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NSER
MEDIAMIRROR MIRRORON PRESIDEN
The mass media present the news. Now the Sri Lankan media IS the news. In the past fortnight, each "story" Tade front-page news : together a message: the P.A. adlinistration is in trouble. And its attitude to the poreSS may ha 'We
much to do with it. And the destands of a newly formed MUSLIM MEDIA FORUM could
seriously aggravate the P.A.'s problertls since Ports and Shipping Minister M. H.M. Ashraff's Sri Lanka Muslim Congress (SLMC) ... has challenged President Chandrika Kui Tärä tunga's "grand Coalition",
(1) Opposition Leader, Mr. Ranil Wickremasinghe, Thade "the press" an important item on his agenda when he ia Ingaged ir high-level talks in Britain, Germany and Switzerland. In
international апd Commonwealth press Circles, t late *"EST)
Wickreasinghe" is as well known as "Cushrow Irani", the publisher of the STATEMAN, India, who wisited Color Tibo recently, He was on a factfinding mission and had a twoHOUT 5E5;sio With the EditČrs" Guild, discussing préSSurgs On the press, editors in particular.
| 2 || The Musli Media FO TLT haS a Skeid the P.A. to TECOStitute the ANCL (Lake House Board t0 aCCOTm|Tmodate a MuSliT
director. Similar propo0S als ha 'We beer made regarding the
S.L., B.C., ןfפו Rupawah ini Corporation, Sri Lārikā PTESS Council, NEtira Media
Stituto EtC.
M
3) Meanwhile : TREES וחנן Mr. Wito Fer
de TI EWS. suddenly four goпе. His Mr. Chula Wals last too long House press well, the job is the abrupt exi in less thar բrriէlaէlly a
ESO f0f
IEլTEE1 is çonfusio 1 0 interwiëW PHILLIPS, a tՒ1E itETai Paris-based L end, there Wa RUPA WAHINI,
ISLAMIC FACTOR
The decisions to MEDIA FORUM t II. חם rBםזרח Bטחס important role community in thi it:Self a Tf|C:ti)
resurgence internationally. TALEEAN, Af Russia's) M neighbours of A of this growing political activiti Chuiti ES ET ATerica axieti least partly, arise Te WiiWall",
|п ргоппоting the interest " of especially a Comir neglected or pc media is all import

WA
CYANI Îg
ervyn de Silva
another TEMPLE
E55 SECTEt TW", ornando, has also Like Othello, he d his occupation's predecessor, a Siri Lal did Olt either, AS White
SECTgtari 25 kmDW is a "hot seat", But t of TWO officials 1 two years is record, And the Mr.FETIlärd“5 Ewidently SÖThe wér à FBCCrdBd With BRUNO correspondent of tionally reputed, E MMOMIDE, I the
S 10 iter WiW ( 1
all a MUSLM urns the spotlight the increasingly Of the Muslim a island's politics, Of the Isla TiC egionally ånd The focus on ghanistar1, and slen TE publics fghaista) is part CD Cerri O Ver the
gS Of MSir 1d organisations. es Jyer l5rael, at for this "slamic
"enlightened selfa community, Thunity which feels I[Jrlỵ trÉate[], the tant, Judgingby
ANKA
the appoint tents, dismissals. transfErs, promotions and dETötions in the State-TLIn Tedià institutions, this is truly an area of darkness, to borrow a famous title ....... If not 'darkness at loor".
It is also clear that Media Minister Dhar Tasiri Senama yake is lot really tle decision-maker, J. R. "5 "executive presidency" did concentrate power, and decision." making, although the omnipotent patriarch did devolve power to so The Tinisters who, in his opinion, could thanage the ministry 90% of the time. Thus, Printe Minister Prema dasa, and Ministers like Lalith Ath Luath dali, Gamini
Dissanayake. Ronnie de Mel etc.
Солт гал даав Т8
UAVRD)
Wol, 19 No, 11 September 30, 1996
Pride RS. 15.00
Published fortnightly by Lanka Guardian Publishing Co. Ltd. No. 246, Union Place Colombo -2. Telephone: 447584
Editor in Chief : Mervyn de Silva Editor : Dayan Jayatilleka
Printed by United Publishing House (Pvt) Ltd.
C O N T E N T S
Marw yn de Silwa Our Economic Editor 2
Bradплап MMeвrakооп 4
Indra de Soysa
FT. François HOLutart B
Hora të Perëra 10
A.J. GLura Wardarla 11
Меeraj Kaushal 14
THE DE A S AeANE

Page 4
WRONGABOUT THEECONOI MAE CHANDRKAPRESTD)
The 10% increase in the price of LP gas came in the nick of time. If the announcertent of this massive price hike was Tade Ewe one day earlier, it would have doubtless caused consternation and anger among the hapless consumers - after all, it was the second such price increase in less than 6 Tonths by the new monopoly owner of the Gas Company, Shell (one of the President's favourite Fortune 500). Not so now. Because the night before the hike in gas prices was made public, the people of Sri Lanka had the good fortune to watch and lister to their President on the Subject of economics, On Rupa wa hini.
|L was the kirild of performalı Ce which changes one's whole perspective and makes one rethink many things (one thought) one knew, Specially about Economi CS. FOT i 15tal 1Çe, take the presidential pronouncernent Ոf1 development. According to our Madame President. Thn Country can develop if it spends more than it earns; budget deficit begers inflation high cost of living begers high interest rates begers low investment
Our EC
ппүstery : focus o like a la ser beam
to first, reduce t balance the bo Ludgi economic devel achieved before y
lt SEE Tış so sim|| does wonder wht international agen go to so much ower issues of underdevelopment to Our President, at last,
Unfortunately the hеге ffe Cf есололтfc devefод: Srf Lалka buf al поf солтратtible w deligh-ffully вsр PTSsgrif. O'r ffe developed or i budgef deficits : balanced bшdgн sшгр/uses are fї ехаппple accordir Development Rep. year 1994 only 2 CountrieS recorde
regrets low level of development all the others re. hegers budget deficit - the vicious the other year circle. So the original sin or the Report. 1980, Ol Mother of all Economic Sins, is the income Countries budget deficit. The solution to the surpluses),
perammial problem of underdevelopment is no longer a
37 88 89
Budget deficit as a % of GDP 8.7% 13% 7.5% Inflation 7.7% 14% 11, 6 Irw8StmEnt 23.3%. 23.1%. 21.6 Donestic sa Wings 1 2. 12,B 1. Growth 1.5% 2.7%
2.3%
(Source : Central

YSUPD (GNAT)
nomics Editor
the budget deficit and work tirelessly |e deficit and the at, and hey presto, opment will be ou know it.
|ple and easy, one |y economists and cies (e.g. the UNDP) trouble, agonising
development and ... Any Way, thanks it's all crystal clear
re's a smal snag s and figures of лтелt fлоf ол/y in to world-Wide are the ' theory' Gas oused. By the солtraгу. Вe fї the Нөveloping world, Ire the norm and s of budget в вxсвpriол. For ng to the World Iort 1996, in the of the high income | a budget Surplus : :orded deficits, (Ir mentioned in the hly 3 of the high recorded budget
is Rwanda more developed than Swedan ?
If the budget deficit/surplus is the determinant factor in development as the President says, then logically, COLultri S With budget surpluses, relatively Моиv budget deficits should be more developed than countries with high budget deficits. If one goes by this yardstick, then Rwanda (which has become world Гепомупеci for its internecine Conflicts and internally displaced) with a budget deficit of 6.9% should be more developed than not just Sri Lanka but also Finland -14.1%), Italy (-10.6%) and Sweden (-13.4%). The Galbia recorded a budget surplus of 3,6% in 1994 which places it above all high inco Te Countries (except Singapore) in the Chandrikaist Scale of économic development. In other words, in the
real World, there is no direct, or Innipresent correlation between budget deficits surpluses aid develop tent. Courtres with a
relatively high budget deficits can be fard offer are fore developed far Cries With OW பேger deficits/surpluses.
What about the "Wicious circle"? Is there always a direct and standard correlation between the budget defici, irfllati Or, in We Striħerħ t and development, as the President claims? Once again the reality is Stubb Orly disobliging. Let's Consider the relevant data for Sri Lanka for the last 9 years : (See able
Presidential Economics W.S. Empirical Reality : A Knowledge Deficit
If one take facts ånd figuras into Consideration, then the President's "vicious circle" does not exist in the real world. An increased budget
90 91 92
93 94 95
| | W.8% | 9.5% | 5.4 ዓ‰ | 5.8% | 8,5% | Wዓ‰
21.5명, 12.2 11.4% 11.7% 8.4% 7.7% 22.6%. 22.9%. 24.3%. 25.6%. 27% 25, 1% 14.8%. 12.8%. 15% 16% 15.2%. 15.5%
- 4,6%| 4.3%| 6.9%| 5.6%| 5.5%
Bank Reports

Page 5
deficit (as a % of the GDP) may result in high inflation (as in '88) but it does nor і пасвssarїїу Іead to a decrease in growth (the growth rate was slightly higher in '88 Compared
LL S SKS L S S La S LLLaL S a SK decrease in budget deficit as a % of the GDP can result in not just lower inflation but also lower frves frters, sawings and growth as in 1989 [cрппpared to 1988). Thеп, thеге сап be instances where the budget deficit increases significantly, while inflation de Crea5.e5 and increases ('94 compared to '93); Cor the budget deficit and inflation car increase while in west Tent, dor testic sawings and growth also improves ('93 cost pared to '92); or an increase in the budget deficit (as a % of the GDP can go hand in the hand with lower inflation ( '94 compared to '93). To sum up, in none of these years is these any evidence of the presidential "wicious circle"; there is no definite, predictable correlation between the budget deficit on the one hand and inflation, Sawings, investment and growth on the other as clained by the President. The P.A.'s owr performance in the year 1995 pro wides the best evidence for this! The P.A., succeeded in reducing the budget deficit as a % of GDP from B.5% to F%) and the rate of inflation from 8.4% to 7.7%) LLLLLCLLL S S0S aaL SSLLLKLL0L LLLLL
investment and growth declined during this period froT 27% to 25.1% and 5.6% to 5.5%
respectively.
The ineSCapablë Conclusion is thät the budget deficit is just one of the factors -ard ofter of even fie Fost importaraf factor- affecting a country's development. There are many Other factors affecting inflation, interest rates, in Westment and development, apart from the
budget deficit: eductio f SubSidi e5, dewalution of the local Curren Cy, politi Call ård clir Tatic
conditions, global interest rates and economic conditions to mention just a few). Therefore taking the budget dЕficit as thЕ kЕу link caП Blind a government to many dangerous pitfalls and make it implement policies which car have disastrous political, economic and social
ir WeStrillert
Consequece5. O the simplistic
economic growth people. Experience global) teaches us conditions, growt people and caп
political, social an a Como Thic i stabilit late:St HuTT DE |'95) categoriSeS g the existence of economic growth widening dispo a economic growth negative depends the growth policie: Which takes the budget deficit a ire Witbol П51", CD1SELICES bec or reducing govt. Carrot ELIt be
W late third Wor
as already extremely bloodys
The President's Ili
A fanatical fix: rationality and cc accusation awe cannot level agai Presidit. O til Castigates the UN implementing "op with little regard iTupact and cose. Sêwêrė ėCÖTÖThiĊ populatiům", , , Su O. O. 96. Of th says that her gow, redesigning it's s policies to enable the ponderous structure which finances for decai magnificient inc. pÖrhder OLIs WelfaTEe that the Preside disrmantling obviou has fo be soлтеfһї in axisrgлсg i-в. it the PA, etected or UNP, NOW, if th: implemented "ope with little regard inpact", then it have ллаїлtaїпвд! Welfare subsidy str
 

E TTLu5t flLot (T1äké assumption that
is always proboth national and that L de Certai
i Cam be antiactually result in therefore, finally, y. This is why the velopment Report rowth and talks of rLuthless growth" - accompanied by ties, Wtlf
is positive or the rature of s. A growth policy reduction of the s the key will f anti-people ause it will focus expediture. This disastrous for a ld country which xperienced W ocial insurgencies,
gie
ation on Logic, insista:y is ole Er worst Erie Thies inst Our Madate
E Dre hand shE IP for "ruthlessly" in market policies
for their social
Juently, imposing
bUr"derS r tHEe riday Observer - o the hall Sho ernment is "slowly Dcia develop Tent a shift away front
Welfare subsidy has draised State des" (Ibid.). What 2nsistency. "The subsidy structure" It is so intent om usly and logically graf is currently is something that irhl EritEd from the UNP "ruthlessly market policies ft is thais goitial simply could nor a "ponderOUS ucture", cold it?
And wice versa. The two are mutually exclusive, Surely even the President should be capable of figuring this LILIt.
Perhaps not. Because going by her recent performances, the President believes in Speaking her Tind, totally untroubled by logic Teason of the facts of econostic life. I her T. W. interview she stated that the UNP did not implement a single welfare measure apart from the Janasawiya Programme (JSP). If that's so, then. what is this "ponderous Welfare subsidy structure" the President is gCoirg to di Smartle?} Obviously She had forgotter the free school text books and school uniforms schemes artid the free mid day Theal Scher Te - discontinued by her government - to mention just a feW program mes, And how would she explain the fact that for the year 1995, i.e., Year One of her Presidency, transfers to household as a % of the total govt. ex përditure Wä5 at its Vo WWE:sf since 1989? SO, the Pre:Sident ITL 5 ti ddecide : either the UNP was ruthless and cut all subsidies, in which case she has O "poder Us Welfara subsidy structure" to distantle, or she still has a ponderous welfare subsidy structure to dismantle, Teaning that te LNP WIS - "Sjt" the T t "ruthless" and spent a great deal of money on Welfare and subsidies
Inconsistency apart, the President's determination to "dismantle the ponderous welfare subsidy structure" is the direct outcote of her perception of the budget deficit as public enemy No. 1. Of course this Conception is not very new. It has been as integral part of the Monetarist credo for decades and it's adherents included (apart from Reagan and Thatcher) Augusto Pinochet of Chile, The President, in her characteristic style, has give the whole thing a distinctly Chandrikaist touch - thus the clai in that development is coterminous With "not spending more than what one ETS", A EXCEllert Taxim for a conscientious thrifty housewife determined to ensure the economic advancernent of her family. But for the President of a Country, a Minister
Corord om page f?

Page 6
Background
Internal displacement of the civilian population as a result of internal conflict, ethnic strife or forced relocation has been recognised as one of the most distressing and challenging problets of our times. Media coverage of the tragic situation that displaced communities hawe en Countered in the for mêr Yugoslavia, in Rwanda and Burundi, in northern Iraq and in Afghanistan in recent years We StiTnulated
increasing awareness and interest in
thլ: issues relating t the բhenomenon gf internal displacement. The crisis of those who have had to flee their homes owing to conflict and take up temporary residence in other locatio 15 Withir their Own Countries although not as Specta Cular ås refugee movements across national frontiers, has increased in both scope and intensity in recent times, compelling attention and effective
action at both national and international lewels. When the UN Commission on Human Rights
formally look note of the problem in 1992 the number of internally displaced persons (IDPs) world-wide was around 24 million. Today 1996) the number exceeds 30 million while the global estimate of refugees is presently 20 million,
While the phenomenon is global there are some significant regional variations. There are reported to be 3 million in Latim ATmerica. Conflics Within state borders which are far more prevalent in the post cold-war Gra thärl Conflicts between States are a major reason for the increasing number of displaced persons. The UN High Commissioner for Refugees
LLS LCGGCCCC L CCC CL 0LL CGGLTCLC CLC LT TMLGLk CCCGCCCG LTTTCCCCH S CTTTTLCLKL C GLLLTLL CC TCTTTC CCL GLLTLTCLLCC CCCLLCCCCLkk k CTCTLL S
്യലe:
in an address to th June estimated that years alone intern forced around 10, Ol day to flee their h cross borders or be their own Count Contributing to the is the ΣLIΓΓΕΠ preoccupation W refugee flows on perceived links wit the nisuse of host by those attract econostic motivatio economic refugees reluCtănce of rece admit large number. even to fiпапce th, countries force gre remain displaced in t
DEFINITION
Central to any di: internally displaced i how the subject is Secretary-General aпalytical report o displaced describe persons who have flee their hortlas unexpectedly in larg result of armed strife, systematic vi rights or natural di SāstgrS and Who territory of their owr
definition is generall adequate descrip phenorthelon as it ( Crucial elerTets displaČerTent , n TOverTent and ferTha Own national border: the Tajor causes of
 

LLLLLL CCCGGLLTLCC CLLk CTTkLkLGTT TTC LLL LLT CCCHGGLLLLGCCGL LLkB le, who worked closely with sawen Heads of Govt/Stafe in post
Sгf Lална.
e World Bänk in in the earlier tWO a conflicts had )0 persons every Ortles and either orte displa Ced in ries. A factor increase of IDPs interrational t preventing the grounds of h terrorism and country facilities
ed by purely is, the so called The growing
living states to s of refugees or eir stay in third ater lumbers to heir Countries.
cussion of the is the question of defined. The UN in his 1992 the internally the as " been forced to suddenly or a numbers as a Onflict, intermal lation of human or man-Thade are within the country". This
' regarded as an ion Of te ontains the two gf internal melү, - coerced hing within ones it also includes isplacer ment.
Ču Eestions hawe however been raised about the phrase, "in large numbers", Would individuals fleeing alone or in small numbers not
qualify?
There are also those who oppose the inclusion of natural disasters. Persons who have to move suddenly as a result of a natural disaster wquld not qualify as a refugee under the international Convention On Refugees. Moreover such persons are wery likely to receive State and international assistance large measure. Because the internally displaced, unlike refugees, live under the control of lational authorities they would not normally receive the protection and assistance of the international corn tunity. In fact the first call for assistance and protection Thust under the principle of national sovereignty be to the government of the state tha interally displaced live in, however herei lies the Crux of the problerTn. Wery often the internally displaced have to live under the adverse Conditions of a hostile domestic environtent. They are vulnerable to sudden round ups, arbitrary arrest and forcible resettlement. They may be subjected to forcible conscription or sexual assaults. They may be regularly deprived of food and health care. At the sa na time their access to international protection and assistance (which is guaranteed by International Law and convention to Refugees is constrained by the lack of any Convention governing Internal Displacement and the conditions of national sovereignty, The nature of the conflicts which the internally displaced are caught up in compound the lack of clear international responsibility. Moreover internal

Page 7
conflicts hawe no acceptėd ground rules of battle. Governments who recognise the "rules of war" covered in the four Geneva Conventions of 1949 do not consider applying those provisions relating t 1UT1combatants and civilians in the case of interial conflicts. As a recent study has pointed out "today belligerents are more and more willing to use humanitarian access, |life så ving assistan CE and e Wen civilians themselves as Weapons in their political military struggles".
This paper attempts to look at the mormative, institutional and operational framework that govern the internally displaced at the national and international levels. It will try to identify some practical measures that would strengthen and Take more effective the existing legal and institutional capacities. Most of the examples of creative and flexible action in the areas of protection, assistance and development for internally displaced persons will be taken from the Sri Lankan experience of the last 10 years.
THE NORMATIVE FRAMEWORK
There is no clear formulation of legal principles applicable to the internally displaced. Unlike in the case of refugees where the International Convention of 1951 applies, there is no legal instrument which focuses on the needs of the internally displaced. Ar internationa Selsus hā5 0 V developed, given the Widespread ature of the problem for general or its to be formulated which could serve as guidelines for states as they grapple with the manifold challenges which the internally displaced pose to governments. There is some support for Consolidating whatever morms hawe ewolwad in varying circunstances, evaluating them to asses adeqLacy af COverage and filling the gaps that remain. It would yet be a considerable task for The Tiber states of the UN to agre on say a Convention for the Internally Displaced as they are by definition within the lational borders and questions relating () sovereignty are bo Lund to bĖ räİSed. HOWE WEer the
trend SeeTIS Clea direction of TOW establishment of s States Could follo W of Human Rights iS a The Tiber änd
year for two TOnt the Sub-Comis Protection of Mi
Considerable Wor standards in the wictiÒS, քDբԼl
freedor T1 from disp links bgt Weer 1 h
LITE rit3ria
noteworthy devel the establishment Special Represe Secretary-General Displaced. These, es and reportS Tl Representative DI the Comission i including the Re. (1992) hawe como raising the leWE: Consciousness of to IIEEd for du råb
Internally displa present lack iterational la W found in Situati conflict which are the Genewa Co which prescribe state belligerents. Conventions, interatio) 3 | LJIT dow ground rule of the injured in Wär, ÖT-de StrLJCti sites of Cultural civilials and SO (Gea wa Conyeti
interal COfflicts they would provi case of a War bet available. It is o
CC de to Additi the Gbewa extends the p Conventions tO II
WE|| b) Ut f'W Sta" opportunity to do yet a state which Additional Proto
have been calls Human Rights NG to so il view of th

rly to be in the ing towards the DITE TOTS Which
- The COTissio of Which Sri Lärka which Tibets each this ir Geniewa arid Ssio fCf te horities has done k in developing areas of forced lation tra SferS placement and the uman rights and activities. A. opment has been of an office of ntative of the on the Internally reral country profilade by the Special *. Francis Deng to on Human Rights, pot o Sri Länkä tributed greatly to | Of interflatiOla|| the problet and le SO|LutiOITIS,
led persons at protection under since they are ls of inter-state mot Cowe Ted Lunder mwentions (1949) "LES" fOT itThe four Genewa
the L:[TB: f anitaria law, lay s for the treatment war, prisoners of ion of hospitals and walue treatment of on. But since the Q15 do riot CO Wêr the protection that de Civili ES il to Wee States is not pen for States to 1rlä| FrgtGGg| 1 || t
vElterl Wlich Towisions of the ternal conflicts as tes have taken the so, Sri Lanka is not has acceded to the col although there by the international iO Community for it The lOrg Stading
internal Conflict front which Sri Lanka
SLuffers.
Lack of legal protection to the internally displaced rThay al50 = Bxist where armed gangs exert control ower territory where the golwermet Writ dos lot Tun. El Such CaseS abuses of the rights of IDPs will mot . amount to international human rights wiolations but infractions of a Countries do Testic law, The probles however in such situations is that it is not possible for the transgressor to be brought to justice until the area is once again brought under the control of the government. A related area which needs elaboration is that of the obligation of States to grant CCESS to Externa ård dOfTheStiC humanitarian agencies which seek to provide protection and assistance tO the internally displaced. Both in law and practice the Consent of the State concerned is obviously required. At the same time humanitarian agencies are expected to actively seek access. The African Commission of Human Rights got over this allow humanitarian Organisations access by respecting the it partiality and neutrality of humanitarian aid and allowing its delivery in safety". IDPs fall within the jurisdiction of the State in which they reside and in theory are entitled to the protection
and rights of citizenship. The fLundamental rights ershrined in Constitutions and other domestic
legislation should in theory em Sure their protection and gover the treaterit that is a CCOrded to the during displacement. However it is precisely during the crisis that result in displacement of populations that governments are unable to provide tgif citizes With adequate protection and assistance. Military considerations could restrict the transport of goods and services to areas inhabited by displaced persos, MĒTĒrt ES of reti safety may also be affected by security reasons. The ground situation Tay necessitate the imposition of emergency regulations which restrict or derogate from the normally available fundamental rights
the Constitution. Moreover When
Солfd ол page ї9

Page 8
AMERSAN, ITALIAN
POLITICSS A
Lecture prвsелted at the Bалdaranaiќв Diplomatic Tгаіл) Ph.D Fellow affhe United Warions University's
What is important about American politics and why study it? By examining the nature of American democracy- - the self proclaimed "oldest modern democracy" . We could also Whopefully gairt somme perspectfwe or ou sysfer 7 of government, this is what it means to study comparative politics as a subject. Understanding the practice of politics in America can also clue us in to why they night act in the global arena as they do - they are after all, again often self proclaimed, the world's only superpower. What, after all, does it mean to be a superpower today? "While the US controls nuclear Weapons it cannot use ewel - Kazhakstar has nuclear weapons), parts of New York have life expectaпсү гates lower thaп Sгі Lanka," and many states have infant mortality rates higher than Bangladesh.
Yet, Thy task here is to put what is going on Currently in the ArTerican democratic process in to perspective, hopefully providing some conceptual handles that I think are important for understanding the Why S and wherefores of Americam politics. Of Course, what is going on now is the presidential campaign. What I want to do is put this whole business into focus by looking at sorne substantive and procedural features of American democracy that makes it quite unique, and I hope to leave you with some questions about the practice of democracy in Sri Lanka.
- Public Opinion Rule
First let us lo democracy in gen substance of the
ntally, the nature ( cгасү is greatly si Tiple fact that Al overriding allegian ance is to the syste that is the syste writterm do CLII Tment, Constitution of the
within the paramett document that polit an American what an Americar änd TBCeiwe the anSW der Tocracy and th indiwidual etc etc, , , allegiance to t government and pai of the revolution,
revolution in the IT to the foundatio different system of politics is popular C Culture is partly a why one must not fact that there is W. between a party Hollywood show)
uffrarely depend орїліог7, Does poli first take place sphere? How par public in influencing day? Keep the foll mind: Is it the politicians that are mot being dëbuata sphere? Who is to
runs roughshod ow the people it repres

ng Institute on September 09, 79965. I'r dra de Soysa is a Institute for Advanced Study, Tokyo, Japan.
PARISON
Indra de Soysa
5, O.K.
k at A Tierican eral, some of the polity. Fundar reif American demoinfluenced by the Tericans hawe onę Ce — their allegirm of government - rt outlined in a which is the United States, it is ars outlined by this tics functions. Ask Thakes him or hêr you are bound to er, "I beliewE in a freedom of the "Because of this he system of haps also because the first populär odern era leading of a radically govarnment, mass ulture and popular SS politics (that is e surprised by the ry little difference convention and a everything is :ublrcמן נrסקf Uחי ics in Sri Lanka within tha public icipatory is our the issues of the iwing question in people or the blar T1 a for i SSLJES in the public lame if the state the Concerns of ht:S?
Now at us look at how the American constitution comes about. The Americal revolution was air ined at anding taxation without representation, it was aimed at "tyranniçal" British Colonial governments, it was truly a popular revolution against a government perceived to be unjust. However, these transplanted Englishmen were not wont to blame this injustice merely on the King, their diwinally appointed representative or Earth, but on government in general, in other words, they became suspicious of all concentrations of power. This is where the idea of checks and balances Cities about. The constitution spells out carefully the functions of the executive, legislative, and judicial powers of government, Taking it such that these branches check each other. The essence of the document thus is based on Lockean principles more than on any other and is quinteSSetial opposed t extrerties. The idea of checks and balances then seeks to prevent a tyranny of the majority and a tyranny of the state (Hobbes' Leviathar). This is where the great political slogan used by all parties up to date comes about - "limiting governments." This See T1s to hawe been the COṁSEISUS even in the 18" century,
How is an intricate set of checks and balances possible, a fantastic effort of compromise by all parties for the common good? The answer to this question is, I think, the essence of Atherican politics Athericans seem spontaneously Ο аггive ät accommodation, and they seen to

Page 9
know that intrar sigel CE COuld Wery well lead to the worst outcome for all parties. In other words, American society is prone to compromise and sociability, they search for common ground - in Aristoteliar terrf), thBy seem somehow to seek the "golder rimea arm". Society itself, thu5, is pron69 to a Wild Extern CS
Where does this propensity for compromise and sociability Come from? One observer from the 19" Century Jaries Bryce wrote, "Christianity influences conduct, not indeed half as much as in theory it ought, but probably more than it does in any other country". The logical question Frises, Is it thig message of Christianity? Or is it the socialisation that takes place as a result of practising Christianity? I think it is the latter Åfter all, how different is the core Tessage of Christianity front say, Buddhist, or for that matter, from Islam?
Selfish Socialization
Alex is d8 TO: 'Willa, perhapOS 8 TOTE astute gbserver than Bryce, Certainly a much earlier one, noted that it was te frontier that encouraged spontameo Luis Co-operation "for Self protection and self advancement" and Calle Armericans "a nation of joiners". Nu drie decide cames Self Interest Blor18 [T1[]. TTlär is am Islånå, ironically a maxi In dear to de Wout Christians but collectively by association, You join Out of Self interest. The foreboding Thature of the frontier and all the hardship it produced made it rational for spontaneous collective action for fulfilling selfish ends. People thus joined together for Selfish ends promotes the ס סם חסוחחחסםt{, Collectively. This is where, as at least orie scholar (Theodorg von LaLe. Ths LLL LLLLLLH LLLLLLCLLLCLMSS 1991)
has pointed out, American altruist lies; it is purely motivated by selfish 50tialisaf iarl,
Even Bryce notes, "democratic сопsепsшs caппе - easy because - of a sort of kindliness, a sense of human fellowship, a recognition of the duty of mutual help owed by Ilan to Tar, all qualities stronger than anywhere in
tle Old World",
attribut S to Chr that de Tocqewi Artı erican help expected reciproc of recipTocity, ho of social trust. T and murtured associational life
If " ratio Tocq eville noted. nature Of Con Sor: that characterises général is the der tit 15 DE TEC obsewers. This is capital" put for, Harward scholar Robert Putri f
book er title, Wrk City Tr; ffa ν.
til Warticialism
To suitarise
Flfläfs, WD flä5 the quam titativ research tradition |Italia de Wolutior centre to regional Putral found 1C th reforms
effectivựTESSG ahli government imp boards, but that differences betw Southern Italy. Northern Italian: satisfied With th
that tE governments pa thdr the South differences that within these two was that the Nor associational life not. HistoricaWy Mr J W fel Warri Trier which became
MOLTS) ir 9 marked by asso ett. J. White th: сралтга//ed hгал Marians and rulers, who four лоt fo prorтоfе 555Ú7Crafiam buť verfica/y. "WErt epitormisẹs Col something that
the sphere of Ar hawe spoken thi substance that cl

7
This altruisit Bryce istianity, but I feel Ille had it right-an ad because e ity. The expectation wever, is a function his trust is created
by the der is that is caracteri StiC If joiners", as de Thus, the key to the Sus and CCTıp TOT 15E American society in se associational life :ognised by all these the idea of "social Ward recently by a by the name of I d two associates irn Making Democracy gifiors ir Modern
the book briefly, Thasterfully. Wedded and qualitative is studied the 1970s of power front the governments, What years or more after ԱմFIE that th: d overall quality of rowed across the thTE WAT TkEd er Northern ard He found that G W BTB far Thore eir government, and Norther régiorāl rifornT Ed far better 3rn ones. The only Putmam could find societie5, hC) Weyer, th Contaimed a dêr'ıŠe While the South did
s gbe fQ SLOW 7 Ifa Nar 7 Cif W 5f2f25, Erikre Of fråde HTC
arts etcetera, were cfarforas ffe (grissods
5уf Hat Eёг Zarray ty ffe 'afer the Hapsburg her fertist horizontal fies of foi corffros Society tical control, thus, TCentrated ромует, ig arlatharla Within
Brican dę TOCT3CW. us far of the Social haracterises the
moderate nature of A Tierican politics, in other words, what is it, in 5Lubstantive terrTS, about this democracy that keeps it from falling to extremes? We have spoken about the ideas of associational life, of acting together to serve selfish ends, which in turn helps in the building of social trust and social capital. These processes than promote ConSensual E0ha WiiCOĻIT, preventing Tutually har rmful polarisation and extremism,
American Centris in
What about procedural features?" What about the rules of A Tierican dETTDCrat:ự than inclirës the pClity toward Todaration? As you knoW the US has a clear cut two party system. Mauruce Duverger in the 1950s observed than an SMP (single mer Tiber plurality or wimmer take all) system of elections would create a two party System because SMP favours large parties (SMP generally discourage people from throwing away their votes on small parties
because the winner takes all). Accordingly, Anthony O WIS observed that, in a formally
distributed population, the optilurt strategy for two parties (one on the left and another on the right is for both parties to move toward the centre, if indeed their objective was 1o wir the elections, The parties, thus mowing towards the centre would be wying ultimately to be the most centrist, perhaps becoming indistinguisha ble fram ach other after time because of neither wishing to lose the largest concentration of votes. It is in this light that one needs to understand the jockeying for position in the centre that is currently going on between the Republicans and the Democrats. Having pointed all this "political science" stuff out to you it might be fruitful to see What is happening currently from a short historical perspective, George Bush Was defeated on his second attempt by Clinton in 1992 - despite Bush's foreign policy wictorias and high ratings, Clinton focused on do testic issues - Clinton's slogan was "its the economy, stupid". Clearly, the perdulu Tı häd swung leftWard With Cor. Cerns about the ECO1OT1 y at homa, CS Cof Working Americans after the 12 years of
Čtyřd Orl Edge 79 Сапtd fraт page 7

Page 10
SANDI
3. The '94 Political congress of th
F5LM
The FSLN suffered a series of backlashes after losing the 1990 election, This defeat resulted from a multiplicity of factors; the people's disgust for War; the UNO (Union Nacional Opositoral protising a peace gLuarant Hed by the USA; the desire for ecolor thic developert with interna. tio1al support; thg errors of the agrarian reform which did not significantly benefit the stall peasant owners; the weakening of the social
TO WEES due to thir interns p) ClitiCall iristr LurThieri tallizati bri; Thailtaiming arti irmi Creasingly шпpopular Tiilitary service, ΗΠL thց
impletentation of a structural adjustment policy which removed å Tong other things, the subsidising of essertial commodities.
The political transition occurred democratically in 1990, and was rtlarked by What has bean called "piflata" or private appropriation af public property. Some of the opponents to Sardinist thought this Theat the distribution of land to farming co-operatives or the attribution Of all Otlerhts to II): W. Te WerLJie Lurba families. The tern actually applied to the retrieval of assets financed in general by international solidarity, because many wanted to prevelt them from falling into the hands of the new
go Werns tent. However ofter these WETE acquired individually by the Sandinists, in some cases though,
they were genuine property transfers, directly or indirectly, The amalgam between these Warious - lawful or unlawful - forts of appropriation is widely used by the parties hostile to the Sandinists to justify their political action. Even if it cannot be compared to the present economic corruption, the lack of ethical rigor characterising Sandinism during that period is an
T(
elemant, the politic likely to be conside
The 1994 pol already Te Wealed a Front; between Parlsäměstäriärs or the head of the other; between tho the "reformers" Operate a Centrist democrat opening those Callid adwota ting Orientation, Of to
WETE SO Bt authoritarian Ways, iCO sistacy of interpersonal feud: Was a split into tw formations, the F: MO willier to de F ista). The latter ga' part of the Sandini of the bourgeoisie ThOVBIT Brit, 85 personalities for issue in politics was
All this contri Sardinist Front as the Gallup polls gi WOting intenticars, 42% they obtained MRS it has Thot T the base of the F present dat ë it has Obtā ir Tora thar intentions. It should
number of undecic
wery high, up to 40'
Then there is the attitude of the Victory by the Sa answer is quite cli arrival in Nicar Ambassador John his country consid Front as an ordina asserts that the US,
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

’anCOiS HOUtart
:al cost of which is rable.
itical Congress had deep rift within the the Tajority of I the Orle hard and
TOWe Test of the se who were called who wanted to and Thore socialof tha party - and thց "Orthodox", popular political Urse, other factors WOr k, SLuch as a certain political the Front or 5. The final result to different political GLM and the MRS Renovacion Sandinthered am important st intelligentsia and who had joined the Well ES SITT whom the ethical
pагагTCur,
uted to weaken the is political force and awe it 22% of thia - Cortpared to the in 1990. As for the taraged to Wiro wer fort, ald until thg rarely managed to 2% of the Woting be added that the led Woters remains % in Marlagua.
the question about USA in case of a indinist Front, The ar. Indeed or his agua in 1993, MAST) stated that ered the Sandinist ry party. Today he A will respect the
results of the elections, provided they are really democratic. This was conformed by Harry Hamilton, head of the Central Americam section at the State Department in Washington. Five US NGOs, including the Carter Centre, the Republican Institute and the Democratic Development Centre, are actively supporting the democratisation of the electoral process. Though the right-wing political affiliations of some of these organisations are hardly a secret, a group of 50 observers from various NGOS Will be constituted to
ACCOmpany tha electoral process.
The '96 Electoral Congress
The electoral Congress at the beginning of May 1996 revealed the genuinely popular character of the Sandinist Front, if we are to judge by the SÓ Cial Origin of its participants. It was prepared through a process of popular COSultations which Was Successful beyond all expectations, SimCe ābout 420,000 persons mot al|| of who were FSLN members) took part in over 4,500 polling stations. The objective was to obtain popular opinions regarding the appointment of precandidates to the different political posts, from the presidency of the republic to the mayorships. Such a derTDCratisation effort also had LurnfOrESEEr COr Sequences, like the promotion of candidacies unsuitable to the direction of the party, The process was in itself democratic but not mę CBSSarily CQInductive t the appointment of the most competent candidates. An example was the success of Carols GUADAMUZ, precandidate to the mayorship of Managua, who used his post as the director at NYA Radio, the most popular radio station in the country, for his personal promotion. In other cases, it led to fratricidal, interpersonal feuds, which both the party and the Congre55 EndeavDLIred to contain ånd Control.
The approwed program shows first of all the desire to set up a government of national unity, a stand justified by the gravity of the econorthic and social situation of the country, and
by the lead to rer Tidbilize all the äWailable forCas t reactivate production.

Page 11
The Project itself
Indeed, the FSLN's economic project is clearly productivist, including all the economic actors without exception, foreseeing taxation and credit policies, as well as technical support to peasants and towards product and export diversification. It also advocates a balance between private and public sectors, a combination of market mechanisms and State interwention.
Furthermore, the FSLN promises not to
effect any more expropriations. Technological modernisation and competitiveness are con the agenda, and foreign investments will be encouraged. The debt will be renegotiated. In short, apart from a few controversial statements, there is a realist which contrasts starkly with part of their former discourse. Thus realism corresponds to what any responsible government should undertake in the short term. The sole references to another economic model are, on the one hand the proposal to set up a "Council for economic and social planning" to ensure the participation of the civil society in the economic management, and on the
other hand a powerful program for the ,
protection of the environment and especially the forests.
Democracy, the State of right, the
guarantee of individual liberties, equitable access to basic Social services, respect of human rights,
separation of State powers, Worthen's participation, religidus freedurn and refort constitute the essentials of the new political Creed. The emphasis decentralisation envisages developing municipal responsibility and proToting the autonomy of the Atlantic Coast. Health and education services will be re-established in their previous state, though with a greater participation of the concerned social actors, The foreign policy will be geared towards creating bonds of friendship and of good neighbourliness with the other Central American countries and with the USA, while defending lational sovereignty, Regional economic integration will also be pursued.
DOES it Te that the Sahidinist Front has nov taken a Social Democrat stand, similar to that of the M 19 in Colombia Dr. Of thé VillalübCI5
group in Salvador significant differer FSLN prografT1rne t Sergio Ra Tirez's M CaSG if We Bre
Čontents of the ti Would be rather Lu Dlf erTmphasis. llm the tExts other than program which cr more radically ani rmore radical poli notably towards a
controlled by the Y A serious intellec COTTitted Social pl be needed to Comb revolutionary outloc
WOTT
TH рге сап presidency of Chairman of th
Defence Commissic the Feople's Parma a breath of fresh
Sardinist past and qualities as a la WWE justice, she rallied
new forces, sp Women, but alSO
Wanted to react : practicEs änd v Which had for to
certain leadershi Although she obt votes during the pi she could hardly ol 210,000 wotes, A' obtained EST Of tho atterTipt was h courageous and a detocratisation pri
Electural previ quite difficult to future, all the Thor of undecided Wote CID-GALLUP Of 358. This is litritatt
the rather illuso pre Tature political other hand the lac on tha part of a si the people, espвсіі with the grave survival.
Will it be poss Front to better it: less) 22% and enabling it to cross would entail the W

is there OW a 1Ce between the Ind the program af MRS in the latter to judge by the Eexts, the resp OnSE anced: it's a matter first case, there are this govегпппепt itique neoliberalism d clearly assert a itical Commitment, people’s есопоппү, Workers therselWes. tual effort and a ractice Will OWWer ing realisT! With the
k.
didacү t th Dr. Wilma NUNEZ, e HuTTiam Rights in and a Te Tiber of rent Court, brought Bir, KIDWT. for Her appreciated for her 3r and her action for a certain numbET Df cially amcang tha a Tong those who gainst authoritàriam Ferticalist attitudes long characterised a of the party. ained over 40,000 eople's Consultation, fset Daniel Ortega's the Congress, she ; SOO WOtes, but her ailed by all as is the Warrar of a cess of the Front.
sions are assuredly forecast for the is that the Liber rs during the latest April 1996 reached 35 On the OThe hand, y character of a agitation and on the k of political interest gificant segment of ally when confronted problems of daily
tle for the Sadirist 5 5CDrE Lf mora Cr contract alliances tE 50% |iTE F This winning over of the
lower middle class on the Dre hånd and the small peasant owners on the Other, The former are still apprehensive about Daniel Ortega's candidacy, and the Tedia opposed to him deliberately create and foster this feeling. The latter still have painful memories of the agrarian policy, of the compulsory military service and of the War, even though Some "contra" adepts seem to be drawing nearer to the Front as a political force defending the landless pва5aПt:5.
The memory of the past on one side and the division of the Front with the creation of the MRS - plus well established critiques of sorte historical leader5 – on the Other, give the Sandinist Front few chances of obtaining power at the national level. Compared to the 33% of voting intentions in favour of Arraldo e Tar, Daniel Ortega personally obtains only ፰ 1 ‰ .
NOrlletheleg:55, the բՃբular dissatisfaction wis-à-vis the policy of the current government retains wery deep, and is sometimes expressed through spontaneous violence, But the Front which played a historic role in the social and cultural transfor nation of Nicaraguan society has renewed its analyses and strategies to the point of appearing too conciliatory and pragmatic, This was successful only in preventing the automatic, linking With the for ther socialist regirties of Eastern Europe, from becoming widespread.
THE TE W, il the base Of thig party has mnt pTEựEnted the TCU W TES (Of thOSB: Who dOrt Wat to give up power or those who aspire to it. But there is a certain rena Wal of interest among the young because of the success achieved by Wictor Hugo Tinoco, which signifies the emergence of a new generation. The Sandinist Front seems therefore to Costitute a potential of a new policy for the future, but whether it will be in the short or the long term and whether this project will remain revolutionary, only the result of the election of October 20" can reveal.
. . . . . . . . .
fThis Srksolg WSS franslated frors fhe French by Mishry de Silva),

Page 12
1. Structura and Activities of OSCE
At the Budapest Summit Meeting of the CSCE the decision Was taker to make the Conference a permanent organisation. This decision was received at the DSCE Ministerial Council Meeting of Foreign Ministers in Budapest 7-8 December 1995). In his 1995 Annual Report, the Secretary-General of the OSCE stated that the Organisation had strengthened its structures and considerably increased its potential for political Consultations and operational conflict- Tanagement,
One of the strengthening theasures adopted at the Budapest Summit Meeting was the replacement of various OSCE CorTimittees with highranking Councils, thereby encouraging States to be represented at a higher political level a OSCE meetings (See Annex 1 for the structures of the CSCE.
The first Senior Council Meeting (Pragше, 30-31 March 1995) reviewed the OSCE role in its first year. It saw consultations and negotiations, and the operation of ten missions' and activities of three OSCE representatives (a) to the Russian-Latvian Joint Commission on Military Pensioners, (b) to the Joint Committee on the Skruda Radar station and (c) to the Estonian government Commission on Military
Pensioners.
That all these fi Only 76 au personnel show5 achieved with financial TES) a chie Werments O missions, particul Latvia and Mo quest- ion... |ln Tajikistan and
missiOr15 Were bL to seek a peacefl in Bosnia-Herze Was to SuppOrt DmbudST1Bn. parties engaged not interested in good offices of th
The 1995 repor" important, but le of the working c the OSCE, the El involvement, we the Sanctions C Sanctions As [5AM5), Morg Officers and Oth their work
in sever SAMs
Bulgaria, Croatia, Yugoslaw Raput Romania and Uk was to assist E countries in the sanctions against
 

ald Thissicorns in Wolwed thorised seconded how much can be limited hurta and LICE:3 14 The f some of these arly those in Estonia, |dova, are beyond other countries like LJkraine, the CSCE it a token of the will il solution, Their task goviпіа (Sarajevo) the activity of the Jnfortunately the in the conflict were using the potential Ie missions,
also recorded that ss known, examples -operation between | arld WEU With UN "a the activities of --Ordinator and the istance Missions han 200 customs r experts continued
located in Albania, Hungary, the former ic of Macedonia, aine, Their rändate ld advise the host implementation of the foгпег
Yugoslavia (Serbia-Montenegro) in accordance with the relevant Security Council Resolutions. '
2. The High Commissioner on
National Minorities HCNM)
The fact that such an office has been created and the Very useful role it is playing is seldom publicised. In 1995 the HCNM was involved in the following countries regarding the rights of the minorities mentioned":
Albania - the Greak minority in the South
residets The former Yugoslavia - Republic of Macedonia - the Albanian minority Hungary - The Slovak minority Kazakhastan and Kyrgyzta-an - inter-ethnic relations Latvia - the Russian population Moldowa - Various minority issues Ukraine - the Crimea.
Primarily the Russian
Max van der Stoel drew attentior t0 two lessons he had learnt in his capacity as High Commissioner :
(a) It is essential for the international community to get involved at an early stage before the conflict has reached dramatic proportions:
(b) There is a пеed to paү плоге
attention to the factors that car lead to a conflict. Among other factors, he drew attention to the difficult economic situation of some minorities. There Were also their cultural, including religious, aspirations as well as their educational needs to be taken into consideration.
For example ethnic Russian '' in the Baltic were required to pass language tests to become Estonian or Latvian citizens. With one school of thought in the Russian Federation urging intervention by Moscow to protect the rights of ethnic Russians in the
"near-abroad" the situation could have been fraught with danger, particularly as the respective
governments had not the resources to provide adequate language training facilities, The situation was diffused by the Swedish Government Contributirg some 5.3 million
Солtd on paga 20

Page 13
it
േ
The writaris Professor of English at ang University of Sri Jayawandanagura, ra
Studies of the University,
罹s上
リ "Prof. Sarachchandra and his friends have succeeded in foosing ALL (or nearly ALLY of the people for 25 years. They may succeed in fooling SOME of the people the barbarous and vulgar) ALL of the time. But they simply cannot foot ALL of the people IAE of the time."
This arresting sample of 'm idless invective comes from "25 Years After Maname." (Space Age Publications, Colombo, 1982), a pamphlet jointly compiled by Douglas Amarasekara, M.A. (Cantab.) B.SC., (Lond), formerly Professor of Mathematics, University of Ceylon, and Hemantha Warnakulasuriya,
J.P., U.M., Attorney-at-Law
нтегата
"25 Years. After Maname" has, in all probability, earned a place in the category of rare books. The two authors have not paired again to produce book or pamphlet; nor has Space Age Publications Ed anything to this single and singular) item on its list. Meanwhile, Marame carries on regardless. The play exhibits amazing staying power, despite a perceptible decline in its acting and production values. Having taken its first curtain call at the Lionel Wendt on November 3, 1956, Maname has now reached its fortieth year of stage life and shows no signs of waning in audience favour. It is continuing to fool allot of people, steadily in Sri Lanka and occasionally abroad. At the present count, only a handful of people - led by our esteemed duo
Kesariya, and is a contributing efff Asired
H
of writers app been taken in and his friends. W if any proofit we the barbarous an outstrip the civili. Or that the Civili Messrs. Fifi Ami Warrhakula suriya, microscopic EP thematical terr digit, երբ
"25 Years Aft extremeinstance glowing) stupid insensitivity to th nevertheless of
gambit for t reflections sarachchandra"
drama. Though fatuousness, the record and high fact that Man, Sarachchandra's ideology have
adulation and Cri fortieth annivers occasion to сопsequences ап! still-smouldering
by Maname and it
It needs to be st: this debate (not entire Sri Lankan and theatre) has deep knowledg understanding o the medium
iodernizing Asia tՒյք lastcentury.
 
 
 
 
 

--
rida regular newspaper columnist. He was Director of the Institute 0. relawma/published by the Association
" "ஆ"
for Theatre in Higher Education, USA,
Eta horie:Friis A. J. Gunawardana
-리르--
酥 昊
(: , 5,5°C earfiot to have by Sarachchandra 'hich goes to prove, are necessary, that d the vulgar by far zed sin our society. zed, represented by arasekarai and constitute's only a minority. It in ms, an insignificant
er Maname," lan of unyielding even ity's and Bigross
fers an 2 operning these anniversary on *** Мапате, nd modern Sinhala stunning in its pamphlet serves t light the historical sarrie as Powell itsas "" dramaturgical generated both ticism. The play's ary" is an inviting onder i upon the dimplications of the
debate sparked off ES Tlake T.
ited right away that
t speak of the discourse on drama been starved of any
el, or comparative f developments in as Witnessed in
since the middle of Nor has it been fed
by a Sparticularawa
reness of the
contemporary dynamics of modern theatre and I stage craft. Due to
specific tile Critical di SCOur Se
theatre inst Sri Lan appreciabyless di complex and narrowe
historical circumstances,
on drama and kali has been alectical-less rthan, say, in
India, Japan or China:Nonetheless, the basic issues have been raised
EOLütli MMF7F7Fe,
and it about the
aesthetic and socio-political aspects of Sarachchandra's philosophy of
draਥ
The is first issue substance and qualit
TEEtESltO
the y of the play
itself. This has been comprehensively dealt with over the years. However,
Regi Siriwardene's ori the Daily News has,
ginal review in like the play
itself, stood the test of time. Mr.
Siriwardene "Maname is not only
این Wrote
in 1956: unquestionably
the finest thing on the Sinhala stage;
it is alSO Oe Of the have seen on any evaluation of Manana as dra Tatic undertaken at Warious
finest things
stage." The as theatre and
literature has been
levels over the
years in school, university and public
fÓTUTTI ad
there is today a fair consensus about the play. The play
can now be described as an organic part of Sri Lanka's cultural mosaic,
braiding religious strands, and
* ܩܒ linguistic, social and
bridging gaps,
although there may be a W among
the English uneducated" (Sarach chand-ra's lovely coinage) who are untouched by it or who disdainfully
claim ignorance of it.

Page 14
12
Maname's Impact
-- The more substantive issue concerns Manarie's significance in the history of modern Sinhala drama. In
the long view, what kind of impact
has it had upon the medium, and upon the public at large? Has it contributed positively to the growth, development and maturation of Sinhala drama? Has its initial promise been fulfilled?
Oriha WeitSEffectSbe eleSS:than desirable? These, and a series of allied questions have been hotly
pursued over the years. The a rhSWEers, Lunfortunately hawe i not always demonstrated 白 tle
aWare less of the processes and problems of modern theatre. It
None of these questions can be ргорегӀу —- апdfairly -- addressed Without reference to what may Lurpretentiously be called Sarachchandra's dramaturgical philosophy -- his conceptualization of the nature and purpose of. drama. He formulated this very clearly, and held Consistently to it throughout his Writing life. In fact, the Sarachchandra de Wre exhibits an exceptionally close fit between theory and practice, 1) unlike, for example, that of Bertolt Brecht. -
-
Sarachchan ra himself found it necessary to explain ħis dramaturgical philosophy iat. various times. Interviewed by the present writer back in 1970, he laid bare his thinking on drama and theatre.(2) In his wiew, drama's task was to "explore universal human situations which are true for all times, irrespective, of Social Context, political conditions, and so forth. Whatever the social order we may hawe, people Will still have to grapple With the problems of their personal live S. The Searę uniwersal problers - not only universal, they are eternal."
"Practically all my plays are based on legends and deal with basic human relationships such as those between father and son, husband and wife. This material is capable of infinite variation and interpretation; you never exhaust it," Sarachchandra
壹
said, To the inti "BLt TET"title human relationshi social and econon Sarachchandra li rhuman situation e however, in myth With the external
Sarachchandra b) poetic possibiliti along With the "TE וסוחר and - "stylized deployed in seriou: to him "the futu depended on th intelligentisia pola Ce for this."
Sarachchandra Fre "one of the em. forms of entertain little for realis
the Stage, and ne the Cowiction tha which mirrored thi
Ofte вvегуdè language, situatic Were li to ti province that: uniqше experience can give." When Conscious purpos
theatre, Sarachcha
"Well, I have n 'ulterior' purpose; With aesthetic enc wanted in theatre Spectators al deel life, a Closer Lund huma ri Cordition, complicated hurt and to move the WÓLuld ope their e than they are aw; Would consider gЕПегаІ pшгpose particularly Confimi In theatre, One is Tore pOWerfully, than in the other al
ldeology,
吕·。 These were the c guided and shape dramaturgy, Or, 1 Way, achchandi :: fully-art

rviewer's question e family centred is the product of Lic CircuThstanCe5," !plied: "True, no xists in a vacuum: eatre I do not deal ircumstances."
lieved that "the s of language" sources of Thusic"
rement" should be s drama.Ассогdingыя
rel of Asian drama he emphasis the d on the traditional
At it garded theatre as st nonintellectual ment." He cared and naturalist on wEr SwErwed from t modes of drama * guotidiеп aspects 1y World through in and character eatre's "legitimate off providing the that only theatre asked for what is he had used Indra replied:
ot used for any I've used it only is in view, What ! was to give the per experience of lerstanding of the a better grasp of han relationshipS, In in a way that yes to more things are of ordinarily. these to be the of art, поt ad to the theatre. able to do this more forcefully, tS." [3] lt |
hief precepts that Sarachchandra's to put it another a's plays were the iculated products
directions,
of a carefully worked out aesthetic ideology which derived. Thuch sustenance from Bharata Muni's rasa theory. Sarachchandra subscribed to the notion of a cond for haire, and this for him was a universal and timeless given, and hence beyond change and transformation. All art could do -- and all he could attempt - - was to add tOS OUT · Comprehension and apprečiation of it.
Sarachchandra's ideological
position, as reflected in his dramatic
theory and practice, was vulnerable to attack from a number of Within a milieu that assigns a heavy load of socio-cultural responsibilities and functions to the arts -- and sees theatre as an inStrou Theft Of change -- Sarachchandra's style of drama and the formative ideas behind it seemed геgressive, reactioпaгү and excessively dedicated to fine feeling. Or revivalist in a barren aesthetic Sense.
Instead of coming to grips with the
pressing social and political themes of the day, here was Sarachchandra evokings a contemplative and reflective posture. No action and dynamism; no polemics about injustice and iniquity in the social order. Instead, the refined cultivation of rasa, the static, Teditative tood. In a Word, aestheticism, Sarachchandra Was taken by some to be the wery antithesis of Bērtolt Brecht, the declared hero and guiding spirit of numerous Third World theatres. In the gaze of some, Sarachchandra's profile was old-fashioned, old-World, indeed pre-modern. He appeared an anomaly in a post-Brechtian, postAbsurdist Universe.
1 11 : ܨ.
Many critics and commentators, including the present writer, were driven to impeach him for his failure or refusal to break out of the mould he had fashioned for himself and negotiate openly with the contradictions and dilemmas of our social existence. This denoted a mistake expectation from a playwright who had constructed a Well-defined and entirely defensible) dramaturgical agenda and sav no cause to alter it. There is a Sanskrit
sloka which runs Agneh tejo, ja laaf

Page 15
sayfrуалл; паїva rasya vjparyayah. It ппеап5, "Heat from fiге, сооIпе55 from Water. The opposite can newer be." Likewise, it was hardly fair to demand front Sarachchandra What he was not prepared to give, not concerned to give, or if one wishes to go that far, was incapable of giving. At the end of the day. When one looks with unprejudiced eye at the Corpus of Sarachchandra's dramatic Writings, one meets that rare individual, the poet in theatre. For Sarachchandra Was, ab Owe all, and above everything else, the dramatic poet. He is leagues ahead of any competition in this respect. He is, by any token, one of the finest and most accomplished poetic Voices in the Sinhalalanguage.
Self-htյքt | - - - - -
|-
What it did Sarachchandra Fachieve, besides giving pleasure through this plays. His Work, beginning Thost spectacularly with Marare, infused a sense of selfhood into the Sinhala theatre, giving it the respectability and self-esteem it sorely needed. After Maname, the Sinhala stage began to attract fresh young talent in а way it had not done before." Theatre became an exciting,
- beckoning place. Simultaneously, Sarachchandra's work fostered the growth of a new audience for the Sinhala stage. These were crucial developments, if only" because the modern Sinhala stage had been a slighted area - one that was treated almost with derision by the (Westernized) intelligentsia and te
literati. I || ||
In Sri Lanka, as elsewhere in Asia, the evolution of modern drama and theatre was part and parcel of the
modernization process in the arts set in motion in the 19th century
through the intervention and leadership of the Westernized intelligentisia. This took a
Predigtable land perhaps inevitable) turn in the beginning resulting in the erection of a simple, 5 binary opposition between the old and the new. In theatre, the old (consisting mainly of traditional performances, folk and classical theatres), was
deemed unsuitat stage. This reje. existing indigeno course, entirely регspective of mс great majority = 0 capable of functio the еппегgiпg aspirations of the traditional, folk ar of Asia dwelt, fo the domain of the therefore resistar could t ley be Cor Odated on the mo of their mix presentationalisty the dramaturgical in the West. SeTe path and the col the old.4
The juxtaposition new, which still iI drama and th modulated in mar the presence O' distinguished trad For instance, Ind plays, Japan its Indonesia, its W. highly Walued at respective a cultLlr esteепеci bү Cognoscenti in comparison tot Laikā Suffers for -- it lacks a hist tradition of play craft that comp country's inherital the fine arts. Unli poetry and scul canonically-accept bBrchmärk5 in Sr dramaturgy. Sri in the performanc Colle in relation to India) is confined Thв і ладаgarта, chandra adopted.) "under-developed intermediary), for organically to the haritage. -- : Էյբլի
Traditional perfor stand firmly outs parametreS Off although they wer

ble for the modern ction of the preS forms was, of
logical in the ldernization, for the f them were not ning as vehicles for
thoughts F and intelligentsia. The Id classical theatres r the most part, in sacred, and Were it to change. Nor veniently accommdern stage because 2d and extended les, il this Context, models developed d to offer the right rect alternative t
of the old and the nflects thinking on eatre, has been ly parts of Asia by fan aesthetically litional dramaturg'y. ia has its Sanskrit Woh land, Kabuk, a yang || Kusif -- all forms within their ES | - Which Lilare scholars ad
tE WESI hese Cultures, 2 Sri m a Severe infirmity orically established Writing , and stage ares Well With the hce in literature ard ke i SLCh, fields as ture, there are no red peaks or i Lanka's traditional Lanka's inheritance B art5 a mirlLISCLIlE the Wolder that is to dance and ritual. Which Sarachand the ruff, both early-modern (or Ts, do not belong 2-admired classical
TEICES. SEET tO ide the recognized modern theatre,
"effascinating in End
themselves, and Worth study as socio-cultural phenomena, ES ethnography, or as the curious
customs and practices of pre-modern
societies. The howls, madu was and kankariyas were nice to watch and enjoy if one had the title; but they did not COThe Within the like of theatre. This approach is enshrined, for instance, in "Dance and Magic DTETai Ceylon," Beryl delete's freewheeling account of Sri Lanka's dances and rituals. One might note in passing that E.F.C. Ludowyk, an emblematic figure in respect of Sri Lanka's Toder stage, subscribed to this viewpoint and gave his blessings to the de Zoete bJOOk.
Ediriweera Sarachchandra, LudoWyk's colleague and one-time theatrical collaborator at University of Ceylon, was not happy with this state of affairs, and of course with the state-of. Thind it denoted. He abandoned the Ludowyckian ethos, anderTibra Ced the : "barbarous" : and the "vulgar", to employ the Amarasekara-Warnakulasuriya terminlogy. He thus became the first Sri Lankan maker of plays to take a different tack and attempt, in a systematic, informed and affirmative manner, to bridge the traditional and the modern On the Stage. MMaran72 || Was mot his first essay in this direction. It was his ппost exеппplaгу.
To be concluded:
1. Sarachchandra's only departure from the parametres he established for himself was Kiri Murfjya Gange | Glya, ar - illadvised piece of socio-political continentary staged at the University of Sri Jayawardenepura in the late Fl Eighties. -
(2) "See "The Uses of Tradition: An IETWay" Wit E.R.Sarachchandra by A. " J. Gunawardana, The Drama Review, " "Theatre in Asia" Special Issue, New
York, Spring 1971, pp.-193-200,
(3 Ibid., p. 197.
4) For a detailed discussion of the modernization of Asian theatres, see my essay "From Ritual to Rationality: Notes on the Changing Asian Theatre" In Tha Drama Review, pp. 48 - 62.

Page 16
| ECON
上
egional disparities in India a made. The potentially wealt ۔=.i
နှီးမှိနှီဝှကို ဖါးဂို့မီး has բroբgrtion of the poor. Situated at the heart Of ဖြိုဖို့ ခြိုးပွါ * ხმit, the Ost fertile part of the ntry, owning a third of its iron ore and coal, and almost all of the copper reservoirs, Bihar has the lowest per capita income in India. Orissa, the second lowest in terms of per capita incomes and the Secords highestisini terms of "powerty, has an equally impressive endow Tient Öfināltural rESOLUTCş. Talmost II Ethe Socio-economic parameters, whether it is per capita consumption, literacy or infant TOItality, the two States i åre al T1 Ost at the botton of the ladder.lr
contrast, in Gujarat; and Maharashtra,
with relatively poorer water resources, Ппііпегals and ores, a most of Ethese parameters are significantly better. To some extent the backwardness of the eastērmrégion is a harigover of thig Colonial Eirpast. The system of permanent settlement introduced by the British in eastern India led to absentee-landlordism, which created parasitic culture in this region and stole away the entrepreneurship of its populace. The land reforms" of the fifties and the Sixties Whichhad the potentiality of creating a class of kulaks worked in Punjab and Haryana, where the reforms were implemented, but not in Bihar. Where they were not. Even Nehru's temples" of modern India-steel plants, heavy engineering units and large river valley projects in the public sector - set up in this region
could not improve the state of its
есопогтү, Мат-треттелitation of Мала" reforrης, ριμ5 \ack of Industrial groννιήІлдвеd a sigліїїсапr fїght of capїїа/ то fhe gугоиvїһ салfгes - лтаоѓe the easfегт CCT CS CCCCCCL TT aL GLHHLCL TTTC T Mow income, Mow солsшгтлpriол and Iриу productifiwify.
E. All the states, including the backward ones like Bihar, Rajasthan, Orissa and Madhya Pradesh experien-ced growth,
but the relatively developed states
71.
YK J K K Y S e e e SS SLSLL L S SLLLSSSLS I Neeraj KaushäT * SE Editor, The Economic Times, 三、壹
п grew
TLICH fast
Op
е
d
O
S
ငှါး၊men:
io 巽 S i O ':*
. |capita - Iпсопne lп times that of Bihar the gap between with Punjab's per" to 335 times that A study by N. so Wed that it narтоwed during widenedi Iring the 'study by S ared up to 19s disparities have b 1970-71. The coe in the per capitani between states, Hashim was 31:49 It TCS to 371 81 and furthur to 1990-91. Inequaliti much faster during during the eighties goes a step furth al Tost all the i gC parагтлвtвгs, вхсвр1 ard literaty, both inter-state dispariti the eighties as eighties, the is significantly in term Himachal Prades Kashmir, Kerala : Jummu and Kashmi of per capita state 1980-81. It felt 10 years later, pa and political turm its economy" since Hindchai Pradesh the 13" position. silver Flining of a literacy, nonetheles to the 20" position. Which sa W a subs agriculture produc ranking from the 1. sition, because of industrial decline, if
 
 
 
 
 

trade-union movement prowed to be one of the key factors. Gujaration the other hand, while inviting consias derable amount of investment, also test lost by two ranks from the 8th to th it in 10"position. Among the large states
琵L
that improved their position consid: New Delhi. Er erably during this period were; Tamil , , Nadu, Sikkim, Assam, and Rajasthan,
than the less (see table 2). number of
аппошпced I and Most of the other large states more "ог ိုမြိုဂြို “ဒို့၊းါီဇို့ less maintained their ranking. That is, as, however, have they grew almost as fast as the entire 1971, the reaper country. However, even within these 醬 s. 264 states, the backward regions grew far T enty rs later, more slowly than the developed the two widened regions, which resulted in political capita income rising tensions between the slow growing
Krishnaf in 1993 All this is despite the fact that both, ETSitte disparities the state governments and the central t 獸 : government have experim-ented with
Seventies.
if TE several schemes for the development
R, HE5 im?“ which :Iםם
0-91, showed that of backward areas. It is
een growing since WHY DISPARTIES ,
fi-r-ia t ဖြိုမြို့ ‘မွိုး{ Why are the disparities widening? To зt aопmesticр sortle extent, disparities are inevitable.
ås calculated by --
C t percent in i97é:ಜ್ಜೈ'? 5 percentin 1980- 蠶 ಅಗ್ಗ; E bυγinαρον 翡 ိုနိါ” မျိုး' good infrastr cture. States which are e.g deficient in these basic necessities the Sewes lities thaisil
- hawe failed to attract in Westment. Hashin's study
3ri to show that in These can be seen as obvious factors, OTOTİCard Social Нои еуел, intёг-state dispa-rities இப் E. crude death rate India have widered due to a multitude male and female, of complex factors. Among them are es, Widened during | 'quаїїy and standard of governance, Well. During the resource endowments, proximity to tates that lost raw materials, absence of real land is of ranking were: reforms, quality of human Capital and
Juനmu, and infastructure and West Bengal. Until recently several states actually ir was 11 in terms followed policies which shied, private domestic product in investors away from these states. The O at 22 position parasitic culture of permanent rty due the Social ခြိုးမျိုnt ”ူမျိုချီ together with bil which paralysed i political patronage for negative trade : the mid-eighties. union activism explains the relative fel from the '9"to economic backwardness of West
Kerala, with its Bengal. Kerala, which was not a victim 1 ܒ chieving complete of permanent settlement, lost in sfell from the 15th productivity; and privates sector
And West Bengal, investment on account of high officials itaпtial incгеase in patгопаge to tTade unions. tion, fell in its Governments in these states basi-cally "...to the 14-po- believed in growth through public almost whole-sale sector investment, which created or which its strong . . . As

Page 17
industrial sickness in these states.
The recent changes in the industrial policy of the West Bengal goverments has created a new in West TBIt climate. West Bengal has had the second largest number of foreign if E5tTTE approvals, after Maharashta since 1991, when the foreign in West Tert policy WES liberalised. Of course, approvals do not mean actual inflows. And to a Cartain extent actual inflows will depend on the future industrial policy in the states. But it is an indicator industrialists no longer shy away from the state as they did merely a few years ago. Political parties in Kerala, still cammitted to protecting trada unions which discourage pri-Wate investment, domestic or foreign. With fetters of control obstructing industrial growth, Keralite entrep-reneurs like to set up industries outside the state, Amother factor which appears t0 ha We worsened income inequalities is the quality of governance. Maharashtra, urtil regently and Gujarat are the twD best governed states in the country. Bihar's decline in the quality of governance particularly since the sixties discouraged industrialists to invest there. On the other hand, Karnataka, backward in terms of infrastructure and per Capita in COrme, has been able to entice invest Tent merely because of better governance.
POLITICAL OSPIRITIES.
CONSECUENCES OF
Whatever be the reasons, disparities are not a unique feature of the Indian economy, AirTost all Countries in the world suffer froT disparities. There are disparities in the UK with the northern part of the country consid-erably backward as compared to its souther regions. The United States, the World's Tost industrialised Colum-try al SO harbours disparities in growth and development among its 50 states. Industrial prosperity in this Country has Towed from the north-east to the midwest and now to the West; Silicon ựallạự rathar tham Ngw York is now known for industrial America. Disparity within a state, is than, no matter of great Concern if the state has one common language and a Tore or less unifying Culture. in an industrialising county like India with its diversity of languages and cultures,
that
leadership in
the EssiTilatio of with the local pop difficult; it Tay tak
Northeless there Tigration of agricu semi-skilled or unsk i fict tra Wel frOT Haryana-Delhi Or fr
and Andhra P. Maharashtra - Gujar நf agriculture,
construction jobs.
Economists, in fact, has a habit of Creat
nobility of abour regions to fast gro' in the benefits of h to the people of slO For instance, Bihari far as Punjab for gets them higher they could get in Outflow of worke states reduces the these States, in turi of those who stay run, the economic regional disparities SeriCĻUS.
However, dispariti political Consequi cause large Scale
Of late, infra-5 för beer) a SOLI "CA LOJ disTurharCE sir7 SEWE several Saif S їrтrra-state dїsрагїїї Біhar, the poршl developed Jharkha|| state for themselve belt in Bihar of wh part is rich in mini little development Jharkhan hawe the
development has all the funds of
been poured inton,
Similarly, in UP 1 Uttrakhard Wats separate state. Thi had to think government and neglected ther w beBm da Walloped. In is Widrabha - Chind War, Which loped; and its separate state. northern part of developed.-Earlier t
 

migrant population lation is far more e several decades.
is large scale liture Workers and illed Workers, Who Bihar to Punjab"Oi ta Karata ka radesh to thë at region in search
industrial
argue that growth ting disp) Brities, But froT slow growing wing regions result igh growth flowing w growing regions. it workers travel as employment which Wages than What theit DWT. StatB, rs for back Ward upply of workers in raising the Wages Jack. So in thë lOrg Consequences of Tay mot be Wery
85 Create SerioUS ences. Disparities political upheavals. e disparifies have growing political TA' Siffe, fra 9 FE2 of politically loaded s. For instance in BCE Qf the le SS п want a separate 3s. The entire tribal lich Jharkhard is a erals, but has seen The people of grievance that their ee sacrificed and dB velopTent hawe rthern Bihar,
the less developed the status of a 9 people of Uttrakthat te State the Centre hawe hile Wester UP has Mahara Shtra, tere front Nagpur to is porely devef'Sident:5 Wat
Saurashtra, the Gujarat is less here laws been
defTharlts for a SEpārate stata frorT1 thẽ residents of Saurachtra. The entire tribal belt in Orissa is poorly developed. In Madhya Pradesh, the entire Chhataasgarh are is poorly developod and is a hot bed for political tension. So awar if theore-tically, the normal process of economic growth can take care of disparities, the political tensions they create in the Teanwhile, Take inter-regional disparities a Wery serious problem. As can be seen for the abowe examples, inter-stata disparitis T Tot SLCh, a SgriOLJS iSSLE ES TE intra-state disparities. For instan-Ce, Rajasthan surrounded by ty ) prosperous states, Punjab from one side and Gujarat from the other, does mot suffer from dry Thajot politi Cal tension due to its poor growth. On the other hand, within Gujarat there is a significant tension between the Saurashtra region and the rest of Gujarat.
DISPEITES INTERWENTION
ANO GOWERNMENT
In the past four and a half decades, the government has initiated several 5ChëTT185 to réducte, inter- arld intra - state disparities. Regional equality has been a proclaited basic object-tive of India's development strategy. There Hawe been 5everal back Ward af development program les. Many tax and other type of tontessitans have been offered to industrialists willing in in west in backwards areas. But the heavy load of under-development has not become lighter. Industrialists it appears prize proper infrastructure, banking and financial services, much more than tax concessions. For all these Tea505, the S0-Called grc) With Centres, identified and sponsored by the Unicom governirTient hawa failed t) tak Coff.
Besidas arındauricing Specific policia5 to encourage investment in backward areas, the Central government has also been disbursing higher funds to states in the form of centrally sponsored schemes for backward regions. The Centre al 50 all'OCate5 TIOrie funds tO back Ward states through Finance Commissions for non-plan purposes, and through the Gadgil formula for the plan. However, even all these together hawe made rio perceptible difference tO disparities either within or between states. On the other hand, as already
Солfdол дада 23

Page 18


Page 19
Солtd from page 3
The fact that in Tinority of priw there are problert undemiable. Obvi party interwentior
of Finance and Planning and one who "did PhD studies in Economics .... Funny place, the Sorbonne, Or was it Oxford and Sussex? Or London and
Helsinki Or............. settle these dispL
誓 誓 輯 positive Tarın er.
can and should :
THE UNP'S RGHTIST DEVIATION ... arbiter, balarcing AND WRONG - ISH LINE Workers and in
T1gition the COSI is government interwention in the only the privatisat
BCO (10 TY Coterminous With the UNP which he communism? Yes, says President The PA too has r Chhdtika Baldaranaike as evidenced by
Kumaratunge (read her interview in price hike by the the Sunday Observer 20.10.96). Gas Company, S.
monopoly statu This equation of state interwention in violation of their the Bלוחםחםט" With PERC. The Const communistis Socialism WOuld ShOCk suffet mot only t. and horrify countless implet:Cably hikes (in less thar capitalist states to the core - from shortages anothe Sweden to Taiwan, from Germany to in the offing South Korea, from France t0 circunstances, til Malaysia. But it looks like President but turn to th Chandrika is not alone in her belief, redress; to ignor at least in her own country. The be not just an thinking f thig Opposition de TocratiC, DLJ' parliamentary group on this issue unwise (and the sees to be headed in the Sartle in the final analys direction - if their Wehement opposition to the Rehabilitation of the Public Enterprises Bill is any The Best course indication. (Imcidentally their fir Tı ard adgrografic: o, determined stand against the Bill is in would have beer Curious contrast to their lackadaisical BIY in foto, but fu rBspor15e to the Cold blooded ThLIrdeľ angridrreryť5. of several of their own party members in the last one year). Son The Possibilitie
It is very likely that the PA's The Bill c motivations for proposing the Bill enterprises priv were not wholly bone follo. As the setting up of th President's statement in the Sundaw enterprises privat Observer clearly demonstrates, the This is obviously PA policy makers still adhere to a , and the assumpt particularly extremist form of (and the PA) is ir Monetarism, which fegards any ridiculous and ir inter Wention in the economy as amendent shou undesirable and even arti-systemic to extend the B The Bill, therefore, is - probably privatised before a nother atterTipt by the P.A. to the PERC, In t critique the UNP's past activities - political slant which is why it applies only to the removed. privatisations impler77 gryfsad Lunder ffė
LWP. * All Tid
order of Westing T LT LLCCL CHC C TCCLT CCTT SS S S LLL LLLS LLLLLL
reason for any fair-frinded person fo political misuse ( oppose the BNock, stock and barra been avoided.

17
the case of a 'atised enterprises is and disputes, is ously some third is necessary to utes in a balanced, The state therefore act as an impartial the interests of the "West Ors, TÖt t0 urTiers, And it's not ions effected under ve run into traШble. Tnade big blunders - the recent arbitrary rheW o Wil Brs of the hell, Tisusing their S and in total agreement with the mers have had to WO Wery Steep price 6 months) but also år is supposed tD be ), Under such he consumer cannot e state for some a their plight Would ti-people and antit also politically refore anti-systemic is).
of actor for the position therefore not to oppose fhe олтоvв солstrucfѓvg
owers only those atised before the he PERC. i.e. thOSE ised under the UNP. politically motivated ion is that the PERC fallible. This is both 5. TrefOTE BT ld Webee TOWed ill to all enterprises : the PERC and by his way the unfair could have been
ent transferring the
from the President it. This way the of the Bill could hawe
* A amendment to include the interests of consurers, particularly in the case of essential public utilities Such aS (GES,
What about the effect of the Bill on the private sector? The Bill (even in it's original form) is qualitatively diffgrgrif from the unpopular Business Acquisitions Act of 1971 because it's mandate is strictly limited t privatised state enterpriseš; therefore it carnot u SBd (like the BAA of "71) to take oWar any and all private enterprises, large and stall. The Bill will only apply to cases where there is a clear, deliberate violation of Worker's rights. The willing participation of the Workers is necessay to increase productivity both within enterprises and nationally. Therefore it is in the interest of the enterprises to ensure that the work force is kept happy, To paraphrase a recent statement by French President Jacques Chirac (concerning Israel and Palestine) it's only the workers who can ensure the
profitability of an enterprise, Long drawn out strikes which stop production all together c
eventually result in the closing down of the enterprise, and this has already happened in the case of several privatised enterprises. In Such instances state arbitration is not only necessary and desirable ; such arbitration, if properly Carri Ed O'Ut, can be pro-development and prosystemic in a wider, Tore wholistic
SETTSS).
|f the UNP parliamentary grebLup, instead of opposing the Bill completely, mיוםEd positive,
Constructive arted Tents, ther the possible, Tegative CO15EqLIÉñCÉS Of the Bill could have been minimised
and it could have been used to further the interests of Workers, CDTI-ELITETS, ad investors-and
therefore the econortly as a whole. If the govt. rejected the arrandmarfs. far fra Wafa agains f she BW cored have ћеел justїfїed. Uлfогtшлately as a Festiff of f.s fare to take a ரிசரர்தthக, шатсе, ал попideological stando fhg Opposition ended up with the worst of both words - the Bill was passed in its original form with a convincing

Page 20
majority and is now on the statute books; and the Opposition has done the P.A.'s work for it by tarring itself with the anti-working people, pro-Fat Cat brush. Incidentally, those who pat themselves on the back for winning the support and the undying gratitude of the business community should think again. The business community will support whatever the party which is likely to win, i.e. which has the support of themajority of the people - and that is where the consumers and
tħe Workers come ir popular support ther backing of tha bu: hCW e Wër pro-busines be. The fact th Community ignored t by the UNP and Rar opted to actively
SLIpport the SLIFP ir
anti-private sectar. E
Extrgrrist JWF 5 F to Which should cort
Солгd from pagg ї President Chandrika Kumaratunga's rise was so meteoric (Chief Minister, Western province to Prime Minister and President in 2 years) that she has Olly Prime Ministgir Sirima Bandaranaike or whom she could confidently rely for guidance, But it is no secret that relations are far from warm, it has much to do with dissent in the Bandaranaike family. (SEE September 1" L.G.) On Tuesday, (2210 the S.L.M.C. chose to keep away from the P.A. government group meeting. The ISLAND predicted that it would NOT attend Parliament too. A SLMC politburo meeting was surnitioned by party leader M.H., M. Ashraff. SLMC General Secretary Rauff Hakeen and Deputy Posts Minister M.L.M. His bullah had cut short a visit to Ireland organised by International Alert (Secretary-General Dr. Kumar Rupesinghel to get back home, The SLMC lodged a strong protest when its leader felt that a prepolls pledge would not be honoured. According to Mr. Ashraff, he was promised that a new port would be constructed in Oluwil. But President Kumaratunge has argued that the whole of the Eastern province should be developed, not just Ampara. Evidently, some Tamil MP's argue for Trinco as the better site. So the interest of the S.L.M.C., an important rther thber of an Alliance that needs the support of the minorities, Tamil and Muslim parties, for a secure parliamentary majority, TThã"ự häưEạ t{ be sacrificed. The SLMC leader would them hawe to make up his mind march out or stay put pride or humble pie.
INSIDE REPORTER
Most mę wspapers, particularly Sunday papers, in the more affluent
Countries, now selp Over 70-80 pages. Harold Evans of th LDIndon, who intir uil called INSIGHT, INSIGHT team, whit story-behind-the BG Week. I was investi at its thւ Լ. though tՒ produ CEid journalists Taking or investige present ALL the fac fr0m all angles, TE teart of the WAS bECäThe the Tos "finished" a Presiden
The Sri Larmka pross in that its Sunday pap Week" Tai gvst the Cabimet or parli disCussions the corr "big story". Though a Tuch larger "reach" Thore dramatic appeal in this island, wh extraordinarily high, advantage. You can r. article over and owe one reason why ". refuse to fold" in Prof. James Cargy c Columbia School of the U.S., пеwspaper belong to local comml press plays a part ir communities togethe newspapers remain a tradition, they will plɛ role - even if it's st elite. In other co lewspaper circulation proportion to the battlĒ of the Tedia wil out differently, The g SPETS Clear : the print

If a party has no it will not win the ness community, | it's policias may t the boLu Sirhe55; Le explicit appeals an Wijaratne and .i.e. financially) 1988 (despite it's ti-oper ecolony je links with the ood indication as : first for any
apers which have but it was editor | Sunday Tir Ties, uced a feature апd a special
worked of the
STORY gof the gatiwe journalism Le U.S. press had who were Tuckting events to S, and the news la WATERGATE HINGTON POST it famOLIS. It
is Tora Todest ETS, f) CU 5 0 1 the yr awent, making iamentary group har Stone of the radio (SLBC) has ', and T.W. has a the newspaper вге literacy is has a special ead the paper or again. That is JapoE dinosa Lurs the wiew of if the famous Journalism. "In readers mostly Inities, and the holding those r. As long as Inchored in that 1y an importamt 1aller and rmQre untries where s are bigger in opulation, the doubtless play eneral principle еd памspaper
serious political party interested in winning future elections - the cart or the horse ; i.e., the business
CCT1Tmunity or tha popular masses.
Footnote
As a & Cof the GNP Budget deficit as a % of the GNP
- ink y, qLIirkỵ and a dãy bẽhỉrld the news - is rint dad yet".
Not when high-level conversations are interrupted by "Where is the reporter?", and evidently WWIP participants look at each other a bit Suspiciously and the "original" reporter sports a Thischievous smile, ls the alliam Ce fissuring?
AAN W|RDER IN AFFM
MULTIPLE
According to last Sundays Oct 2" newspapers, 18 year old Krisharitka Kumaraswarmy of Jaffrila who was EtLirring fror school and WäāS löst seen alive detailed at a nilitary checkpoint on Sept 7", was raped by 1 mer and rTurder E. HAr Tot 2 a widow), 16 year old brother and a neighbour who went in search of her vore also brutaly kiled. All OLI bodes were diSCO Wereld 5 Weeks ater. Two Military policemen änd Sewer soldiers hawe beter arreste a have confessed to the crities. While two suspects are still at large. The papers report this as the second such incident of rape and murder in Jaffna Ir recent fil OIS
Speaking to the Lanka Guardian EdTa Weerakon, former Presidential advisor on international Affairs described the incident as "horrific" and went on to say
"though there were killings such as those at Kokkadicholai, cannot recial any incident of gang rapie and nur der by Sri Lankan ArTed Forces personnel, perpetrated in the Tant majority areas, during the 4 4 years Ofi the PrE Tadas ргesidencү Stories of rape were usually associated with the IPKF..."

Page 21
Republican dtar Tiinamica, especially since the Reagan boom years had been followed by a recession. In foreign policy Thatters, the US had no Eerierny, no clear and present dager, and hence no need for much American involve Tent abroad. Thus Clinton was abla to beat Bush. " Clintor, ar astute politician, perhaps the smartest president since Harry Truman, misread this wictory and tried I do tuo much with Health Car etc. , did it was is Wife Hillary that Castle to de despised Presid Erht.
The time was right for the pendulum to swing the other way and the Republicans won resounding in the senate arid house races which gave them a Tajority in the Congress for the first time in the post-war era - LLLLLMa Oe LGLHH SLLLLLuCCLL LLLLS S LLLLLL Democrats could not do as they pleased since they did not control congress. The so called Republican revolution under the leadership of Newt Gingrich in the Congress, Hrawawar, also tried to do to J. Thuch. Their great program was to cut the deficit and balance the budget by cutting prograT15 left arid right. Their sugar went from “War on powerty" to War on the poor. Tha perdulum was ready to swing the other way again, and the straw that broke the Cartels Ek, this i time WāS th FR3 publicam polas to Cut Medio:Fre artid Modicaid, losing therT the 5upport of a || Färg portion of very active and vocal constituents who are the retired and retirable A. Tieritaris.
This leftward swing in the peridulum is what Clinto is riding at this title, LLLL S SSS S SSLLLLL SLa LaaLLHHLGGLLLL LLL LL enough to carry him ta realecticam in Noyember, barring of Course a huge S:äddal or other 5 Luch everit, especially a foreign policy Crisis in Bosnia or Iraq where the Republicans could clair weak leadership against Clinton. The Republicas one must TErтвrтинг јg the party that is LJ SLJElly given the bere fit of the doubt i foreign policy matters. It is not, however, just the pendulum swing that is carrying Clinton, but things hawe gormę well for Clinton. He has also managed to placate both the right and the left or Tiany issues. As mentioned earlier, the quintessential politicial, Clinton has been able to
TTE thir th"
pander to the ceГ Other WOrds, he CI for rrari y Or the le цуглагтё Шашг, , ffr fs carrepigr? f77E fwa eyis. Faðir fhe is the esse ( fl. L/S, fe ex frer 7TĖS Ė puf of the políticas
What de you think a political syster T diferБЕ Срimir
choice Ft El Cit |Titigate extremisr Should proper Sacrificêd for mDdE
կմ HTit : filDrB IE systet i 1 AT1Erica representation to resort txtraco to be heard. Is thi today in terrThs of issues will continui
SS
Confido from7 page 5 there are racial,
WertflIS ts) als in Carl Eje Clifton de the controlling a L the Army-and th population who a rth thtÉ Sidg .If th1Ee
|r regard to the huma ri rights the Wulna rabia than
population. They
E5Ettled Tiro
arbitrary arrest de more frequently gripollo y Tonght. TI Representative Fr 1994 Report to til Hutan Rights high resettleTest and 1 government autho CoTipel par SC)ris
where their per security will be argues that the REFOULEMENT
repatriation which refugee law, Col. analugw i the ta displaced. This a: t|0 b)B SLIpp) OrtCC Report on Sri Lai the fact that at th
wвге по герс resettler Tert. HOW that this contr; costplaints woiced
 

tre rT1asterfully. In out5 : Wote S, TYLIS, 't exirrer Te such as HE HE5 vettjrre írt rely the esser of far right, Bo Dose 3 e Wiss. Thus, ir ffre ire procedшга//y /eft process roo.
: Should ore a We 1 that encourages and really offers i Oms? Does this m or pro Tote it? representation be ertigo | People Who) presentative party argue that without IE ExtrefflLS will Stitutional Tiethods is being Taifested the militias. These
to be debated,
Starhd
where do we substantively in tests of social capital i Sri Lkt F o WWT ex f’T MYE
Finally,
successive govегпгтпЕлIs 5te imagдепаience operhaps a process started during colonialist J been able LLLL S LLGLLELECCL S CHCLLOLCLC SS LL S S LL 555ogfakfor for khe sake Of frying fD control society for above? Clearly, much research is needed on the idea of social capital in Sri Lanka, gspecially wis-à-vis the ethnic Conflict, Remember, who is to blame if politicians run roughshod over the concerns of people? I'll hazard the answer by invoking a famous Russian maxim; "Where the people are strong the state is wak, where the State is strong the people arc Weak". Only "nation of joiners" wW he strong enough to check their eviathars. Həyy" MMuch of a nation of joilers” are WЕ П Sri Larka P
ethnic, or religious tershal Conflict there hostility between uthority - generally e affected civilian represumed to be inSurgets.
protection of their displaced are more the rest of the lay be forcibly readily subject to !prived of rations or Lullable to find E UN Specialך ancis Derg i his ng Commissions or,
lights the issue of he exterit to which rities are allowed to
O Tit Ll to 328S sal freedom or threateпed. Deпg principle of NON|rit) involuntary 1 is a basic tenet of uld be applied by 5e of the irħiterrally 5suTiption deser We5 |. In his CDLuntry kā Derīg refers to B. judicial lẽựål thåTE: Jrts of | COerced "gvar Deng obserwes asts sharply with
by the displaced
therselves. This may be as Deng says because the pu Orest and dispossessed layers of society rarely hawe effective access to the judicial system. In view of the large numbErs of persors involved Dang spiriss that MGOs did the Bar Association of Sri Lanka might Corisider these isŞLIC5 worth SEizing upon and challenging in the Courts.
Sri Lanka is party to several irħiterrħa tibral iħ Stri jilgħt: Way TiCl provide a standard of norms which could be applied in respect of the internally displaced. As Tong thern are the Geneva Conventions, the International Con wention on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), te International Cowention of Ecolonic Social and Cultural Rights, the Convention against Torture, the Convention on the Rights of the Child, and the convention against Discrimination against Women, Sri Larka recently acceded to Optional Frstüco 11 to the ICCFR wich
Would enable a citizer after exhausting all a wailable dor testic awan Lues of Jurisdiction to maka a
Rights Cor Timmittee under the UN charter. Hovever Šri Lanka has et to accede to Protocol 1 1 Additional to the Geneva Conventions which gives legal protection to civilian victims of interial arried conflicts.
to be Continuad)

Page 22
Carfd for page Swedish Crowns for language tuition for the Russian-speaking Tinorities in a prograTThe drawn Lup by the UNDP. Finland, Norway and the Natharlands 13 WE ISO OTCOTT İSEOd tO CCintribute to its financing and discussions are in progress With se veral Other Countries for additional support,
THE HCMM is ta spПЕ ЕхtЕПt still connected with the Pact on Stability in Europe', as adopted, in Paris (20 March 1995). The Budapest Summit declared that OSCE was the depository of the Pact and was etrusted with попituгіпg it5; implementation, and the 31 Meeting of Life OSCE Pet Talent Counci Specified concrete steps for the fall, W.-Lupu,
The EU CO15|iders the OSCE as "thig guardian" of the Pact and the HCNM has participated in the Central European and Baltic regional round tables, The PHARE Democracy Progra Title, as one of the assistance programs thes for CEE countries, has been reallocated to OSCE sa as to support implementation of the Pact.
3. Democratic Institution 5 and
Human Rights
|r the search for conflict prevention in Europo (2, monitories and border issues are high on the agenda. In a broader sense, long-term security-bLuilding om the Coitinent requires the shaping a:lt: effective functioning Of democratic institutions.
One of the tasks defined for the Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (ODIHR) is a framework for the co-ordination of election-monitoring. After consulta tiris With the CoUicil of Europe, the United Nations and other international organisatios, a frar The Work was presöTEğd to the CSCE PETTBrıEnt COLun Cil, Its ir Tiplertimetation was Successfully tested in different parliamentary elections ''. Seminars and Symposia were held of the rule of law and de Tocratic institutions, Tidi management, hi Lu Thai dirтпегћ5іоп ігтпріепвпtatioп, and om arms control and security'.
A network of West and East European ombudsmen was set up. A OSCE Liaison Office for Central Asia
was established,
Prevention Centre Secretary-General a rld SerTħirar's irħ
foster, on the or bėtWeer Ce representativas ani hand, between the and international or
A, Draft Manual or Rights is being por
Citri d irinterrati riħa d turT Rights and the pLublished in Russi judges, prO5eCL paгliагтепtaгіапs апt
The main mew ta: sters from the Dayton Agreement ä key role in post-t and in rebuilding t Bosnia-Herzegovinia Thaldate CorporisSES (a) fr artid fa mornitoring hurTarn r negotiating process disa Tartment and security-building m OSCE foreign minis OSCE "will supewis conduct and monit in Bosnia-Herzegow te task f Tiit іп Bosпіа апd app ational humam rights
In additian OSCE is their negotiations or CSBMs as Wel implementation ami resulting agreement Warsaw also publ excellent brochures rights issues. Tho targeted at the OSC more particularly federation and the of the USSR, they "satellites" of the Empire, They ca Considerable value Tajority of col developing World W towards the es' effective functionin institutions and ar. field of human right: freedoms.

aid the Conflict CPC and the rganised Teeting Central Asia to e hand, contacts tral Asia d, on the other 2 OSCE countries ganisations
1 NatioOha | HLUTET apared for CSCE Collection of ertS O "HLUTE
Judiciary" was iam as guide for tors, läw YErs, d MGC) s.
sk for the OSCE provision of the ; OSCE is ta play Oflict settleTet he civil society of This TEyy three Categories : ir elections; (b) ights; and c) the on arms control, ÇOrfidh C- Td a Sures (CSBMs), ter5 decided that ie the preparation, Oring of elections ina". It also has ring human rights inting an inter
TmbudsrTian.
to assist parties in artis Control and | ES ir the d werification of : THE ODIHR irn ishes periodically Or Specific ural ugh these are 'E The Tiber States, at thig Russiam former "republics" are of use to the
defunct Soviet al SO ble Of
to the large Irmtries il tՒig which are moving tablisherit did g of democratic 2 grOping ir the s äld fundar Tental
The economic dimension of human rights has also received attention. At . the Third Meeting of the Economic Forum Prague, 7 - 9 June 1995) . Warious aspects of regional cooperation in the fields of trade, investrients, infrastructure and their relevance to security was considered. In this connection it is worth noting the resolutions on economic affairs, science. technology and tle environment adopted by the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly in Ottawa (8 July 1995),
4. The Security Model
At the 1994 Budapest Summit Meeting (5-6 December) it was decided to elaborate a Common and Comprehensive Security Model for Europe for the Twenty-First Century. Between that Teeting and the Budapest Ministerial Council Meeting ( 7 - 8 December 1995) nearly 200 dCO CUIITnent5 and proposals for for Thal and informal consideration were Submitted. The Secretary-General Wilhelm Hoynck, in a speech delivered on 3 September 1995 in Pielawesi, noted that:
AN our elaborate crisis-management manuals, Canceived under rhe Cordiffiors gf East-West confror fa fior, are rearly Lusesess. We need new first rulers and тechanisтs, new approaches to perfor this new rask wes. But we also леed a comprehensѓve алd fЛогошgћ вхагтліпаffол оf- The rтеиу chaІІвпges алd гїsks, ...”
He added that "Bosnia and current Conflicts alsewhere are of immediate concer I and call for - urgent respOSES" ad he declared that "To find COmprehensive solutions and mot just qLick fixes“ we must look beyond these immediate needs."
The OSCE Ministerial Council in Budapest adopted a decision on a security model for Europe in a document sunrning up the debate so far and setting a mandate for the near future. Work on security model embraces three spheres : a the politico-Tilitary field; (b) the social, BCO nO miiC and human diriTmensions: and (c) structural issues, including interistitutial Co-operation, strengthening the CSCE, regional and

Page 23
subregional as well as security cooperation beyond the OSCE areas, Decisions were taken on the objectives, guidelines апd organisation of the future work on a security Todel, the aim being to prepare concrete proposals for adoption by the OSCE Lisbon Summit Meeting in late 1996.
The debate on expanding NATO and the EU, and transforming the WEU is closely related to the Work on the security model. The critical question is how to generate support for peacekeeping, conflict-prevention, crisismanager tent and humanitarian relief. On 1 August 1995, in Helsinki, for Tier German Foreign Minister Hans Dietrich Genscher declared that tha Hiriki Fi Act did Tot i Stabili SS th status quo and that the COSCE has rhÖt Only to take new initiatives but also that its decisions should be binding under international law. A most heated argument was sparked off by Genscher'5 idea that "tha DSCE need a European security Council with the Same. Scope a 5 the UN Security Council". Russian Foreign Minister Andrey Kozyrew spelt out three stages for Towing forward a comprehensive security syster T. (a) a COri Ceptual 5tage focused, ira, on the principes f ira divisibility Of 5асшгffy: солтіргеhansivaлass; 급 CorTopsex аддroach; complementary of efforts of States and Tultilateral institutions; (b) a division of labour bet weer different security structures; and (c) the adoption of the basis of comprehensive security as embodied in treaties and international law. One see here Gnscher ard Kozyrew expressing a common desire for the adoption of a legally binding doCUIT ent.
The EU proposals submitted to the OSCE seminar in Vienna dn 18 - 19 September 1995 were a step for Ward, Irfer alia, i thay highlighted the risks stemming from States emerging from a totalitarian or oneparty system to a democracy. Also emphasised were the difficulties in te Çorrhi: field where the absence of adequate infrastructures and communication network and the er mergence of parallel çCarna mis , Carn lead to the spread of organised Crime, terrorism and drug trafficking, so evident in the Russian federation today. This, in tur, generates new
risks and conflict: security spheres.
Dr.AddIT ROtfeld i likely that a futur
Th0 dB || Will reaSSBri to respect CSCE
ito account th environ Tent Which support for peace prevention, CrisishuTanitariarl FeliC" expects not only
subregional securit) an increasing role ir
5. Conclusions
Agreement has be the goal; Such a 5 to ensure security operation among Central Asia a States frt Wladivostok.
The main challe security organisati how to support
hawe taker pola CE States and Russia i pluralist demDCr ecolony while aw interrmatio mal instab far leads to several
Political, Tlateri | Cartribu prewention and Cri Europe cannot be the functioning frorn the Tiain org EUWEU,oSCE an Europe) Subręgi should play är in CT role,
Co-operat Security Will hawe the bilateral, subre
Wels.
- Security comprehensive charact Bf and 9ľTib. and Tuilitary aspe
economic, BColo di SiCS,
The integ
States into W Constitutes for NA challenge as h legiti Tinate Russiam

Page 24

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Page 25
Сопїd fголі раgв 15 rhagd, the inter-State disparities ha WC sharpened, Irn fact, pouring more money into weaker and poorer states is not really a solution to the problem of backwardness in these states. Annual plans in several less developed states have become a complete farce. For instance, for several years Bihar has mot been using its plan all'Ocations fully; the government conveniently shifts most of the planned funds for non-planned expenditure. Nevertheless, it insists on raising the size of the plan every year. What is worse the Planning Conrtission approves it, despite knowing that the Bihar government will divert a considerable proportion of the plan funds for paying Salaries. In 1993-94, the government sanctioned a plan of Rs.2300 crore, but the actual expenditure on the plan was Rs. 750 crore. The rest was used for paying salaries or for other unproductive purpose5. In 1994-95, the plar sizg was raised to Rs.2500 crore. This shows higher plan otlays do not ensure that more funds would be dew u ted to do welopnTerrit... Im other words, growth in backward regions caminot be at taired by pouring Tore funds. What is required is both fiscal and policy reforms, along with evenly administered rtititinal regulations changing with the der Tilands of time and growth of the economy,
SPARTIES AND LIBERALISATION
Refts, or the alf-seasures that have been taken so far in the rhat he of reforts, have not reached the state level. Their domain has stainly remained limited to the Centre. Several economists and experts, both in the gower| 1 | Thent aid outside, have expressed fears that liberalisation will increase disparities, Hashim is apprehensive that Corothic reforms will increase inter-state disparities, The mid-term appraisal of the Eighth Plan prepared by the Planning Contission echos tiese fer S to O. literati Oral experience also shows that opering Lup) of the economy to Thore competitior |leads to increased disparitie:5. FOT instance, inter-regional disparities sharpened in the first few years of liberalisation in China and the laggards are still in the process of Catching up with the fast growing regions".
Will India go the Chinese way? There are no clear signals for that,
Liberalisation po 3 We5 ole fr the market directs the flow of with higher purc better infras administration. Th decline in g(W production, both may increä5E inter-!
The proponent:5 disparities theory reas Cris is SuppOrt
1] The ever grC) W ir deficit which has gowern Tents abili state disparities
rT1Birliilar.
2) Trasfer () f r Centre to the stat tacit agregment bE changing political : states are: "rurı bü parties, and the pi Centra rules Ower arly time before, it agreement Would For instance, it rTi. to the Maharasht Bihar should gat m it is poor and bac is possible that flowing to weaker Gadgil formula for through the fi formula for non-pl. Carl of Course ba states will contin funds through Cen' Wer if the filo WW II Gadgil formula ial will also contirl through externally the Other and, W their poor fiscal po able to provide utilise externally ai
3) The growing de at the local le W{ argued, will so extended to the f factor, too, will
funds from the and further to th: fort of Centre-Sta
However, there is in Centrg-StatE tri state go was ments to explait, mara ri

way for a grO Wwing
... Often the market
TE250 UTCES 10 Stati85 па5іпg powвг апd ;titut arld is along with the ETTEet rol in central and states, State disparities,
f ghагрепіпg[]ffor three ITIOre of their argument.
ng size of the fiscal reducad the Central ity to repair interin ay signif-icant
esources frorth th es takes place With tween them. the scellario where most y different political arty in power at the Fe Wer States th81 at is likely that such be reached easily. ly not be acceptable ra gwerrm riment that hore Thorney because kward. Therefore, it the extra Thorley states through the plaired funds and la Tc8 CCITrTiSSiOIT) ãn fund5) TThay fall. It argued that weaker Je to gat additional trally aided schemes, if funds through the |G. BL ut, richer states Jes to get funds aided schemes. Oth eaker 5ta te5, due t0 Iosition, may not be rupee resources to ded projects,
maids for autorio Ti'y :l. Autonomy, it is Der Or Inter bg
inancial sphere. This
reduce the flow of
lete to the states u tal bodies ir tħob
ate grants.
a possibility that ÇLut 3T15 fe5 Will force the aid the local bodies gorously and
ruthlessly, the resources at their disp) () Sal. S0, il the Text years years, factors, both for and against inter-slale equality will be in force.
On balance, whether disparities will grow in future is an area of speculation. Liberalisation, which itself is a hesitant half-way house, has not reached the state level. Looking with reascarnable opotirTi5T to futura, One Carn offer a number of reasons which Thay reduce inter-and intra-state disparities.
1 Pressure on the existing infrast ructure, as a result of large scale Towerment Cof people ärid Capital, in relativBlỵ industrialiset State, TThay act as a Lirdle to furtler in Westment there, If that happens, sole industrialists may plough funds in less crowded and Less industrialised states, specially tu 5 with better g Owernarte.
2) More enterprising industrialists, who like to take risks, TThay al5[] like tữ in West in States with pJQIQI infrastructure and blad administratior1. Some of the less developed States, particularly Bihar and Madhya Pradesh with their rich potential may be taken up by епtтергеп еurs fOr rapid development. Tha Ambanis have already put a welcome step forward. Their expectations is that they will get all Encourager†iert arid SuppOrt from the state and the iTTense rhatural resources of Bihar will be for them to develop and exploit. With this kind of capitalists adventure the relatively back Ward area5 T1By rhot fèrmairn backward for a long tirtle,
3) Зіпсе the ltյtürlitilitin םf development in future will be trade, those areas will draw is West Tient did enterprise which are within reason-able distance front ports. Port development, itself will hawe to be given a higher priority. A highly developed trade infrastructure will possibly Work to the adwantage of all Breas re850 nabły clo Se to ports or linked to ports by new railroads. Coastal India which has a number of backward states - Orissa, Karnataka, West Bengal and Andhra Pradesh will get faster develop tent opportunities,
4) In the next few years, industrialists would like to irwest irn states which are likely to stay surplus in power. A forecast made

Page 26
by the Central Electricity Authority shows that the eastern region would Elié più Wear s Lurpol Lus, Whéorigas thi 62 western and northern region would be highly deficient in power. Therefore, on this ac Count the ester regior rnay attact Tre H. West The Tit.
5) The recent political trend of states or regional parties coming to power along with the acute diminishing of a hegemonic party System Will almost certainly work for reduction of regi Carmal disparities, both within and between states. The less developed areas will have new political clout because of sheer humbers and the party in power at the State level Will have to lay Thore attantian tữ thẽ đgựữlữprmẽnt đ:f the relativaly deprivad regions in Circlar to get the support of the people of these regio 15 at electio time,
6) Liberalisation has scrapped policies like freight equalisation which discriminated against eastern states.
TSG Will
havн агт
reducing displarities,
Motes :
(1) Krish maji N.. W
(2)
State DoTestic 1 36 1-B1 Develop Tent d
HOOLur of
Praslab Bardha Chaudhuri 笛门
Oxford Univers 1993,
HashirT S.R. " in India", Plai 1995. The 5t Giri coefficie inequality in in which shows th
Солtd frагт дадв 21
Dr. RJ Lfeld See5 the architecture ()f the security syster T that will e Tierge from the collaboration of Warious structures resertibling a patterns of concentric circles, For each state the nucleus will be the organisation of the defence of its rti; ti ir: seci ir: will be a Web of bilateral and Tultilateral security arrangements; and thE third will Cor 15ist Of SECurity organisations and structure whose operation will be ensured by a cooperative and comprehensive security SystET.
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* Ting LIN DEkster FIDE.
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Bhalla, A.S. Unelwen Development in the third World: A study of Child did dia, MacTillar 1992. Tsai, Wen-Hui. 'I Making China ModeTised: Comparative Modernisation between Mainland
China and Taiwan (Baltimore School of Law, University of Marylaid, Č)ccasional Papers 1933)
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Page 27
Will privatization mean Se en o le o
represent W Wille eless of my members be protected
- Trade Unionist.
 

Privatization will in no way dilute or reduce the
powers and rights of your union, British Airways was
privatized in 1987,and the unions remain to protect worker
interests just as before. Some of the world's largest, most
powerful and vocal unions exist in the private sector. For
example, the United Auto Workers (UAW) represent over
100,000 workers at the three biggest American car companies, none of which are state owned. In fact, there is
every likelihood that working Conditions will actually improve in privatized companies, since there will be substantial investinents made to upgrade facilities and training You can look forward to representing a considerably more
prosperous Union.
It is important to realize privatization is a means to
an end. It is a means to improve our living standards, foster
technological progress, create employment and take our
nation into a more prosperous tomorrow. In order to achieve these aims, privatization has to be executed in the
appropriate manner.
That is the task of the Public Enterprise Reform
Commission (PERC). Its mandate is to make privatization
work for Sri Lankans today, and for generations to come,
Every privatization is a carefully considered decision that takes into account the interests of all sectors of society, the general public, the state employees, the consumers, the
suppliers, as well as the country's overal economic vision,
PERC's Tission is to see that privatization works, In doing so, your interests are always being well looked
after,
With privatization everybody has a stake,
WATCH FULIN THE PUBLIC INTEREST
PUBLICENTERPRISE REFORM COMMISSION
Bank of Ceylon, J.Cth Floor, No.4, PC. Box 2001, Bank of Ceylon Mawatha,
Ö-ölümb3 || Sri Larlı
LLLTTTTLTLS TLSS S 0LLSLYL LLLTT LLLSS SSS ELL

Page 28
翡
INTEREST FREE CRE
CONVENIENT RE
Yes. All and benefits arey
CEYBANK 'N
Contact the C
CEYBANK C,
Bank Of
No. 4, BANK OF CI
COLON
BEWISE CARD - WISE
BANK OF CEY
GRanko's to the UNation
TELEPHONE: 447823 - Ex. 418O & 41
 

DIT2
PAYMENT TERMS
OWEST JOINING FEE?
many more ours with the
VISA CARD.
entre Manager,
ARD CENTRE,
Ceylon
EYLON MAWATHA,
MBO - 1.