Page 1
A. UAIRID)
ALAND UNPAT 50, JR
Mervyn
OF LOWEA)
Pulsara URBAN POLITI Ajith Se
(CTBT IS A FOU
Neeraj
A PROP PRABH
Ananda
October 1, 1
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

NIN
ce RS. 15.00
POST MARXSM,
AT90, SLFP AT 45
de Silva
ND POLITICS Liyanage CAL BUDDHISM
"asundara
RLETTERWORD
Kaushal
OSAL FOR AKARAN
Wellihena

Page 2
NOW A
Second Ena
“ “SRI LANKA :: THE DE
Articles:
ICES 15!
Introduction by Regi Si Towards Essective Devo Sole Thoughts on the Laksh Ina Ilı Marasinghe DC volution and PowcI Development, by Bertra DeW ()llu t i()rn (of PoWer, Tl Nec la Il TiTuchlelwann Towards A Compromise Breakthrough in Sri La Control of State Land - Slu lil Bastian1 The Structure and Con Choices ald Problems Context of Devolution
Apperdices:
All Order
PTCSider Ch131 drika Kl August 3, 1995 Text of Government's D, Tcxt of Gover III erht’s DC January 16, 1996 A Commentary on the ] Government January 1 Th.C. BaIldara Thalike - Chilc The Senanayake - Chelw: All Incxlure C Toxt of the Indo-Sri Lal The Interim Report of Parliamentary Select C. Excerpts from Gamini ) Century" Thirteenth Amendment
Price :
U.S. S 15.00 for SAARC U. S. S2O.OO for other
s to : ICES, 2 Kynsey Te
Telephone 685085 W 698048; F

Wailable
rged Edition
EVOLUTION DEBATE''
96 , 255p .
riwa Tider la lution, by G. L. Peiris Devolution Package, by
Sharing. The Mcans to Peace and ım Bastiam pillai he Problems and Challenges by
: Solution, by Sumanasiri Liyanage nika. by S. Guhan - The Devolution Debatic, by
tent of Education : Policy of Tmplein (ntation in the Proposals, by Sasanka Percra
umara tunga's Address to the Nation,
evolution Proposals of August 3, 1995 )evolution Proposals of
Devolution Proposals of the 6, 1996, by G. L. Peiris lwanayakan Pact anaya kam Pact
nika Agreement of July 29, 1987 he Mangala Moonesinghe OI 1 Inittee, 1992 Dissanayakc's "Vision for the 21st
to the Constitution (1987)
S. 250
countries (Airship Ilment) ountrics (Airshipment)
Irrace, Colombo 8, Sri Lanka. 'ax: 696618

Page 3
NEWSBACKGROUND
:RSRIS Aid P. CRISIS
Mervyn de Silva J. R. AT90
if one accepts Ralph Waldo Emerson's rather romantic view that "there is properly no history, only biography" it is quite clear that the historian of post - independence Es Sri Lankan politics must concentrate on the career of Junius Richard Jayawardene. Neither D. S. Senanayake, the "Father of the Nation" or S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike, hero of the 1956 "Cultural Revolution" made such a lasting impression on the national political process nor introduced changes in the economic structure which are irreversible. In short, the Executive Presidency and the "free market' or open economy. But the biographer must ask himself whether Junius Richard, introduced as "Junius the Genius" by a Sunday columnist, is a student of Machiaveli or Kautilya. Though some of his manouevres suggest a fine Italian hand, he is more the oriental despot with a clear conscience. As he told this writer, he is sound asleep a few minutes after he goes to. Egd. నై
But watching him the other day at BRAEMAR, Ward Place, on his 90th birthday, noticed he paid special attention to a group of Buddhist nuns from a provincial monastery in Japan. The reason is quite Well known. At the historic San Francisco conference of 1951, Mr. Jayawardene, then Minister of Finance, relied on Buddhist scriptures to reinforce his appeal on Japan's behalf: "hatred will not end by hatred but by compassion". On behalf of his country, Sri Lanka, he waived reparations for the damage caused by Japa| mese ai raids.
But Jayawardene's approach was by no means personal. "My leader shared this view", he is quick to point out. The reference of course is to Prime Minister D. S. Senanayake, While Jayawardene was addressing the San Francisco conference, Mr. D. S. Senanayake was telling a B. B.C. interviewer in London (1951) that Ceylon would follow a "middle way". He cited Buddhist scriptures to explain Ceylon's neutral stance in what Walter Lippman called "the Cold War".
But it is the "Japanese connection" rather than the British (or the Amercian) which has influenced Jayawardene's attitudes, in a manner not very different from Mrs. Sirima Bandaranaike's
special relationship" with the Peoples Republic of China.
The most self-assured leader We hawe produced, J. R. 's confidence rests partially on the certain knowledge that no politician will freely surrender the enormous power that the Executive Presidency represents. To make his point he calls for a copy of the "Policy Statement" by Her Excellency Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga in Parliament on Jan. 6, 1995 : "My government is committed to the abolition of the Executive Presidency as the centerpiece of Sri Lanka's constitutional system and its replacement by a Parliamentary and Cabinet system of government".
What else is irreversible 2. The former President does not need to borrow the three memorable words which decorated Can
Confd-pn_page-ಲಿ?
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

* WWE NT 1
보, 보호 பூ
C&RNAëë iN Liffië RöNië: DEMOCRATICOPPOSITION
By our Political Desk
or those whose only creed is violence and only motivation is power, there is no day that is too sacred and no place too holy. The JVP began it's campaign of terror by murdering the leader of the Independent Students Union of the University of Colombo, Daya Pathirana, on Unduvap poya day in 1986. In the last few days the country witnessed the commeficement (or perhaps more correctly, intensification) of another tcrror campaign which violated the sanctity of two holy places : first the attack on St. Mary's church, Negombo and the threatening of the priest and nuns in an attempt to disrupt the UNP's golden jubilec celebrations; second, the carnage near the Negombo base hospital which resulted in the death of 5 unarmed peoplc and riddled with bullets the glass panel enclosing the statue of St. Sebastian.
Then the perpetrators of this violent anti-UNP campaign took another step in the well worn path charted by the JWP during the dark days of 87-'89 i.e. they forbade the families to honour the dead. Consequently the funeral of one of the victims, trade unionis and UNP Wice Chairman of the Katunayake - Sccduwa town council, Silvan J. Perera was held in Colombo on Sunday, 22nd September. t
Since Friday the death toll has risen to 7 - the latest victim being Charles de William, 67 year old UNP Katana Pradchiya Sabha member and a father of five, who was shot point blank range by a lone gunman on a motorcycle. -
A Political Culture of Sudism
These assassinations are only the latest incidents in a campaign of violence which targets UNPers. Thc most gruesome of these killings took place on Aug 14th "96 at Yakwila, Paragam mana, The victim was a 24 year old UNPer, L. M. Padmasiri Shantha. He was attacked with a spade anda katty, his skull was splitopen and wine spiritpoured into the wound; when the dying man asked for a drop of water, the assassins put sand in his mouth. His crimerefusal to put up in his house, the PA's second anniversary 'skull' poster, condemning the UNP terror! The assassins then refused to allow the family to bury the murdered man in the public cemetery. This psychopathic act was followed by another murder - this time closer to Colombo. A UNP candidate at the Piliyandala Cooperative Society election was shot and killed, allegedly on the orders of a well known young PA politico in the area.
What is perhaps only a little less appalling, in a moral sense, than these brutal attacks on unarmed members of a democratic political party, is the UNP's lackadaisical response to this campaign of murder directicd at its elected members and activists. Apart from a few lukewarm statements, the UNP has donc nothing either to protect the lives of its embattled party men or to resist this ĈIE JT ρσες, 02

Page 4
Canľď frori Page 01
stupid enough to return to the S. L. F. P's "socialism", he told this Writer.
J.R.J. was exceedingly unlucky. His leader was several years younger. Besides "Dudley was my friend", he would remind his audience. And D. S. doubtless made sure that the son took to politics......... Robert Senanayake's business was Big Business.......and would someday lead the party he founded. In South Asian politics, family first. Thus the region's many dynasties from Nehru to Indira Gandhi and Rajiv, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto and Benazir and of course the Senanayakes and Bandaranaikes .............and right now, in Bangladesh, the political culture must accommodate the ladies' taste for power.
UNP at 50
At 50, the U.N.P. seems to recognise the dynastic idea, but prefers to place youth before family. Ranil Wickremasinghe, the son of a newspaper magnate and the grandson of the illustrious founder of the Lake House press, an institution well known in the sub-continent, is a lawyer. He is trying to retain the party's mass base but adapt it to the values and tastes of a new generation.....the children of "the open economy". Cash, not cooperative store coupons. The direct outcome of the market economics, introduced by his uncle J. R. Jayawardene is not merely accepted but welcomed by an educated young electorate.
The SLFP at 45
Five years younger than the U.N. P., its traditional oppo
nent, the S.L.F.P., alas, is in serious trouble, largely because it looks tired, confused, introspective and compulsively self-destructive. Why? ","-"
First, broken promises. To contain inflation, partly by cutting defence spending after a negotiated resolution of the 13 year ethnic conflict; in short, the 'peace dividend'. Far from peace, we have watched Mullaitivu, a military defeat that claimed more lives than any battle since the end of the last War I. The army needs at least another 100 million dollars, says a P. A minister.
"The public sector can provide a comprehensive social safety net. This is embodied in the Government's Samurdhi Program, which will consolidate and target existing Welfare and powerty alleviation programmes to those in genuine need..." President Chandrika Kumaratunga told Parliament in Jan., last year.
The P.A. has certainly "targetted" the existing welfare pOWerty alleviation programs when it should have targetted the
L.T.T.E.
"We set in motion some carefully structured negotiations with the L.T.T.E......" said the President speaking on the 96th birth anniversary of her father, the revered S.W. R. D.
An end to the war and relief for the wage-earner and the lower-middle class were Candidate Kumaratunga's most powerful rallying cries. Betrayed, the loyal S.L.F. P. voter retreats into a sullen silence; the lower middle and middle-class trade unions search for a credible cause to strike; the S.L.F.P.'s leftwing allies and perhaps the party's own populist reformists pray for an issue on which they can say farewell to the P. A. and retreat, preserving the lasttraces of self-respect and honour. (The troublé is so do the Rightwing DUNF........ and the PA's Tamil allies)
But the Sri Kotha leadership, cunning as ever, is in no particular hurry to push the P. A. over the edge, And it is this which makes the mounting crisis so disturbing.

சேld from pag: 0 1 = tide of lethal violence. It must be emphatically recalled that if democratic political parties took a consistently firm stand vis-a-vis the JWP after the murder of Daya Pathirana, the subequent killings, including the assassination of Vijaya Kumaratunga, could have been prevented. The UNP's no - show will only embolden it's encInies into escalating it's (one sided) war.
There are two points of importance which should be borne in mind, Firstly, these killings are not the result of PA-UNP'clashes' as some newspapers reported. They are cold blooded serial killings perpetrated on unarmcd activists of the country's largest democratic political party - and one which has deliberately refrained from taking a strident anti-govt, stand during it's two years in the opposition. Secondly these murders are not taking place in the context of an election campaign or an anti-state rebellion or its immediate aftermath. They are taking place during a period of normalcy. If this is how power-weilders resolve their political differences with the opposition during a time of normalcy, it doesn't nced much imagination to figure out how they will treat their democratic political opponents during a keenly fought election campaign.
What we are withnessing today is the true Latin/Central Americanisation, of Lankan politics. Wiolence has always been an integral part of Sri Lankan politics, particularly from 1970 onwards. But except during the - two insurgencies of '71 and '87-'89 (and their immediate aftermath; A
|RO during the Mahara by - election in 1983, this (GU wiolence was almost al
the war in the North.
ways non lethal and Wol. 19 No. 11 September 30, 1996
East, and one incident
hardly cyer involved firearms, let alone auto- Price Rs. 15.00 matic weapons. This Published fortnightly by
Il'EW t:TIOT campaign, Lanka Guardian Publishing Co. Ltd.
:No.246, Union Place,
Colombo-2.
Telephone: 447584
replete with automatic weapon and handgrenade ambushes, thcre
fore is qualitatively dif- Editor in Chief: Mervynde Silva ferent from the political Editor: Dayan Jayatilleka violence Sri Lankal wit
nessed in its turbulent Printed by and often bloody past: United Publishing House (Pvt) Ltd. And the violence is no
longer peripheral; it is C o N T. E. N. т S
creeping towards the
dit will not b Mervyn de Silva Ctl LTE 1 WW II-I)) long before UN Pers, rPolitical Desk - - trade union activists Neeraj Kaushal ': -3 and prominent dissi- Indra de Soyza 生 dents are assassinated Susil Siriwardana 7 in daylight, in {{}; James Petras 11 capital, city itself. What has to be under- Pulsara Liyanage 7 stood is that if this Ajith Serasundara 9
campaign of violence is Ananda Wellihena 2.
=
allowed to continue EEA stre ANE Cap Afd. : ar Farge. (03

Page 5
t
IIGN NEWISELCIGFOUNE
It is a four letter Word most detested by Indian strategic experts. Mention the word, and is a their nationalistic, moralistic, spiritualistic passions hit the roof. The E is my CTBT (Or the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty), a word that united the Indian left and the Indian right; the communists and . . the communalists. And look at the irony, p thig iSiSSLJ9"Which Luritės dia With Pakistan at the United Nations Pakistan too, like India has refused to sign the draft
CTET.
If there is an issue which brings all political parties together, from the leftist CPI (M) to centrist parties like the United Front Indian defen or the Congress (I), to the radical BJP, it is give several other r the nuclear bomb. HF, China, can hawe a fawr CTBT. Orne, they argl bombs, Why shouldn't we, they say. They treaty. Which is true, almost appear to sing in a chorus: "We must ent set of rules for thE have our nukes.' different set of rules.
... it is a very unequal W Even among the Indian elite, who international agree
make or shape the Country's defence Poli-. Ti passad, Will cies, there is almost a complete Conser- I o Po
sus, that India should not sign the CTBT. :o" 鼎 Successful veto of the treaty at Geneva has be a significant st injected in them a sense of pride that they a explosion C. can make the haves' realise that there are this doeslave outn the 'hawe mots' who must, hawe their nukes puterS too, including the 'micro' and 'mini nukes- ད་ལ་ལ་ with or without sophisticated testing TWO, India W. powers of the Worl. bound nuclear disa Which the latter are
இ.
(Senior Editor. Ecc
"We shouldn't give up our 'option' to hawe nuclear Weapons. Newer. This is the sentiment that unites the over 900 million Indians today Art...well...if not all the 900 - Most Indians million people, at least the few million who the CTBT is an im TattE. LJClari dišarma f'TE haWikS WOLuld råthe civilised world. Alter world which is full ol
What Wil|| We do With this 'option"? Have it for breakfast? Use it as "dressing' for our conventional arms salad Nobody plans to destroy the is quite clear about it. For 22 years, India dian strateal
- - - - 1---ܡܐ ∎ܠܐ - H gIC: Exper has been having this 'option'. The 'option' the CTBT only tow has begun to get stale. After its under ground nuclear explosion for 'peaceful purposes' in 1974 India has not felt the need for exercising this "option' again. Indian policy makers fully realise that India is bet- The Stand tak ter off without using it; it is indeed much ideologues and defe safer for Indian and South Asian security if the nation's imagina India does not hawe an Luke. a feeling of exultatio that their country ha: weapon states Whi nuclear "haWg rots', ;
make new generati ors, when they Carl the treaty.
But Indians feel good and perhaps even secure, with the 'option' in the South Block Iocker in New Delhi, and therefore, they say India should not sign the CTBT. . . The nuclea Their argument is Weak. For India, even Wonder what happel after signing the treaty, can exercise its wards nuclear disa nuclear option by invoking the withdrawal the fact that India WE clause of the CTBT which allows any coun- the CTBT not only in try to withdraw from the treaty if it is faced India's nuclear hy With issues paramount to its national inter- chances of another e55. World's nuclear disi
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

Neeraj Kaushal Delhi)
inomic Times, New
-
ce hawks, of course, easons for hating the ule that it is mot an equal It lays down a differ"nuclear haves' and a for the "hawe nots." But AÕSeSVe ment is equal. The ban nuclear explosion derwater testing and eady banned, this will ep towards banning impletely. Of course, uclear testing on Com
ould like the nuclear ito announce a time rimamenti programme, not inclined towards.
disregard the view that portant step towards ent. Indial defen1Ce ir hawe a completely
natively, they accepta
rogues, each making
other completely. Ints would wish to sign olate its provisions to ons of nuclear Weapdo it without signing
ken by India's Cold Wat nce hawks has caught There is all Ost
namong most Indians 5 faken of the Western
ch are forcing on the a very unequal treaty.
debate nakes. One is to India's pledge-torrnament. What about as the chief architect of 1950 bute Weim 1990? oocrisy may ruin the small stepotoWards the
(Lankadeepa - 17.996) :
7 ܒܕ .
Having blocked the treaty at Geneva, India has three options at the United Nations General Assembly where the issue has now come up. One, the great option of not doing anything at all. After having blocked the treaty at Geneva, just sit idle.
Two, to see if the P-5 are willing to negotiate 'entry into force' clause of the CTBT. Approval of P-5 (five nuclear powers - the US, France, China, Russia and the UK), and the T-3 (countries with the capability to make nukes - India, Pakistan and Israel), is necessary if the treaty is to come into force. So the treaty is at the mercy of the EIF clause. If India can talk the P-5 out of this clause, the CTBT will corne into force without India becoming a party to it.
The third option before India is to join with like minded countries to Work for an alternative CTBT mostly With nonaligned countries. Indian ambassadorial Genewa, Arundhati Ghose didgive Sucha hint to work foran alternate (CTBT last week. However, it did not seem that she was wery serious. Indeed, there is no possibility of such a treaty being accepted by the P-5.
Soit will be goodfor Indiato use the second option. External affairs minister, I. K.Gujral recently said that India is Willing to negotiate the treaty, Indeed, P-5 should have negotiated the treaty with India, as it did with China before the draft CTBT was made. This would have given India theim
portance that it wants.
unhindered, before long the victims can wery well include top leaders of the UNP and any prominent independent pCrsonality who opposcs the politically powerful. The killing of Murtya Bhutto in Pakistan is a grillpointer.
Sulli T:tiCSG : ?
Lct the following statement contained in a hithcrto Lincontradicted report in the Widc circulation mainstream "Linkadeepa", made by none othcr-Lhan President Chandrika Bandaranaika Kumaratungcat a public T celing " in Pattalagedara, serve as an eye opener (o all those who are still unwilling or unable to understand the significance of this new phenomenon - of lcthal amb Lushes of Linarmcd democratic political opропепls: ".......... truly, if there were guns available at that moment, not just shooting but even slicing up would have been all right. Our people arc not cowards; and the peoplc of Attainagalla know whether Iain a coward or not"

Page 6
A 1000 F
uring the bleakest hours of World War I, wher German SM i forces had broken through **Allied lines and were within a feW-Tiles of Paris, the Commander of French forces, Ferdinand Foch, repeated those immortal words of Alphonse Kart"pluS a change, pluS C est la mene chose". This adage, "a more a thing changes, the more it remains the same", is quite simply the only Way in which to describe what is currently going on in Sri Lanka. The military and political implications alluded to by Foch are not lost On the Sri Lankar situation either. The election of the Kumaratunga government and the Peoples'. Alliance Coalition was expected to bring about change for the better. The Alliance's promise of peace, bread, and fair government offered the Wote:Sarditerativy to the ab OTTEt UNP government. Today it is quite apparent that not much of the grand promises, both in terms of politics and the War, are going to Tlaterialize before the end of the PA's
F,"====== "#"; term - "a more a thing changes the more it reTlains the Sarne".
If people were skeptical about the sudden materialization of peace and bread, many expected that at least fair and just government would characterize the new era. After all, the UNP was narrowly defeated primarily because the people Wanted to do away with political thuggery, blatant corruption, state violations of individual civil liberties, and the seemingly pointless loss of life in the North. Moreover, despite the great euphoria that peace, and hence peace dividend in the form of "bread", would become a reality, We have seen in the past few months what has perhaps been the bloodiest period in Sri Lankan history, and the costs keep mounting. The great"battle for Jaffna" that elicited such optimistic statements from the Deputy Minister of Defense, Anurudda RatWatte, that the War Would be over by the Sinhala and Tamil New Year, have proved to be fallacious.
Soldiers and civiliar While eIOTous r expended pointles: the great conventi battlefront such as prove adequately
Jaffra" Wa5. Othmir victory. I hate peop So", but is it tiľT1B Oľ fatuOLS policies ar 1 C.
POSt - heroi: Wa:
had suggest Successive articlesi
that the best optio
Was to follow a stra containment". Ol focusing On the di guerrilla War agains that guerrilla Warsc: the government a gravily of the Tiger the "hearts and mi - big battles are T operations that dor from growing agai after much exper ourselves at Squar battle Tentality ag logic of its own, Confrontations lead attrition that have th to costly stalemates are beginning it. "unending wars" (I Wars that have dege Warfare. Where k Comes the air, characterize the bee Calligd" tha warfare". The fig divorced from poli point at which We North. In general, t be conceptualized asyrmirTetries betWE strategy".
In fairness to this
 
 

rontlines
Indra de Soysa
PhD Research Infert, The United Nations University, Tokyo, Japan.
sare continuing to die, esources are being sly. Events following Omal Victories on the he Mullaittivu debacle tattle "attle: for Ig more than Pyrrhic le that say "told you Ce again to point Out Suggest alternatives.
lrfare
ēd arr, ir tV
the Larka Gardiar, n for the government egy of "low intensity utlined the strategy by ficulties of fighting a it the Tigers, argued armot be "Wol" Unless ttacks the -Center of s which lies mainly in nds" of the populace 1erely grouпd clearing Tot prewent the Weeds n. I had Warned that Se, WE WOLuld find е опе again. The big ainst guerillas has a and these kinds of invariably to Wars of heir own logic, leading i.Today such conflicts ) be identified as Richard Haas, 1993), 2nerated into apolitical illing innocents beThey quintessentially :onflicts of what has era of "post-heroic hting itself becomes tical objectives - a are in the War in the he PA's mistakes may
aS || Stemming from tentactics and "grand
government, it is quite
evident that blatant corruption and the abuse of individual civil liberties that the UNP government was guilty of are no longer a factor in politics. Except for the Sri Lankan politicians' penchant for being hyper-sensitive to press criticism, and thus resorting to the most extreme measures to muzzle the press without giving irresponsible reporting the attention it deserves, the PA can harp on its relatively clean approach to politics. In fact, the President's speeches are
thoroughly boastful of this distinction;
however, this is a distinction that, given time, will be inconsequential to the voters at the next election. Moreover, despite this government's boasts, the resolve of cleaning up politics ringshollow because no one has been brought to justice for the crimes of the past era, nor much done to prevent the subversion of civil rights in the future. Who else but a new govern Tent is responsible for policing the actions of its predecessor? The voters, after all, can only pass judgment by getting the "rascals" out, after which it is the duty of a new government to see that justice is Teled Out. Instead, What We hawe See in thorough disregard for these concerns, Sanctioning political thuggery and the flaunting of the land. Thingshawe changed but remain the same.
The Crux of the problem for the country and the PA, however, is ending the war and reaping the peace dividend, Addressing this problem is at the very foundation of the PA's "grand strategy", or for that matter, should be of any Successive government. The events of the past half year, however, show an asymmetry between the grand strategy of brirging abOuti peace and the tactics employed by the government for achieving this end. In order to understand the fatuousness of the government's tactics in the War, one must analyze the So called wictories in the battlefront in ters of Cost-benefit calculations. First, it

Page 7
is abundantly clear now that the decision to launch an attack on the Tiger
strong-hold was purely apolitical one (Air
Wice Marshall Harry Goonetillake, Weekend Express, July 27, 1996). Having had the olive branch rejected by the Tigers, the government felt that it had to "do something" to save face and convey the sentiment to the public at large that it was sincere about peace - if politics has failed then surely the only option must be a military one. In US military parlance, this political phenomenon is aptly named the "do something syndrome' which allowed the US military to get involved in places of little strategic significance in the US government's Crusade against the communists, incurring great cost(such as in Vietnam) for very little gain. In Sri Laıkarı terTTıs: the political = exigency İS created by the highly popular Sentiment expressed in Sinhalese as "iwarakaralla danna". On the political front, the PA has gained many points by Ostensibly liberating Jaffna, a rather hollow claim in light of the larger picture, and these gains will prove to be inconsequential come election time. What will be the judge of the latter ultimately is "what gains at what cost?" I - point i OL ut again the difficulties of "finishing off" the war militarily,
Hostile Will, Hostile Ability
In conventional Wars. Where two nations represented by their armed forces fight, one or more conventional battles could decide the issue. However, anyone battle is not necessarily decisive, if that was the Case the "Schlieffer Plan" Would hawe been a Success for the Germams ir W. W. I and the Japanese Would hawe been Victorious after "Pearl Hartor" during W.W.II. Thus, battles that decide conventional Wars are only "straws that break the cannel's back" because already the losing side is losing. What, however, defines loss?. In purely military parlance, One side gives up because its "hostile Will", or the Will to Carry Om fighting, is eroded as a result of eroding "hostile ability" - the gradual erosion of the means to carry on the fight. For those who decided to make peace or surrender, the costs of continuing now outweigh any репеfils they expect to gain, especially given the Slim likelihood of success. Peace-feelers in terms of a Corpromise Solution areafter all attempts at bargaining for the best deal - they are attempts at gaining the most favorable outcome despite loss on the battlefield.
Thus, one side gi hostile Will is destroy inability to harness th thefight. In the Curren thė RUŠSiS häWölb to affect the hostile a thլB իtյ5||||E W| Լյf tՒի Russian willingness example of cutting los Worst possible | Ou|| Chechen secession, conflict. All this, how When thinking about the Sense of two arr battle field and figh ultimate fate of on issues. In a Conve affecting your enemy hostile will is merely intolerable painonyo
The center ofg rilla movептеп primarily within in Sources of
shore renote
nes (ORWMS), leadership, an population: Wi operates and C TE2Cr LuitS.
level of pain you in exceeds his paint. опе птight expect
way. The classic rel principle in action WE peace after the rele suffered at the land. Gulf War II. It OCOT Conventional Wars, to inflict the most pa the UN (thanks to
hardened forces) Wa to bear Tore pair Ti Iraqis than the other
Bringing to bearms enemy is purely COTTITIBrldS thE TT) began strategic bom feature of ITIOderT objective is to deny to bring more "good Militarily, therefore, are Won by the side most firepower. Ba
 
 

ves up becauseits ed as a result of its
e means to carry on
it crisis in Chechnya, em Lumable thLUS får bility, and therefore, El Chachels - the o compromise is an ses and avoiding the :come - outright ora costly protracted awer, is only relevant Conventional Wars in mies meeting on the iting to decide the et or more political Titional SerSethus, 's hostile ability and a matter of inflicting urenemy. When the
ravity of guer
tSiS IOCated three SOurCes; funding, or off War I Tachithe guerrilla di among the thin which it lepends on for
థ్రోళ్ల
flict опусштепепу lerance le Wel, thern hostile will to give cent example of this as the Iraqi desire for ntless bombing they s of UN forces furing les clear thUS that II he side that is able in is likely to winthe US's Cold War Sclearly able to bring ore effectively on the Way arco Lund.
ore firepower om domes a matter of who
Ost "goods". Thus as much as possible - in other words,
bing as an important warfare where the the enemy its ability ls" to the battlefield. COwentional battles that commands the littles för Jaffrma Will
always be Won by the gowernment's forces so long as it commands Tore men and materiel. In military parlance, firepower destroys the "center of gravity" of the enemy - the center of gravity in conventional Wars thus is tied to its ability to carry on, i.e. run factories, produce War goods, supply population, maintain Thorale etc. All of this, however, has wery little bearing on the war in the North because by its very nature it is not a conventional War. This is not two nations Wit distinct borders fighting each other Where one or both sides can sue for peace and retreat to their own sides after Ostilities hawe Erded. The Situation hēTE Willmerely SeeSaw between conventional confrontation and guerrilla War. The Tigers can only arrass in strongholds or disperse into the jungles, which brings me to an analysis of guerrilla warfare, which is where we are after the battle for Jaffna. Dislodging strongholds, however, is not the same as attacking the center of gravity of an enemy such as in conventional Wars Outlired ab Owe.
in guerrilla warfare, affecting the "hostile ability", and thus the "hostile will", of the guerrilla movements requires a completely different approach in a military sense. "Guerrilla", meaning "little war" in French, is Warfare on the cheap. It is a strategy that is adopted by the Weak. Therefore, from the outset one knows who controls more "goods". Governments will always Carry more firepower into battle - in à Conventional sense, thus, the outcome of the conflicts is clearly evident, Governments will always win battles (When told by an American general that the US had never lost a battle during the war, one North Vietnamese counterpart is Supposed to hawe retorted, "that is true but also inconsequential"). In - this instance, therefore, wining battles rarely affects the hostile ability of guerrillas. By their very nature, these movements do not depend on factories and Tlassive industrial machines to deploy more firepower on the battlefield. Their military objectives are quite simply to stay intact
their centers of gravity are not based simply on the basis of war production. TՒ1թ center of gravity of guerrilla movements is located primarily within three sources; in sources of funding, or off shore, remote war machines (ORWMs), the guerrilla leadership, and

Page 8
a Tong the population within which it operates and depends on for recruits. Thus, there is very little gain for armed forces in Wholly conventional style operations that do not affect fully the
source affecting the is perhaps possible guerrilla leadership i. captured. The JVP (effectively killing
centers of gravity of these movements and which brings me tot thus do not have an impact on the hostile is the populace. The
ability, nor the hostile will of the guerrillas. These conventional operations are a Waste of men and materiel with nothing to gain.
Put simply, "guerrillas win by not losing, and governments lose by not winning". In classic mobile-guerrilla warfare, the principles of which are enunciated by Sun Tzu and Mao Zedong and are being practiced rather flawlessly by Prabakaran, battles will be fought purely on the terms of the guerrillas. Im Mao Zedong's terms, never fight unless you are sure of winning. In other words, fight only When you hawe TOE "goods" at the battle lines and avoid fighting when confronted by Superior forces. For conventional forces, this type of warfare, especially among a population deemed hostile, is extremely difficult,
affecting the ea enhanced only if inhospitable to the hospitable to the gc WaS thiS lOlt the CaS leadership Was CaL perhaps the reaSO counterinSurgency Sir Robert Tho
no instance. Whe have prevailed rillas. Foreigners time making friend local boys - ask
Went to feed child perhaps the India
requiring rather flexible battle field- As someone tactics. Contrary to this wisdom, most the solutions Conventional forces confront guerrilla the most com movements in the ways that they are are so simp trained in - conventionally. Unfor. are ofte di Sri
tunately, conventional tactics, such as Consideration.
strategic bombing and attriting the populace, do more to strengthen the guerrillas' center of gravity wis-a-vis the population and hardens hostile will rather than Weaken it. In this instance, none of the sources of the center of gravity of the guerrillas can be affected militarily, so pain tolerance and acceptance hardens.
LTTE's Sources of Strength
If, as Clausewitz enunciated, Conventional Wars are fought militarily for achieving political ends, then guerrilla Wars must primarily be fought politically for achieving military ends. Consider for a moment the three centers of gravity of the LTTE: 1. The ORWMs of Western countries where the bulk of LTTE funding and materiel comes from 2. the leadership, i especially the supremo Prabakaran 3. the populace of the North and East. On the first source the Sri Lankan armed forces cannot be brought to bear effectively against the ORWMs. I do mot have to elaborate on this point. Stopping the flow of funds is purely a political war that has not been waged
internSely enoughby Successive - Sri :
Lankan governments. On the second
="__=T----
縫刻
Jaffna. Only an inhi can Cause gue unacceptable pain.
Clearly, the three insurgencies are politically, a point C "Hearts årld Thirlds" i insurgencies do not is fair government. guerrilla movements good government. H the current Crisis in is such that it would effort by the goverr forces to Win the "h the Tajority of the pe and East. This enormously complica Conventional war ag fight unconventional in Vietnam and Afghanistan neverifi balance of strategy problem, and lam : Will notable to either.
 

-
a political leadership militarily only if the s dumb enough to be managed this twice pff the movement), le last source, Which military's chances of dership is greatly the - populace is a guerrillas and is )wernment forces - GE I With hOW the JWP ight? This point is for the iron law of enunciated by mpson: there is reforeign troops over local i guerLust: hawe sa harder S While shooting at the US forces that ren in Somalia, Or 1S that dd i
圈。
毅
once observed,
to Some of plex problems le that they SSed without
Ospitable populace rrilla Towerments
Centers of gravity o
best addressed fter referred to as Wars. To begin with, Crop up where there The best antidote to , therefore, is simply o Wewer, the state of the North and East equire a gargantuan Tent and the armed CertS i Ed Tids" of JpLilace in the North task however is ited in the midst of a ainst guerrrillas Who y - the Americans the FRLISSarms ir igured out the right
to Cope with this afraid the SL forces By ousting the Tigers
from their self imposed exile in Jaffna town, the government has committing the LTTE to carry on the war in mobile guerrilla Style, Which Will frustrate our forces and the peace process indefinitely.
As someone. Once observed, the solutions to Some of the most complex problems are so simple that they are often distissed without consideration. The best strategy for the government, as had агgшеd in the Lалka Gшardјал еarlieг, was to contain the Tigers. I used the term "low intensity" to distinguish this tactic from that of the global strategy the US followed against the Soviets during the Cold War, just very much smaller in magnitude. However, while containing Prabakaran in self imposed exile, the government must embark on an intensive and sincere program of winning hearts and Tinds both there and abroad (devolution packages and the like), a task made much easier from a defensive position - One cannot make war and expect peaceli Moreover, capital that is now being used on fancy war materiel largely useless in fighting the Tigers could be utilized in rebuilding and consolidating the "idea of peace" in the EastCompared to Jaffna, the East is far
more valuable strategically, This same
approach must be utilized abroad for affecting the LTTE's ORWMs, its bread and butter. The Tigers should be marginalized politically (which automatically Weakens them militarily) and
territorially - this is a political and diplomatic task.
Today, however, from fighting a war Conventionally where the battle lines Were few, the forces now face a thousand frontlines. What's more, the hearts and minds War has taken a back Seat to the military exigencies, a development Lhat does not portend wel for peace in the long run. Ultimately, we Will hawe to consider the classic Litmus test. When fighting guerrillas that is used by US counterinsurgency forces-the old man at the fork test: Does the old man at the fork point in the direction of the fleeing guerrrillas or send the armed forces on a wild goose chase? It may be concluded that hearts and minds, and Ultimately the War, is being won when the oldman at the fork helps the forces. How far away from this are we today? What is abundantly clear is that the government's politico-military strategy is not employing tactics that are really designed to win the War, or Will it be able to bring about peace - the more a thing changes, the more it remains the same?

Page 9
Some reflections i on pro
hoшsing is and a powerty
anka's Alterna
The First Policy Shift (1983-1989)
In the context of participatory development, the first strategic shift in development policy took place within the housing sector, more particularly in housing by the rural poor and the urban poor. This initiative was embodied in the Million Houses Programme (MHP) which started in 1984 and ended in 1989, with 1983 being a transitional preparatory year.
The Million Houses Programme was a : radical and one hundred and eighty ဒ္ဓိရှို့ degree change from conventional
E
provider-based housing to innovative န္ဒီနှီရွိေါဒီ့ support-based housing, where the poor క్లు 接羧蕊 &
builder families were at the centre of their own housing development process. The Implementation Guidelines of the Rural Housing Sub Programme of the Million Houses. Programme (MHP) put Outil 1984 a.CUCEdiS NEW Pathil these tes:
"The MHP is founded on the Māor Streaf7 -- of Sri Lankar house-building - a tradition of house-building by individual famílies. -
--- Нолле-bшїding: families occшру а pivotal position. Like the farmer who grows our food, the horTre-builder will be taking the vita/ shelter decisions. The key decisions regarding costs, technologies, standards, infrastructures, siting arder Wirarrer 7 — ffe Where, 7e of thi how, the what and by whom - Will Aմth be taken by the coт типity of
పళ్లభర్త్లో OreggrS. -
The MHP Caters ta agreat variety 2 3 - - ofdifferentneeds andpriorities:new Commission on housing and upgrading, Water flowing fra
Sppyard Saria fiori, infrastructure Presider Preii: and utilities, land and loans, skill rdana is now with training and technical infortation, Perspectives Net decentralised decision-making and (SAPNA) in colon Unified willage/district development. Advisor of the Frer
୪
While the publicard private sectors ള്ള
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

W
αε
icher in a remote
twice witt funtarily:servi
8.
literary review, ked at Amnesty. ឆ្នា9,
ឆ្នា
শ্ৰেষ্ট భళ్ల 冢 ళ్ల
988
&:
mmissioner:
క్టర్డ్వేర్ణిస్తూ: alleviation :
- - ti 3. fস্থািপ্ত: ಜಿಜ್ಞೀಜಿ କ୍ଷୋ- -ံ့ဖြိုချိုဒြိုး(ဟို့ နွှဲ ith প্ত
3.
LLLLLL LLL LLLLCLL C GGLLLLLLL LLLaLLLL programme, it covers the three vital SEClors GfÖLirfufflar) SEffsBrnErl's- villages, towns and plantators.
What does the state do in this programme? It supports, strengthens and complements, the Mainstream. It facilitates and supports both individual homebuilders and corrurias, inforts builders and trains both participants and staff. It will intervene only when Irldividualgairid COTInLInities Carliricil so/ve problems олілеїr owл. So While the state is the SLIpporterard faCafo, feldWida farles W. tedders and decision-rakers.
Our new slogan: MNIMAL INTER
VENTION MAXIMAL SUPPORT
BY THE STATE: MAXIMAL NWOLVEMENT OF THEBUILDEF FAMILES"
Basic to this radical policy and perceptual shift was a more correct appreciation of the role of the poor in their own development, and its Corollary, the fundamentally altered role of the state as a pro-poor supporter. The poor were being made subjects: hitherto they had been objects. Indeed roles were reversed. Government's role was to support and underWrite the si initiatives of the poor Without reserve.
The MHP it59lf W35 arı, Umbrella . concept which incorporated all housing being done in the country, including housing done by private individuals. The

Page 10
target of a million houses really meant a
million families who satisfied one or
more of their basic shelter needs through the Programme, The MHP was made up of six subprogrammes. Each Subprograms the Was derived from the main house producing constituencies. Of the six, the Rural Housing Sub Programme (RHSP) and the Urban Housing Sub Programme (UHSP) were targeted on the rural and urban poor.
The RHSP and the UHSP were the cutting edge of the new participatory policy and methodology. They were both operationalized by means of a simple, direct and transparent chart in the for in of what was termed the Housing Options and Loans Package or HOLP for short. The HOLP-Rural was designed in 1984 and the HOLP-Urtar follo Ward i 1985. (The two HOLPs are dropped-Editor).
The HOLPs set the loan limits and conditions. They were devices to facilitate indiwidual choices" in relation lo indiwidual needs and affordability. They conferred variety, flexibility and freedom of choice in a non-bureaucratic mode. Most inportantly, their diversified loan responses meant that the counting of housing improvements would be in terms of families benefitted and mot units COinStructed.
The RHSP and UHSP had many achievements. They encompassed exceptional coverage. In fact, practically every one of the 4500 smallest administrative zones in the country at the grassroots level had several families participating in the programme. In terms of distributive equity, its achievement is unsurpassed. The numbers are impressive.
its cost effective noteworthy. The diri was minimal, but Component of-fam expansion of asset exceptional. Above human satisfactio, houses. Was differ because it had the us needs, priorities and design and appearar
Another unique Small housingloam recognition of hous WaS a T13SSiWerT10t invest those sawing housing and housing furniture), most notat
poor.
Front 1984-89 it W аVегаge of more tha issued was mobiliz housing constructed
It is correct that lo; equally impressive. F year, the average m in both sub-prograr rose to 60 ir - 19 expedient introduce election compulsion, a Write-off, and th plunged to practically
From the speci participatory develo zation strategy, their fact that the praxis the UHSP was sustained and deepe Corning of age is, th implementation acco examination of the
MILLIONHOUSES PROGRAMMEPERFORMANCE
Sub-Programmes Families Reached Families Completin
RHSP 258,762 231,752
UHSP 38.125 33,664
RHSPLoan ceiling = Actual average RHSP loan disbursed per completion = R
UHSP Loan ceiling = R Actual average UHSP loan disbursed per completion = R

2ness Was equally ect Cost to the state
the Walue-added ily labour and the bases were almost all, Was the factor of S. Each of these Int and distinctive, Serfamily's indiwidual tastestamped on its TC9.
achievement of the process and public hold rights to land wation to save and Js in Creating new |-related assets (e.g. ly amongst the very
as estimated that a
2.5 tir Tie:S the loan ed tard irWestedir through the MHP
an recovery Was not from 1984, the initial onthly loan recovery mmes progressively 88. But a political din l-1989 as an Was perceived as hereafer recoveries
Η ΕΠΟ,
fic perspective of pTent and mobilimportance lay in the
of the RHSP; and being continuously ned. The proof of this at the processes of PrTpanied by critical experience, Was
: (1984-1989) 上
g: Disbursements
(Rs.mns.) 1301.1
313.4
s7,500.00
S5,614.00
S 15,000.00 st 9,312.00
LurEE: NIHIDA)
generating a series of unusually propitious innovations and experiments, which only helped to further legitimize the validity and catalyze the demand for the new participatory values. Equally important was the fact that while terror and mayhem Were rapid y distancing development Workers from the field and their responsbilities from 1987 onwards, development Workers in housing among the urban and rural poor, found themselves being received by the people with an overwhelming degree of trust and credibility.
From 1977 to 1988, Ranasinghe Premadasa was the Minister of Housing and Construction, and also the Minister of Local Government, in addition to being the Prime Minister. First, housing and then poverty alleviation played a strategic role in his vision for Sri Lanka With human development, economic growth, equity and national unity being the cornerstones. It was his unique role to lead politically. He invested his leadership task with qualities of morality, creativity, daring, accountability and Scale, which were quite exceptional.
Systemic Crisis, Challenge Setting and the Second Policy Shift (1987-1988) -
1987-89 Were watershed years in Sri Lanka's post-independent process of democratic governance and development. During them, there were two Separate insurgencies, both led by youth, One in the south and the other in the north. The Report of the Presidential Commission on Youth, Sessional Paper 1 of 1990, aptly documents the process leading to the crisis of confidence. The Southern insurgency was the second in a line, the first having been the historic AprillSurrection of 1971. Terisis embraced a spectrum of issues such as a ruthless use of political power by the
Executive Presidency and the regime,
the loss of a minimum inter-ethnic majority-minority consensus, serious lapses in the rule of law, conspicuous overpoliticization in favour of the party in power, the withdrawal of the civil rights of the former Prime-Minister Mrs. SirimaWo Bandaranaike, the nearloss of a bipartisan bottomline Consensus between government and opposition, the hegemony of exogenous forces in the sphere of research and policy, serious external strains with our closest neighbour India and a perceived sense of inequity in Social terris, all of which led to a crisis of credibility and legitimacy.

Page 11
|-
These were invariably the symptoms of deeper causes, which have to do with the insensitive mechanistic; and imitative manner in which the country liberalised the economy in 1977 - being the first country in South Asia to do so. The results of rapid structural adjustment were indeed mixed-rises in exports, huge quanta of foreign aid, an upsurge of the private sector, a sharp drop in unemployment from 24% in 1976/77 to 12% in 1981/82, with average growth of nearly 6% a year during 78-84 compared to only 2.9% in 70-77 on the positive side, while consulter prices rose by over 200% between 77 and 84, real Wages deteriorated, income distribution got more skewed, purchasing power of the poor declined, and school drop-outs increased, on the negative side. The negative impacts have been concretely analysed in Sri Lanka: The Social Impact of Economic Policies during the last decade, UNICEF, Colombo, 1985.
S LLLL K S a a LLLLCLL a LaLL aaaLLLLLLLaL Minister Ranasinghe Prei Tiadasa, that
crisis, he set a challenge to himself of searching for a transforming strategy rooted in development policy itself. His intuitir di WSOIT SEWedi his Well to Suggest that what was needed was a political approach to the problem.
It was in NoveTiber 1987 that the next significant event of the pre-1988 phase took place. It took a unique challenge-setting form, That was the appointiment=ona proposal of the Prime Minister to the Cabinet-of a Committee of eight High Level Officials, chaired by the then Governor of the Central Bank, to prepare within one month, An Action Programme on Powerly Alleviation through People-Based Development. Sessional Paper No. XII of 1988). The report was prepared within six weeks. Its Jle is quite Strategic In relation to Subsequent policy developments for mationwide poverty alleviation. For one hing, it further clarified the methodological inciples of such a demanding but SSary issue of powerty alleviation, by Ditically focussing om the participatory content of the housing experience. This 3S Conceptualized under the label People-Based Development, which was efined as being fundamentally different LL LLLL LL CLHHLLLLLLL LLLL L0LLLHaaLLaLLa development. "In essence, it:-
- put people first, especially the poor
and poorest of the poor,
confronted with the burgeoning systemic
Considered primary resour
was self-reaf
- was culturally
COL/dreas Zer Stability.
So People-Based sted pліталіїу Iп I Tobilizadffer Wisd0
The Committee fu Operational Principle
The hose starting poin. the poor and
Need, and Crary.
Parly politics must solally ri:
Women, yout Critical targest
People frisia State support.
In the chapter om for the new partici Report explicitly OL principles.
Recognition by initiatives the taking in the firmpro Vermer), encourage, SL
ΠΕπί
Percegpfually, it the people's p people the Sla
The implement cally bolton-u higher levels in
Each FOLSehC
Vегуроог, і5 Іh people-based
5. The planning
and-impleTe| "gamgoda" or
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

man beings as the ге; і:
алd boffолл-шр;
år 77 TOLIS
IIулаӀіола/scaleапd
" Development invahuman beings and Täld SkWO Fig|L/";
(The Report, p.8)
ther defined a set of is. SOThe are
hold/family is the - of the poorest of Іhe poог.
Тged aӀолв, іS thв
- the programme se above it.
'ås' Chrer-äre
grOLIS.
2 Gārd decide: f’TE 5."
"The Organization" palогу strategy, the Illined the following
Gowerfrnerf of the poor are continually r struggle for Self
refer portand Lrderwrite
Testate is supporting "rOcaS5, ar)d rO! MFhe fe's
asion process is basD with mediation by the form of Support
súd, especialy Offa a starting point of the
roces5
g, decision-making тӀing fгаппе is the "yaya";
This report was absolutely strategic to facilitating a pathbreaking transition to the post-1988 Context. It constituted an exhaustive and fundamentally new search for a mobilizational and participatory mode of development as an alternative and corrective to a highly disordered bureaucratic and Overpoliticized system. It was an act of quite radical analysis and an attempt to draw generalizable lessons from the "little tradition' of participatory development in housing and other lesser processes like those of COTmitted NGOs.
This was a strategic step in the Overall trajectory from a sectoral (housing) understanding of poor-centred Participatory Development, to a holistic and multi-sectoral articulation of a National Powerty Eradication Policy. If the breakthrough in Housing Policy was the 'action' phase, here was the corresponding "reflection' phase of the process. It was an indispensable transition in achieving intellectual and Waluational Coherence and clarity. It was highly educative for both the political leadership as well as the technocracy. Without this wital intermediate step, even if the political will was there to design a radical pro poor policy of Poverty Eradication, there Would hawe been Teither the Self-Confidence nor the courage to actually work out the operational details of the Policy and Programme called Janasaviya- that f0|0Wed.
The Janasawiya StrategyThe Second Policy Shift in Action (1988-1994)
Janasawiya or "the strength-creativityCapacity of the people" was both the name of the national powerty alleviation programme started in 1989, and also a much larger framework of participatory development (the paradigm) and social mobilization (the central methodology). This was primarily value-based and an explicit departure front business-as-usual and conventional top down development. Herce, it was a drarTatiC: bre3k frOT the DaSt.
It was the special achievement of President Premadasa, that he ultimately evolved to the participatory development paradigm through a critical personal search for more authentic and peoplecentred values and practices in housing by the poor, which was his chosen passion and school for learning. A very small critical mass of Eradical

Page 12
to
thinker-practitioners led by the President sustained their search and practice on the ground, until the systemic crisis of 1987-89 created a new policy compulsion for an innovative poverty alleviation response. The crisis served to massively deligitimise the premises of conventional top down overpoliticized (in party terms) and over bureaucratized development, and thereby demanded a fundamental and sufficientalternative. Janasawiya was that response - both the Programme and its larger framework of pro-poor processes.
The Janasawiya Programme had to pass many searing tests before it was legitimized - the biggest being the verdict of the revolting southern insurgents themselves. The Programme was launched at the height of the insurgency. Deeply conscious of its Vulnerability wiz-a-viz the insurgents, the Programme took the offensive by seizing the moral high ground. In six pithy principles and valuational statements, it projected its radically altered perspective:
1. Trust the people, especially the
POOT.
2. The people decide and do: others
support them.
3. The poor must be separately
organized.
4. Always do what is just and right.
5. A countrywide process of learning b doin ... .
у 9
6. All procedures to be open and
transparent.
The programme successfully managed to totally depoliticize the implementation and Tinimise bureaucratic domination. It sought to invite all those who were morally and personally committed to fighting poverty - the literate and conscious youth Were very much a part of this constituепсуг —to come forward and assume responsibility for self-managing what was essentially designed as a people's process. This premise was tested on the ground before long namely in the vexed issue of identifying the poor.
Here again, breaking from past practice, the Programme innovated by getting the whole community to select their own poor through an iterative process of open public meetings and
ܠܐ ܝܬܐ .
public lists, prepal itself on the basis applicable local of productive i tre cultivated, animal: genderstatus and deprivation). Inspil civil strife in the Col. сапе down by abc year, and continue subsequent years paid off - amids and more equital achievable.
The programm streams of Suppor Development Com or USS 29 a TOn the local Cooperati Was basically alba: essentials-of-living productive Work foi of the family and money came = fro support Was for a during which the to nobilize thems self-development. ment support mad family to put in 20 benefit Was to be fo Rs. 1458)-came tranches - two of each perfortnight a or USS 9. The ide Was invited to wol 458. The seCOr WaSan Im Westment commercial banks RS. 25000/= br | instance, if and Wł foraloan With a Cre money. Was to CO.
system.
As at November had covered 99D of a total of 301 in th a total of 455, 132 է total expenditure b bank loans) was F 253 in. Of the 238,889 had taken of RS. 1314 Trl O voluntary savings families Was Rs. 21. Repaymentratesvi areas to 95%ing of private and Comr through the food Work programme Private assets W form of upgradec

ed by the community f instantly and directly :riteria (e.g. number es, externt of Cropos and assets OWred, other visible indices of e of the conditions of ntryside, the numbers ut 35% during the first d to diminish through The rethinking had civil strife, a harder le identification Was
a consisted of two t... First WaS ali Hurmar ponent of Rs. 1458/= h, distributed through We outlets, and which sket of food plus other
offered in return for "the self-improvertent heir asset base. The m the budget. This ixed 24 month period, family was expected elves for subsequent The Human Develop3 it compulsory for the days of labour, whose rthemselves. Also, the
in the for II of three Rs.500/= or USS.10 nd a third of Rs.458/- a was that the family untarily save the Rs. distream of support Component, whereby extended credit upto USS 500 in the first ten the family applied it-Worthy project. This The from the banking
1993, the Programme ivisions or areas (out ecountry), comprising iltra poor families. The y the state (excluding (s. 12,650 min or USS above total families, bank loans to the value USS 26.2 Tin, Total to the Credit of the 53IThinOrUSS 43,2Inn. 1riedfrom 30%in WEak od areas. The quanta unity assets acquired 'goods for 20 days was astonishing. are primarily in the
upgraded new toilets. Community assets included a spectrum ranging from agricultural wells, drinking wells to community centres, pre-schools, improved roads, canals and playgrounds etc. This social infrastructure has been Valued at ar. estimated Rs. 1139 minor USS 27.7 Tin for 145,456 private units and Rs. 455mn or US$9 mn for community ones.
t
The other key featureofthe Programme was its Social Mobilization process, which comprised awareness raising, small and large group formation, building up Organizations of the spoor, and the numerous other psycho-social aspects of human development and self-management, where the poor overcame their lack of identity and recaptured it, including the very important fact of women attaining a new identity as responsible individuals etc. In fact, as the Programme expanded from year to year, this Was the aspect that suffered from a paucity of trainers. Herce, the Overal results Were Unevem. Where there were good trainers, the mobilization was quickly internalised,
made meaningful in terms of their own
lives and their alienation and delusions were overcome. Where there Were no traimerSOr Where they were weak, there was no mobilization commenSurate to the need. However, as a result of the large scale of the Programme, certain features of mobilization became normative. Srtial groups: Were universal. Larger organizations were being formed. All of them had huge sums of money saved. By and large, a rudimentary process of self-organization had begun to emerge.
The Janasawiya process Catalysed a much larger frame of development thinking and action, which went beyond the specific Janasaviya Programme. Some of these, like the 1.5 Million Houses Programme Were direct outcomes of the new Premadasa regime. Many others, emerged from the more general perspective. Among them are the Divisional Secretariat attempt at administrative restructuring, devolution and decentralization, the attempt at labour intensive (especially young female labour) 200 Garrent Factories. Pro
gramme located at the periphery, the
innovative sub-contracting oriented Free Trade Zone at Koggala, the Janasawiya Trust Fund, which was a new type of bank for the poor with World Bank assistance, a Community Water Supply and Sanitation Project, also with World Bank assistance and the experiment in
1 new houses and people-intensive local level development
தா ரரgg

Page 13
Nurtured and, in many cases, su
| GESCOUrse:
Yost-Marxism" has beCome afashionable Intellectual posture With the triumph of neoliberalism and the retreat of the working class. The space vacated by the reformist left has in part been occupied by capitalist politicians and ideologues, technocrats and the traditional and fundamentalist churches (Pentecostals and the Vatican). In the past, this spaee was occupied by socialistinationalist and populist politicians and church activi associated. With the "theology of libe tion". The center-left was very influential Within the political regimes (at the top) or the less politicized popular classes (at the bottom). The vacant space of the radical left refers to the political intellectuals and si politicized sectors of the trade unions and urban and rural social movements. It is among these classes that the conflicts between Marxism and "Post-Marxism" is most intense today.
dized by the principal firmarciäl institutions and governmental agencies promoting neo-liberalism, a massive number of "social organizations have ဗျွိုဖို့ ။ Whose ideology, linkages and practices .التحلي ، are indirect competition and conflict with Marxist theory and practice. These organizations, in most cases describing. themselves as "non-governmental" or as "independent research centers", have been active in propounding ideologies and political practices that are compatible with and complement the neo-liberal agenda of their financial patrons. This essay will proceed by describing and criticizing the components of their ideology and then turn to describe their activities and non-activities, contrasting it With the Class-based ents and approaches. This will be followed by a discussion of the origins of "PostMarxism" and its devolution and future in relation to the decline and possible ELITT. of Marxis rTLE=E3, E45
萱
Propositions of Post-Marxism
._4° The intellectual proponents of postMarxism in most instances are "exMarxists" whose point of departure is a "critique" of stand the elaboration of counterpoints to each basic proposition as the basis for attempting to provide an alternative theory or at least a plausible line of analysis. It is possible to more of less synthesize ten basic arguments that are usually found in the post-Marxist
--
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

(1) Soc
ialism was a failure, and all "general theories" of societies are ned to repeat this process. are false (except post*M because they reflect a World of thought dominated by a single gender
race culture system. E.
(2) The Marxist emphasis on social class is "reductic beca LSE: CASSES ciple political points rooted in ethnicity,
are dissolving the principle of departure are culturalian diverse identities (race.g
sexual prefer
(3) The state is the enemy Ե! democracy and freedom and a corrupt and inefficient deliverer of social Twelfare. In its place, "civili society" is the - protagonist of democracy Erld social
leads to and is a
翡 the exchange of goods between produE. cers. Markets and market exchanges, perhaps with limited regulations, allow for
nsurptionandore efficie
vil Society to its Control. Local struggles over local issues by local organizations are the only democraticmeans of change, along with petition pressure on national and international authories、臀 贊袞慧髻
(6) Revolutions always end badly or
threaten to provoke authoritarian reactions:The alternative istostruggle forand consolidate democratic transitions lo Safe 、
(7) Class solidarity is part of past ideologies, reflecting earlier politics and realities. Classes no longer exist. There are fragmented "locales" where specific group titles) and localities engage in self-help and reciprocal-relation for "survival based on cooperation with external supporters. Solidarity is a cross-class phenomera, a hU កa
BSture.リ *、
(8) Class struggle and confrontatio does not produce tangible results; it provokes defeats and falls to solve immediat blers. Government and international cooperation around specific projects does result in increases in production and development.

Page 14
(9) Anti-imperialism is another expression of the past that has outlived its time. In today's globalized economy, there is no possibility of confronting the economic centers. The World is increasingly interdependent and in this world there is a need for greater international cooperation in transferring capital, technology and know-how from the "rich" to the "poor" countries.
(10). Leaders of popular organizations should not be exclusively oriented toward organizing the poor and sharing their Conditions. Internal mobilization should be based om external funding. Professionals should design programs and secure external financing to organize local groups. Without outside aid, local groups and professional careers would collapse.
Critique of post-Marxist Ideology
The post-Marxists thus have an analysis, a + critigue , and a strategy of development—in a Word, the very general Ideology that they supposedly condemn when discussing Marxism. Moreover, it is an ideology that fails to identify the crises of capitalism (prolonged stagnation, periodic financial panics, etc.) and the social contradictions (inequalities and social polarization) at the national and international level that impinge on the specific local social problems they focus on. For example, the origins of пео-Нiberalisпп (the socio-political and economic milieux in which - the post-Marxists function) is a product of class conflict. Specific sectors of capital allied with the state and the empire defeated the popular classes and imposed the model. Anon-class perspective cannot explain the origins of the social World in which the post-Marxists operate. Moreover, the same problem surfaces in discussion of the origins of the post-Marxists - their own biography reflects the abrupt and radical shift in power at the national and international levels, in the economic and cultural spheres, limiting the space and resources, in which Marxism operated While increasing the opportunities and funds for post-Marxists. Sociological origins of post-Marxism are embedded in the shift in political power away from the Working class toward export capital.
Let us shift now from a sociology of knowledge critique of post-Marxist ideology and its generally inconsistent view of general theorizing, to discuss its Specific proposition. Let Luis start With its notion of the "failure of Socialism" and the "end of ideologies". What is meant by the "failure of socialism"? The collapse of the U.S.S.R., Eastern European Communist
regimes? First, the concept of socialis here it is not clear political system, economic system returns in Russia, P many of the ex-Sovie that a majority of vot aspects of past socia economic practices, ir the ex-Commu indicator of "failure" definitive, Secondly, socialism" the post decline in power o' insists. On a di "failure" due to inti of socialist practi military defeats by sors. No iопе Hitler's destructi
European democra of democracy"
Today, while that ad-liberal Marxists are out is hardly a c Western Herni Marxist or Soci: mass moveme leading major c and challengir policies and Paraguay, Urug Successful gen Mexico major ments and India Brazil the lan movements all influence.
- it
ΣΥ.
Terrorist capitalist U.S. interwention in Bolvia, Uruguay, D. Guatemala, Nicial Angola, Mozambi played a major role ir revolutionary left. Mill failures of the econo notreflectOn the effet experiences. Moreov the internal perform period of relatively popular governance indicators, the rest favorable than t afterwards: popular
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

is only a single I, Secondly, even what failed - the or the SocioFRECEt Electio land, Hungary and Republics suggest rs prefera return of Welfare policies and If popular opinion st countries is an the results argot if by the "failure of Marxists mean the the left We must tinction between !rnal inade qu'acies Ces and politicoexternal aggresWould say that in of Western CI5 WES - "failure
2 it is true S. govern and of power, there ountry in the sphere where list influenced nts are LE 10t erõStratioS Igneo-liberal
regimes.in ay and Bolivia, ral strikes, in }еasапt плоven guerrillas, in less Workers' reflect Marxist
and Wor
regimes Chile, Argentina, minican Republic,
Salvador, ue, Afghanistan the "decline" of tha ary defeats are поt Tlic System arid do tiveness of socialist Ir, when we analyze ances during the stable socialist or by many Social Itsase for Tore at Which came articipation, health,
education and equitable growth under Allende compared very favourably to What care afterward With Pinochet. The same indicators under the Sandinistas compared favorably to Charmorro's regime in Nicaragua. The Arbéniz. government's agrarian reform and human rights policies compared favorably to the CIA installed government's policy of land concentration and 150,000 assassinatiÕS.
Today, while it is true that neo-liberals govern and Marxists are out of power, there is hardly a country in the Western Hemisphere where Marxist or Socialist influenced mass Towerments are mot leading major demonstrations and challenging neo-liberal policies and regimes. In Paraguay, Uruguay and Bolivia, successful general strikes, in Mexico major peasant movements and Indian guerrillas, in Brazil the landless Workers' movements all reflect Marxist influence.
Socialisrn outside of the Communist bloc was an essentially democratic, popular force that secured major support because it represented popular interests freely decided. The post-Marxists confuse Soviet Communism with grassroots revolutionary democratic socialist movements in Latin America. They confuse military defeats with leftists' political failшгes, accepting the пеo-liberal analgation of the two opposing concepts. Finally, even in the case of Eastern Communism, they fail to see the changing and dynamic nature of communism. The growing popularity of a new socialist synthesis of Social ownership, Welfare programs, agrarian reform, and council democracy is based on the new Socio-political movements.
In this sense, the post-Marxist view of the "end of ideologies" is not only inconsistent with their own ideological pronouncements but with the continuing ideological debate between past and present Marxists and present debates and confrontations with neo-liberalism and its post-Marxist offspring.
The Dissolution of Classes and the Rise of identities
The post-Marxists attack the Marxist notion of class analysis from various |perspectives. On the one hand, they claim that it obscures the equal or more significant importance of cultural identities (gender, ethnicity). They accuse class analysts of being "Economic reductionists" and failing to explain gender and ethnic differences within classes. They then proceed further to argue that these

Page 15
"differences' define the nature of contemporary politics. The Second line of attack on class analysis stems from a view that claSS S. Therely an Intellectual EUnstruction it is essentially a subjective phenomena that is culture determied Herce, there arg 10 "objective class interests" that divide Society since interests' are purely subjective and each culture defines individual preferences. The third line of attack argues that there have been Wast transformations in the economy and Society that have obliterated the old class distinctions. In post-industrial society some post-Marxists argue, the source of power is in the new information systerns, the new technologies and those Who папаge and control them. Society, according to this view, is evolving toward a new society in which industrial Workers are disappearing in two directions: upward into the "new middle class" of high technology and downward into the marginal"underclass".
Marxists have never denied the importance of racial gender and ethnic divisions. Within classes. What they have emphasized, however, is the wider social systern which generates these differe: nces and the need to join class forces to eliminate these inequalities at every point: Work, neighborhood, family. What most Marxists object to is the idea that gender and race inequalities can and should be analyzed and solved outside of the class framework that landowner Women with Ser War tSaid Wealth have arteSSential "identity" with the peasant Women who are employed at starvation wages. That Indian bureaucrats of neo-liberal governments have a common "identity" with peasапtlпdians who are displacedfгоп their land by the free market economic policies. For example, Bolivia has an Iпdiап Vice Presidвпtргesidiпg ovегthe mass arrest of cocoa-growing Indian farmers. Identity politics in the sense of consciousness of a particular from of Oppression by animmediate group can be an appropriate point of departure. This understanding, however, Will become an "identity" prison (race or gender) isolated from other exploited Social groups unless it transcends the immediate points of oppression and confronts the social system in which it is embedded. And that requires abroader class analysis of the structure of Social power which presides over and definess the conditions of general and specific inequalities.
The essentialism of identity politics isolates groups into competing groups unable to transcend the politico-economic
universe that define poor, Workers, pe; Class politics is the LO COTTO "ideti transform the insti class and otherinec
Classes do mot Subjective fiat: they ; capitalist class to Hence, the notion the notion dependent perception, Confuse t:615CiGUSF1ESS, Wh objective status, the by social and cul consciousness is as fldWEWEr, da JBS fldt s important in history, N and expressions of wary, it is a re. throughout history a even as it is Owersha of "Consciousness" (i.e., гасе, geпdeг, п with them (natio
consciousness).
Hence, then is a subjective dent on tim perception, cor ClaSSCÖSciou: former has obje latter is condit and Cultural fa
를
Capitalism Today
It is obvious th; changes in the clas: the direction that th to. The major chan class differences ar EWEl AS E läufB exploited and exp changed. There a Wage Workers toda There are many mo in unregulated IE SO-Called informål: the past. Theiss exploitation doesnc that "transcends"pE Eturn to 19h- CEr exploitation. Wha analysis is capitali. populist state has TSS gitt to
 
 

3.
is and Cofiles the asапts, employеes.
terrain. Within Which y politics' and to utions that sustain uāliti.
Corne into beingby are organized by the
appropriate value. it class is a subjective эпtime, place and is class and class iEthe forTTIE haS
litteris Corditioned Eural factors. Class
ocial construct which,
lake it less "real' and While the Social forms claSS COSCOL SESS curring phenomena rid most of the World, dowed by otherforms at different moments ational) or combined aliS; ad - CSS
otion that class notion depene, place and fuses class and sness. While the !ctive status, the ioned by Social
OS
at there are major S Structure, but not in a post-Marxists point ges hawe reinforced 1d class exploitation, and COrditOS COf the loiters: classes has re more temporaгу iy than in the past. re Workers employed bor markets (the ector today) than in sue of Linregulated it describe a system ist capitalism: it is the tury forms of labor t requires new Smafter the Welfare Heer demoished. he complex roles of
states and parties which mediated between capital and labor have been replaced by state institutions Tore clearly and directly linked to the dominant capitalist class. Neoliberalism is unmediated ruling class state power. Whatever the "multiple determinants" of state and regime behavior in the recent past, today the
90-liberal Todel of a CCLJTulatior depends most directly oncentralized state control horizontally linked to the international banks to implement debt payments and to export sectors to earn foreign exchange. Its vertical ties to the citizеп as subjectandthe primarylink is through a repressive state apparatus and para-statal NGOs who defuse Social explosions,
The dismantling of the Welfare state Ileans that the Social structure is more polarized: between uneployed public employees in health, education, social security on the one hand and on the other hand Well paid professional linked to multinational corporations, NGOs and othe externally financed institutions linked to the world market and centers of political power. The struggle today is not only betWêm: Cl3SSES. Il factori3Sbout EtWEB the state and uprooted classes in the streets and markets displaced from fixed епployпепtaпd forced to produce and sell and bear the costs of their Social reproduction, integration into the World market by elite exporters and medium and Small compradores (importers of electronic goods, tourist functionaries of multinational hotels and resorts) has its Counterpart in the disintegration of the economy of the interior: local industry, STafarTS Witti COCOritat displacement of producers to the city and OWE SEES.
The import of luxury goods for the upper
middle class is based on the earnings remitted by "exported" labor of the poor. The nexus of exploitation begins in the impowerishment of the interior, the uprooting of the peasants and their immigration to the cities and overseas. The in COTe remitted by'exported labor" provides hard currency to finance imports and neo-liberal infrastructure projects to promote the foreign and domestic export and LLLLLLLLS L LLLLLLLL00LLLLLSS LLLL S LLLLLLL SS LL exploitation is more circuitous, but it still is located ultimately in the capital-labor relation. In the age of neo-liberalism, the struggle to recreate the nation, the national Tarketinational production and exchange is опce again a basic historic demand, Just as the growth of deregulated employment

Page 16
エ
(informality) requires a powerful public as a huge inefficer investment and regulatory center to plundered the public generate formal employment with ivable people poor and the social Conditions. In a Word, ငါးဒြိုါဒိဗ္ဗိ In the political spher needs to be adapted to the rule of source of authoritari unmediated capital in an unregulated rulings, Shindering: labor market with international linkages citizenship (democr: in which the reformist redistributive exchange of commo. politics of the past have been replaced by On the other hand. neo-liberal policles réconcentrating argue, "civili society" income of power at the stop. The freedom, social mov homogenization and downward mobility. Out of an active civil of vast sectors of Workers and peasants an equitable and dyn formerly in the regulated labor larket is strange about creates a great objective potential for pecular capacity top unified revolutionary action. Ilmia: Word, histroy. The publik there is a common class identity which necessity instruster forms the terrain for organizing: industrialization in the ent and bec
struggles of the poor. E.
'T... (World crisis of 940's, etc.). See
struggle to recre the tioram industries and those industries in which production an the new chips have been incorporated once again a have not elirminated the working class, iš demand. Justi Rather, it has shifted the sites of activity. eregulated and the node of producing within the inform ality) continuing process of exploitation. The lo blić i
new class structureinSofarastisivisible combines the new technologies to more controlling forts of exploitation. Automation of some sectors increases the tempo, of Work down the ling; två. cameras increase worker surveillance while decreasing administrative staff, quality work circles' in which Workers pressure Workers increase Self- - . exploitation without increases in paylor literacy and basic power. The "technological revolution" is largely a publicinitiat ultimately shaped by the class structure of the neo-liberal Counterrevolution. In the century a Computers allow for agri-business to enterprise, roughlyfr introl the costs and volume of pesticides, to the 1930's. Latif but it is the low-paid temporary Workers the sevenscourgesc uuSSSS LLLLC LCLCCCSCCM CCCLLLLLCLLLS LLTTLLLaLaSLaLaLaLLLLS aLLLLLLLaL SrTS networks are linked to putting out Worktoon: genocide, the sweatshop grhousehold (the informal tyranny, dependency economy) for production of textiles, exploitation.
shoes, etc. 巽 魔 * 蔷The public sector
The key to understanding this process these problers and of combined and uneven development of public functions to technology and laborisclassanalysis and was privately,
thin that, gender and race. business and po
[[မျိုးမျိုမြှို့ 醬 S EEEHAWE State Civil Society and the Citizen ရွှိုမျိုးမြို့ insubsidizing edi(through low costs of 1. employптеп to poli
リ。
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

| . at inefficiency of the state is directly ld left the related to its subordination to private *conomy bankrupt. Interests. The state's comprehensive 3, the state was the health and educational programs have in rule and arbitrary never been adequately replaced by the the exercise of private economy, the church of the acy), and the free NGOs. Both the private sector and the ities ("the market').church fundi private clinics and : the post-Marxists education to cater to a wealthy was the source of minority. The NGOs, at best, provide ements, citizenship. short-term care and education for society would come limited groups in local circumstances imic economy. What's dependention the whims and Interests is ideology is its of fore ndonors.
werlook fifty years
sector was of . As a systernatic comp eS
tain stimulating the post-Marxists have read the historical record wrong: they have let their anti-statist fic blind therTheAE to the -
positive comparative accomplishments of hof the publicover the private.
The argu entith source of authoritariar true. Dictatorial states have and will exist, but most have little or nothing to do with public ownership, especially if it it means expropriating foreign business. Most dictatorships have been anti-statist and ZZZSyyyyyTTTLLL S
ΕΓ as the growth bat "प्तिपष्टं 鹭、
employment. Moreover the state has been an uires a power- important supporter of citizenship, proestment and moting the incorporation of exploited
er to generate ors of the population into the polity, ent with ivable
nizing legitimate rights of workers.
Είοτε ပြိုးမျိုးခြိုး abyredistributing
poor. 蔷
* -
In a Word, We need to go beyond the
- 11  ܼ ܒ statist/anti-statist rhetoric to define the public health was class nature of the state and its basis of We、 political representation and legitimacy. 懿 蠶 generalized ahistorical, asocial nd a half of free attacks on the state are unwarranted and om the 18th-century only servei asia põlemical instrumentito America suffered disarm citizens of the free market from if the Bible, while the forging an effective and rational he flarket looked alternative anchored in the creative
potentialities of public action,
The Counterposition of "civili society" to the state is also a false dichotomy. nse to Moreover, much of the discussion of civil Smits society overlooks theobasic social the degree that it contradicions that divide "civili society appropriated by Civil Society or, irrore accurately, the litical elites. The leading classes of civil society, while tate" is a result of it attacking the "statist' of the poor. ird-private gain-shave always made a major point of business interests strengthening their ties to the Treasury energy) or providing and military to promote and protect ical followers. The S. position incivi

Page 17
society". Likewise, the popular classes in civil society when aroused have sought to break the ruling classes' monopoly of the state. The poor have always looked
to state resources to strengthen their
soclo-economic position in relation to the rich. The issue is and always has been the relation of differentclasses to the state.
The post-Marxist ideologues who are marginalized from the state by the reO-liberals hawe Tlade a WirtLue Of their impotence. Uncritically imbuing the stateless, rhetoric from above, they transmit it below. The post-Marxists try to justify their organizational vehicles (NGOs) for upward mobility by arguing that they operate outside of the state and it "civil society" when in fact they are funded by foreign governments to work with domestic governments.
"Civil society" is an abstraction from the deep social cleavageSergendered by capitalist society, social divisions which have deepened under neo-liberalism. There is as much conflict within civil society between classes as there is between "civil society' and the state.
tion. From this emp post-Marxists arg (centralor not) is by to the needs of
economy with its Tillions of consuT information. Only ti trick. Democracy
togelher- anothel between the "po! neo-liberals. The
notion is that institutions in a
engage in central
General Motor Soft all centrally direct investment toward further marketing. Few,
focus their critica .lenterprises. The po
іпto question the
planning by the mul Ortheir Compatibilit electoral system: capitalist democrac
The theoretical
Only in exceptionally rare moments do Marxists' confusio we find it otherwise. Under fascist or with one particularr totalitarian states which torture, abuses of it... if we accept it and pillage the totality of social classes can be embedded do we find instances of a dichotomy systems (authorite between the state and civil society. then it is logical that - is responsiveness of To speak or write of "civil Society" is to will vary. attempt to convert a legalistic distinction - іпto majorpolitical categories to organize Today in capitalis politics. In doing so, the differences budget is part of between classes is obscured and ruling expenditures base class domination is not challenged. the producers (and
respond in their To counterpose the "citizen" to the producing and prof "state" is to overlook the profound links. While no model" of Certain citizens (the exportelites, upper that needs to bem middle class) to the state and the planning is not a alienation and exclusion of the majority of to "Communist citizens (Workers, unemployed, peasants) are generalized from effective exercise of theirelementary capitalist economic
social rights. Elite citizens, using the state, empty citizenship of any practical meaning for the majority, converting citizens into subjects. Discussion of civil Society, like the state, needs to specify the social contours of social classes and the boundaries imposed by the privileged class. The Way the post-Marxists use the lerTTl as an unCritical, undifferentiated concept serves to obscure more than reveal the dynamics of societal change.
Planning, Bureaucracy and the Market
There is no question that central planning in the former Communist countries was "bureaucratic'-authoritarian in conception and centralized in execu
instances (Pentag is the lack of der the military-indus production, costs,
The centralalloc
is essential in mos гедional inequaliti ment, immigration for products or fo reasons. Only: the Center can re. compensate less classes, gender adversely affecte Otherwise, the "r those With hist

is
ical Obserwation, the le 3 that "planning" ils rature antithetical a modern complex
multiple demands, Irs, massive flows of emarket can do the and the market go pointofсопvегgвпce
t-Marxists" and the
consumers,
problem with this lost of the major capitalist economy planning.
Wal-Mart, Microprogram and plan sand expenditures production and fany, post-Marxists attention to these st-Marxists do notical efficiency of central inational Corporations
favourable endowments, creating polar pattems of development or even fostering inter-regional/class exploitation and
ethnic conflicts,
The fundamental problem of planning is the political structure which informs the planning prosess. Planning officials elected and subject to organized cornTiunities, Social groups (producers, youth, Women, racial minorities) will allocate resources betWeen production, consumption and reinvestinent different from those who are beholden Oelilés Embeddedin industrialmilitary complexes.
Secondly, planning does not mean detailed specification. The size of social budgets can bedecided nationally by elected representatives and allocated according to public essemblies where citizens can vote on their local priorities. This practice has been successful in Porto
y with the competitive Alegre in Brazil for the past several years
characteristic of ieS.
problem is the post
under a municipal government led by the Workers' Party. The relation between general and local planning is not Written instone, nor are the levels of specification
of central planning of expenditures and investments to istoric-politicalvariant be determined at the "higher levels". hat planning systems. General allocations to promote strategic in a variety of political targets that benefit the whole country
urian oro democratic), the accountability and the planning system
(infrastructure, high-technology, education, ect) are complemented by local decisions on subsidizing schools, clinics,
E. Cultural Centers.
-- st Societies, the may Planning is a key instrument in today's
state planning and d on "commands" to owners of capital) Who own inefficient way ting for over fifty years. of planning, the point ide is that Central state hemofTemon Corfinéd ystem'. The defects and foLInd also in s. The probleminboth on and Communism) ocratic accountability: rial complex i elite fix demand and supply.
ation of statė resources Countries because of SiresÕurCe erd0Wproductivity, demand a Wealth of historical decision made at listribute resources to developed regions, and racial groups by the above factors. larket" tends to favor ric advantages and
m
capitalist economy. To dismiss socialist planning is to disarman important tool in organizing Social change. To reverse the wastinequalities, concentration of property, unjust budget allocations requires an overall plan with a democratic authority empowered to implement it, Together with public enterprises and self-management councils of producers and consumers, central planning is the third pillar to a democratic transformation.
Finally, central planning is not incompatible with owned productive and service activities (restaurants, cafes, repair shops, family farms, etc.). Clearly, public authoritles Will hawe their hands full managing the macrostructures of society.
The complex decisions and information flows are much easier to manage today with the mega-information processing computers. The formula of: democratic representation plus computers plus central planning equals efficient and socially equitable production and distribution.
To be Continued

Page 18

:

Page 19
e Was charming and is reserved. He was tall and good-looking. Having travelled
to France and England, studied law in the latter country and been admitted to Lincoln's Innas a barrister, he had returned home to be a member of the newly formed LSSP, Clad in "national dress' he was passionately committed to regaining independence for Ceylon. All of these apart, what appealed most to Vivie about Leslie GonEWardene Was Ills sincerity and frankness. They met at a Poster Exhibition on the Spanish Civil War held at the building which now houses the '80 Club. Wiwie had gone with Aunt Caro, and Leslie with his friend Philip GooneWarderle. After the initial introdujCtions, they were to meet each other often at the many political meetings of the LSSP.
Leslie's father, Dr. Andrew Simon
GOOneWardene, Wisited the same exhibition, accompanied by one of his daughters. Seeing Vivie, he had a premonition which he woiced to his daughter. "That is the sort of girl whom Leslie Will marry one day", he said. He Wanted to know who the young woman Wa S. Her Credentials Would also hawa
she was not only the niece of Robert and Philip Gunawardene but also the daughter of his batch-mate at Medical College, Allaison Goonetilleka. After the first meeting Leslie fell into the habit of dropping in at Diddeniya occasionally with Philip. It
Leslie Was Well liked and Well-received by the Goonetilleka family. He was greatly admired by the patriarch, not because he came from a Well-established family of great Wealth, but because despite all of that, he was so simple and so devoid of arrogance. To him, as it was for his daughter, this simplicity in Leslie Symbolized honesty and frankness. Often, Dr. Goonetilleke advised his own SonSDanny and Rajah to "be like Leslie".
The year Wiwie and Leslie met, 1937, was also a significant year for the LSSP. The party was clearly emerging as the most popular party in Ceylon. What came
WW
PL u Sara
Sarser LécLrErr WWEs
Kgly rd ? :
to be knoW as the
was an important
aSCendance of the politics, The party': shifted to the High against the deport: The LSSP was jubil; victory and to b implications the parl Tneeting at Galle Fa a popular protest a imperial rulers. W Teeting with Aunt C Successful meeting his mieCg , and Siste Was LESlie. T1B. WBr the Poster Exhibition passed a note to Vi for her, Given the lationalist ferWOLur Samajist, it was Wr replied With a stile.
Leslie Continued Wisit. Lo the Go Ometi Much more frequer of letters betweenth Wiwie got to know TE Straimed Tiår: " exuberant in expre e Wêrt) thOSE WOT
 
 
 
 
 

Liyanage
en Classics University of LW:polisical prisorer.
'Bracegirdle incident' Contribution to the 3 : LSSP ir til si battle-ground had Court which ruled ation of Bracegirdle. art. To celebrate this roaden its political ly organized a public Ce Which turThéod int0 gainst the actions of "iwie atterded this aro. At the end of the Uncle Philip invited "to dinner. With it
Le WaSthe Sarthe as I, During dinner Leslie wie declaring his love Occasion and the of the young Sarna EtEnill Sinhala. Wi'Wie
With his occasional |lekes at Diddeniya, it was the exchange Ie two young people. Leslie to be a very "he was not very issing his emotions 1 he lowed and cared
for very much". She respected and admired him for his sense of loyalty to his beliefs and principles as well as to those near and dear to him. Vivienne had to rely on the good offices of Amarasekara, her father's dispenser, to post her letters addressed to Leslie. Amarasekara was told that these Were Wiwie's articles to the party paper of which Leslie Was the editor. Happily Simon posted them and eagerly purchased a copy of the paper each week to read Haamu's article. They never appeared in print, Suspicion began to grow on Simon. Knowing well his employer's thinking on the subject, fearing for his own prospects given his complicity in the matter, he decided to "tell al" to Vivie's father-Hawing done this, he also informed Danny, Wiwie's brother of what he had just done, so Vivie would also be Warned. When the father came homefront Work that day, the daughter was well prepared. He had only one word to describe the hitherto 'exceptional young man', which he did, having summoned the family around the table: "Bastard" he said, "He is not to step into this house again". "Why?" the daughter wanted to KOW. "What has he done? You Wated your Sons to grow up like him. Why this sudden change?" "He has been Writing letters to you, and wants to marry you Without my permission". "What is wrong With that?" Leslie belonged to the "Wrong" caste. Not all of his good qualities, looks, education, Wealth or even the factor of friendship could override the social Cornwellion of Caste Wherit Came to år offspring's marriage, in the thinking of an otherwise erudite man. Vivie, through previous experience, had arrived at the same knowledge and conclusions as had her mother concerning her father: arguing with him was of no use; he would never accept your point of view and the exercise hardly ever was constructive. Therefore instead of arguing, Vivie, as was now her Wort , Was determined to CoverCOTE this
leW opposition to her desire,
Knowing well the conventionalism of her father, did she not expect this Outcome? She did; but not this vehemance of the patriarch. She had formerly annoyed her father, even causing much embarrassment to theman,

Page 20
--
taunting his for his castism. One such occasion was when the father was dining With a rich friend whose caste was considered "low". Wive, discovering the man who attended to the household laundry, the dhobi, in the house seated on a low stool, invited the man to sit in high chair, Saying out loud for the benefit of the father and his guest, that the master Was dining at table with a man of the dhabi's Caste and SOthere Was problem if the dhobi himself sat in a high chair in the Doctor's house; explaining to the poor bewildered Tlar that all of this social'convention' Wasa ultimately matter of wealth. While the 'dhobi' frantically declined the proffered chair, the father knew the barb was directed at him. Now she knew this thesis to be faulty, at least as far as her father's consciousness was COCEI.
Henceforth there Were a reWi Set of rules concerting the young woman. She was not to leave the house on any pretext. She was a virtual prisoner in her own home. The father refused to talk to his daughter. The daughter had nothing to Say to the father. If she was seated at table, the father would not eat attable. She took to having her meals in her room; thus avoiding eating with the family and avoiding her father. Irregular meals, unhappiness, etc., caused a drastic loss of weightin Wiwie. From 105-107 Ibs, which she always Was, she became a mere 72 bS. in Weight.
The Bookman Coneth
Amidst all of the restraints and restrictions, the young lowers had discovered a new go-between in the guise of the 'Bookman'...'Bookmen' of yore performed the services of a mobile lending library. For a nominal sum you could borrow any number of books, to be returned on his next visit. If you wished to OW any of their books you could even purchase them. The particular "bookman' who frequented the Doctor's residence at Diddeniya. Would even recommend a particular book to Vivienne, the eagerly awaited piece of Writing, namely a letter from Leslie, being concealed within its pages. Wiwie Would promTiptly include that book among other to "read and return", When returning the books read, the kind
"bookman" would book separately-f epistle to Leslie. So Was maintained.
Meanwhile Vivie'. received anonymou, charged that he daughter's hair orth and he was negler receiving such ale take Vivie foram ou World to see that sh and head Unshawen. always those long tr he came to the 'City to purchase his si These journeys W beforehard ärid if courtesy the "Books
"Bastard" es: Step into this
“Why?' the d. to kroW, "Wha
You Wanted yo
up like him. W change?"
&হঁঠুঃ&****
father, Jack Kotala car, with Leslie
Goonetilleke's. Lea N the car the father pharmacy to make da Lughter Would rush car behind for a glim chat with her lower. urged Vivie to go ba of returning home wil all. She Was Over longer. She always
Thereason shelle her other, Wiwien: Fler mother Who i asthma. It was she's throat twice a day, patiert a TodiCLUT O the young lowers confronting Wasan ir was determined to c to the patriarch rei Wiwiennego to uncle
 

place that particular he could go and collect her. If within two or it contained Vivie's Weeks of the receipt of that letter the
s father occasionally sletters. These letters
had shawed the at she was very sick cting her, etc. Upon tter the father would ting' in the car for the Ee Wa SaliWe ard W3|| These 'outings' were psto Colombo When Dispensary at Petah upply of medicines. 'ere always known ormation passed on, man'. Unknown to the
id. "He is Otto
house again". aughter Wanted t:3S Fe dOIET LIr SOS to grow hy this Sudden
পুঁঠুsa
Wala Would park his in it, behind Dr. ving the daughter-in Would go into the his purchase. The to the window of the ipse of and a hurried Møre tham Grlte Jäck ck with them instead h the father, for, after 21, and a minor no efused.
wer left With the T1 Was a lowed and cared for was suffering from prayed her Tother's which brought the f relief: The Situation found therselves possible one. Leslie lange that. He wrote questing him to let Philip's house where
request was still denied, he, Leslie, would file a habeas corpus in court. The request
Was ignored and Within a fortnight a case
had been fited in the Court of the District
Judge, Leslie Went to court with his lawyer, J. R. Jayawardene. Dr. Goonetilleke produced his daughter in court. The
District Judge was British. Helent a patient
ear to the controversy. Vivie herself spoke
on her own behalf. The fact that she did
so and did it very well impressed the Judge. As his main objection to
his daughter
Tarrying: Leslie,
Dr.
Goonetilleke pointed out to the Judge that Leslie was a member of a "treacherous Party". He meant the LSSP which was calling for independence for Ceylon from
the British. She herself was already a
member of that same party, countered Wvie proudly. The Judge having observed that Leslie and Vivie seemed to be quite "Well-matched for each other ordered the father to let his daughter, who was no longer a minor, act according to her wishes. The father and daughter parted Company in the Court House. Wiwie Went With Harold Peiris who was a sympathiser of the LSSP and with whose family she made her home for a While. Her father
WEnt hOTE älone.
Vivie's sister Tulin recals: eagerly awaiting the outcome of the case in their home. She was seated in the werandah expecting the return of those who left in the morning. Only the father returned. He
went past Tulin's chair, gently slapping her
on the cheek, to his accustomed planter's chairand there burstinto tears. Fatherand
daughter Were not to meet again or talk
to each other for almost eight years.
FIOT), Harold Peiris', Wiwie Wentilo
Reggie Senanayaka's - also a member of the LSSP. In January 1939 the young lowers got married. The marriage itself comprised of its registration at the Kachcherie. The day of the marriage,
Leslie's father hosted the couple to dinner
at Panadura. Wiwie liked her in-laws Very much; especially her father-in-law, who gifted her with a copy of the Bible. The affection between Wiwie and Leslie's family was mutual and the depth of it
t
the casual visitor who happens to drop by
is quite apparent
arinidst the visiting relatives,
(Cort. o page 22)
today even

Page 21
Backdrops
Historically speaking even during the middle of the last century there were no temples within the city of Colombo. Under the Portuguese, Dutch, and British rule, the church had established its religious dominance in the city.
The first Buddhist temple within the city of Colombo was established in 1806 at Kotahema by Sinigama Maha Nayaka Thera. This temple which belonged to the Amarapura sect was known as Dipaduttaramaya. The selection of Dipaduttaramaya as his place of residence by Mohottiwatte Gunananda Thera in 1844, made it the Center of Buddhist revivalist. In 1806 another ancient temple, at Kotahena, the Paramananda Purana Wiharaya, was established by Panadura Dhammananda Nayaka Thera. This place remained the residence of Hikkaduwe Sri Sumangala Thera for a number of years before he established the Vidyodaya Pirivena at Maligakanda in Maradana in 1873. Thus during the course of the nineteenth century, a number of Buddhist temples were established within the city of Colombo and land for these places as well as thematerial support came from Wealthy Buddhist leaders, both traditional and newly rich.
Among other such , places – Mirindaramaya at Modera built on land donated by Samaranayeke Appuhamy (1833); Jayasekeraramaya built at KuppiyaWatta, Maradana in a piece of land donated by Mudliyar Arnoldus de AbreW. Rajapakse Jayasekera; Tilakaratnaramaya built at Borella on a land donated by Don Magaris de Silwa Tilakaratne i Arachchi (1855) are Worth special notice. In 1855 the Gangaramaya at Hunupitiya was established by DeWundara Sri Jinaratama thera, a leading pupil of Hikkaduwa Sri Sumangala Thera. Another student of Hikkaduwe Sunangala Thera, Palane Wajiragnana Thera. Established the Wajiraramaya at Bambalapitiya which was to become a leading center of Buddhist Missionary work both in Europe and Asia.
With the patronage of D.D. Pedris, one of the leading businessman of the time, Abhayaramaya of Panchikawatta (1900) in Maradana, Asokaramaya of Thimbirigasyaya and Isipathanaramaya
of Havelock Town were established. Si
Parallel to the emergence of temples within the city of Colombo was seen the establishment of Buddhist Colleges (Pirivenas) within Colombo and its vicinity, which is another aspect of the Buddhist revivalist of the time. In 1845 Walang Siddhartha Thera astablished the Paramadhamma - Chetiya Pirivena of
|NIC
Tren
POLIT
Ajith ser
(Thg Writar Isa Le Sociology, Universil for Trier studeraf frislfå
Ratmalana. In orde higher education, Sr. Hikkaduwa establish Maligakanda, Mara
One of the CC
Sinhalese Kingdont
tration of political an at the SarTle locat location of religious could thus be reg evolution of the sa Bond (1992) comme states that the emph Buddhist education this period was ju emergence of a ne' a reSLült Of Coloni transferring Budd Kandy, which was
and cultural activity regime, to Colombc
Thus it could be e WideCe that tha C taking place in the caste system withi also expressed in t Well as in the ch: taking place in the the Buddhists, Sr and Widyodaya Pir reputed institutions Colombo represen wing movements Lanka after the іпdependeПce fгоп
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

asundera
பெrera the Dept f y of Colomba ard a nf)
to train Bhikkus for iSumangala Thera of ned the Widyodaya at jana in 1873.
Timon features of is was the COICerdi religious institutions ion. The transfer of activity to Colombo garded as a further The principle. George 2nting on this situation Iasis of Buddhism and | in Colombo during st a corollary of the W Elite in ColóT50 aS all rule as was their hist activities from the center of political under the Kandyan (Bond; 1992-46).
SEErl froT the abLSWE hanges that had been class structure and Sinhala Society was le Buddhist revival as anges that had been practices adopted by iLanka. Widyalankara iwelas, the two most of Buddhist training in led the leftistand right of party politics in Sri country regained its
British rule.
The Gangaramaya Temple: Buddhism and Capitalism
Thus Vidyodaya was more with the United National Party (which represented relatively right Wing political ideas) and the Gangaramaya of Hunupitiya belonged
to the same Bhikku tradition, Hence it was
but quite natural for Gangaramaya to become the religious center of the United National Party. Not only did the Gangaramayaturnout to be a center where new changes were introduced to the practice of Buddhism among the Sinhala people but also it represented a merger of Buddhism with capitalistic ideas more relevant to the economic changes that had been taking place in the Sri Lanka society since independence, and most particularly since 1977. The Gangaramaya introduced the Navam Perahara, a replica of the traditional Kandyan Perahara, which during the time of the Sinhalese Kings of Kandy (as Well as When the Capital was in other places) not only enhanced the glamour of the Tooth Relic and the honorin which it was held, but also justified the royal authority of the kingdom as the protector of the Tooth Relic and Buddhism. Therefore one need Tot hawe the Wisdom of a prophet t0. See that the newly started annual pageant, the Perahara of Gangaramaya, Was designed among other things to justify the power and authority held by the new political elite and particularly their leader, Mr. Premadasa, who had no backing in the traditional system of leadership in the country.
in 1977 the UNP government under President JR Jayawardene began to revise economic policy to favor private enterprise. He removed many of the state barriers which the previous government had imposed on the economy, making profound changes particularly in the urban Society. With these economic reforms the country witnessed the development of a new capitalistclass. The circulation of new capital started to make an impact not only on the economy, but also on religion and politics. New religious innovations could be seen during this period with regard to Buddhism. After 1977, Gangaramaya emerged as a center of Buddhist activities in Colombo with the support of Colombo based leaders. Very soon new and colorful ceremonial and social activities evolved around it. The new procession, the Nawan Perahara, a replica of the traditional Perahara in Kandy, and which was patronized by the President, the Prime Minister and other members of the elite and businessmen in Colombo, symbolized this new development. Obeysekera (Religion; 1984: 4, 15) correctly points out "This new pageant indicates the continuity and persistence of civil religion,

Page 22
and it also reflects the recent changes in the ideology of civil religion including the role of monks in contemporary political life".
It is stated that the Navam Perahara at Gangaramaya started in 1978 according to a suggestion made by Mr. Ranasinghe Premadasa. It is important to note here that Mr. Premadasa had his political base in the city of Colombo. In fact he started his political career as a member of the Municipal Council of Colombo representing a poverty stricken Ward at Keselwata. From that time onwards until his death in 1993 he lived in this locality. In 1978 when the Navam Parahara was Started, he did not hawe the support of the traditional "high class" elite of the Country. In Sri Lanka where society has not yet completely freed itself from the traditional caste structure and also which has not yet fully developed to be a class Society, the support of the Buddhist sangha is a crucial factor in politics both at local and national levels. Prime Minister Premadasa badly needed such support for he was the first Prime Minister in the country who came from a caste which is very low down in the traditional Ca5t StrLJctLrg. Hg krig Withat his next step would be the Presidency. In the final lap of his political career which ended making him the president of the country, Premadasa used Buddhism in a variety of ways, at times introducing various innovations which were designed to Contribute towards achieving his political aspirations.
Premadasa's "Religious Engineering
President Preradasa realized that the blessings of Asgiriya and Malwatta who were the custodians of the Tooth Relic (which symbolized the pinnacle of spiritual authority of the Buddhist leadership in the country), which all the other leaders both during Colonial and past colonial periods were lawishly bestowed with, he would never be able to secure because of his humble caste. On the other hand he realized that going against Buddhism would never help him to achieve his political ambitions. Therefore he entered the right track by introducing novelties to Buddhism which would be to his advantage. Introducing a new Perahara, itself a replica of Kandy's Dalada Perahara in Colombo, could thus be seen as one of Premadasa's innovations in Buddhism as practised in Sri Lanka, to bring legitimacy to his political authority. As expected, the noWelties ha introduced to Buddhism, the Navam Perahara; the institutionalized Bodhi Poojas which were carried out throughout the length and breadth of the country almost e Weryday in any temple ha could contact (he had a special task force for this activity); the renovation of Buddhist temples at every Gamudava (village re-awakening movement); building large Buddha statues wherewer he could, all went along Way in
consolidating his othe authority in the GmaniSSara, thech Gangaramaya, beca built the required purpose.
Since independen leaderi Sri Larka W and political leadersh the CSOfSWRDE Buddhist was used power-and once he his short p9riod of oil he tried to disentang predictable results. Premadasa. Once he
Gangaramaya at
a leading role in this religious ac together state and close partnership. T Eind to the - Clt the 3-state leaders Malliga Wa, Whilch Lup Lunchallenged allegi leadership in th Gangaramaya syml that came over
Buddhism and the p the Country, apart catalyst in the chan
Buddhism to Cor Solid; never tried to de-linkh this led to the erosin between the UNP a Which Contributed its victory of the PA in 1 became the Presiden a surther step in t activities. Among Construction of the Dalada Maliga Wa; Buddha statues at Bal and Maliga Willa; con temples at every ann Gäm Udawa (re-aW identifying impower renovating them; ma admit 2300 into the Bl and i organizing Bu devotees (Silmata) c Some further examp Political Buddhism.
Gangaramaya at
 
 

arwise dubious political
COL untry. Gallaboda ief incumbent of the The his Supporter and Organisation for this
Ce there haS: beern rno who brought Buddhism ipso closetogether. In Bardaranaike, in 1956 as a vehicle for political 3 attained power during fice as Frimé Minister lle 115:Effror it. With
But in the Casg of came to power he used
پل: .. '=' + ' : i; ++i : نيټې : ರಾಜ್ನ 3.
;&! କାଁଡ୍ବାଞ୍ଛାଳ ୫::&:::ଞ
Hunupitiya played Chind the scenes tivity which brought Buddhism to a very his obviously put an DS9 lirik, 2 betWeen and the Dalada
to that time claimed ance of the political e Country. Thus bolizes the changes
the lirik between political leadership in
from acting as a ge itSelf.
AAA S SA SS
滚
3.
atehis powerbase and imself from it. Perhaps | of the traditional link d the Catholic Church share to the decisive 994. After Premadasa t in 1988 he advanced he above Tertioned other activities, the Solden canopy at the the construction of hirawaKanda (Капdy) struction of Buddhist Jal Celebratior held for takening of villages); shed temples and king arrangements to Iddhist order of monks Iddhism female lay :ould be regarded as leSoft PrėsTiadaSa's
Hurlupitiya played a
leading role behind the scenes in this religious activity which brought togetherstate and Buddhism to a very close partnership. This obviously put an end to the close link between the state leaders and the Dalada Maligawa, which up to that time claimed Unchallenged allegiance of the political leadership in the country, Thus Gangaramaya symbolizes the changes that Came Over the lirik between - BLuddhismarıd the political leadership in the country, apart from acting as a catalyst in the change itself.
In the final analysis, what does all this Team? From the tire of the advent of Buddhism into the Island in the 4" century BC, a close lirik Was established between the Buddha Sasara and the state. Historically, during the relatively more recent past, perhaps over the last thousand years When the country was repeatedly subjected to foreign invasion and domination initially by the South Indians and later by Europeans, the link between the Sinhala leadership and Buddhism thrived and this Was Symbolized by the king, the leader of the Sinhala people, becoming the protector of the Sacred Tooth Relic of the Buddha. Ever the South Indian dynasty which managed to take over the Kandyan throne by marriage links, became devotees of Buddhism and remained loyal to Buddhism to their last days. This link became so close during the Kandyan kingdom that the temple which housed the Toolh Relic Came to be known as the Palace of Tooth Relic and Was the adjunct to the Royal Palace in Kandy,
Since independence, political parties always used the Sanghai to a woo the electorate but the state kept a distance from the sanghain order to keep or to gain the Support of other religious groups. Therefore the "Palace of Tooth Relic" which symbolizes the traditional unity of state and religion of the Sinhala people, was allowed to remain in the hills of Kandy. Mr. Premadasa was quick to see the capabilities of the chief incumbent of Gangaramaya and the heavy patronage the latter received from the Buddhist business community in Colombo. Even at this stage the chief incumbent at Gangaramaya was involved in activities to promote the material well being of the socially deprived youth by providing them with economically and socially needed skills. Mr. Premadasa was quick to see the Opportunities in Cultivating a leader who represented the interests of both the rich and poor Sinhala Buddhists and who was no
political threat to him. Why not promote him.
and his establishment so that the unity of State and religion is established without the Palace of the Tooth Relic-the leaders Of Which meyer gawe i Premadasa - the blessings that the leader of the country
de SW froTtHET?

Page 23
THREESUGGESTIO
հE
፳ -- ambition of
LTTE is to gain political power
କ୍ଷ । over the Tamil people of the :&প্ল ॐ North,
and
te
retain it by
maintaining and consolidating. Can this political ambition be a reality? It cannot so long as it pursues the strategy of War and violence. What suggestions can be openly and fearlessly placed before the LTTE, whose members are all citizens of the State of Sri Lanka? The hope that the LTTE will swing back to the national, democraticTnainstream S00 mer than later, cannot be ruled out.
Regionalism and the State
The first step that the LTTE should adopt is to see the regional issues and problems of the Tamil people within a national perspective. It was the golden advice that the DMK of TamilNadu paid heed to. The strategy that the LTTE "adopted hitherto, was to view the regional problem within a global perspective: it COStitutgdthe formation of a Eela T1, a separate, Sovereign, independent state that can Command recognition in the global political arena. The international public opinion has always indicated that
political
strategies of violence, and
destruction would not be fruitful. The policy option in favour of peace, unity and stability will engender democracy and good governance, and Will be appreciated by the international community. The LTTE, too, will gain two significant
benefits:
First, the LTTE Willearn the Supportand appreciation of the people of the World. World opinion will swing in favour of the LTTE if they adopt the democratic parliamentary process, and integrate
therselves
ātā
סtחן
parliamentary politics,
the mainstream of and
become the legitimate representatives of the people. The heads of governments and States will extend the aid and assistance in Order to assist the people whom they represent.
Secondly, the people of the native land, too, both the Sinhalese and the Tamils,
11:19 ܒ
will extend their friendship. The unity country, Will be presa seeks represent, Will but integrated and: longevity, rapid gr development.
The State is a unit and it exists as aim several other stat interrelating with on achiewe a COmmhÖrn 0 harmonious co-exi cannot receive the SI if it fails to think of res. Withina national per
The Tami-Nadue
The appropriate the need for the res Conflict Within a lati be derived from the the leaders of the S Tamil Nadu. - The | creating Tamil Nadu the policy option, pl Chief Minister, Mr Air succeeded E.W.F (Periyar), the found
Periyar was an the Indian Cor subsequently, depa his political interests reform mowe Tert against Social inju against the Brahmin Indian policy, Farm imparting of religio open to all. He officiating religious not accept the Su language, but Weah emphasising the de language and Cultu place of the native the needs of the reg to him, and he w: Republic of Soviel adw0Cacy ofvalues
Periyar and his
 

NS TO THE TIGERs
Ananda Wellhena
Lecturer in Political Science, Department of
Polical Science, University of Peradariya, Sri Lanka
co-operation and ' and integrity of the rved. The region, it not be marginalised, supported, ensuring owth and integral
in the World System, ember together With es interacting and 2 älotlEs isl Orcés (C bjective of peace and Sterce. The LTTE upport of other states lving regional issues Spective.
хаппple
example to explicate solution of a regional onal perspective can strategy, adopted by South Indian State of pioneering efforts of may be attributed to ursued by the former madurai ir 1962, WTO amaSwarTy Naicker
of the DMK.
atheist, who joined gress -- Party, and rted from it to pursue 3. He initiated a Social and campaigned stice: le protested preponderance in the di beliewed that the us rituals should be set an example by ceremonies; He did premacy of Sanskrit ened its influence by ed for the use of Tamil re. The British rule, in elite who disregarded ions, was acceptable as an admirer of the Union, owing to its of equality and justice.
Successor Armadurai
pursued wigorously the strategy of
regional secessionism. It took a long
process for Annadurai to realise that a
separate, independent State cando Tore
harm than good for the Tamil community. of South India. In 1962, Annadurai
decided to give up the separatist call, and
withdrew the secessionist tendency. He opted to link with the Central Government and function as an integral unit of the political system of India. Annadurai's Wise decision engendered an all-Indian identity
to the South Indian Tamil Community, and
since then, they were able to participate
in the joys and sorrows of India, enjoying
citizenship and equal rights.
The specific event that opened the eyes of Tamil Nadu leaders, and caused a
"spark of enlightenment in their minds, was
the Indo-China War. It was an externally induced factor that provided the remarkable all-Indian identity. Divided We perish united We stand" was the public opinion that spread towards all four corners of the Indian policy. The Tamil population of Tamil Nadu wished to enjoy the equal status, granted to all Indians, The decision enabled them, in the eyes of the World, to secure recognition as the citizens of all-India, the largest democratic State in the World.
Relations with the natives
The second policy option that Ought to adopt is to direct its eyes on the people of their native land rather than any other states. The LTTE should not regard the Sihala people as their arch enery, and in effect, try to become friendly with the Tails of Tamil Nadu, Orthose of another country, LTTE must pursue creative measures, and adopt constructive and friendly relations with all ethnic groupS in the country with whom they are compelled to Co-exist. If the LTTE cannot establish friendly relationship with its own native ethnic groups, then it is hard to establish a genuine, friendly relationship with those who are outside. But, even if their relations with the foreign people are cordial and successful, they must be looked at cautiously, because they may be

Page 24
associated. With sinister Totives to accentuate their national interest. The Latin proverb, Timeo da na voSex dona ferentes, fear the Greeks even When they carry gifts, can be cited as an illustration to clarify this point. "Charity begins at home"; "What you are now, you will be later, are other sayings that should enlighten the LTTE. The challenge before the LTTEs is to do What is Tost difficLut: to establish cordial relations With all native ethnic groups, an issue that deserves no escape. The LTTE can, only then, achieve what it is hoping. The tasks before the LTTE is to adopt an indigenous, national-oriented strategy of establishing relations with all ethnic groups of the Sri Lankan polity, and try and win them over to its side,
5 ܐܲܝ17 It is gratifying to observe the perspective
of the LTTE concerning India and other big states, that it does not intend to be dependent on them, but would rely on their own efforts. This policy option must be
expanded so that right relationships with all the people of the native country may be established. The ambition to establish relationship with Tamil Nadu is going to be futile, because Tamil Nadu will not separate itself from the Central Government. After the alleged Rajiv Gandhi's assassination, the prospects of being friendly are remote. The aim of Tamil Nadu is to seek the assistance of the Centre Government to develop its own region. Dewe Gowda's government has granted four portfolios to the regional state of Tamil Nadu with a view to eliciting SuբբOrt.
స్తే The LTTE can pursue a similar strategy of establishing link with the Central Government of their native country in order to be an integral part of the country in which they were born and bred; they can, then enjoy the same benefits,
accorded to all citizens.
Peace and democracy
The third policy option, is that the LTTE must adopt is to eschew War and embrace democracy and peace. Thereason for this option is derived from the historical experiences of other states in the world. The most recent display of the transition from armed struggle to negotiation for a parliamentary strategy is the meeting between the President of the Philipines and the Muslim separatist leader. The reason for the cessation of the twenty-four year-old internal Waris revealed in the
slogan of the reb. tha: NEWER".
li l-World histol relations Wars, Wer a shorter and long been 100 years of War. But, in the Ti an oil lamp can b re:SolutionS: Wêre intractable issues ethnic problem, in resolved one day, is not prudent topo day of light any los arrive, let it arriver later.
The habit of resolution of ethnic of a matured politic
LESLIE. E.
(Cabirı. friz
The newlyweds
in De Fonsekap Apart from politics reading, singing an taught Vivie French sing together accorr pinao. Wivie's low: passion for the Ith Could not share Wit did not dislike dogs of them either-ew had dogs with ther theatre Leslie hard to political activity.
up all of his time an this initial periodo wery brief.
In the following hawe their first C} already in hiding as made illegal and its wanted list. The p. DeCarl of 1939) leaders Were in Cus India. It was a peric one of Leslie's hidin as caretakers, Who and took care of hin not known to the intrigued by then gentleman, for she always stayed indi stepped outside ( occasional visitor always at night. On better of her an Clandestine WisitS 0 why the gentlemen Without hesitation
 
 
 
 
 
 

as leader "Peace now. To procrastinate the resolution, or the - perpetuation of the war, means that the a hardship, sufferings and destruction, sy and international perpetrated on the people and property. e fought vigorously for Will Continue for many months or years. er periods. There had. The Sooner the resolutions arrive, better war and 30 years of it is for the progress of the people, whom dist of pitch darkness, the LTTE is representing. elit to show its light: foLund for the Tost The adoption of these three policy and conflicts. The options will facilitate the forward march of this country, Will be the LTTE's pursuit of political power. The sooner or later, but it failure to re-orient its past policies in stpone the birth of the relation to these three policy options by nger. If it is certain to reflecting upon them profoundly, will lead how, and sooner than to the LTTE's disadvantage, if LTTE's main airn is to seek power, and not destruction, then it is wiser for its procrastinating the theoreticians to realize the need o Conflict is not a mark peace, and decied to devise new political clan or political party. Strategies in the interest of its people.
is committed murder". That afforded safe 蒿 passage for sometime until yet another уп рада. 18) i place could be found for him.
made their first home lace, Bambalapitiya. hey shared a lowe for ddancing, Leslie had Songs and they would pained by Wiwie om the
Days prior to her confinement Vivie desperately wanted simply to = geta glimpse of Leslie Whose movements were now even further restricted because the search for them by the state was E. intensified. With the police dogging her ב aਚ :: 蠶 footstepş for just such an eventuality, the Eli Will "meeting was arranged at a most public he was not too fond place the Mt. Lawinia beach. The 2nthough they always meeting was to be a passing glance at For drama and the each other, nothing more. On the y had the time owing appointed evening Vivie sąw LSli, face Politics were to take Coloured for disguise. Leslie knew Vivie all of hers too. Eve Would be upset at the whole turn of events being together was for themselves as they approached the
birth of their first child. "Keep your chin's up" whispered Leslie as he passed his
ear Vivienne was to belowed Vivienne. She never forgot his LL LLLLL LaLLLLL LLL0LS S CLLLLLCS SLLaaLLCLLLL LLLLLL aLaL aLLGLCCL L00LLLL the LSSP had been and every hurdle in her path, she also eadership was on the remernbered to keepher chin up. arty had also split in ==
O. Several of the For the British Police the birth of Leslie's lody or in self-exile in first child Was an event at which they d of great tension. In Were Certain of being able to nabhim. For places was a couple LSSPerslike Reggie Senanayake, it was also looked after him another opportunity to fool the British. Leslie's identity was Vivie, notwithstanding recent mother. n. The Woman was hood, Wasa game. Soal taland'fair'men octurnal habit of the friends, party members, supporters, nad observed that het Were asked to Wisit Wiwie on the wery day Ors and me Werewem the baby was born, cladin'National dress'. uring the day. His The police was waiting for justsuchaman and his travel was to visit her that day. Instead of one, they | day Curiosity got the Saw. Several who fit the description of the
on one of Wivie's man they came to arrest Fun and Leslie she was asked triumphant humour over the British was had such odd habits, a good antidote for the pain and loneliness Vivie replied "he has of the young mother with her baby.

Page 25
ܒ+47 ܒܒܝܒ_- ܧܬܐ
Selecti
BOURITY
B33 Sirimavo Bandaranalike Mai Tel: 522871-2,522830, 522 Telex: 21418 Tassiea CE, 21991 Selpro CE, 2342
Quality and Variet
FE_BE_
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

॥
tional Brands.
PERS -- BREAKFAST CEREALS
GES
PERS
CARE
Maxwell HOUSe
COFFEE
Olivo
ALCARE LU
BUTTER
soups AND PASTA
TOMATO PRODUCTS
MAMBE
INSTANT NOOOLES
VYA
waha, P.O. Box 1970, Colombo 14. 832,522934,522155,522373.
SEE CECCEle:TCSste, TelefX: (941) 522913. y within your reach.
0LSSMSLYT KYY LJGG S L L T Y SLS SS S S STS SS S TMSeSeSeSeeS S S S S SS
arkets & leading groceries

Page 26
ரோசி ரீரா நாgச
called the Janasawiya 15,000 Projects Programme. All these processes were based on a restructured and rewalued Set of mainly pro-poor assumptions, which were aimed at complementing or putting in place a parallel process to the hitherto single mainline export oriented open econoty industrialization process. All of them were predicated on a new people-centred value frame, with participatory planning and social mobilization as core methodologies.
On reflection, the trajectory of the overal Powerty Alleviation process at putting in place a second macro micro strategy leg side by side with the conventional open economy process, presents a pattern ranging from coherence to incoherence to disarray, during the relatively short (less than five year) period of its heyday. The period lasted only till its proclaimed architect and protector was alive. Forno Sooner he died - on 1st May 1993 - the pro-poor and alternativist parts of the vision and practice, which was fundamentally political, began to be rapidly reversed for lack Of COTTitteld and Sérlsitive SLppOrt. The order of governance reversed and reverted back to business as usual, Whose walues were often the antithesis of what these innovative programmes and processes were about. But the rewersāli ante dates President Prer Tladasa's demise. This brings us to the next set of issues concerning policy sustainability first, and community-NGOstate relations thereafter.
Policy Sustainability and Community NGO-State Relations
In the case of both issues, it would be useful to talk in terrils of a Wertical distinction of base and top or elite. At the level of the poor at the base, both the Janasawiya and the Housing processes were respected and believed in by them. A not insignificant number hawe internalised the values, perspective and direction of this strategic thrust. After all, they were either full "subjects" and "owners" of those processes, or they were in Varying stages of becoming subjects and Owners. In oher Words, they recognize, accept and value the propoor content of the policies. They are Sustaining the pro p00rperspective.
Thus, the poor hawe Sustaired the processes, even after the official state lewel programmes hawe altered or been halted. As for the Housing process, since it was consistently and densely sustained from 1984-88 by the original leadership,
the acceptance of it are quite Universe that there is a p methodology of hou! poor themselves. T thė läck of Cleår är by the Support syst task of the porunne they will mot give Lu paradigm.
In the CaSe of PO! согтesропdiпg dev complex. There is: distinctive stirring at OffsbilizElèsslSEW in many parts of th it is more present i the impact of the and/or its pro poor deep and of high ( Were first noticeal period. The existër poornational policy with those six pithy J Working principles, arld islCEIltiWES Of s! self-organize. Thes poor women arc organized themsely are engaged in Sa' livelihood activities. hawe ' not received OtherS HWB -- frO or the Janasawiya T the National Develo another Support ag that many of these 1993 OT 1994. Whl: the JanaSawiya pro poor thrust has hac effect. These Corr independent and hawe been SuStainE from 2-4 years. Th аге expanding t| Interestingly, they irwissible from the ht
a local and COTITUr
Elite Response
The response of quite a contrast, W by the poor, there y to SLStair the initial it for Ward to the Wer In terms of policy
SETINV October 19BB, the the nation by Pres both the President HE I Corti|Ludlo Lu central policy rele throughout his ten

is norms by the poor ul. Now they know IrOwen and Credible se construction by the he only lacunae are Cērēt initiatives en. This takes the cessarily difficult. But por lose faith in the
verty. Eradication, the elopments are quite Bll Unmislakable End the base by the poor 'ES. Thisis observable a country. Of Course, n those areas. Where
original Jarmasa Wiya
offshoots hawe beel Juality. These trends ple in the 1990-91 Ice of am explicit prO of Powerty Eradication апasaviyavalшesапd provided inspiration Tore aWare gTOLupSto eare CorImunities of men, Who have 'es into Societies and wings and credit and A good many of them any outside funding. IRDPs or the NGOs rust Fund (now called prient Trust Fund) or Ency. Intuiries reveal originate from 1992, at these show is that cess and its larger pro d a lasting catalysing munity processes are community-led. They ad for periods varying ay are not static, but neir Spatial bases. are inaudible and higher levels. Their is ity-wide mobilization.
he top or the elite was 'ith regard to housing Wasa fine opportunity reakthrough and take eaches of attainment, on paper,' this new
ision, The New Deal,
manifesto placed before „idento Premadasa.to.fight all and General Elections, Se his documentas the rence of his government
ΙΠΕ.
potential was clearly articulated in the One Point Five Million Houses Programe (1989-94), Which, followed the MHP. |t attempted to draw the lessons of the MHP and both deepen and broadbase the еarlier. phase, поoing so, there was an. explicit requirement to link the 1.5 MHP with the Janasawiya. This was attempted up to early 1992, but thereafter the commitment dissipated itself. The result was that the 1.5 MHP Was denied the opportunity of realizing its true potential, and therefore, ended up as a lacklustre. response, policy and programmewise,
With regard to the Janasawiya. Programme and the larger frameWork of pro poor strategy initiatives Tientioned above, the elites had a major problem of orienting themselves to the new participatory, poor-centred perspective. The notions of doing so were quite apparent. The rhetoric was being glibly mouthed by the upper echelons of the polity bureaucracy and technocracy. But neither the resilience nor the creativity were forthcoming. The obvious and vital linkages between the new macro micro second leg, Janasawiya, and the other sectoral programmes, were forged-only rhetorically. The fate of the propoor policy perspective rested on there being a clear countervailing nucleus in the form of a determined critical mass. This was inspite of there being a totally committed and convinced head of state as President. In other words, the response of the elite was merely tactical. For them, pro poor policy Was a convenient expedient.
Sri Lanka as a society, especially its elite, turned its back on the new social and economic thinking almost a year after the Insurgency was overcome in late 1989. As things began to normalize, memories of the recent crisis receded, and more seriously, the residual sensitivity to what the crisis was trying to tell this society as to its compulsions for change. The Wibrant messages about revitalizing democracy, especially at the grassroots base, empowering the poor, generating a new accumulation and wealth-creating process by the very poor and the less poor, the immense possibilities of new participatory forms of governance and decentralised development administration, the numerous opportunities available for raising productivity in agricшlture and forestry, were in the end}} repudiated by the small-mindedness of a self-proclaimed - elite. Its conclusion seemed to be that the systemic crisis Was an arberration Which had little to do with
|-
theľTSelWe:S, .¬ ¬ ¬

Page 27
Will privatization mean
he end of the Union represent How Wille interess of my members be protected
-Trade Unionist.
 

Privatization will in no way dilute or reduce the
powers and rights of your union, British Airways was
privatized in 1987, and the Unions remain to protect Worker interests just as before. Some of the World's largest, Tost powerful and vocal unions exist in the private sector. For example, the United Auto Workers (UAW) represent over
100,000 workers at the three biggest American car companies, none of which are state owned. In fact, there is every likelihood that working Conditions will actually improve in privatized companies, since there will be substantial investments made to upgrade facilities and training You can
look forward to representing a considerably more
prosperous union,
It is important to realize privatization is a means to an end. It is a means to improve our living standards, foster technological progress, Create employment and take Our nation into a more prosperous tomorrow, In order to achieve these aims, privatization has to be executed in the
appropriate manner,
That is the task of the Public Enterprise Reform
Commission (PERC). Its mandate is to make privatization
work for Sri Lankans today, and for generations to come.
Every privatization is a carefully considered decision
that takes into account the interests of all sectors of society;
the general public, the state employees, the Consumers, the
suppliers, as well as the country's overal economic vision.
PERC's mission is to see that privatization Works.
In doing so, your interests are always being Well looked
after.
With privatization everybody has a stake.
WATCH FULIN THE PUBLIC INTEREST
PUBLCENTER FRSE REFORM COMMISSION
Bark z* Ceylon - 20th Flixir, Ma4, FC. Bax 2001. Bank of Ceylon *:twacha. klibi i Sri Larkı

Page 28
INTEREST FREE CR
CONVENIENTRE
Yes. All and benefits are
CEYBANK
Contact the C
CEYBANK C Bank Oj
No. 4, BANK OFC COLO
BE WISE CARD - WISE
BANK OF CEY
GRankets to the UNation
TELEPHONE: 447823 - Ex. 418O & 41
 
 
 

DIT? :PAYMENT TERMS LOWEST JOINING FEE?
many more 7ours with the
VISA CARD.
entre Manager,
ARD CENTRE, f Ceylon
EYLON MAWATHA,
WBO - 1.
LON
85