯 7. Noam Chomsky, "The Clinton Wision. Theil
Update", Z Magazine (January 1994), p. -- ܐ ܢܝ
Left:
32. --
| These
8. Alice Amsden, "Beyond Shock Therapy." Americal Prospect, no.13 (Spring 1993),
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

ir, this fresh spreading effervescence us almost forget its living dead.
reoolinnocence of Radio-isotopes. ial contracts and the Common Man. itement back home about Independence ilbury Sittings and the Colombo Plan.
F.C-Plan scholars we are much pampered after by Colonial office, met and funded ation tours of a consciencestricken England Council presenting us to the Mayor of Cardiff s invitation from Cardiff's Campus head ed Soulbury commissioner Sir Frederick Rees ylion evening at Abergavenny is of the Sacred Cities made us feel home sick this mood the Welsh madeus sing our songs dening our hearts of loneliness and longing. ster the Welsh anthem they called for ours a concession to Westminister ed up with God save the King boxof chocolates each).
speech-making someone said, two Welshmen
lped to draft our new Constitution
u wrote, what a coincidence neris Colombo's Campus head.
.
his prologue to Independence ! much sought after 1 London, visiting westminister secretary came up, inviting us ission of the House that week is sat through a debate on German POW's
W the Commons grappling with Peace
dependence Day reception at Ceylon House wondering what all the fun was about


Page 26



Page 27
In July when India's finance minister P. Chidambaram, rose in parliament to give an overview of the Indian economy, the
members of his 13-party coalition government expected to hear a tale of lndianeconomicroLuin broughtabout by the five years of Congress () rule, Alas, Mr Chidambara lost thiS Excelent opportunity to lanbast his adversaries in the Congress(I). Much to he dsappolntment ofhis alles, he.applauded reforts. He declared that Idia Was passing though an unprecedented economic boom. His mini-economic survey claimed that the boom which began in the second year of the Congress(I) rule, has been continuing for the past five years and will bolster further,
Mr Chidambaram's tale of India's ECOnomicb0Óm may hawe Surprised Ewen the managers of the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund so used to being ridiculed for ruining economies by forcing structural adjustment and reforms on them. And why not? In most parts of the World the IMF-sponsored reforms have resulted in a few years of hyper-inflation, recession and increased rtisery.
But not in India. The Indian experience appears to have been quite different. India experienced the fastest recovery from the recession induced by structural adjustment. In 1991-92, amidst a poor agriculture crop, a deep forex crisis when the rest of the World refused to roll back Indian debt, the economy touched the nadir ofone per Cent growth in GDP.
The recession lasted just one year. India regained its average GDP growth of the eighties in the following year, even While the proverbial darnocles SWord of the IMF's adjustment programme hung over the economy. In the fourth and the fifth year of reforms, the economy was advancing with over six per cent GDP growth. In the sixth year, the momentum of growthpicked up to seven percent.And it appears that this momentum will be sustained for at least a couple of years.
Liberalisation of Indian industry and trade from the clutches of bureaucracy
released a productive force which more
thап оvвгсапв the adverse impact of
The Writerisse
recessionStriggere Does that mean the finally been un Cag standards, it conti controlled economy. foreign industrialisti to hear a litary of Cc government still cor industry though a Controls. What hap) remarkable by India 1991, the governm on the economy in produce, how much Where.
The the di was the beginnin "de-industrialisation multinational corpor Indian industry. But Liberalisation led to Էյմնm, Frtյfits tյf tի doubled, and in is tripled, in the past production rose by C уeагоvегпіперегс prior to that.
However thедше: asked is:how long W the economy enterthis economic boom' Very positive in th question. Reason:W been quick incoming it did not use the op Wiable infrastructure economic boom. In infrastructure is giv The road met WOrk is Traffic jarins on mati mobility of industrial no proper road or several important Centres and ports. aboWetheir capaci Techanised loadi facilities. The pow country is getting gri for Creating am III aC 30,000 MWs in the economy has been 16,000 MWs of pow
How is industry it
gapin pOWEJrSupply power plants orig
 
 

UNCAGED?
Neeraj Kaushal mor Editor of the EconomTicTimes, New Delhi
エ
d by fiscal controls. households are going in for invertors or Indian economy has generator sets. As a result, there is a large ed? No. By World scale diversion of diesel to the generation
Iues to be a highly of electricity, leading to high imports.
နီရွိေ The policy of cither and delay' in Implaints on how the most matters relating ito infrastructure Itinuesto strangulate is development has led to this situation. Not large number of single megaWatt of electricity has beem pened in 1991 Was produced through any new independent nstandards. Prior to power generation plant domestic or ant imposed controls foreign-though it has been five years the firm of what to since the policy of allowing private Sector to produce, wherland into power generation was cleared. Why? Because most of the power generation agreements have been embroiled in eft declared that this controversies. The only one foreign power g of a phase of generation plant that has been approved in India. That the and granted government clearances is the ations will gobble up Enron power plant in Maharashtra. And
that was not to be. that took five years!
I al Indial industrial Ie Indian Corporates That Industry is booming despite this
everal cases even complete darkness on the powerfront, is four years. Industrial because industry is resorting to mores wer 3.9 percent last expensive means of power generation, by ent growth in the year setting up captive powerplants. However, Such second best solutions are not easy to come by in other areas. Limited port stion that is now being capacity is likely to limit the country's ability ill this boom last? Will to expand trade, which has been growing the 21th century with at over 20 percent annually for the past Soothsayers are not four years. .
eir response to this hile the economy has Besides poor infrastructure the other
gout of the recession, factor which may impose serious limitson portunity to create a growth is the slow down in the reforms to sustain alongtem programme. Reforns have largely almost all the areas, remained Delhi-centric. Dictated by a ng in at the seams reSOCe Crunch, state governments are poor and inadequate. adopting reforms in a few selected areas. onal highways make This may help some states to attract traffic slow. There is investment in certain areas. But bankrupt all network between State governments will not be able to trade and industrial invest in areas where private investors Ports operate at far find the businessless lucrative. Although ty. Most ports lack the Centre and the state governments are ng and unloading directing a considerable amount of money er situation in the towards social Sectors, it is largely m. Againstademand misappropriated. In the end, the social iditional capacity of Sectors remainlargely neglected by both past five yвагs, the the centre and the state governments. In able to create merely other Words, the government has failed E. to create a social infrastructure either, Which is essential for Sustained rying to fill this huge development. Therefore, it is unlikely that By setting up captive the economic boom of the mid-nineties enerator sets. Even can be sustained into the 21st century.


Page 28
(Confid, frown page 72) Table 1. Armed conflicts and Locatic
1989 1990 1991 1992 1
Minor Conflicts 14 - 16 18 23 InterTBOdiate 14 14 13 12 WaT 9. 19 2O 20
AI COnflicts 4了 49 51 55 All Locations 37 39 38 - 41
Table.
1990
EUROPE Minor O InterTTnediate : Wаг No. of Conflicts 2 No. of Locations 2
MIDDLE EAST Minor O intermediate 3. War No. of Conflicts 4 No. of Locations 4 Asia Minor : 7 Intermediate 6 War. 6 No. of Conflicts 19 No. of Locations
AFRICA MITOT 4 7 InterITediate 2 War I B 9 No. of Conflicts 14 17 No. of Locations 12 15
AMERICAS
MİTO 3 Intermediate 2. WaT 3. 3 No. of Conflicts 8 5 No. of Locations B 5 Consequently, these disputes can
escalate into war, and continue for years,
such is in Chad, Sri Lanka or Cambodia.
The massive diffusion of small arms in the world has increased the scope and lethality of such wars. Increasing militarisation of society, leads to a breakdown in Communication between different segments and groups, and renders civilians passive to the violence that surrounds ther. What is common i
1991, 1992: 19
7 8
O 9 7 17 15 14
萎
these Conflicts is ith Society and a
Socio-political and
that аге пecessaryt a secure civil society
The tasks of the humanitarian agenci all previous proportic become more andm cases involuntarily. causalities today a
 
 
 
 
 
 

ns 93 1994 15, 17 17 - 1B
14 7
4F 42 33-32
93-1994
4 2 2 2 4. 10 5 6 3
1 5
7 5
6 5 4. 15 8.
4 7 4 4. 3 2 1 13 12
eifragmentation of Ireakdown of all agal Infrastructures the Sustenance of
UNHCR and other is have grown out of is, as civilians have breirwolved, in Tost Ower: 90% of War e civilians, which
and 50% during World War II. Of course,
this is partly related to the increased
Sophistication and lethal power of weapons and landmines which continue to be used idiscriminately. More significantly, however, it is in the very nature of internal conflicts, that are SO often fought along religious or ethnic divides, that implicates everyone: man, woman and child. The golden rule of war in the late twentieth century, seems to be that there are no rules of war. The most vulnerable persons and groups are continually at risk and the enactment and acceptance of human rights and humanitarian international law, has not prevented continuing examples of genocide and massive human rights violations.
compares with 10% during World War I
In Countries like Somalia, Liberia and Sierra Leone, the conflict landscape contains not only regular troops and rebels, but also diamond and drug dealers, mercenaries, child soldiers and private Warlords Who prey on the Vulnerable. The growing: influence of Warlordism and militia movements means that the monopoly of violence - once enjoyed by the state, is disappearing. Increasingly, private militias are arming themselves in retaliation to what they perceive as the growth of states which are no longer concerned about, or capable of, representing their interests and defending their nBeds. In Somalia, General Farah Aidid was a particular case in point, while in a country like Afghanistan (since the Soviet withdrawal), old tribal ties, linked With religious ideology and commercial benefits, have resulted in the Continuation
of a vicious and pervasive civil War.
1. Sovereignty
The principle of state sovereignty.
continues to be a major obstacle to addressing the problem of internal conflicts. While such conflicts are between the people of one state, the basis of the UN system is built on the integrity of the state and not of its peoples. It is the sovereign state which has the right to exist and remain inviolate. Notwithstanding the mechanismunder Chapter VII of the UN charter where there is a threat to International peace and security, the legal justification for closing the door to the UN or other i government initiatives is always Article 2 (7) which protects matters essentially within the "domestic Jurisdiction" of member states. El


Page 29
The principle of consent undermines
the legitimacy of intervention by official third parties. It places constraints on 劃 political action and other measures across the whole spectrum of activities. NGOs, however, can intervene legitimately if they are invited by citizen groups or rebel communities to provide assistance and Buritarriär 3id.
Nevertheless, the agenda that state sovereignty is absolute is being increasingly challenged by a variety of forces. An Agenda for Peace asserted that the time of absolute and exclusive sovereignty had passed. Security Council resolution 688 facilitated the protection of the Kurds in northern Iraq through creating safe havens on sovereign Iraqi territory. In some cases, media attention presses for humanitarian intervention, and increasingly non-state organisations are focusing on the long-term benefits of good governance. But these inroads into the principle sometime seem more the exception than the practice. Whetheritis the death of over 30,000 people in Chechnia, or the unjust execution of one man in Nigeria, the international system reveals its frailties.
2. ACCESS
If outside interwention is to occur, access to the parties in conflict must be achieved and in many cases this access is denied. This is a serious practical issue. Often the rebel leaders are difficult to contact and the changing theatres of War make radio, and telephone contact impossible. In Sierra Leone, until the recent breakthrough which brought a cease-fire E to the civil War, three inter-governmental organisations experienced great difficulty in gaining access to the rebel group, the Revolutionary United Front.
The problem of impartiality also arises. Gaining access to the rebel side is fraught with the danger of misperception. In the intensity of conflict, mis-understanding and misinterpretation of third parties is common. Contact with the other side is fraught with recrimination and demonisation is usually caused. Third parties are frequently accused of providing legitimacy to the rebel side. Precisely because it is a state centred body, the UN needs the approval of the government in power to intervene in the dispute. But this invitation by the national government can be seen by the other side as a sign of complicity. Non-governmental organisations have greater flexibility in
assistance. Their in W
Titter:SiS, Šti||IWeWeld
because: they hawe make contact with ri =Cabo Luilt.tr Lusti ård i While NGOs may ha the trust of govern problems gaining act rebels. By recognisi co-ordinating theil sector could add complementarity of a
3. Дsyппеlгу
Internal conflicts are i a challenge to the exi ir-the-state Parado of power and resour sides is compensate the "rebel Third WF consider a compro strategy other than w
This asymmetry be an internal Conflic. UndBrBStimātéd in Wars. One recentSitu the asymmetry of in produces a stale negotiations which conditions of equalil i strong enough to ovo the state is mot stro the rebel. As one for stātē tās cīmērīt if he does not loset
SSS TOS DO strikers, the Suicide and the Tamil Tigers same trap-Which E to the Conflict ard resistance on the op
This imbalance in itSelf a Darrer to negotiation. Often
dialogue only as me
by other means.
decorTimissioning example, - as al pri governments are ef surrander, Which in the rebels. Negotiat there is equality in where both parties power'. In an as however, the oppo ises when a Tutu occurs. In other w socked fri a situato escalata the Corff maar15 = саг af ал However, both sides changes in the oth
gaining access, but traditionally, their on the element of c.
role has been providing humanitarian
remains; insurgen
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

ovement in political With scepticism. Yet, the opportunity to ebel groups, NGOs gain credibility. So, we difficulty gaining TetS, IGOS haWÉ cess and the trust of ng these limits and efforts, each
value and bring ction to the process.
invariably caused by sting power relations tically, the inequality estWeen the two ld by the tenacity of: nich is reluctant to mise or identify a ileñCe.
tween the parties in it should not be prolonging internal dy has analysed how sternal conflict rarely mate needed for function best under y. The rebel is not arthrow the state and ng enough to crush Tner US secretary of d: "the guerrilla wins le conventional army win." IRA hunger bombers of Hamas are all caught in the roduces Slutins an intensification of posing side.
power relations is reaching a point of E = Stale Brors arts of pursuing War By demanding the is
government to negotiate, while the government. Wants insurgents to surrender. The stalemate can only be broken if there is a process of mutual recognition and willingness to partake in dialogue. And even thers the internal dynamics of the insurgency can Weaken
-
the validity of their spokesmen, of the
government's, and solutions may bes inadequate or come too early in the
life-cycle of a conflict". The most effective situation, however is when parity is achieved and both parties are strong and legitimate enough to come to an agreement. This is a rare condition in intellal Conflicţ5.
SSKYLLLSLLLYS SLLLLS SSSLTLLLLLCLLS Diploтасу ісі
The problems of selectivity
Powerful governments are selective in
their policies and frequently decide not to get involved in a long-running conflict because they seenodomestic advantage accruing as a result, Strategic and national Interests - are usually the prerequisites for actual involvement although statments showing the "deepest Concen" dan bernade Without Cost. The fact that neither Burundinor Ruwanda possess sufficient strategic interest has coloured the international Community's response to the events which have taken place in both countries, The rings of friendships and convenience which tie countries together has caused British reluctance to criticise French policy in RuWarda ard Zaire. As a quid pro qLO, the French will be hesitant in criticising the British positions on Nigeria. These compromises are the unwritten rules of international affairs.
InteľBSt and iľWolveľThent in intBITlal conflicts often comes from neighbouring or regional states, who may fan the flames of conflict by supporting particular groups,
of weapons for or by attempting to increase their own
condition for talks, fectively asking for a turnis humiliating for ions work best when the relationship, and shawe mutual Weto ymmentrical conflict tunity for negotiation ay hurting stalenate ords, both sides are ni Where they cannot :f WWI fra Wailable
acceptable cost'. soften attempt to force er's policy by playing ost. Still the inequality ts try to get the
sphere of influence. In Sierra Leone, for example, Nigerian and Guinean soldiers Were sent in on behalf of the Sierra Leone government. India has had major involvement in Sri Lanka, while in Afghanistan, Iran, Pakistan and Russia Continue to bearinfluence, supporting opposing factions and fuelling the War. Regional concems such as refugeeflows, and thespread of instability can also make neighbouring states more committed to bringing peace. Tanzania has been particularly concerned with the events in Burundi, and former President Nyrere is playing a key role in the negotiations. Thus when focusing on a particular conflict, it is necessary to explore the regional


Page 30
21
contextin which it is taking place, and build certain circumstanc a framework addressing all the relevant powerful spotlightbu
features.
The issue of வினி is further compounded by the propensity to treat. internal conflicts as merely "natural disasters' With the humanitarian industry ready to swing into action.The indignation that citizens feel at gross violations and killings is channelled into mercy missions sotháthumanitarianreliefbecomesaway of buying off political responsibility.
_、 . 1 1 1 17 ܠܐ The question of political will needs to be analysed With greater vigour however because there is not a single, monolithic focal point in western democracies. a Political will is the way that citizens shape Etha actions of their politicians and since the 1960s there has been a flowering of powerful lobby organisations which can develop around single issue causes. Amongst Western nations different approaches to international issues are -taken. Small to medium-sized states such as Norway and Holland have shown an interest in low profile interventions in internal conflicts. This is not strictly for strategic interests; rather it is a means of gaining credibility on the World stage, promoting values to which they adhere.
People outside the political process have made fa différence and mobilised political will in such issues as land mines and nuclear Weapons, so to some extent it is a fallacy to suggest that only strategic Einterests in the narrow sense determine A political will. Strategic interests do not always preclude issues such as a good environment, the prevention of massive refugee flows, longterm trade potentials, and humane Walues. Of Course, as faras short-term state interests are concerned, some of these have greater appeal than others.
5. Power of the Media
The media's role in the coverage of conflicts is an increasingly controversial and difficult one. Few broadcasting
networks or newspapers want in-depth.
coverage of every War, and due to financial constraints and competition, most cannot even provide proper in-depth coverage, even if they wanted to do so. Audiences and readers are becoming increasingly more provincial in their scope of interest, and in an era where 10 second Sound-bites dictate attitudes, the complexity of war is impossible to explain. As one Nobel prize-winners has commented, "we are always en route to the next shock. It is the agitation level that matters, not this or that enormity". In
E areas of darkness
conflicts and the pot are forgotten. Whe policy decisions to explained by the si: || opinion has showni intangible and Weake Americam correspor has stated, Bosnia the first genocide Journalists were rep actшаІy happening,
didn't stop it". An
Rwanda indicate, he nor the Tedia show to mobilise governme pOTESSLJľES, re-electio financial costofsendi land hawe Combine timidity and in some ( obsession with (it's o
6. Transforminga
Perhaps the no Complex issue to C process of transform Orle Which i has - bo Violent to One Which Socio-political instit address and resolve democratisation of sc in conflict resolution,
institutional reform ess. Democracy, provides all levels a channel of co participation in thes The governmentish its actions, and in th Society have equal ri Where thatchannel or danger of violence Since 1990 there h; decrease in internal cc and Central America El Salvador, peace a in-19903-1991 elections ensued Ye number of violent de is among the highest This is predomina demobilisation of is Soldiers, without a p process. With small possession, many of have become involve gangs and drug deal Survival.
+ ܚܕ ¬.;
në Peru, Colombi: three new democracie act with impunity police backing. 萎
 
 
 
 

s, the media is a coun there will always be Peru has effected changes to the 1993 Where: particular constitution, thereby weakening Intiality for conflicts, democratic accountability and the her or not foreign independence of the judiciary. There is a intervene can be fear for the future of democracy in the: NN factor, public region, for so long as there is impunity for self to be the most members of the past regime, a lack of st of friends. As the accountability, and weak democratic dent Roy Gutman institutions, there is also a destabilising will be recorded as effection the rule of law, which can lead in history where to renewed violence'. There may not be orting it as it was a categorical war being fought, but the and goverfrients culture of violence which was engendered l, as the events in by years of civil War has not transformed ther public opinion, either. Such issues which delve into the ld sufficient outrage social psychology of a society, and relate Intaction, Domestic to the innate sense of insecurity and fear prospects, and the that may exist, cannot be solved in limited ng troops to a distant periods of time, with limited personnel d, to forge a new and resources. There is a need for tountries at least, an long-term-social, political and economic Wn). Casualties. commitment, which the present international system is at times unwilling, Culture of Violence and unable to give.
st intractable and ::::: Nete ecome intrinSicCall 1. Kaplan. The Corning Anarchy - Atlantic
Sically : Monthly, February 1994. hla5 developed the - - 2. Conflicts with Over 1000 per year - Stockholm utions which can International Peace Research institute(SIPRI).
civil disputes. The 1996 Yearbook- forthcoming Iciety is a key factor. 3. Department of Peace and Conflict Research. EUppsala University, Sweden-Salas in arriedbLtit cannot stop con Mcf. 799 - Repor no.39, with updailės fors= sand an election
Table Corrifir
- 1995. in its widest sense, 54. Since the research was conducted the Bosnian of the population War has come to an end, despite continuing - - - revenge attacks and other killings, The mmunication, ard Chechen War has also reached an official ocio-political arena. cease-fire. eld accountable for 5. The works of Ted Gurt at the Minorities at Risk leory.all sectors of ProjectetheUniversity Maryland, USAttié: ghts under the law. GMMYLHMLS LTCOOeLHL LCLLLCCLL LLLLLLMM CMeOS JS
(PRIO and the interdisciplinary Researchi eaks down, the the Program on Root causes of Human Rights Brupting increases. Violations (PIOOM) are particularly noteworthy. aS been a Tarked . Willia III 葱 ་་་་་་་་་་་་་་་་་་་་་་ Palacg: - E - Negotiating the End to Civil War-The Brookings nflict in parts of Asia Institution, Washington DC 1995. asו
in Nicaragua and
7, Ibid. -- ccords were $ç 8, Ed Garcia-Sierra Leane Peaco. Talk5, Report respectively, an and Reflections. International Alert 19 tin June 1996, the (Northcoming).
aths in El Salvador 9. i. William Zartman- Elusive in Central America. an endocivil wars-Brookin ntly due to the 10. Henry Kissingers
tate and guerrilla. 11:2artman p. 8. roper rehabilitation 2 bid.
arms still in their 13, Zartman p. 333.
the young soldiers 14. Saul Bellow Roman d incriminal streat iging
is. Nike
. ܒܬܐ ܡ -
and Guatemala, is ཟླ་ཐ་དག་ s, deathsquads still SS
EElement and military and er:
- 17. Rachel Still fighting a Institi
.. . "


Page 31
Will privatization mean
he end of the Union represent HOW WIII e interess of my members be protected
- Iade Unionist.
 

Privatization will in no way dilute or reduce the
powers and rights of your union. British Airways was privatized in 1987, and the unions remain to protect worker
interests just as before. Some of the world's largest, most
powerful and vocal unions exist in the private sector. For
example, the United Auto Workers (UAW) represent over
100,000 workers at the three biggest American Car
companies, none of which are state owned. In fact, there is
every likelihood that working conditions will actually improve in privatized companies, since there will be substantial investments made to upgrade facilities and training You can look forward to representing a considerably more
prosperous union,
It is important to realize privatization is a means to
an end. It is a means to improve our living standards, foster
technological progress, create employment and take our
nation into a more prosperous tomorrow. In order to achieve these aims, privatization has to be executed in the
appropriate Tanner.
That is the task of the Public Enterprise Reform
Commission (PERC). Its mandate is to make privatization
work for Sri Lankans today, and for generations to come,
Every privatization is a carefully considered decision
that takes into account the interests of all sectors of society;
the general public, the state employees, the consumers, the
suppliers, as well as the Country's overall economic vision.
PERC's mission is to see that privatization works.
In doing so, your interests are always being well looked
after,
With privatization everybody has a stake.
WATCH FULIN THE PUBLIC INTEREST
PUBLIC ENTER FRISE REFORM COMMISSION,
Bank of Ceylon - 30th Flaar, Mo., P.O. Box 2001, Bank of Cerkin Mawatha, Inlinhn . Sri Lanka


Page 32
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