Page 1
expolicizing the Ethnic Question
LETTERS TIGERISM MMMMM bor Ram Manikkontingam Reflections on Fear by Gameela Samarasinghe Gender Agenda by Khema Rodrigo
of Rural Heroines and Urbanized seme fazales by Malathi de Alwis More on the Gordimer Critique by S. Sumathy The Economic cost of war students, soldiers. the Princess and the Tige by Pradeep Jeganathan Pilgrims & Pirates by Corpus Delict
48th Session 錢 of the UNPRO by Sunnilla Abbeyesekiera
The bride wears white by CRV Samanamac
},
Women Plantations: Limits of Progress by Valli Kanapathipillai Three Days in Pagadise bM Vinod Moonesingle The Clergy Goes to Jakina The Fall & Rise of Uduganpola The Bat the Ba and the Foul Mouth by Michael Roberts
Pravada in contemporary Sinhalese usage has a range of meanings which includes theses, concepts and
propositions
ET
hile the opp W Yathra (Lon; land Of til Kataragamawas windi the coastal beltoftheO South, the two major parties, the UNPandt to play their familia game on the ethnic qu decided not to place til proposals before the lect Committee, whc find an all party conse political solution to Even a conservative I Island could not refra its sense of despair. I that, in the absence O two major parties, "it expect the Select Col cessful in achieving attitudes had not Chall Island editorial; "Wh a proposal, the others
Crying foul at the tact is part of the electoral tunately, the ethnic q cized, or contrived tob partisan lines that p prisoners in a net of Both the ruling party sition party have inc realization that this is electoral interests Shc the broader national
It is also rather diff why any of the Sinhal should still be SO afra
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

M
Vol. 1 No. 4
March/April 1992
SIL Rupees Ten
-POLITICZNG
THE HINIC QUESTION
SitiOn-led Pada
; March) to the
he warrior-god ng its way through nce terrOr-Stricken Sinhalese political he SLFP, continue r cat-and mouseestion. They have heir specific party Parliamentary SeIse mandate is to nsus on a possible the present crisis. lewspaper like the in from expressing tnoted editorially f ideas from these would be naive to mmittee to be Sucits objective"; old ged, observed the en One side makes de will cry "foul."
cs of the opponent game. And unforLestion is so politiepoliticized, along Dliticians are still heir own making. nd the main oppoi yet come to the One issue on which ldnotprevail over Interest.
ult to understand se political parties d of taking a clear
and public stand on the necessity of a workable political settlement. Obviously, the argument that one party may exploit the other's commitment to peace at the electoral level does not hold water any longer. If the controversy on the Thondaman proposals indicates anything about the current political attitudes of Sri Lankan society, it is that the political chemistry, in both the North and the South, has changed in a positive direction towards peace.
With regard to the South, take the extremely poor response of the Sinhalese masses to the propaganda of the Sinhala extremist war lobby. Despite the hyperpublicity it has received in the ultranationalist Sinhalesepress, the Sinhalese Defence League of ex-Minister Gamani Jayasooriya has, in a matter of just four months, virtually lost all steam. The public meetings of the Sinhalese Bhumiputras of all hues have not been able to attract more than a handful Of diehard faithfuls. The war lobby, which opposes any negotiated settlement, is still receiving larger-than-life publicity in the press; yet, the fact of the matter is that they are a tiny minority of convinced andunreformable extremists whoseability to shape Sinhalese public opinion now is positively insignificant.
The point then is that the Sinhalese people in general cannot now be easily swayed by slogan-mongers of the Sinhalese chauvinistic kind. The silent disdain already demonstrated by the people
u

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VO 1 NO 4 March/April 1992
Editors Charles Abeysekera Shani Jayawardena Jayadeva Uyangoda
Pravada is published monthly by: Pravada Publications 129/6A Nawala Road Colombo 5 Sri Lanka Telephone: 01-501339
Annual subscriptions:
Sri Lanka RS. 110 By Air mail:
South Asia/Middle East U.S. S. 20 S.E. Asia/Far East U.S. S. 24 Europe/Africa U.S. S. 26 Americas/Pacific countries U.S. $. 30
RE-POLITICIZING...
towards the war lobby of Jayasooriya, Rahula, Amarasekerae et al is an unmistakable indication of a new political moment, of an enlarged space available for opening up a new peace front. There is absolutely no need for any political party to feel jittery about the possibility of one's adversary exploiting the electorate on communal grounds, because communalist electioneering has lost its frenzied appeal.
To repeat a point we made in the last issue, the present turn of events, brought about by a number of simultaneous developments, is most favourable for taking the initial steps towards restoring peace in the country. Firstly, the very fact that a Parliamentary Select Committee is appointed to find, through consultation, ways to end the military conflict is eminently indicative of the legitimacy which the notion of a political solution has acquired. What needs to be done now is the creation of an all party political consensus on a framework for a Solution the details of which could no doubt be
worked out subseq tangible peace forn mendous support a ternationally and r notably among them Tamil and Muslim the course of secta inherent futility a common perceptio precedented oppor undermine seriousl essentialist Tamil been the foundation new context, the r Tamil nationalism more sought after by Essentialist Sinhale nOW discredited, des of it being raisedh
Political openings c to come by. What, n as a questionis: who should take the init
It has now become leaderships of botl SLFP are for a politi the fact that the w ever, their reluctan Moonesinghe ComI own proposals also utter irresponsibilit parties appear to sha support and inputs power and the mail sition, can the MOO conceivably say any arouse the wrath o lobby which enjoys the mainstream pres a truth in the Statem Anura BandaranaikE the Parliamentary S. the last chance for
case, no political should abdicate th making its own pro settlement, either committee or elsew
The appalling indif parties to a negoti ment, their blatant
such a settlement, i ble. The Left partie blame either; they
MarC

uently. Secondly, a hula will receive trend goodwill both inlationally, and most ajority of the Sinhala, people in Sri Lanka; rian warfare and its e now a matter of n. Thirdly, an un
unity has arisen to
y the political base of nationalism that has of the LTTE; in the noderate streams of are being more and the Tamil populace. se nationalism tOO is pite the militant voice ere and there.
f this nature are rare evertheless, remains has the will and who iative?
quite clear that the the UNP and the ical solution, despite ar continues. Howce to gobefore the mittee and table their
indicates a sense of
y which these two re. Without explicit
from the party in h party in the opponesinghe committee thing that is likely to f the Sinhalese war privileged access to is? Perhaps, there is ent attributed to Mr. : by Reuters recently: lect Committee was peace. If that is the party worth its salt e responsibility of posals for a political
before the select here.
ference of the main sted political settleailure to agitate for s totally reprehensis are not immune to appear to be rather
/April
reluctant to bring the theme of ethnic peace to the centre of political debate.
Meanwhile, the realities of politics in Sri Lanka are changing in such a way that the terms of the political debate can now be constructively re-defined. A peace perspective, forcefully presented to the masses with a sense of commitment, would invariably set in motion a new political dynamic in which the social yearning for ethnic reconciliation, ethnic peace and national reconstruction would take precedence over the destructive forces of ethnic enmity and distrust. Our 'leading' political parties betray not only an ignorance of their responsibility but also a lack of capacity and will to intervene in the political debate on behalf of the democratic and peace aspirations of all ethnic communities.
The will, of course, is there for another purpose, that is to use ethnic sentiments in a callously opportunistic way. This was amply illustrated recently in the run up to the Pada Yathra. In the initial opposition alliance, the EPRLF, or the Eelam Peoples' Revolutionary Liberation Front, was a component. Notwithstanding the fact that the EPRLF is a party with representation in parliament and has renounced the campaign for a separate Tamil state, the ruling party had no shame to put up Sinhala racist posters against the EPRLF. The propagandist line in these posters of course - these were anonymous sheets - is that the Pada Yathra was an Eelam Yathra, merely because the EPRLF was to take part in it! One particular sloganasked the pointed questions: “Is it a Pada Yathra or an Eelam Yathra?” In another, Sinhalese Buddhists were warned of a plot by the Tigers, implying that the presence of the EPRLF in the Pada Yathra was an LTTE ploy The UNP propaganda caucus is known to have initone or two ex-Marxists who are supposed to be committed to ethnic peace. Yet, they have of course forgotten the fact that in the Pada Yathra itself, there was an ultra-Sinhalanationalist contingency called Hela Urumaya. How could it then be branded, even for
the sake of crude humour, an Eelam mu)

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RE-POLITICIZING ...
Yathra, merely because a Tamil political party was to take part in it? Meanwhile, reports datelined Kataragama tellus that the ethnic question was a notable absentee in the public rally that marked the end of the yathra.
LETTERS
Conflict Resolut
ay I congratulate you on the excellent quality of ME publication. Given the nature of politics in Sri Lanka today, there has been an urgent need for a quality magazine presenting an alternative perspective. I
hope that Pravada will continue to appear on a regular basis.
I would also like to express an opinion on the recent call for UN mediation to the conflict between the Sri Lankan government's armed forces (regulars and irregulars) and the LTTE.
It is admirable from a Liberal or Humanist standpoint to call for such mediation and to envision political negotiations that lead to a secession of hostilities, de-militarisation, reestablishment of civil rule, release of all political prisoners on both sides, devolution of powers and resources etc. However, the chauvinism and animosity for the "other' that is displayed on both sides of the divide, is a real stumbling block to any concrete steps towards the implementation of a policy of UN mediation. This does not mean that those who are calling for peace, whatever their motives, are not voicing a real concern, that of the civil population who are trapped with no foreseeable end to their plight. It is the unfortunate civilians, and not the armed protagonists, who inevitably bear the brunt of the casualties that occur in any civil war or low intensity conflict. From their perspective a Secession of hostilities, either with or without UN mediation, will be a welcome relief to the vagaries of war.
However, the existential crisis of the civil population trapped in the North and East is not the only perspective that has to be considered. If there is a negotiated political settlement between the government of Sri Lanka and the LTTE, it will be an arrangement of convenience between two hegemonic political elites. Both these political elites maintain their hegemony through coercion and the use of violence. In such circumstances, any arrangement agreed upon by these two elites, will not take into serious consideration the aspirations of civil society in general. Instead, the survival and
P

Opportunism is perhaps a legitimate means of mass mobilization in competitive electoral politics. Yet, the ethnic question is too serious a matter to be subjected to the opportunistic strivings of political parties. It needs to be de-politicized in such away that narrow and partisan considerations are thrown aside.
ion: Alternatives
continuity of each political elite will be of paramount importance in such negotiations, rather than any democratic aspirations of any peoples.
This is the fundamental weakness in the COSociational approach to conflict resolution. Such negotiated 'settlements' rarely address the root causes of the conflict under review at any great length, but would rather tend to gloss over critical issues in order to reach short term political objectives, such as retaining power at any cost.
Given such a scenario, there is very little civil Society can expect in the post-conflict resolution phase. Little or nothing would change, either in the North and East or in the rest of the island, as far as civil liberties and human rights are concerned. Srilanka under the present regime or a de-facto "Eelam under the LTTE, would never have the liberty to conduct its own Nuremberg-style trials for all the human rights abuses inflicted upon its long suffering peoples, be they Tamils, Muslims or Sinhalese. Justice then, in the contemporary geographicalentity of Sri Lanka, would become a mere facade. Therefore, a simple negotiated settlement that is limited to the two hegemonic political elites, which are in conflict, is not a solution to the problems at all. Instead, there is a burning need for an alternative and truly democratic approach to the political power and negotiating positions of the two hegemonic elites. Such an alternative approach must take into consideration all possible points of view towards the resolution of the conflict.
Especially, the resident population in the combat-zones has to be able to voice its own wants and needs, free of coercion and the threat of violence. It will be only in the event of such a scenario, possibly facilitated through the help of UN . mediation (and not the other way round), that any realistic attempt be made towards the achievement of lasting peace.
P.L. de Silva Free University
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LETTERS
Editor as Fabrica
Charles Abeysekera details how an article he had written
for the Sunday Observer on "Human Rights and Foreign Aid' was so heavily and selectively edited before publication that the line of argument was substantially distorted. I would like to share with your readers my own comparable experiences which, while mainly with the Observer, unfortunately extend also to The Island. The difference in my case is that I have been persistently cited as having said things which I have never said, or even hinted at.
read withinterest the piece in Pravada Vol 1, No.3, in which
This all started in September 1990, when I gave a small address to the annual S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike Commemoration Meeting at the BMICH, on the theme of "Sri Lankan Politics in a Third World Context' (full transcript available from me on request). After my talk, and in response to a question about the "Mossad Affair' which should never have been addressed to me as I clearly knew nothing of such matters, I made astray comment to the effect that there were probably some differences between the current UNP government and the one which preceded it. On the strength of this vague, casual comment, the Observer newspapers went to town, mainly in editorials, to the effect that I had enthusiastically endorsed the "new regime'. I lost count of the number of times this story appeared. In response to my expressions of concern, the editor of the Observer interviewed me at length. The interview appeared in the Sunday Observer of 28 October 1990 and covered a wide range of topics. Only two questions related to “new regime' issues. My responses can be summarised as follows: (a) I noted differences on political functioning, drawing attention to the relatively highly centralised and populist style of the current government, (b) I observed, and implicitly approved of, the fact
that the current government had made considerable progress in
TILL DEBT DO US PA
SOCIALSN
of "liberalisation' in South Asia with a question about how
"political elites will respond to this inexorable world trend" (Pravada, January 1992). In India, the dominant voice of political elites is echoed in India Today's pronouncement that "socialists are out, reformists and free marketeers are in" (15 April 1992). B.P. Godrej, a leading industrialist, calls this a "second freedom for Indian industry." The first freedom came in 1947
J ayadeva Uyangoda closes a good introduction to the issue
4
March

or and/or Fabulist
improving relations with the ethnic minorities. If I in any way 'endorsed' the current government, my 'endorsement' stopped there.
The practice of citing me (a) as if I had indeed endorsed the current
government, and (b) as if Sri Lankans should in any way take my
views seriously, did not cease. The Island of 25 August 1991 found a further use of my name when the political commentator, who writes under the name of "Mahanama' - and whom I have never met - invented a story, complete with quotation marks, about a meeting I was alleged to have had with Chandrika Kumaranatunga and about what I was alleged to have said about her policies. My protests to the editor of The Island went unheeded. -
The latestevent in the saga to come to my attention is the editorial of the Observer of 17 March 1992, where I am twice cited as
having identified a "NEW SOCIETY" (Observer's emphasis) in
Sri Lanka "that was born from the ashes of the anti-democratic and terrorist era". Not only have I never made any such claim, but am a little too conscious of historical precedents and parallels to use such a term. The last time the term "New Society' was widely promoted in Asia was in the Philippines, after the Marcos 'coup of 1972. We all know that Marcos' cherished'New
Society’ rapidly became "Old Corruption' and Crony Capital
1S.
Mick Moore Fellow, The Institute of Development Studies University of Sussex
RT THE ATTACK ON
M” IN INDA
from British Rulers and Capital and the second comes from the clutches of the bureaucracy (Indian Express, 9 March 1992). The "bureaucracy' conjures up images of what Indian industrialists have come to hate: the regime of licenses, the public sector and legal controls. S.K. Birla applauded Finance Minister Manmohan Singh's "clever thinking" which would allow Indian industry to think in terms of "growth". To the critics of Mr. Singh, Mr. Birla puts the following question: "After forty years of socialism an
/April

Page 5
TILL DEBT.
economic bungling, should we carry on the same way?" (India Today, 15 April 1992).
Big Business and the Congress Party come together yet again to vilify what they argue is the cause of India's problems: "Socialism'. This word, "socialism," now comes to represent the public sector and its necessary inefficiencies, trade unionism, fiscal and monetary independence from Euro-American financial markets, market controls through licensing and the Soviet Union. What is forgotten is a pact which Indian Industrialists made with the Congress party in the 1940s called the Bombay Plan. Its major architect, Mr. J.R.D. Tata (recently honoured with the nation's highest award, the Bharat Ratna) and his co-authors argued for the State as a buffer against the dual threats of Imperialism (foreign capital) and pre-capitalist social relations (communalism, casteism, etc.). The State would be allowed to dissolve, they argued, once the indigenous bourgeoisie felt that it was strong enough to tackle Euro-American finance capital. And, since 1947 Indian industry has flourished under the protective umbrella of the Indian State. From 1950 to 1980, the rate of growth was a moderate and healthy 3.5%. The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) General Secretary Govindacharya represents the gains of economic nationalism for his party's major constituency, Big Business, Industry and the middle class: "given a chance even Indians can come up with items as good as the top Multinational Corporations. Look at the cases of Nirma and Thums Up." It is a mark of bad faith then, for Indian industry to attack the very grounds that made its existence possible.
Since about 1984, however, the economy did begin to demonstrate a down turn. Something did go wrong. To blame "socialism" for the problem is to ignore the facts of history. But, Mr. Birla is right to call the problem "Economic bungling," whatever political party performed the feat. In 1986-87, India's Import Bill added up to Rupees 12,452 crore; by 1989-90 it had increased three hundred percent to Rupees 35,412 crore. The external debt increased tenfold. It would be difficult for Mr. Birla to point to these years and argue that state spending on social welfare programmes and the public sector had created this massive debt problem, for these were the years of Mr. Free Market himself, Rajiv Gandhi. The late Mr. Gandhi, during the 1980s, provided incentives for export, yet the twenty top industrial houses ended up as net consumers of foreign exchange. It is estimated that, per year, US $ 12 billion left the country through the black market. Meanwhile, the domestic bourgeoisie began to emulate the consumption patterns of that other economic Third World nation, the United States now in a recession due to its overconsumption and underproduction economic regime. Mr. Gandhi was cruelly let down by business and the bourgeoisie who enjoyed his profligate spending, but had so little faith in him that they continued to invest heavily in Switzerland and not India. The Gulf War certainly brought the debt issue to crisis, but the Indian deficit had already increased from US $5.6 billion (1984-85) to US$9.4 billion (1988-89). By 1990, India suffered from a serious debt problem; to blame this on "socialism" is to cheaply take advantage of the break-up of the
P

Soviet Union in order to attack the vibrantideology of Socialism in India. "Socialism', as a fixed set of policies and institutions, fabricates a convenient bogey-man.
This attack on "socialism' is allowing the Congress and business
to shift India's planned economy focus to a free-market focus and
to make compromises with Euro-American finance capital;
self-reliance and anti-imperialism gave way to Dunkel proposals
and Pepsi Cola. Under the guise of readjusting a balance of payments crisis, the ruling coalition of Congress and Business has
partially succeeded in changing India's economic ideology. The
balance of payments crisis could have been tackled with standby
credit from an international lending institution which comes with
conditionalities (such as Chinahas negotiated). Somnath Chatterjee
of the Communist Party of India(Marxist) argues that "temporary
difficulties' must be treated as such. There is no need for Such
a reversal of direction. The public sector is indeed in need of revamping due to corruption and lack of care from the Govern
ment. To dismantle the enterprise on these grounds is beyond the
demands of a balance of payments crisis.
"Swept up in the euphoria over the construction of Euro-America's New World Order, India's ruling coalition could not wait to introduce their own new economic order. Meanwhile (ironically), Labour in Britain and the Democrats in the U.S.A. are calling for more public spending and a reversal of the policies of Thatcher and Reagan/Bush. To construct this New Order, the Finance Minister agreed to a massive loan with structural adjustment conditionalities. What indication is there that the wretched histories of Brazil and Mexico will not be replicated in India?Utsa Patnaice argues that in these countries, conditionalities have created a consumption boom for the elites, exacerbated income inequalities and created a general decline of per capita income ("Devaluation, IMF conditionalities and their implications," Equality, July-Sep.1991). Mr. Manmohan Singh (8 March 1992) agrees that the IMF has hurt Brazil and Mexico. With India, however, the IMF (in his opinion) has "always shown great concern about our sensitivities and they have not, I think, done anything which would be injurious to our national interests."
But what, for Mr. Singh, is "our national interest"? Whose interests? Since the arrival of the Rao government, the cost of Indian labour has been depressed, so real wages have gone down. The devaluation of the rupee has dollarized the prices of commodities, but wages remain at deflated rupee prices. On 4 March, the Communist and other left parties held a rally to protest the 1992-93 Budget. The spectre of unemployment, further social inequalities, over consumption by the elites of soft drinks and Japanese packaged potato chips, over-exploitation of resources and destruction of ecological habitat was raised in discussions.
A social activist, Ms.Medha Pathak, confronted the World Bank's Chief of Mission in New Delhi, Mr. Oktay Yenal, in early March 1992. “We are trying to tell you that genocide of indigenous peoples has taken place in the name of development," she told him referring to the dams which World Bank money will fund and which will displace large populations from ancestral lands and forests. “We don't hold you personally responsible," she contin
mu)
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TILL DEBT.
ued, “but your organisation and its development policies. We will not allow it to happen."
Mr. Yenal did not wish to "meddle in the affairs' of India, since the World Bank was "aguest of your country." Lending vast sums of money with fundamental conditionalities does not count as interference. To meddle is to be like the CIA, to interfere with the political affairs. The IMF/WB simply deals in economics, a simplistic distinction. We are not meddling, he says, “we are in the development business. We can get better returns on that money we loan without going into these difficult things." The
Statement by the Civil Rig
THE INACCE
EMERGENCY
a person is charged with contravening a law, is based
on the premise that "everyone is presumed to know the law." This presumption in turn rests on the basis that the law is always ascertainable. If the content of emergency regulations is not ascertainable even by lawyers, the question could arise as to whether they are in fact valid law at all, for the rule of law presupposes that there can be no such thing as a secret law known only to a few, which becomes known to others only when they are charged with breaking it.
T he rule that "ignorance of the law is no excuse' when
The inaccessibility of the various emergency regulations and the rules and orders made under them has for long been amatter of concern to the Civil Rights Movement.
Emergency Regulations are made by the President under the Public Security Ordinance, bypassing the normal legislative procedure which is through Parliament. It is essential that members of the public, and lawyers who advise them, be able to know quickly and reliably whatemergency regulations have been made and remain in force at any given moment, as well as what rules and orders have been made under them. These regulations, rules and orders are published in the Gazette but relevant issues are always not readily available at the Government Publications Bureau, the staff of which work undergreat constraints of lack of space and other facilities. Persons who
Mara

consequences of the policy are irrelevant. Oppression and exploitation are "difficult things for Policy makers to manage, but easy as rhetorical devices for political leaders. "Please accuse us or warn us for not doing ous job as good as we can,” Mr. Oktay pleaded, "but don't accuse us of being against the poor and the tribals ... I think we have done quite a bit for the poor.”
Indeed, in the name of attacking "socialism', the Indian ruling coalition and their new allies the IMF/WB have done quite a bit for the poor - they have made them poorer.
Vijay Prashad
New Delhi
hts Movement of Sri Lanka
SSIBILITY OF
REGULATIONS
subscribe to the Gazette receive them by post often after considerable delay, and even thencertain issues sometimes are not received.
On 8 August 1989 by Gazette No. 569/19 the Government did publish a list of 19 emergency regulations that should be deemed to continue in force. But this Gazette itself is hard to come by, and CRM has been unable to trace any similar list published during the succeeding two and half years though many emergency regulations have continued to be made.
CRM therefore requests the Government to take the following Steps.
1 To publish a list of emergency regulations and orders made thereunder during the currency of the present emergency, namely from 26 June 1989, and to have a set of these available for reference at government offices and Courts of law in various parts of the country.
2 To ensure in future that the full text of every proclamation, regulation, rule and order relating to the exercise of emergency powers be forthwith published in an English, a Sinhala and a Tamil newspaper.
ch/April

Page 7
nce again the possibility of a O new round of talks appears to
be receding, following the opposition expressed to Minister Thondaman’s proposals. Sri Lankans, especially Tamils, who are hoping for a permanent respite from the war are, understandably, blaming Sinhala nationalism. Yet, Sinhala nationalism, despite its stridency, is in a weaker position now, than on previous occasions when the Sri Lankan governmenthas conducted negotiations with the Tigers and other Tamil parties. This suggests that if a nascent peace process is blocked, it is as much due to the distrust caused by the behaviour of the Tigers in the past as it is due to the successful mobilisation of the Sinhala nationalists. Acknowledging the independent role of the Tigers in sustaining the war in Sri Lanka should not be construed as anapologia for Sinhala nationalism. Instead, examining why the Tigers have consistently prevented the achievement of apolitical settlement will lead to an understanding of how the Tigers have effectively subsumed Tamil interests to their own. And it is only by separating Tamil interests from Tiger interests, which both the Sinhala and Tamil chauvinists seek to conflate, can it become clear how the behaviour Of the Tigers is not detrimental to peace, but also inimical to the interests of the Tamil
people.
he politics of nationalism, which
began as a reaction to Sinhala nationalism, has now acquired its own internal dynamic. This independent dy
by Ram Ma
namic was impell dominance of a vicic of Tamil nationalis Tigers. The emerge iSm Can be traced t nationalist movem movement uses a d pose a dominant pC violation of democ individual liberties, status-quo, while it
community on the t
solidarity. While strong enough to n face of struggle, t diferences of opini politics programme this point a tension nal democracy and the struggle for coll This tension may be ways, ranging from and non-violent cOI COercion.
In the case of Tal Tigers set out to el parties, Organisatic Unity was asserte internal democracy represent an extre emphasis on ethnothe expense of del example to this is tion Organisation ( rives its legitimac: National Council Palestinian parliam Fatah dominance ( numerous incider fighting, major de{ through debate a council. The Tiger lithic unity is a C attempt to invent a
where the basis of
and alliances are O
Pr
 
 
 

nikkalingam
:d by the growing usand extreme form m espoused by the nce Of this national) the dilemmas of a ent. A nationalist ual approach to opwer. It invokeS the ‘atic norms, Such as and freedoms, in the seeks to mobilise a asis Of ties Of ethnic these ties are often laintain unity in the hey can weaken as On evolve into rival s and strategies. At arises between interthe need for unity in ective emancipation. resolved in different democratic dialogue frontation to violent
mil nationalism, the iminate all opposing ons and individuals. 1 at the expense of '. The Tigers, thus, me aberration of the national solidarity at nocracy. A counter he Palestine LiberaPLO). The PLO de7 from the Palestine PNC), which is the ent in exile. Despite f the movement and tS of interfactional isions are still made d discussion in the emphasis on a monoOnsequence of their new Tamil identity, olitical programmes an ethnically essen
7 vada
tialist character. In this framework, political identity is directly derived from one's ethnicidentity. Class,caste, gender, individual aspirations and broadersocial issues are relegated to the periphery.
The Tigers invented a new Tamil identity by, simultaneously, drawing upon and denying history. This identity claims to be tied to history on the basis of language, region and tradition. But the Tigers are anti-historical, in that they are committed to denying that the Tamil identity also includes a history of coexistence with other communities. The denial of pluralism among communities is only a step away from the denial of pluralism within a community. Thus, one implication of this newly invented Tamil identity (through ethnic essentialism) is that the Tigers have to deny and eliminate real or potential differences of opinions and interests among Tamils. The monolithic unity violently asserted by the Tigers is both the cause of and the consequence of Tamil essentialism, and ultimately culminated in a new political ideology - Tigerism.
The development of this Tamil essentialist ideology is evident in the political attitude and approach of the Tigers towards the Muslims of the Northeast. With the growth of this virulent brand of Tamil nationalism, the Muslims of the North and East became steadily alienated from the Tamil community. The Tamil nationalist project at first unwittingly, and then wittingly excluded Muslims, as it set about the invention of a separate identity. This separate identity, which was initially a defensive strategy with regard to Sinhala discrimination, took on an offensive form with regard to the Muslims. The increasing domination of Tamil nationalism by the Tigers, ulti

Page 8
TIGERISM.
mately led to the massacres of hundreds of Muslims and the expulsion of thouSands from the North and East. The exclusionary logicofa"traditional Tamil homeland,” a direct outgrowth of ethnic eSSentialism, had been taken to a fanatical extreme. The new Tamil identity, invented by the Tigers, denied not just political space, but even physical space to all non-Tamils in the Northeast.
The Tigers have also successfully manipulated the Tamil struggle in order to dominate Tamil politics. This has been achieved by a two-pronged strategy. The first, simple and brutal, has been to murderall political rivals of the Tamil movement. In addition, the Tigers have sought to intimidate and threaten all cultural, Social and human rights activists in the Northeast, apprehensive of their possible emergence as an alternative source of leadership for the beleaguered Tamil COmmunity.
The second strategy has been based on their cunning use of the peace process. The Tigers, when pushed to a corner, have resorted to ceasefires and negotiations in order to rearm and consolidate themselves. In doing so, however, they have had to pay a price in terms of their loss of control over the Tamil people. A return to peace and normalcy in the North and East meant that the gun no longer ruled, and that people could express themselves more freely. This automatically resulted in an erosion of the Tiger dominance of the Tamilcommunity. Thus, it was precisely at those moments when the possibilities for peace seemed to be emerging that the Tigers broke off negotiations in order to continue the war and regain the "support” of the Tamil people.
This "support” is obtained neither from genuine sympathy for the Tiger programme nor through direct Tiger coercion, but froma shrewd manipulation by the Tigers of the political options available to the Tamil people. By shutting the Tamil people off from the possibility of a negotiated settlement with peace and regional autonomy, the Tigers compel
them to choose betw Lankan military rul Such a Stark choice invariably "support' they fear the inevitab result from War. This as "support' for the Tigers, themselves, logical twins in the chauvinists.
Thus, the ideology Tigers is antagonis settlement. A negot quires, among othe ness to trade powerfo of alliances acroSS et the recognition that not the Sole basis Q. tion. But ethnic es that; it cannot make Other than itSelf. Pe human rights vitiate ethnicity, because t ing the presumptio sence. Such an adr matically weaken th on Tamil politics. H that the Tigers have political alternatives people in order top of a separate Tamil
he Sri Lankan bear moral an bility for aggravatin fusing to grant an a ary package that cC Chauvinist Tamil O that the Sri Lankang erto put forward - ti by the intransigenc the Tigers - is not a shungenuine negotial political parties. Th government to grant regional autonomy, has only compleme shutoff the political the Tamil people. In door to a politicall ment open, the gover by and watched, if
March
 
 

een Tiger rule or Sri e. When faced with , the Tamil people 'the Tigers, because le carnage that would fearis then trumpeted Tigers, both by the
and by their ideoSouth - the Sinhala
and practice of the tic to a negotiated iated settlement rer factors, a willingor peace, the building hnic boundaries and
ethnic solidarity is f political mobilisasentialism is just space for anything ace, democracy and : the commitment of hey require loosenn of an ethnic esmission would autoe Tiger stranglehold ence, it is no surprise eliminated all other available to the Tamil ursue their chimera
Eelam.
government must d political responsig the conflict by re(dequate devolutionpuld satisfy all nonpinion. The excuse Overnment has hithhat peace is blocked e and fickleness of sufficient reason to tions with other Tamil e failure of the UNP t and institutionalise such as federalism, inted Tiger efforts to options available to stead of keeping the y negotiated settlenmenthas only stood not actively helped,
3
/April
the Tigers slam it shut in the face of the yearning for peace of the Tamil people.
A comprehensive federal package of devolution put forward by the government (irrespective of whether the Tigers cease fire or negotiate) will serve a dual purpose. First, by indicating to the Tamil people that their voice is being heard at the centre, it will practically demonstrate the availability of a political opportunity for them to exit from under Tiger domination. This will exert pressure on the Tigers to negotiate, and then to enter democratic politics. However, if the Tigers flout Tamil opinion, despite the actual granting of a federal package of devolution and continue the War, the Sri Lankan government will then have the moral and political legitimacy, internationally and among the Tamils, to defeat the Tigers.
Meanwhile, Tamils must come to terms with two important developments in Sri Lankan politics. The first is that the nature of Sinhala nationalism has been transformed since the Indo-Lanka Peace Accord. The Sinhalaoppositionexpressed at the time of the Peace Accord was the culmination of Sinhala nationalist opposition to Tamil rights and Indian intervention. This opposition was spearheaded by the JVP, which represented the ultranationalist segment of Sinhala politics. The JVP was uncompromising with regard to the Tamil question, and based its anti-state campaign on the combined platform of populist social change and antiTamil jingoism. The Indo-Lanka Accord was undoubtedly signed under duress. Yet the granting of limited selfrule to the Tamil areas resulted in a strategic compromise on the part of the Sri Lankan state with Tamil aspirations. Key aspects of this compromise also included the recognition of Sri Lanka as a multi-ethnic Society and Tamil as an official language. This is now a baseline position from which the Sri Lankan state cannot deviate. Even extreme Sinhala political parties have accepted the basic notion that any political settlement will involve the granting ofregional autonomy

Page 9
TIGERISM...
to the North and East. The issue now is not whether there should be regional autonomy for the Tamils, but how much. Thus, the peace accord, followed by the defeat of the JVP, created added political space for the Sri Lankan state to reachanegotiated settlement to the ethnic conflict, and has transformed the terrain of Sinhala politics.
Undoubtedly, Sinhalanationalism is still a major impediment to the achievement of a political settlement, but it is different from the Sinhala ultra-nationalism of the early 1980s. And more importantly,
although Sinhala nationalism may con
tinue to be a part of the state ideology, it is no longer the dominant part. Thus, the trite claims made by Tamil nationalists about Sinhala nationalism, as
monolithic, perma do not ring true in developments of t
The second impo gradual political is from the internatic responding directl dominance of the tionalism. AS long seen as Tiger inte the Tamil people t ances will only rec best, both in the S ally. The Tigers h iour-leaders of the
linking genuine T.
narrow political pl pirations of the Tam and ideologically c the Tigers, the Ta
REFLECTIO
Fearl
by Gameela
Fear and the child are born together Fear is our faithful companion, our twin
Brother, our shadow
It will never let go its hold Until, remorselessly, it sees us into our gra
Frederick Leboye Loving Hands, Co 1977
eboyer’s words raise funda
L mental questions. Fear indeed manifests itself throughout life. Fear is perhaps one of the most complex
emotions because there are such wide individual variations in fearfulness.
There are chronic fears and acute fears, normal fears and pathological fears, fears which are considered natural or ordinary
like the fear of de nate, like the feat that are learnt, lik
Fear can also be
for Some, when fo a person to correct more often, fearp degree of fear a which fear appear in which One reac
In the recent past, expOsed to a parti
P
 

ent and unchanging, he face of the drastic e past few years.
tant change is the }lation Of the Tamils nal community, cort with the increasing igers over Tamil naas Tamil interests are ests, the struggle of ) redress their grieveive tepid support, at buth and internationave posed as the savTamils by Shrewdly mil interests to their oject. Unless the asilpeople are politically elinked from those of mil struggle will not
progress.
Finally, the instinctively defensive reaction of some Tamils towards any criticism of the Tigers and Tamil ultra-nationalism was understandable in the past, though based on morally shaky grounds. Today, such a defence of the Tigers is morally and politically reprehensible, given the crimes committed by the Tigers against the Muslims and Sinhalese of the Northeast, and the Tiger denial of political freedom to the Tamil people. Moreover, it is precisely through a critical analysis of Tamil nationalism, in general, and the Tigers, in particular, that a new political programme for the Tamil people can be articulated - a new programme that may enable Tamils to attain peace with dignity.
NS ON
Samarasinghe
llinS,
ath, fears that are inof heights, and fears e the fear of Snakes.
stimulating emotion r example, it engages his/her behaviour, but ralyses. The type and d the context within influence the manner S to fearful situations.
Sri Lankans have been ular type of fear, a fear
9 avada
FEAR
provoked by sudden, novel and intense stimuli. This fear did exist earlier but did not manifest itself as frequently. Though it possesses some features of the fears listed above, it also has particular characteristics.
The fear is caused by exposure to traumatic Stimulations. The traumatic stimulations we recall are recent: the 1983July riots, the JVP insurrection, the North-East conflict. The images that confront us are of the killing, the burn;

Page 10
ing, the looting, the massacres, the ambushes, the abductions and finally, and irrevocably, the disappearances.
The fear was intense; acute soon after the traumatic experience and subsequently decreased because it had been provoked by tangible stimuli or situations. If the Conditioning Theory of Fear - developed in the 1960's over a period of a few years by Wolpe, Eysenck and Rachman - can be proved, we could expect a decrease in the magnitude of Our fears and a progressive change in Our reactions and behaviour. The Conditioning Theory of Fear supports that repeated exposure to fearevoking situations may:
at times Sensitize us;
increase the fear when we anticipate trouble.
at times habituate
decrease the fear v ten re-Occurs or I reaction Will dini
The young child le a balloon is about make a terrifying After having heal number of times, t the sound less. T unfamiliar.
Similarly, we have expect and fear vi human beings duri
We, too, grew "acci to many fearful si "natural' for us to indoors by the JVF in'anticipation' of the fighting in the longer "extraordin
GENDER
STATE CO-OPTION OF INT
Omen, We have been told, W are half the sky. But politi
cians, in Sri Lanka as elsewhere, have been always acutely conscious that they are half the electorate. This consciousness becomes sharper when, as in Sri Lanka today, women's labour accounts for the largest share of our foreign exchange - earnings from tea, garment exports and work as housemaids abroad. It is therefore not surprising that the state in Sri Lanka has recently "discovered' the woman question and has not Only created a National Women's Day (to coincide with the day the Buddhist missionary Sanghamitta came to Sri Lanka), but has also co-opted March 8th - Inter
by Khem
national Women' 1910 by the Germ Zetkin).
Up to the late 19 celebrated with tions, exhibitions involving women The main organis activists and trade Socialists from a feminist groups. women's movem essarily brought v anti-imperialist a gans Ondemocrati economic policie During this perio en’s Day was cel interference from bashing in the m
Ma,
 
 

lS;
hen the Situation Ofrolongs itself. The ish in magnitude.
arns very fast that if to burst, soon it will Ound.
d a balloon burst a he child learns to fear e sound is no longer
been conditioned to olent reactions from ng political tension.
stomed' or 'resigned' tuations. It became be ordered to stay ', even stocked goods the curfews. Today, North and East is no ary'; not having safe
and easy access to a large part of the country is no longer "unusual'.
Not such a long time ago, the killing of thirteen soldiers generated very violent behaviour. Again, at present, a political alternative to the ethnic war feared by some, the nationalist spirit widely criticised and feared by others, are fundamental issues which provoke extreme and long repressed reactions.
We have learnt to live and continue to live with this "acquired' fear. We must, however, not be indifferent to it. We must not let it become an “ordinary' fear, like the fear of death; a fear that, we are taught to believe, does not need to be justified.
AGENDA
ERNATIONAL WOMEN'S DAY
a de Rosairo
s Day (originated in an Communist, Clara
70's, March 8th was meetings, demonstraand cultural activities
of all communities. rs were women party unionists and women range of autonomous The association of the nt with the Left nec'ithin its ambit certain nd anti-capitalist slo; and trade union rights, and foreign relations. l, International Wombrated without either the state or feministdia.
10 ch/April
major shift was seen after the A change to an executive presidency in 1978, when attacks on dissident movements including trade unions and student organisations became a regular manifestation of the state's obsession with political stability. Women's Day became an occasion for State violence against women, as well as an opportunity for demonising feminists in the media.
In 1982, women demonstrating on March 8th in Colombo were tear - gassed and March 8th 1983 became a cause celebre; women of the SLFP, CP and LSSP had organised a picket outside the US Embassy against US army bases in the Indian Ocean. Returning afterwards, the
m)

Page 11
GENDER AGENDA.
women also protested outside Temple Trees against the rise in the cost of milk foods. The Kollupitiya police removed their banners and arrested a photographer, and when the women went to the police station to inquire, they were attacked. Former LSSP member of Parliament Vivienne Goonewardena recalls: “A policeman threw me like a sack of potatoes across the room and kicked me twice ... and stood with one foot on top of my stomach.” (Sunday Times, 6 January 1991).
Violence continued in subsequent years; On March 8th 1984 and 1985, women were tear-gassed, baton-charged and arrested. During these years, the media (English and Sinhala) also had a field day attacking feminists for being influenced by the West. An editorial-"Women's Liberation' - in the Island in 1984, typical of this anti-feminist inclination, Said :
"The feminine consciousness as it Obtains today is another article of the contemporary ideological baggage borrowed from the West... to which our alienated intellectuals genuflect.”
The sexist bias in the media continued through the 1980's - totally ignoring increasing international consciousness on women's issues during the "Decade of Women'( 1975-85). After International Women's Day in 1989, the Island published a letter complaining that a programme on TV on March 8th, portrayed the woman as "innocent and humble” and the man as a brute. This occasioned an editorial On “Female Chauvinism' which said, "over the years, since women libbers began bra burning in the West, Lanka libbers have got into the habit of bashing males. They do so with gusto On this SO-called International Women's Day. This sort of female sexism got to cease (sic).'(Island 13 March 1989)
B ut after the presidential election
of 1989, and the further centralisation of state power backed up with
populistideology, t to incorporate rathe the case of the won State has moved to discourse, its sym gans and, maybe in persons.
In 1990, a significa The state began to March 8th with pu paigns and Suppler pers. The media ( sharp about turn; th editorial on the even at Their Command, ments of women claiming that "the chauvinist pig is a Women are on the obstacles have bee only a matter of t equality.'
By 1991 the state's Day was "the strel through women's C of course meant the ment. This move Indonesian Dharm the wives of politi government depar state policies, and
projects.
This year, there hav able changesinattita 9th) in an editoria Women' even wel the hope that "thes women's libbers k the year on issues
Status of women progress women a
But the Divaina, published by the proved that, whate in the group's En Sinhala public ge fore. In an editori tion" the paper (M feminist slogans a only borrowed fro propagated with f aim of promotin
therefore cultural
P
 
 

e tendency has been than to confront. In en's movement, the ppropriate feminist Ols, language, slothe future, even its
t change took place.
officially celebrate blic meetings, caments in the newspabliged and made a e Island even had an entitled "The World 'hailing the achievepolitical leaders and much flogged male S dead as a dodO ... march and all major n cleared. It is now ime for the goal of
theme on Women's ngthening of women rganisations," which Seva Vanitha Movement, based On the a Vanitha, organizes cians and officials in ments in support of to promote charitable
e been further noticedes: the Island (March entitled "Liberating it as far as to express rident voices of those 2ep going throughout that will improve the ” and praised "the e making rapidly.”
the Sinhalese daily wners of the Island, veris Said in editorials lish newspapers, the s the mixture as be
il “Women's Libera
arch 7th) claimed that ld drum beats are not n the West but are also reign money with the
sexual license and ecline.
11
vada
What is new this year however is a Women's Charter, a document including and expanding on the economic, social and political rights of women as expressed in the UN Charter against discrimination of women. The ideological "new look", as displayed by newspaper articles in English, is also revealing. For example, “Womeninthe ContextofSocial Change“ by Indrani Iriyagolle, has radical thoughts on patriarchy, women's subordination and a tribute to the feminist consciousness raising groups of the 1970's. She calls for changes in “male domination, female repression, sexual assault, rape, violence, forced motherhood, and pornography” calling for state intervention to deal with issues ranging from "unequal pay to reproductive rights.” Though she is the President of the Sinhala Kanthaabhivurdhi Sanvidhanaya, (The Movement for the Advancement of Sinhalese Women) there was no reference to Sinhalaness.
But the Prime Minister gave a traditional message in the same Women's Day supplement"Our history is adorned,” he wrote, "by women such as Soma Devi, who bravely faced the Chola invaders... Vihara Maha Devi who came forward to sacrifice her life to save the country from disaster, and Sanghamitta Therini who brought about a significant change in Our country"; a message more appropriate for Sanghamitta Day.
What does all this signify? Does it mean the recognition of the economic and Social rights of women and a greater respect for their right to speak out on International Women's Day? (In which case, why was the march of the members of the Ceylon Mercantile Union on March 8th 1991 and 1992 banned?) Ordoes it signal the state's appropriation andmanipulation ofwomen for a specific political agenda based on radical rhetoric and populist slogans? Is the state on a path to mobilizing different segments of society in a corporatist fashion? One can only speculate as events unfold.

Page 12
Of Rural
and Urbanized
long with the Sri Lankan A state's "celebration of Interna
tional Women’s Day in Matara, we were also treated to quite a creditable teledrama courtesy of the Women's Bureau to mark this special day. This hour-long single episode teledrama was titled - Yaso Hamine - and documented
the heroic struggles of a rural woman of
the same name. The Sudden death of Yaso Hamine's mason husband leaves her destitute with One son and three daughters. In order to supporther family she becomes a wage labourer. The fact thatsheis doingpirimi wada(men’s work) horrifies her fellow villagers while she becomes the butt of her brother-in-law's (husband's brother) drunken rantings on how she has ruined their pavule nambuwe (family honour). The suggestion is that she should get herself another man to support her and she has to constantly fend off the propositions of the boutique mudalali who wants to keep her as his mistress.
Yaso Hamine's daily struggles are ably shared by her elder daughter who though a keen student has now left School in order to attend to the housework and their vegetable garden. Juxtaposed against this heroic mother and daughter is the counter example of Yaso Hamine's Sister-in-law and niece. While YaSO Hamine is so busy that she does not even have time to stop by the wayside boutique fora quickgossip, her sister-in-law’s entire day seems to be taken up with Snooping on Yaso Hamine's family and gossiping about them. Her husband is a drunkard and a rogue and when he is arrested by the police it is Yaso Hamine
by Malatl
who comes along child.
Yaso Hamine’s el hardworking and 'g rously clothed in si a cloth tied over he is in love with the w er's son and it is her one day she is resig Wretched life She is upankama (fate) ar change. Her suitort upstanding man wł partake of his paren a teaching post in a a area) So that he can ( Despite the stigma Hamine's form of e lower class position ents and the rest of rying Yaso Hamine
Yaso Hamine's niec is the epitome of th 'bad'. She is "chee her parents and has mother who has do her. She spends muc ing her hair, puttin gadding about in "w high heels. Finally friend from the vill employment and atti in opposition to Ya. ter’s suitor. The nie started a Small busi a motorbike and wea jacket and Sunglass ter’s suitor who is as a sarong and shirt a
Though it all end Hamine's daughter for her mother which much more credible acterization and the
1. March
 

Heroines lfemme fatales
i de Alwis
o help her and her
er daughter who is ood' is always decomple dresses or with dress. Though she ealthy school teachdream to marry him ed to the fact that the leading is her laba d that it may never oo is a hardworking, to does not want to ts' wealth and takes ura palatha (remote arn his own money. attached to Yaso mployment and her l, he_defies his parthe village by mar's daughter.
e On the Other hand, Le village lass gone ky' and argues with been ‘spoilt’ by her ne all the work for h of her time combg On make up and 2stern' clothing and she elopes with a age whose form of eis negatively coded o Hamine's daughce's Suitor who has ess” in Kandy rides rStrousers, a leather s while the daughhool teacher, wears hd drives a tractor
happily for Yaso his is not the case made the teledrama for me. The charstruggles of Yaso
April
Hamine reminded me of Swarna Mallawarachchi's portrayal in Sagara Jalaya and more recently Malini Fonseka's role in Sthree. While it is quite standard now toportray the single mother/widowed rural woman in heroic terms, it is the urban, "westernized' woman that continues to be positioned as herdegenerate "other'.
This is especially highlighted in an advertisement for male cologne that is being telecast in Sri Lanka. The opening shot is that of a dark alleyway where an Elton John look-alike is spotlighted strumming a guitar. In the shadows a few yards away stands another man nonchalently Smoking a cigarette. Suddenly, a woman in a black dress and high heels 'swings' through the alley her black mane of hair swirling around her face. The man in the shadows makes a grab at her, she glares at him, tosses her head dismissively and continues on her way. Next shot, the 'spurned' man sprays cologne On himself. The concluding shot is a replay of the first one but with a major development. The guitar plays on and through the shadows once again appears the "desirable object', the woman. The mangrabs ather again and SURPRISE she turns towards him and her yielding to him is signified by her painted finger nails curling around his shoulders and her high heeled feet arching upwards, on tiptoe.
The message here was clear, direct, and horrifying. If you wear the correct cologne evensexualassault çan be alluring to women. The cologne being advertised here was thus "appropriately' titled Avenger. A recent news blurb about this product continued this metaphor of macho agression with the header "Avenger hits the market' (emphasis mine, Sunday Times11/24/91). mu)

Page 13
RURAL, HEROINES...
Avenger which is marketed by International Cosmetics (Private) Ltd, a subsidiary of The Maharajah Organisation was launched at "My Kind of Place' on November 16th 1991. The positioning of "My Kind of Place' which is widely accepted to be a hang out of Colombo's upper class teenagers, in this ad campaign, reflects the marketer's focus on the urban youth of Sri Lanka as this product's primary consumers. In this context, the urban setting of the advertisement seems appropriate. Yet, I would also suggest that the assault and subsequent conquest of an urban, 'westernized' young woman makes the 'event' doubly alluring and exciting as it feeds into all the negative stereotyping within Sinhala Buddhist nationalist discourses (from Anagarika Dharmapala to the Jathika Chintanayists), which pose the sexually loose, urbanized/'westernized', Christian (often Burgher) woman as the 'other' of the chaste, domesticated, Sinhala Buddhist woman'.
This is a theme that gets played out Once again in Sisila Gini Ganie recently screened at the Regal. Sanath Gunatilake's script centres around the passionate love affair between a marrried, lawyer turned politician from a reputable Kandyan Sinhala family (played by Sanath Gunatilake) and a "halfbreed' Sinhalese/ Burgher Christian woman (played by Sabitha Perera) who until she falls in love with the politician, ridicules marriage and its encumbent imprisoning familial ties and merrily flits from one relationship to another.
While we are informed that the politician’s name is Harris Makalande from the inception at the film, his mistress Annette is rarely mentioned by name.’ Rather she is primarily defined in terms of her (sexual) practices and attire. When Harris first sees her on the dance floor and inquires who she is, his friend smirkingly replies "Oh, she will grab onto anyone who will dance with her...everybody aroundhere knowsher..." As the plot thickens, she becomes known as the 'woman in the white dress'.
This sexually loose is Harris' wife Kum from a well establish family. While Kum cably groomed in ric a decorous housec( Annette is always il scene, injust a sheet perfect wife and m becomes toO deman and though she now to him and have miserably in this tas his mistress up in a garden in which sh devoted housewife - ing, gardening and S the final binding lin the bearing of a chil a rather extended S ingly hanging a pain child in her sitting Scenes of her vain Harris” SOn.
In all fairness to Sa characterization Oft fatale is done qui Harris” mistress ha and personality tha Kumari rather desp fact that Harris has refuses to be seq beautiful house for
seeing him in ord campaign can contil a furious Harris hit hiS SOn She hits bac] ground.
However, Once in becomes the Victim abuse. Her private used to the advant; spector who now d in taunting Annette power. The media
pivot of a massive
the most insightful forme was the conv journalist and his I wards the beginni journalist is having ing “facts” about 1 Harris” son until h{ a woman is involve
Pr

half breed's "other' uri, who like him is 'd Kandyan Sinhala ri is always impecKandyan sarees or at, Harris mistreSS dresses and in One Kumari is also the ther while Annette ling of Harris' time longs to get married is babies she fails ... While Harris Sets beautiful house and 2 happily plays the - decorating, cookerving tea, she lacks k to Harris which is d. We are treated to hOt Of Annette lovting of a mother and room and various attempts to befriend
nath Gunatilake, the he half breed femme ite sympathetically. as much more spirit in his wife. While airingly accepts the a mistress, Annette estered in Harris' days on end without 2r that his political nue smoothly. When her for "abducting' and fells him to the
police custody she of various forms of diary is "edited' and ge of the Police In'rives great pleasure from his position of n turn uses her as the sex scandal. One of moments of the film ersation between the ewspaper editor, tog of the film. The a hard time collecthe disappearance of begins to realise that d in this case. When
3 vada
he reports this suspicion to his editor, the immediate reaction is "excellent, this will add to the mystery...let us headline
the story "beautiful woman...” at which
point the journalist interjects that he has no details of the woman and is not sure whether she is beautiful or not. This leads the editor to launch into a very perceptive exposition on how people's curiosity is better captured by a reference to a beautiful woman irrespective of the fact of how she actually looks.
Thoughsome critics of Sisila Gini Ganie have described it as a nihilistic film which ends with the question 'What is the truth?' I felt that there was a calculated attempt to establish the innocence of Harris mistress' and thus a certain "truth', for the viewer, despite the fact that the accused may not receive a similar judgement from the law or the media in the context of the film. However, I was disappointed that the only way the viewer's sympathy for this spirited and passionate woman was enlisted was by reducing her to that of a victim of patriarchy. Fromacarefree woman who cogently criticizes the patriarchal institutions of marriage and the family, she is reducedalmost overnight to being a frustrated housewife who longs for the gilded cage that she had evaded for so long. When confronted by the highly fanciful deductions of the Police Inspector she can only weep and call upon God as her witness.
Finally, I would like to emphasise the central point here that however sophisticatedly (Sisila Gini Ganie) or crudely (Avenger ad) the urban "westernized' woman maybe portrayed, she remains the site of loose morality that invites Sexual transgressions. That is, it is easier to say the "westernized' woman "asked for it” than the rural woman. It is high time we start producing teledramas and films that attempt to shatter this good woman/bad woman dichotomy.
Notes
1 See especially Anagarika Dharmapala, Return to Righteousness, ed. Ananda Guruge, Govt. Press, Colombo, 1965; Richard Gombrich & Gananath Obeyesekere, Buddhism Trans
m)

Page 14
RURAL, HEROINES...
formed: Religious Change in Sri Lanka, Princeton Univ. Press, Princeton, 1988 and Kumari Jayawardene, "Some Aspects of Religious and Cultural Identity and the Construction of Sinhala Buddhist Womanhood", paper presented at the International Conference on Women: The State, Fundamentalism and Cultural Identity in South Asia. March 13-17, 1992.
2 Sabitha herself draws our attention to this when after their first "encounter' she tells Harris "What sort of woman must you take me for,
you don't even know my name...."
More on the GO
eloufer de Mel's comments. On N Nadine Gordimerin Pravada Vol
1, No 1 along with her easy dismissal of Reggie Siriwardena's response to them in Pravada Vol 1 No 2 throw up quite a number of thought provoking questions for the modern reader, constantly assailed by the contradictions and biases involved in interpretations. Nadine Gordimer, the South Africanwriter of novels and short stories was awarded the Nobel Prize for literature in 1991 - a prize fraught with contradictions. Dr. de Mel points this out quite forcefully exposing some of the ideological underpinnings of that rather questionable institution. This is timely for it serves in some measure to remove the scales of reverence for prizes, awards etc., from one's eyes. But, while agreeing, by and large, with the criticism she levels at the awarding body, I wish to disagree categorically with the qualifications she makes about the value of Gordimer’s works. To lend support to her views she invokes Dennis Brutus - a South African poet- which I thinkisunfairby Gordimer as well as Brutus. Her discriminatory selection of Brutus's comments chooses to disregard the point he makes about the challenge she (Gordimer) poses at the
by S. S
apartheid system in Brutus more fully;
But Gordimer ti protest against t principle charac Bourgeois Worl White, at the ent on the edge of n tional but also as I think the whole cation a condel society in South
Saying this Brutus qualification thato. Mel lifts from his literature. His artic and possesses an ir context of the con makes about diffe political andsor su transpire in their also note, importar Bourgeois World July's People. Theq are based On Subtle between different
different criteria. . hand, takes ratherb operative in a certa discourse and atte their (writers') wor patterns. I think
Siriwardena in his ple style implies w
Marc
 

3 Sabitha appears mainly in white dresses in this film which is a disruptive signifier in her characterization of a "loose' woman. I am grateful to Pradeep Jeganathan for suggesting that this colour coding may be an attempt to signify her innocence in the context of the crime that is committed in the film rather than her moral/sexual innocence or purity.
4 All the flashbacks the viewer was privy to were the mistress version of the events, the conclusive one being the episode of the childrens picnic near World's End in the fast encroaching mist.
rdimer Criticque
Sumathy
operation. To quote
Oo is making her he system ... The :ters (in the Late d) both black and of the novel are ot merely an emoexual experience. novel is by implimnation of white
Africa today.”
proceeds to make the curs in the extract de writing On protest le makes more Sense ternal balance in the parative analysis he rent writers and the bjective stances that works. One should tly, that it's the Late he refers to and not ualifications he makes distinctions he draws writers and also on De Mel, On the Other roadbased categories in kind of intellectual mpts to Schematize ks according to those this is what Reggie own inimitably simthen he says:
14 h/April
However, the more important questions I wish to raise concern the way in which Dr. de Mel uses her political categories to evaluate Gordimer’s work as fiction.
The crucial sentence in Dr. de Mel's critique that invalidatesherapproach is where she complains that Gordimer’s exposure of the political ambivalence of the privileged white liberal "falls short of what is needed as a political programme in South Africa'.
One can write apolitical programme as a theoretical construct, but for the creative writer there is no substitute for experience.
In her reply to his (Siriwardena's) position she says thus:
Mr. Siriwardena's essentialistemphasis on individual "experience' implies that only whites can write about whites, Only blacks can represent blacks. DOes this mean that Only peasants can Write about and speak for themselves, and that men cannot write about women and Vice versal
This is a misreading bordering on carelessness. The narrative in July's People quite committedly progresses from "white liberal' awareness to a consciousness
ub

Page 15
GORDIMER...
that renders everything, even their own Selves and bodies, strange and unknown. At the beginning of the novel Bam Smales' cocksureness does not desert him, even in adversity.
No, I mean it. If we can get hold of a bag of cement we can make a foundation. It'll be much better to drink than river water.
The self same Bam Smales is abject and unrecognizable at the end of the novel in the status of powerlessness.
He heaved himself up. Some surge of adrenalin summoned, sending him, Striding out, ... But he walked immediately into their gaZe again. He lay down on his back, on the bed, the way he habitually did; and at once suddenly rolled over onto his face, as the father had never done once before his sons.
July's People are July's black people - from the Smales's position." But can that be considered identical with the perspective the novel adopts which is Open ended in many ways? From the beginning an irony of tone governs/qualifies the privileged position of the Smales's and the sneaking feeling keeps jabbing at one's consciousness that it's the Smales's who will ultimately turn out to be July's People. Yes, it is true, that even when the crucial term 'July's white people' oc
curs, the novel's foc Its shift from objecti subjective musings ( ticularly Maureen's thoughts of the nove them. But this uncl not in any way val privileges of the whi novel is unequivoca sive transformation between black and v and white. Furthern novelisalive totheco in the dynamics of white militancy. D the questions and eX as "failure of perspec and self righteous. R reply to that charge i general to make hi COIì[6X[?
If Gordimer ha fictionally of blac would have come
NelOufer de Mel
herintellectual p( to produce a nov in Sri Lanka.
The framework tha approach a text see categorisation and S. the employment of binary oppositio Caliban-Crusoe yar Siriwardena, despit
Pra
 

us does not change. ive conditions to the bf the Smales's, par, keep the central I sharply focused on hanging focus does Orise the values or ite family. Also, the about the Subverof the relationships white and also white hore, to its credit, the ntradictions involved black and black and e Mel's branding of plorations of the text tive' is irresponsible Leggie Siriwardena's serhaps a trifle too s point valid in the
d tried to write ckexperience, she acropper as Surely would, in spite of psition, if she tried 'el of peasant life
ut de Mel adopts to ms to tend towards lot-isolation through a model based On ns Such as the distick. Even Reggie e his obvious attempt
to steer clear of all isms and generalisations does not escape rigid categorisation at de Mel's hands. Models are useful and perhaps inevitable too as long as they remain viable. But once they have said their piece and had their day, they should be discarded. At such a time as now when struggles are increasingly converging (despite problems) and South African politics itself is increasingly exposing manifold ideological and other biases, for writers to carp on a commitment to a political programme already carved out for one and also deeply engaged in its own complexities is unrealistic.
Notes:
1. Nelоufer de Mel: Nadine Gordimer: Notes
on the White Writer's Burden, Pravada Vol 1. No 1.
2 Dennis Brutus: Protest against Apart
heid - Protest and Conflict in African Literature.
3 Reggie Siriwardena - Pravada Vol 1.
No. 2.
Ibid.
5 Gordimer, Nadine: July's People, Pen
guin Books, 1982, p. 25. Ibid., p. 145.
Michael Neill: Twisting the Present - Language and Identity in Nadine Gordimer’s July’s People, Journal of Commonwealth Studies, Vol XXV. No 1, 1990. In this article the authorexpresses
a similar view.
vada

Page 16
THE ECONOMI
PADDY - IMPUTED LOSS NORTH AND EAST: MAHA
(in metri
Districts Potential maximum
Production
Northern 1,395,753
Eastern 2,699,666
Total (Northern & Eastern) 4,095,419
Source: Staff Estimates.
PADDY- IMPUTED LOSS IN PRO
EAST: YALA SEA
(in metri
Di StrictS Potential maximum
Production
Northern 132,448
Eastern 1952,222
Total (Northern & Eastern) 2,084,670
Source: Staff Estimates.
EXPENDIT (JANUARY (i
Actual Allocation to GAS:
Allocated to the
Ministry of Reconstruction Rehabilitation & Social welfare
Total
Source: Office of the Commissioner General Of ESSent
Services
Marc,

C COST OF WAR
IN PRODUCTION IN THE SEASON (1984/85 -1989/90)
c tons)
Imputed Iimputed loss Production in Production
996,351 399,402
2,150,684 548,982
3,147,036 948,384
DUCTION IN THE NORTH AND SON (1985-1990)
c tons)
Imputed Imputed loss Production in Production
111,196 21,252
1,598, 184 354,038
1,709,380 375,290
URES ON REFUGEES
1 TO JULY 31, 1991) in RS. million)
1,358
672
2,030
ial
6 h/April

Page 17
EVOLUTION OF DEF
1984 1985 19
Army
Navy
Air Force
Police
Ministry (non-civil)
Administration
Supplementary 3/
Percent of GDP Total 2/
Percent of Total
Current Expenditure
Total 2/ Defense wages as a percent of total
Government wages and salaries
6.0 6.6
1 Functional classification of defense expenditures (Navy, Arm 2 Economic classification of defense expenditures (Navy, Arm
Ministry)
3 Allocation into different items of 1991 supplementary is not Source: Central Bank and the Treassury
NUMBER OF FAMILES D.
CIVIL CONFLICT AS
Location and Status of Affliction
In Welfare Centers
Outside Welfare Centers (with
friends and relatives)
Economically Affected
All Locations
Source: Office of the Commisioner General of Essential Service

NSE EXPENDITURES
6 1987 1988 1989 1990 1991 1992 - Budget
--- 2563 2463 4301 4429 7024 -- --- 971 749 1070 1259 1574 -- -- 1357 905 1536 1390 1868 --- 1605 1690 2405 3294 4543
---- 1694 2638 4644 1022 951 5000 --
re- -- 3.7 3.4 4.3 4.3 3.6
m--- --18.9 20.2 19.4 14.8 17.8 ܚ
).4 13.0 10.3 15.4 15.3 19.6
y and Air Force only) 7, Air Force, Police and Non-civil Administration of the Defende
ret known.
RECTLY AFFECTED BY THE
OF SEPTEMBER1, 1991
No. of Families
58,718
94,224
276,766
429,708
17 1vada

Page 18
Students, S Princess an
Contradictions in the I«
in the 4th of February I watched
TV with my family. Watching
the spectacle of docile bodies dancing in a theater of power, I realized, as usual, that my reaction was different from that of others in the room. AS Such I was reminded that the collective representations of the imagined community' of a nation need not be consensual: Even though I watched what was dished out, I didn't cheer on cue. Rather I formulated a critical response in my mind. This response turnsona simple premise, culled from Marx: modern nations are inherently contradictory. It is the play of these contradictions that the State attempts to manage; it is in these breaks, oppositions and cracks that radical Social struggles emerge and operate.
As viewers of live TV broadcasts, we are positioned in an imagined community'. The construct, pioneered in recent years by Benedict Anderson is now widely used in the literature on nationalism. Anderson argues, that any community which is not small enough to be "a face to face' one, must be "imagined' into existence. So much is obvious. But what may not be is simultaneity of the "imaginings' of the inhabitants of a modern nation. Anderson captures this 'simultaneous imaginings' by highlighting the emergence of readers of mass
Pradeep
circulation newspa tions, who observ his own paper bei subway, barber neighbours, is cont the imagined worl every day life...cre, confidence of com which is the hallr tions'. Live TV better. Reading and of simultaneous co always yesterday's paper, and in Sri La what we read. In th both the viewing
eventare Simultane positioned as "real more work to argu
fictions taken for t our positioning as down to watch TV (
The spectacle we
stood as an ideolo Althusser argues, is ideas; it is also w practices'. The app the Schools and a ideological practice they train people b Althusser’s catego1 tices interpellate
What are the id foregrounded in th pendenceday? The disciplined body a French historian,
gues, that Our age body as an object a
Marc
 

Soldiers, the ld the Tiger:
'onography of the Nation.
Jeganathan
pers in modern naing exact replicas of ng consumed by his hop or residential nually reassured that i is visibly rooted in fing that remarkable munity in anonymity mark of modern nacoverage goes One :wspaper is a practice onsumption, but it is news that makes the Inka we never believe e context of live TV, community and the Ous; furthermore it is and 'true”: it takes that live images are he real. This then is
viewers, as we sit bn Independence day.
See, must be undergical product, which, not only a system of hat we do: a Set of erati of State, Such as my become sites of S, in Other words, how comes important. In ies, ideological pracubjects'.
ological practices is spectacle on Indepractices of the docile, e central.The radical Michel Foucault arhas "discovered the nd target of power'.
8 h/April
The disciplining of the body, hitherto restricted to the monasteries and armies, is extended to schools, prisons and asylums. Discipline in its attention to the
“micro-practices of the body - for exam
ple, how a student dresses, walks, stands -produces 'subjected and practiced bodies,” “docile” bodies.
The opening sequence of the live TV broadcast of the Independence day show depends upon, and is produced by such disciplined docile bodies. Students stand to attention; collectively theirbodies make up a map of the nation, and icons of its religions. So what?, you may ask: isn't discipline a good thing? But note the center of the map where the navy band fits in so easily. Note that the disciplined bodies of Students and soldiers are continuous here, the soldiers and students could replace each other, stand in for each other, and the iconography of the nation would not change. This, I suggest, is dangerous. A disciplined docile body is not a dissenting body, nor a creative body. The training of school children for mass 'drill displays' -to use the common revealing term-has blurred the subject position of student and soldier. Simply put, these students will become soldiers and fight and die in the war, in a chronology of activity which many may not think to question. Or put another way, the interpelation of soldier has been pre-figured in the schools, the subject position of the student has been militarized. As such, the ideological iconography that makes claims of ethnic harmony, is a grim reminder of
al

Page 19
Students, Soldiers, the Princess...
war: a contradiction in the iconography of the nation has emerged upon the screen.
In the next sequence, another contradiction in our iconography emerges, along the axis of gender. The image here is of an anchor being released and raised, the voice over tells us that the 'anchor is produced by naval bodies, the sea which parts, waits and waves' is made up of dancers from a troupe known as the peace ballet. There is here a vague, superficial reference to peace, yet the ideological thrust links masculinity to military authority. It is the anchor-the icon of the navy -that is the agent here, it moves, disturbs and marks. The sea is passive, waiting to be acted upon, parting as the anchor drops, waving as it raises. What is more, the sea is also a sign of nature. As Sherry Ortner has argued in a classic paper dominant patriarchal ideologies, often posit nature as feminized, while masculinizing culture. In terms of dominant ideological norms, I argue then, a passive image, linked with nature is also a feminized image, which here sharply reemphasizes the active masculine icon of military authority. It is important to note that my critique here turns on the gendering of the icons themselves, not on the biological sex of the bodies that make them up. That is, in the images of anchor and the sea, the presence of women soldiers, and male dancers do not affect my argument: gender, as an ideological construct is not reducible to biology. It is, in this context, that we observe the defiance of death by military motorcyclists, a sign of violent masculinity, produced by the practices of female soldiers. Once again, I suggest, a contradic
tion in the iconogr emerged; the coll of the nation has b
Finally, I want to presented as the S celebrations, the el ing of Vijaya. Thr this performance w the nation's ancien This was not, hov "history' appeared lier, a message of p couples taken to re. groupings of the n sage explicitly sta together by a com waited in anticipati of this common his ing Of Vijaya is
historicity; it is a
the past produ Socio-historical cc nature of myth, ha by scholars. So
common "history,' a, lesson in ancient Ianticipated was a 1 that would speak nation. In particula Vijaya's second princess, perhaps t foregrounded, and t the sign of the sul appear in the histo it was not to be: w exact opposite, foi appeared, only tob In this version of cursed by Kuveni;
manifested in the
the Tiger, a well ki ideological practi
sacred thread (pii

phy of the nation has ctive representation gun to crack.
move to what was
ecial feature of the actment of the comughout the evening as billed as a sign of history and heritage. 'ever, the first time in the spectacle. Ear:ace was read by four resent the four ethnic ation. Here the mested: 'we are bound mon history....'So I On for a re-enactment tery. Now, the comnot a tale with any particular version of ced in different bntexts: the shifting S been demonstrated as I waited for this I wasn't looking for history. Rather, what recreation of the myth to the unity of the r I recalled that since wife was a Pandian mis marriage would be he Tamils, albeitunder missive wife, would ry of the nation. Yet, hat followed was the the princess had dise replaced by a Tiger. the myth, Vijaya is he curse is physically orm of a Tiger'. And own signin dominant es, is kept at bay by a ith nulle). And so fi
nally a massive contradiction in the iconography of the nation emerged: two
histories were invoked, one speaking of
commonalities, unity and peace, the other
of curses and disruption.
Notes
1 I am influenced here by Marx’s “On the Jewish Question” in Tucker, Robert ed., The Marx-Engels Reader. New York: Norton, 1843) 1978 and Critique of Hegel's Philosophy of Right Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1844) 1970.
2. Imagined Communities, London: Voerso, 1983.
3. Anderson, 1983: 39-40
4. "Ideology and the Ideological State Apparatus” in Lenin and Philosophy and Other Essays, London: New Left Books, 1971
5. Discipline and Punish, New York: Vintage Books, 1979: 136, snf 135-169, passim.
6. “Is Female to Male as Nature is to Culture' In Women, Culture and Society, Michelle Rosaldo and Louis Lamphere (eds.), Palo Alto: Stanford University Press, 1974:67-87
7. Foran insightful, ethnographically grounded argument which demonstrates the links between masculunity and military practices see Malathide Alwis "The Manliness of War and the Abstraction of Death,' in Pravada 1992: 1(2)
8. R.A.L.H. Gunawardena, “People of the Lion: Sinhala Consciousness in History and Historiography" in Ethnicity and Social Change, Colombo: SSA, 1984
9. Even though it was depicted as a spotted animal and refered to as a leopard, its symbolic significance as a Tiger could not be be missed.
19 avada

Page 20
azurgd Framadar returned from \ his pilgrimage of penance to
Mammon with the Sacred Bowl of Sustenance filled with Manna.
"Yea, he cried, "my bowl runneth over.'
And Vayu chortled with glee. “Look you,' he said unto the mortals, "VaZurgd Framadar begged for only eight hundred shekels” worth of Manna but lo! Mammon has granted him eight hundred and five and a score shekels worth.' And he declared that this was a sacred signal of approval of Akhenaton by the Archangels Imf and Worldb.
And it looked as if Akhenaton was as secure in his position as before the conspiracy of the curse of the Persian Apple.
And the Mortalization of the Heavenly Spirits proceeded forthwith. And this Mortalization took place within the portals of the Hall of the Sacred Portions, within which mortals take part in the daily ritual of sharing of the pie. And it came to pass in those days that the denizens of Indraprasta did take part in a ritual tussle; and a Son of a star did emerge victorious in this holy game. And he gave unto the celestial treasury a holy offering of more than One thousand thousand thousand SilVer DaricS. And with the ritual Sacrifice was the Mortalization of the Heawenly Spirits completed.
Meanwhile, Mardouk had sent the Host of Turya to harry the Immortal Host of Arya, and Shorab fell upon the outposts of the Immortal Host and slew them. And so, the Immortal Host was restive.
Thus, it came to pass that Rustam drew up the bravest of the Immortal Host and equipped them with the chariots given to Akhenaton by the Jade Emperor. And he led them out against Shorab, who was encamped in the wilderness. And he declared that his battle would be the third conquest of the wilderness.
And Rustam swept down like a lion in the wilderness, his cohorts gleaming in their olive green cloaks. His chariots shone like the stars in the night, the tread of his elephants shook the ground.
And for three days, did Rustam and his
mighty host advanc
CSS.
And Vayu announ “Verily, he cried, has conquered the Third Time.'
ButRustam Was vex( he find Shorab. A three days, he led hi WilderneSS.
"We cannot defeat arms alone, he sai solution to the prob means of polity.'
Even if RuStamhad 1 he had nevertheles his foes within the had been whisperin that the chariots O
were unusable, unlik had been brought f
Vazurgd Framadar was not SO fortunat of the Archangel II the two Celestia tre longer float. For it six thousand thous DariCS had been ren ure ships, thereby ( elements. And so. wished to mortalizé afloat.
This caused a how forth from the mari Treasureships. “LO, Framadar is visiting of Our forefathers, b Pantheon itself.
And Lo! Vazurgd "I said not,' said h
Marc
 

2 through the wilder
ced a great victory. the Immortal Host wilderness for the
ed, for nowhere could nd So, at the end of Shost back from the
Mardouk by force of id, "there must be a blem of Mardouk by
ailed to quell Shorab, is, certainly quelled Imperial Host, who gamong themselves f the Jade Emperor
DuS (Delicti
ce the elephants which rOm Moravia.
, on the Other hand, e; for, On the advice mf, he declared that asure ships would no nad come topass that and thousand silver moved frOm the treaSxposing them to the , Vazurgd Framadar 2 them, to keep them
of outrage to break tners of the Celestial they cried, "Vazurgd guntous, not the sins ut the very sins of the
Framadar recanted.
le, "that the Celestial
20 h/April
Treasure ships would sink, but merely that they would not float.' However, this dexterous verbiage did not reflect the anger of the mariners, nor the fury of the Immortals.
And, Pruthuvi set her seal upon a spell, a curse to be recited to fix a hex upon Vazurgd Framadar.
"Yea, cried the heralds of Pruthuvi, 'Vazurgd Framadar is indeed a heavenly donkey, to pull the celestial treasure ships Through the mire.”
And, the Immortal of the King's Party declared that he would set out on a pilgrimage to Alexandria, toprotest against the mortalization of the Treasure ships of heaven, as well as the perversion of Dharma. And Kubera rallied to his call and declared he would march a hundred fourscore and sixteen Yojanas side by side with the Immortal of the King's Party, to protest against the doings of AkhenatonandofTammuz and to defend Arya against Turya.
And the Holy Family declared itself with the Immortal of the King's Party in his pilgrimage. And, Thor came forth from Valhalla to plight his troth: “Verily, he cried, "these are the Ides of March.'
However, the others of the Aesir did not agree. Loki and Tyr withdrew to Valhalla and looked on with displeasure. for they were deep in their incantations to lay a curse upon the Unafraid Quality Ruler Immortal, the chief of the Holy Family Once Removed. And their incantations caused pandemonium in the Western Paradise, and much wailing and gnashing of teeth.
And, it came to pass that the Magus of the Celestial Counting House, the Lucre Magus, thought to build a tower like unto nothing seen in Aryanam Kshathra. And this tower was to be like unto twice the height of the bamboo tower on the main treasure ship.
Akhenaton was so vexed by this. Indeed, he was so vexed with the Lucre Magus and wished to lower him a peg or
m)

Page 21
PRILGRIMS & PIRATES...
two. Accordingly, he commanded Vayu to announce that the Lucre Magus was in disfavour with the all-highest. And, his bidding was done.
For Akhenaton had no more loyal and faithful servant than Vayu. Indeed, Vayu took the monotheisticheresy to extremes. "There is no god, but Akhenaton,' he declared, and Vayu is his Prophet."
Now, Akhenaton was unhappy at the state of things, for, the augurs had told him to beware of the Ides of March. Accordingly, he shaved off all the hair betwixt his chin and forehead and dedicated the shavings to Alexandria. For,
Alexandria was the grimage of the ImI Party.
For it came to pass the ides that the Im Party arrived at the of Indraprasta, to f hold the gates we disheartened, the in Party, accompanied Kubera and Thor, t tude of mortals and Alexandria.
And, Vayu declare to aid Mardouk. celestial artist to dr
ARE YOU CHRISTIAN
Pr
 

terminus of the pilortal of the King's
in the day following mortal of the King's Victorious Gardens nd that Lo! and bere closed. But, not mortal of the King's by Soorya,Chandra, gether with a multimmortals, Set Out for
that this was a plot And, he caused the aw likenesses of the
Immortal of the King's Party juxtaposed with public houses.
And, Akhenaton declared that he, too, would set out on a pilgrimage to Alexandria.
However, at this time, the Immortals and the denizens of Indraprasta were thinking more in terms of their annual pilgrimage to the climes of mount Kailasa. "The climes are worth the climb, they said, "even if the gardens of Kailasa are devoted to the flowers of the Victorious Banner.' •
A HINDUSIKH OR A MVSLM2

Page 22
We have the following report from Sunila Abeyesekera, hur rights groups at the 48th session of the United Nations H
THE UN HUMAN RIGHTS
he Commission on Human
Rights is the principal human rights body of the United Nations. From 1992, it has consisted of 53 members, elected for 3 year periods by the Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC) of the UN. The HRC meets once a year for a six week session in February/March. The Sessions held in
1992 was the 48th since its inception.
The chief subsidiarybody of the UNHRC is the Sub-Commission On the Prevention of Discrimination and Protection Of Minorities, which meets every year in August; the Sub-Commission consists of 26 'experts' who are elected by the Commission to serve in an individual capacity. The Sub-Commission undertakes studies, drafts proposals for new instruments and submits recommendations to the Commission for further action in the field of human rights.
The UN Human Rights Commission has also set up a range of other mechanisms, by which it can undertake investigations into allegations of human rights abuses, such as the Working Groups and Special Rapporteurs. Over 139Non-governmental organisations are accredited to the UN HR Commission and submit oral and written statements on different aspects
of the Commission's work during the Sessions.
One of the most sensitive items, on the agenda of the UNHRCommission, each year is, Item 12, which deals with the question of the violation of human rights and fundamental freedoms in any part of the world; under this agenda item there is also aspecial procedure -1503 - which allows for the confidential discussion of
FEBRUA
Sunila Al
situations, in which of gross violations C among the membe this procedure, the and has - appoil Rapporteurs to in individual countrie a special concern.
Once it has been
lished that consiste man rights abuses a: country, the HRC sider passing a Re ticular country; the tabled by a country the Commission and up for public debat members of the CC
countries that are
ECOSOC but are no Commission may bate. If there is a Opinion, a vote may of the Resolution.
In recent years, tl Chairman's statem to, as a means of eX sus opinion of the Co to the situation in without goingasfara against the country c. that thereis no publi regarding the issu negotiations betwe is being subject to c of the Commission, being read out by Session.
Over the years, the criticism Of the rol HR Commission il
Marc

nan rights activist, who represented some Sri Lankan human lman Rights Commission in Geneva.
COMMISSION: GENEVA,
RY 1992
beyesekera
a consistent pattern if human rights exists r countries. Under Commission can - inted a number of vestigate abuses in S Over which there is
substantively estabnt violations Of huretaking place in any ommission can consolution On this parResolution has to be that is a member Of the matter thencomes e; countries that are mmission and other
member States Of bt members of the HR articipate in the demajor difference of t decide the Outcome
he mechanism of a 2nt has been resorted pressing the consenmmission with regard a particular country spassinga Resolution Oncerned. This means cdebate or discussion e; behind-the-Scene in the country which ensure and members result in a Statement he Chairman of the
re has been growing e played by the UN determining which
2 h/April
countries should be censured for committing violations of human rights, and which should not. Some observers have pointed out that geo-political considerations, at times, seem to overweigh human rights needs, and say that countries singled out for censure are most often those with few allies in the world
a Ca.
In 1992, the oral intervention of the International Commission of Jurists, under Agenda Item 12, focused strongly on this problem: “Each year, political considerations seem to play as great a role in the Commission's decision-making as the human suffering, which action by the international community might help to alleviate. Last year, the ICJ drew attention to the Commission's repeated failure to denounce widespread abuses in Iraq, until Iraq's invasion of Kuwait made it expedient to do so. The trend towards political expedience continues, however. Last year, a compromise was reached on Iran which would terminate the mandate of the Special Representative, "if there is further progress achieved' regarding the human rights situation. But, has Iran's human rights performance progressed or merely its political standing? Does placing Cuba, but not Guatemalaunder the Agenda Item reflect on the dignity with which citizens of these countries live, or On their government's relative positions in the "new world order'? Why are African countries, other than South Africa exempt from public criticism? What is the difference between Indonesia's brutal occupation of East Timor and Iraq's destruction of Kuwait - other than Kuwaiti oil?
H

Page 23
THE UN HUMAN RIGHTS...
The expanded HR Commission, which sat for the first time in February this year, consists of 53 members; the SO-called developed nations are represented by 11 countries - Australia, Austria, Canada, France, Germany, Italy, Japan, Netherlands, Portugal, the U.K. and the U.S.A. - while Asian, African and Latin American countries make up the rest. Thus, the balance of power within the Commission is now heavily weighted in favour of the so-called developing world.
This leads to a very ironic situation in terms of political manoeuvring and lobbying work within the UNHRCommission. Since most states in the developing world are authoritarian Ones, which are involved in the suppression of the democratic rights and fundamental freedoms of their citizens, they forma unified bloc in resisting attempts by other 'Western countries to criticise their regimes or
impose sanctions on them; they freely
use the terms “neo-colonialismo or "imperialist domination' to denounce their critics. Those from the developing countries who oppose their states' practices and who fight for human rights within those countries are, On the Other hand, forced to forge alliances with their erstwhile colonial masters' in order to get the situation in their countries discussed.
Another debate, which is taking place within the UN HIR Commission, particularly within the human rights NGO community, is that of how to censure militant Or armed movements that are seen to violate fundamental freedoms. While, for many years, the practice had been to lay the blame for human rights
violations firmly at s concerned, in the has increasingly not cism also of the acti armed and militant ple, in the Sri Lank two years both natio NGOs have denou abuses committed b JVP, at the same til the state as being p for the situation.
The Latin Americar that one should ta equal weight to the by the state vis-a-vi ted by armed groups the state is primarily rights abuses and f petuating a situatic which permits such tions by whom-so
The Philippine gro since only states a International Cove man Rights, only s sponsible for violat these Covenants; t armed groups can b violations of huma
There is general col about the political
censure, in that they edge the existence groups, including the parts of a state’s te
At the beginning O the UN HIR Com 1992, there was as there would be a Re: The fact that, the Ul
Pri

the door of the State/ past two years, One ed that there is critiOnS and activities Of groups. For examcan case, in the past nal and international nced human rights y the LTTE and the me as they condemn rimarily responsible
NGOs strongly feel ke care not to give violations committed S violations commit; the argument is that esponsible forhuman or creating and peron within a country human rights violaever committed.
ups also argued that re signatories to the nants regarding Hutates can be held reions of the articles of hey state that other e held responsible for initarian law.
ncern, also expressed implications of such implicitly acknowl
and power of such 2ircontrol Over Certain orritories.
f the 48th session of mission in February trong pOSSibility that Solution On Sri Lanka. NWorking Group, on
23 MWINNINNN vada
Disappearances presented its report on its visit to Sri Lanka on October 1991 and that, in the report there was an acknowledgement that the situation in Sri Lanka was the 'worst ever' in the records of the Working Group was a key factor. There were also reports from Amnesty International, Asia Watch and the ICJ that pointed to the grave deterioration of the human rights situation in the island. However, on the other side, were factors such as the openness of the Sri Lankan government to visits by the Working Group as well as by non-governmental teams from Amnesty International, Asia Watch and a Canadian FactFinding Mission which had visited Sri Lanka in January 1992. There were also various positive reports from the Sri Lankan government regarding a number of mechanisms such as the Human Rights Task Force and the Commission of Inquiry into the Involuntary Removal of Persons which had been set up in the past year. The Sri Lankan government delegation was therefore able to show, with SOme degree of success, that it had every intention of working towards improving the human rights situation in the country.
In this context, a consensus was reached, following which a Chairman's statement on the situation in Sri Lanka was read Out at the sessions of 27th February. It is, now, the responsibility of the Sri Lankan government to honour the commitments made to the international community at the 48th Session of the UNHRCommisSion, and of NGOs concerned about human rightsin Sri Lanka tomaintain acontinuous. vigil with regard to the situation in Sri Lanka.

Page 24
UNHRC 48th Session
February 1992
Chairman's St. Human Rights Situ
following statement on
have been requested to make the behalf of the
Commission.
The Commission acknowledges the measures taken by the government of Sri Lanka to address the human rights situation throughout the country, particularly the establishment of institutions and other mechanisms to monitor and inquire into reports of disappearances and other human rights violations, and that these measures have led to an improved human rights situation for the civilian population.
The Commission welcomes the full and valuable co-operation accorded by the government of Sri Lanka to the Working Group on Enforced or Involuntary Disappearances.
The Commission is, however, seriously concerned over the human rights situation in Sri Lanka indicated, inter alia, in the report of the Working Group (E/
CN.4/1992/18/Add large number of disa by the Working Gr that, whilst there decline, incidents continue to be repo
The Commission ca ment of Sri Lanka to efforts to ensure th human rights and f parties to respect f accepted rules of h
The Commission ul of Sri Lanka to co negotiated political parties, based on p for human rights freedoms, leading t the north and east (
The Commission ul Of Sri Lanka to im mendations of the W
Marc)
 
 

atement On the Lation in Sri Lanka
1), particularly the ppearances recorded oup, and concerned has been an Overall
of disappearances rted.
lls upon the govern) further intensify its e full protection of urther calls upon all ully the universally umanitarian law.
ges the government bntinue to pursue a Solution with all rinciples of respect and fundamental o a durable peace in pf the country.
geS the government plement the recomWorking Group, and
expresses its satisfaction at the willingness of the government of Sri Lanka to take the necessary steps to implement the recommendations of the Working Group.
The Commission welcomes the decision of the government of Sri Lanka to invite the Working Group on Enforced or Involuntary Disappearances to again visit Sri Lanka for the purpose, inter alia, of evaluating the progress of the implementation of its recommendations during the course of 1992.
The Commission looks forward to cOnsidering the Working Group's report of its follow-up visit to Sri Lanka at the 49th session of the Commission of Human Rights.
It is the wish of the Commission that this statement appears verbatim in the Report of the 48th session of the Commission of Human Rights.
/April

Page 25
THE BRIDE
Some Christian Contributions to
from Buddhist nationalists as a force destructive of Sinhalese Buddhist culture. This tendency has always been present in the Buddhist revivalist movement; the report of the Buddhist Committee of Inquiry entitled Betrayal of Buddhism published in 1956 had presented the era after the arrival of the Portuguese as aperiod ofdecline in Sinhala Buddhist culture." However, even a superficial look at the history of Sri Lanka during the colonial period would show that our society had been enriched in many respects during that period.
The Christian impact on Buddhist lay life initially resulted from the activities of the large number of Roman Catholic priests working in various villages and cities of Sri Lanka during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries when Portuguese influence was strong. Later, Dutch rule extended Christian influence Over a wider scale in the maritime provinces of Sri Lanka.
Deliberate attempts were made by Buddhists to imitate Christian practices in many ways. An important step in that direction was taken with the arrival of the Theosophists in 1880. Even before that, however, Buddhist monks like Revs. Mohottiwatte Gunananda, Koratota Sobita and Dodanduwe Piyaratna Tissa had successfully utilised Christian missionary institutions for Buddhist purposes.’
hristianity in Sri Lanka has re C cently come under heavy fire
by G.P.V.
The second stage W deliberate attempt English Theosophis Buddhists to adopt ( methods and practi With the arrival of th Colonel Olcott and at Galle in 1880, th tinued to be a Sourc help to Buddhists for of time. There are n tices adopted then, today as part of the society in Sri Lank
he presence o Anuradhapura by archaeological a We are, however, uI nature of their contr of Sri Lanka. The
Prof. Senerat Paran
of Sigiri connecting with Christianity, i. historians. The ai missionaries from
Kotte, at the invitatic VII (A.D.1521-155 the beginning of Cl the life of Sinhale from thOSe Who el Catholic faith duri Sinhalese Buddhist under this influenc the Dutch adminis time Provinces Of til of Christian cultu Sinhalese Buddhists expansion of missic
Pro
 
 
 

EARS WHITE
Buddhist Lay Life in Sri Lanka
Somaratna
7as a conscious and
by American and ts to help Sinhalese Dhristian missionary es for their benefit. e first Theosophists, Madame Blavatsky ey became and con:e of inspiration and aconsiderable period nany Christian pracwhich are accepted heritage of Buddhist a”.
f Christians in the
period is indicated nd literary evidence. hable to ascertain the ibution to the culture : assertion made by avitana in The Story the Sigiriya fortress not popular among rival of Franciscan Portugal in 1543 in nofBhuvanekabahu 1) marks more clearly hristian influence on se Buddhists. Apart nbraced the ROman ng this period, the population also came 2. Thereafter, under tration of the Marihe island the process ral contacts with ocietycontinued. The nary activities in the
5
vada
nineteenth and twentieth centuries under Protestant missionary organisations resuited in further cultural influences to Sinhalese Buddhist society.
In this article, we shall examine briefly two important areas in which this influence was marked - the rituals connected with the Sinhala Buddhist marriage and funeral ceremonies. These institutions are an integral part of the life of the people and have undergone vast changes as a result of Christian influence during the last four centuries. We shall attempt to identify here, some of the elements which have been adopted by Sinhala Buddhists through contact with parallel Christian institutions.
In Buddhism, priests are regarded as renouncers of lay life. Hence, they are not expected to play any role in important areasoflay life such as birth, marriage and death. There are no Buddhist rituals specified for these important areas of lay life, except for general guidelines found in the Buddhist canonical work known as Sigalovadasutta. These guidelines are not adequate to provide institutions like marriage with ceremonies which can be regarded as religiously prescribed. Such affairs of lay life do not appear to have been dealt with in canonical writings as matters of importance. When this vacuum, as compared with Christian practice, was realised, Buddhists made an attempt to appropriate institutions from Christianity.
Let us first consider the Buddhist institution of marriage as it stands today. The legally and socially accepted fಂಗ್ಲ

Page 26
THE BRIDE.
of marriage, among Sinhalese today, is monogamy and monoandry. However, a study of the literature pertaining to the period prior to Christian influence, shows that the institution of marriage functioned very differently in Sinhala society; there was a laxity in attitudes to this intimate personal relationship.
The Sinhalese chronicle Rajavaliya records King Vira Parakumbahu VIII (1476-1489), the King of Kotte, had two sistersashischiefwives (randoliya). That was an example of polygamy. Some time later, Vijayabahu VI (1513-1521) and his brother Sri Rajasingha had one wife, and from her they had four sons and one daughter. Three sons of this family got togethertokill their father, Vijayabahu VI, in 1521, in the episode known as Vijayaba kollaya. This is an example of polyandry. Nor were these practices confined to royalty alone.
The early Christian writers had noticed this feature of Sinhalese society. De Queyroz, the Portuguese Chronicler of the seventeenth century, writing on the marriage practices of the Sinhalese in the sixteenth century says":
"They Sinhalese also have taken from the Malavares the most barbarous custom that exists among those nations: for it is a common practice for four or five brothers or more, to marry one single woman, and on the contrary one single man can marry many sisters, and the youngest ever holds the first place in authority and power in the house and even in love. But in order to Separate, each one's wish is sufficient, who taking what was brought to the household, may go back to marry at pleasure; and if they had children, the males are entrusted to the father and the females to the mother; and if they males or females, them they divide, each one taking what falls to him by lot. And Benito de Silva related that when he was ouvidor(magistrate) of Ceylon, there appeared before him a woman married to Seven brothers to COm
plain of the ill ceived from so in good earnest Some of them. still subject to t tOms, the Ouy whether twO WO her, and she repl take four; and c. liked, the case v
The following quo Knox, the English c. kingdom during the us apicture of the situ which did not com fluence till 1815.
"Their marriage force or validity. gree and mislik they part withou Stands firmer fc than for the wor do leave One til pleasure...'
“Both men and
monly wed fouro they can settle th contention. And dren when they law is, the males the females for
many of the wor this controversie
"In this countrye greatest, hath bu wOman Often ha for, it is lawful a them, for two brot together with ol children do ackn both fathers.'
Bentara Atthiadassi T in reply to Gogerley'. criticised the introdu of monogamous ma of view of Sinhalas him, the law of the and Women to lifethe possibility of
incompatibilities w Rev. Atthadassi furi nogamous marriage dividual families, ci
M
4ھ Marc

reatment she rehany, and begged to be relieved of And as they were eir laws and CuSidor asked her ld be enough for ed that she would loosing those she as settled.'
Lations from Robert ptive in the Kandyan period 1660-79, give ationin thatkingdom, under Christian in
S are but of little
For if they disae One the other; t disgrace. Yet it ir the men rather men howbeit they he other at their
WOmen do COmrfive times, before emselves to their if they have chilpart, the common for the man, and the WOman. But men are free from being childless."
ach man, even the t One wife: but a s two husbands; nd common with hers to keep house he wife, and the owledge and call
hera, writing in 1848 Kristiani Pragnapti, tionoftheinstitution riage from the point )ciety. According to and had forced men ong unions without separation even if 're to surface later. her argued that moforcibly created intting them off from
(April
other family members who could be sources of support.
Rev. S. Langdon, in his visits to mission stations in the Kandyan districts, found polyandry being practised as late as 1890, even though such practices were discouraged by the government."
"In one village he found that every woman in it, except One, had a plurality of husbands, usually three or four, but in One instance five. Thereason ordinarily givenforitis that, where the brothers of a family have one wife, there is nonecessity for a division of the family inheritance. The custom was rendered illegal in 1858 because of the great crimes to which it frequently gave rise.'
The institution of sacramentalised lifelong monogamous marriage, was a Christian concept, first introduced to Sri Lanka by the Portuguese missionaries. Marriage in Christianity is an exclusive relationship. The total unity of persons - physically, emotionally, intellectually and spiritually -is comprehended by the concept "one flesh' and is encapsulated in the concept of Holy Matrimony. This eliminates polygamy and polyandry as options. The indissolubility of marriage has been the biblical principle guiding this lifelong union.
The registration of marriage, which this concept necessarily entails, was done in Sri Lankain the Tombo registrationbooks under the supervision of Roman Catholic clergy. Therefore, marriage has been referred to as kasada in Sinhalese, the word being a derivation from the Portuguese word casado meaning marriage. Marriage, thus, became a sacrament to those who embraced Christianity, unlike to the Buddhist to whom marriage, at which no religious dignitary is present, was not a sacrament. The marriage ceremonies described by Robert Knox (1681), Alexander Johnston (1813), John Davy (1821) and several other European writers, show that the elaborateness of the marriage ceremony varied according to the social class of the families of the couple.* m

Page 27
THE BRIDE ...
In thenineteenth century, Buddhistleaders madeaconscious attempt to imitate several Christian institutions. The Christian sacrament of Holy Matrimony was one of them. The ritual, associated with Christian marriage, was one of the attractions which drew Buddhists to Christian churches in the first half of the nineteenth century. This was something that Buddhist leaders viewed with great alarm. The Buddhist newspaper Lakmini Pahana proposed the Poruwa ceremony, as an alternative to the Sacrament of Christian marriage for Buddhists. In 1869, the members of the Lokarthasadhaka Samagama who met at the Sailabimbaramaya, Dodanduwa resolved to advice Buddhist laymen to introduce the practice of a Poruwa ceremony as a Buddhist innovation, in order to prevent Buddhists from being attracted to Christian churches for the solemnization of the weddings."
The Buddhist Catechism published by Colonel S. Olcott in 1881, includes some Christian and European concepts in the Buddhist system of values.' QuestionNo. 205 of this catechism is:
"What does Buddhism teach about marriage?”
The answer is:
"Absolute chastity, being a condition of full spiritual development, is most highly recommended; but a marriage to one wife and fidelity to her, is recognized as a kind of chastity. Polygamy was censured by the Buddha as involving ignorance and promoting lust.”
These are not, in fact, the teachings of the Buddha, but are based on Olcott's own expectations regarding the correct nature of the institution of marriage. Obeyesekere and Gombrich have indicated that there is no Buddhist text referring to the preferability of monogamous marriage; the Buddha did not teach the validity of monogamous marriage over other forms of marriage, known in North India at that time.'
arly records o
do not refer to the widespread pr: ceremony. D'Oyly: a very simple port, formed by the up somewhat differen ceremonies. It had cance. There was n perform the cerem religious text chan people did not pract
The elaborate ritu modern poruWa ce. phenomenon. The Buddhists to counte mental nature Of the The early practice c for the couple to as has now become ela reminiscent of the ( alty.
The rituals connect ceremony are based calculated to the mi has been made poss troduction of clocks tury. The kapurala ficiating priest who a royal purohita. Th by a kapurala a Jayamangala gatha introduced in the 18 tionS were motivat emulate various as the Christian wedd
attractive to many B 13
Today, the bride is father to an assen relatives in front of When the father le hall, the assembly pattern of a church Si shows how far the attracted by the Ch Holy Matrimony a
Among other Chri nected with the v adopted by Sinhale
Pra
 

f Sinhala marriages an elaborate ritual or Lctice of a poruwa und JohnstOnrefertO
wa ceremony, perper caste nobility, t from the present no religious signifi) religious officer to ony; neither was a ted. The common ce such a ceremony.
als COnnected With remonies are a new y were acquired by balance the SacraChristian wedding. fusing only a plank cend to the poruwa, borated into a ritual, consecration of roy
ed with the poruwa on auspicious times nute; this, of course sible only by the ins in the present cenhas become the Ofdresses and acts like le chanting ofastaka nd the singing of a by maidens were 80's. These innovaed by the desire to bects of the ritual of ling, which proved
uddhists of the time.
accompanied by her bly of friends and a decorated poruwa. ads the bride to the rises, imitating the rvice. This practice Buddhist mind was sistian Sacrament of ld its rituals.
tian practices conredding ceremony, Se BuddhistS is the
'ada
wearing of a veil and face veil by the bride. The habit of wearing white is another important feature. The traditional Sinhalese Buddhist belief is that white is connected with sorrow. The practice of brides in Hindu weddings is to wear elaborate colours and not white. Thus, the presentcustomof wearing white is also Christian.'
During the recent past, Buddhist monks have taken an active part in Some Buddhist weddings by chanting pirit to bless the newly married couple and by tying pirith thread on their hands. This indicates that the Buddhist priesthood, hav
ing realised the drawbacks in their tradi
tional roles, are now assuming new roles, comparable with those of Christian clergy."
The practice known as betrothal, was a legally binding contract between the parents of the bride and the groom from the times of the Old Testament. Today, we have a similar practice known as the "engagement' where the two parties come toanagreementaboutthe marriage. There remained a distinction between betrothal and marriage because the two partners did not enter into a sexual relationship.
he monogamous marriage and the T sexual morality associated with it as accepted by the Sri Lankan Buddhist today, are in contrast with the practices that prevailed in the pre-Christian era in Sri Lanka. A closer study of these ideas shows that they have been derived from the Christian morals of Victorian England, introduced during this period by Protestant missionaries. The school system run by the latter, propagated these views among the local population through moral instruction. The Buddhist Catechism of Henry Olcott shows Christian morals being attributed to Buddhists in the following statement.
Q. What of husband to wife?
A. To cherish her; treat her with re
spect and kindness; be faithful to m)

Page 28
THE BRIDE ...
her; cause her to be honoured by others; provide her with suitable ornaments and clothes.
Q. What of the wife to her husband?
A. To show affection to him; order her household all right, be hospitable to guests; be chaste; be thrifty; show skill and diligence in all things.'
The morals connected with married life presented by Anagarika Dharmapala as appropriate to Sinhalese Buddhists, are what he learnt in Christian Schools in his childhood. All mission schools gave moral instruction including sexual morals. They Outlawed plural marriages. Divorce, which was easy in pre-Christian Sinhalese society, was rendered difficult by the English law, the monogamous marriage being legally registered and regarded as a lifelong affair. It is, however, interesting to note that the view current among many Sri Lankans today, is that western Society is lax in morals; it is not realised that their ideals of sexual morals have been based on western norms of the nineteenth century.
Lay morals are not clearly depicted in the Buddhistcanon. The Singalovada.sutta gives some moral guidelines for laymen, but they are merely a broad outline for living. With a view to filling this gap, Anagarika Dharmapala published in 1898, a book entitled "Daily Code for the Laity' giving guidelines for living for the Sinhala Buddhist. A close examination of this document shows that it is heavily influenced by Protestant norms. The qualities that Dharmapala advocated - truthfullness, faithfulness in marriage, honesty and hard work in business life - are those of Victorian Protestant ethics. The vocabulary and tone in the writings and teachings of Anagarika Dharmapala have a resemblance to those of the Protestants. Unrighteousness, abomination, perverse generation, holiness, defeating evil, are notable among the terms he uses. His homeless anagarika life is regarded by some scholars as an imitation of the Calvinistconceptofahomeless life while living in the world.
nox gives the Ki bu] Kandyan kingdom century.'
"As for persons ( they are interred ient places in the ing no set places thither by two friends, and burie ado. They layth with their heads their feet to the Then, those peo for they are unc the dead.
The persons of burnt, and that wit they are dead, t and put a cloth parts, and then taking halfa doz ter and pouring u cover him with a carry him forth
The reports left by missionaries show
tice among the Si Country area was the amu sohona and birds to consume.
are rare in the pri Buddhist clergy an on funeral pyres. I a dead body was thing (kili) desecrat consideredas place up their abode. K made visits to the a devils or to obtain
dead bodies) for c. with devil worship
The practice of bur today among Bud a result of Christ Christian concepto in fear, as are tra beliefs on the sub treated with respec cept of resurrectio permit a fear that (
Mara
 

following aCCOunt ial practices in the in the seventeenth
f inferior quality, in SOIme COnvenwoods, there befor burial, carried or three of their without anymore mon their backs, to the west and east, as We do. ple go and wash; lean by handling
greater quality are hceremony. When hey lay them Out, over their privy wash the body by en pitchers of wapon it. Then, they linen cloth, and SO to burning.”
the early Protestant that the normal pracinhalese in the Low lo take the corpse to lay it there for carrion References to burial e Christian era. The d nobility were burnt )eath was feared and considered as SOmeing. Cemeteries were S where demons took attadiyas (exorcists) mu Sohona to COntact mini tel (oil from the remonies connected
Lal, which is common |hists in Sri Lanka, is ian influence. The death is not shrouded ditional Sri Lankan ect. The dead were t; the Christian conh of the dead did not ead bodies would be
28 h/April
possessed by demons. The common Sinhala word for burial ground is karakoppuwa which is a derivation from the Dutch word Kerkehoef. The burial of departed relatives in a church yard was introduced for the first time to Sri Lanka, by Portuguese missionaries.o
The other Christian practice connected with burial was the traditional method of disposing of the dead. The early Christians adopted the custom of putting the feet toward the east, so that at the resurrection the reborn might hurry toward the sunrise. The Buddhist practice was to put the head of the corpse to the north with the face upward as the Buddha was laid at his death. The Christian practice was adopted by the Sinhalese Buddhists, who imitated the Roman Catholic rituals of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.
Tombstones are also common today, among Sinhalese Buddhists. The addition of a symbol of grace to the tomb, is also anineteenth century Christian practice borrowed by the Buddhists. The ashes of kings and Buddhist priests were deposited in small caskets and placed in buildings like stupas in the past. But the tombstone is a new phenomenon.
From the evidence available in writings, referring to the pre-Christian era, we find no reference to a Buddhist religious funeral service conducted at the site of the grave or in the amu Sohona. Today, the presence of a Buddhist priest and a "transfer of merit' to the deceased has become obligatory at the burial of a Buddhist. This too, is a result of the influence of the Christian funeral Service, where a priest is present.
The funeral procession with drummers and horane players is a common sight today, at Buddhist funerals. It is a practice unknown to pre-Christian Sinhalese society and derives from the fact that from very early on, in their workin Sri Lanka, Roman Catholics conducted funeral processions from the residence to the churchyard.
Buddhists in the coastal areas chant the Vessantara Jataka Kavya at funeral m)

Page 29
THE BRIDE ...
houses. This became popular in this area in the latter part of the nineteenth century. Roman Catholics used the Pasan Pota or Dukprapti Sangrahaya (a work by Jocome Goncalves) at funeral houses in order to keep awake in the nights. The Buddhist began chanting the Malapota or Wessantara Jataka Kavyaya. This shows that low country Buddhists imitated Roman Catholic usage. The use of coffins, throwing of sand on the coffin after it is laid in the grave, are again practices learnt from Christians.
The Lakminipahana in June 1862, suggested that Sinhalese Buddhists should adopt the occasion of the first rice eating by an infant to take the place of the day of Baptism. That day was proposed by them as the most suitable day to name a baby.' This practice, however, did not catch on. Therefore, it is not mentioned in the early writings The above discussion shows that we have taken for granted much of the Christian contribution to Sinhalese social life. The very practices thrown at Christians as Buddhistheritage are the result of Christian influence. Christianity, meanwhile, has been represented as a foreign element in Sri Lankan Culture and the Christian minority is accused of being the representatives of an alien culture.
Notes
1 Bauddha Toraturu Pariksaya Sabhave Vartava, Ambalangoda; Dharma Vijaya Press, 1956, pp. 29 - 35. An abridged version entitled The Betrayal of Buddhism,
was also publish (Ambalangoda, 19
George D. Bond, 1 Sri Lanka, Univer Press, 1988, pp. 4
Gananath Obeyese Reforms of the 1: Cultural Significa
Fernao de Queyr( Spiritual Conques Perera, Colombo, 1' information is four account, Robeiro History of Ceylao Barros and do C and the Docume Parangi Hatanaan by P.E. Pieris, Col. is recorded:
"A girl makes a c of her caste for the it, and if the relat give a banquet a couple. The next husband takes his seven brothers sh them, distributing without the firsth right than any of
See also the accou Jacob Saar (164739, p. 248 and Phil Description of Ce tr. by Pieter Brohi 1960, p.384.
Robert Knox, An Ceylon, Dehiwel: 1966, pp. 175-17”
Bentara Atth Pragnaptiyata Pi available at Sri Dehiwela.
Ceylon Friend, V
Robert Knox, op.c Account of the In Inhabitants, Lond
 

ed in the same year. 56).
he Buddhist Revival of 'sity of South Carolina 8 - 60.
skere, Colonel Olcott's 9th Century and Their nce, Colombo 1992.
)z, The Temporal and t of Ceylon, tr. by S.G. 930, Vol. i. p.91. Similar idinanother Portuguese 's account of Ceylon. with a Summery of de outo, Antonio Bacarro intos Remettidos with dKutantinu Hatana, ed. lombo, 1090, p. 143. It
ontract to marry a man y cannot marry outside ives are agreeable they nd unite the betrothed day the brother of the place, and if there are e is the wife of all of g the nights by turns, usband having a greater the others.'
nts of two other visitors, 1657) in JRAS (CB) No. ippus Baldeus (1672) in ylon by Philip Baldeus er, Tisara Prakasakayo,
Historical Relation of a; Tisara Prakasakayo, 7.
adassi, Kristiyani lituru, ola manuscript Mahabodhi Wilhara,
ol. 10, 1890, p 115.
it.p.117; John Davy, An terior of Ceylon and its lon, 1821, p. 214;
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
Alexander Johnstone, Important Public Documents from Ceylon, no date
John D'Oyly, Diary of John D'Oyly, 1810 - 1815, ed.by H.W. Codrington. Colombo, 1917; Sketch of the Kandyan Kingdom, Dehiwela, Tisara Prakasakayo, 1982, pp. 82-83.
Lakmini Pahana, June, 1982.
Sri Lanka National Archives, Document No. 5/63/1f45/68.
H.S. Olcott, The Buddhist Catechism, Colombo; Ministry of Cultural Affairs, 1968, p.47.
Richard Gombrich and Gananath Obeyesekere. Buddhism Transformed, New Delhi: Motilal Banarsida, 1988, pp 255 - 273
Gombrich and Obeyesekere, 1988, p.267
Gombrich and Obeyesekere, op. cit. p.
263.
The emphasis on the new idea of the parish role of Buddhist priests is seen in the current concept of Temple, School and Police adopted by the government of Sri Lanka.
H.S. Olcott. Buddhist Catechism, pp. 47 - 48
Gihivinaya in Dharmapala Lipi, ed. by Ananda Guruge, Colombo: Government Press, 1963, pp. 31-64.
Robert Knox, op. cit, pp. 218-219.
Tikiri Abeyasinghe, Prutugusin ha Lankava (1597-1658), Colombo; Lakehouse, 1969, pp. 101-106; S.G. Perera. History of Ceylon for Schools
Michael Roberts, Noise as Cultural Struggle: Tom Tom Beating, the British, and Communal Disturbances in Sri Lanka, 1880-1930s in Communities, Riots and Survivors, pp. 241-283.
Sunil Ariyaratne, Karol Pasam Kantaru, Colombo; Samayavardhana, 1987, pp. 193.

Page 30
Women in the Pla
in the past decade, Sri Lanka's national policy planners became
increasingly responsive to the need of formulating measures to change the backward conditions of plantation labour. Concerted efforts were made in the 80's to improve the living and working conditions of the estate workers. Although these policy decisions and consequent improvements in the welfare of the workers were not always targeted specifically at women, some "trickle-down effect seems to have worked, improving the quality of life among plantation WOÍCI.
Changes
These improvements have, nonetheless,
been mainly welfare oriented. The most
significant change is the equalizing of wages of male and female labour in 1984, followed by increases in the basic daily wage and living allowances. Health services have also been improved with the active participation of and funding from international and bilateral donor agencies, the overall result of which has been the decline in mortality among the plantation workers. During this period, the urgent need to provide adequate housing for this largely resident work force was finally recognised and, efforts were made under the Medium Term Investment Programme to upgrade existing houses or build new Ones in Some Selected estates. Improvements in education in the estate sector was initiated by the government, following the take - Over of estate Schools in 1977 and 1980. Attempts were also made to upgrade
Prog
Valli Kan
existing schools, ini grated Rural Devel (IRDP) and later th implemented by the N with the Support C Such as SIDA and N ability of education has shown progress are seen to avail then Opportunities.
These policy change have indeed been in tation of the worke)
of citizenship and v(
Citizenship Acts of tary Elections Ame) marginalised the Tan from the parliament the trade unions as t agitating towards we For instance, the ec increase in wages W the massive Strike unions in 1984. Ho' these unions in the Seen in relation to th strength that the plan during this period.
The strategic positi tion workers have a Lankan politics is tl compelled the Sta attention to the dem Workers. After dec wilderness, they ac bargaining capacity three parallel devel
The first was the strength of the Tami following the imp Sirima-Shastri Pact Agreement of 1974 received citizenship ments, up to now, ar.
م
MarC.
 

ntations: Limits of
gress
apathipilai
tially under the Inteopment Programme rough a programme Winistry ofEducation of European donors NORAD. The availfor the estate sector , while more Women selvesofeducational
es and improvements lade possible by agirS themselves. LOSS oting rights under the 1948 and Parliamenndment Act of 1949, mil plantation workers lary process, leaving he main platform for alfare and civil rights. ualizing of pay and as made possible by
undertaken by the wever, the SucceSS Of )ast decade, has to be he enhanced political tation workers gained
on which the plantacquired in recent Sri he main factor which te into paying more ands and needs of the ades in the political cquired a significant in the 80's, due to opments.
increased electoral lplantation workers, lementatiOn Of the of 1964 and later the 4. Those who have ) under these Agreeeconcentrated within
30 h/April
ment in the plantation sector.
a specific electoral region in the Central highlands, which has made them an important electoral constituency, particularly under the Proportional Representation System.
Secondly, the civil war situation in the North and East of the Island has COmpelled the government to be more considerate of the needs of the WorkerS Of Indian Tamil origin. Preventing Tamil nationalist forces in the North and East from spreading their influence among people in this sector was, indeed, a tactical necessity of the State.
Thirdly, the political role and leadership of Mr. Thondaman, the head of the Ceylon Workers' Congress (CWC), has been as significant as the first two factors. He has been the leading representative of Indian Tamils in mostpost-independence parliaments. Mr. Thondaman initially witnessed disenfranchisement of his constituents and later their actual expulsion from the country, or repatriation to India, under the two agreements of 1964 and 1974. By his presence in parliament, Thondaman has been able to tOne down the most extreme aspects of these Acts of Parliament. From 1977, when Thondaman was appointed a Cabinet Minister, he was able to mobilize the forces of the CWC to win political and welfare concessions for the workers as well as to become an influential figure in national politics.
The entry of the state has also been significant in terms of Social developState take-overbrought the Indian Tamilworker within the framework of the wider political process, giving them the political capacity to agitate for better working conditions. The state also opened th

Page 31
Women in the Plantations...
doors for Welfare work within plantations by establishing social development divisions in the two plantation corporations, the JEDB and the SLSPC. In certain instances, the plantation welfare services were integrated with that of the State.
Under the World Bank/IMF policy strategy for Sri Lanka in the post 1977 period, the importance of improving productivity in the plantation sector was stressed, given that it was still a major contributor to foreign exchange earnings in the country. In the new policy climate, the improvement of plantation productivity was viewed in conjunction with the need to accelerate Social development of the plantation workers.
Women Workers
Meanwhile, European donors too extended the policy debate on plantations, when a strategy for plantation re-structuring was being formulated and later implemented. Thus, the donors, too, came to play a role in welfare development among workers. The donors were involved in setting up projects towards improving the living and working conditions in the estates.
The donor agencies, in keeping with the global trend towards recognition of women's oppression and their right to liberation, built into their programmes, the necessity of creating supportschemes that would specifically benefit women. The women's movement in Sri Lanka, by incorporating and actively highlighting the oppression of estate women, has also contributed towards initiating awareness among trade unions, policy makers and among the workers themselves.
Despite these changes, women plantation workers continue to hold secondary status as wage workers, their position compounded by the double burden of domestic work, low literacy, poor health and the constraints of an ideology that keeps them subordinate to men. These changes, actually, fall far short of an overall progress. It is hardly possible to rectify in a decade what is almost a century of neglect.
Wages are still per come, which explair unquestioning pract women's wages totl the unions have fail tunate practice whic the 19th century. St practice takes away v their own incomes, a bearing on poor among women and
In spite of integrati with the national ed the concerted efforts with the assistance education levels of p general, and women' still fall far short of In the opinion of off upgrading Schemes, 20 years to bring the estates to a standard the national level.
those who have rece O'Levels or higher, is a real problem.
women who had pass 40.3% in the 15-19 employed. Another the 25-29 age group ployed (Labour For Survey, 1985/86).
Statistics Show Subst in health among wo tion Sector. Yet, as "health conditions some way to go to
rable with the rest Of by the Technical Ass Health conditions a sector, has to impri present. Maternal m among women in th the donors and the S have paid adequate working conditions cupation related dise them. A study on he workers by the Cong addressed this parti ing to this study, in ratory tractor airpa
among the women i Sure to adverse clim pled with low nutri
Pr

eived as family inS the management's ice of handing over leir husbandS. Even 'd to stop this unforhas continued from udies show that this 7omen's control over which indirectly has nutrition and health children.
g the estate schools ucation system, and at upgrading schools of various donors, lantation workers in workers in particular, accepted standards.
cials involved in the
it could take another education system in equivalent to that of
And, even among ived education up to gaining employment In 1985/86, of the ed O'levels/N.C.G.E, age group were un41.5% of women in were also still unemce & Socio-Economic
antial improvements orkers in the plantaa recent study notes, On estates Still have reach levels compathe country:" (Report istance Team, 1992). mong women in this Dve far more than at ortality is still higher e estate Sector. Both tate do not appear to attention to the poor
of women ,and Ocases prevalent among alth Status of women 'ess labor Foundation, cular issue. Accordfections of the respiSSages were Common in the sample. Expoatic COnditions, COutional standards, ac
1. vada
counts for their poorhealth. Eventhough maternity benefits are available, they rarely meet the acutely felt health and welfare needs of the plantation worker mothers.
Lack of women's organisations to initiate changes is particularly felt in the plantation sector. In other sectors of the economy, however, it is not an uncommon practice among women, to organise around issues that affect them. Trade unions have "women's wings' but these have been mere appendages of male led union bodies,existing inname alone. Very recently, these "women's wings' have begun to assertsome degree of autonomy. Of late, some NGO's too, have started separate women's sections', the impact of which is yet to be felt. Womencomprise almost 50% of the plantation labor force. Yet, they sometimes remain unorganised as women. The explanation fundamentally lies with the ideological and social construction of gender, which ascribes certain subordinate positions for women within society. The constraints placed on them by the very structural features of the plantation system and by ethnic segregation, have exacerbated these conditions.
Prospects
As the privatization of estates is debated and discussed, certain features of the emerging form of management have arisen, which couldmake a positive contribution towards improving existing conditions of workers in general, and women in particular. It is envisaged that welfare and social development among workers will not be left in the control of individual private management companies, but is to come within the purview of a central body, in which unions have a voice and a role. This arrangement is Supposed to ensure the continuation of social development started in the 1980's.
Plans are afoot, to give workers the ownership of houses and land. This is hopefully, a welcome move since divorcing the workers' residence from the plantation management is likely to break up the 'enclave' type system that has been partly responsible for the conditions of semi-slavery, in which the work

Page 32
Women in the Plantations...
ers have been kept for more than a century. This is likely to widen the workers' opportunities for gaining social and economic mobility, while easing the surplus labour problem on
eStateS.
The possession of land and housing, may give a
worker-family a sense of Security, identity and perhaps independence. It may also break the links between the estate and
Three Days
first met Singapore in 1986. It appeared to me then, as the dream of Sri Lanka's 1940’s nationalists: a modern city built on tropical swamps, a St. Petersburg of the South. I visited the island again in February this year. Six years on, the place didn't seem quite such a utopia.
Singapore, like Hong Kong, is one of the Four Tigers; unlike Korea and Taiwan, the two Megalapolitan Tigershave developed on the basis of free trade, an important consideration in view of the IMF/World Bank-imposed conditions on Sri Lanka. How does one prosper on non-protective free trade? Theanswer probably lies in viewing Colombo, in iSOlation, from the hinterland: take the Metropolis out of the rest of the island and you have a Singapore in the making. The population of Greater Colombo (Negombo to Panadura, Bambalapitiya to Oruwela), is about that of Singapore; the area provides Sri Lanka's answer to the South-East Asian city state, with Port, Airport, Industry and Commerce.
by Vinod
All the ingredients lombo, save one: tł of the major sim persons of Lee an might be said to h insurgent constitu where the insurgei However, there is in that Singapore itS hinterland, wh (except in a social Indeed, given the on Colombo from be surprised a Colombo-centreds an independent Co tinue to exerciSe ism on the hinte none of the respon to the rural areas. the fate of Singa with Malaysia.
My first impressi of awe. Here (Edgbaston) recr Here was what C. cityrising Out oft splendour. The Singapore is greel city, greener tha nicipality. It was paring even with
Mai
 

the household, which partly account for the subordinate position of women in this sector.
However, be it their right to own a house and land, or their labour-mobility, or the emergence of a new "open' system of labor relations, all these possibilities will depend to a large extent on the ethnic issue, and the acceptance of these progressive measures by the majority Sinhalese community.
in Paradise
Moonesinghe
are available in Coepolitical will. One ilarities lies in the d Premadasa. Both lave Come from the ency, in a Situation hCieS were Cru Shed.. a crucial difference letached itself from ile Colombo has not and cultural Sense). conditions imposed Outside, One should the lack Of a eparatist movement: lombó could coneconomic imperialland, while having sibilities offeedback Such, after all, was pore after its break
n of Singapore, was was Birmingham ated in the tropics. lOmbO ShOuld be: a e marsh in European difference is that rthanany European the Colombo Mulso very clean, comZurich, that cleanest 32 h/April
of European cities. It did lack some of the chic of Europe, no central plazas
preserved over hundreds of years. The
Raffles Hotel is a preserved monument, a distinction never granted to the Galle Face Hotel, or even to the Dutch building that stood on the site of the present Hotel Oberoi. Colombo has a far greaterpreservable archaeology than Singapore but, with the exception of a few buildings (The VOC office in Pettah, the Wolvendahl Church, etc.), makes few attempts to preserve its history. Our historiography always harks back to the 'Golden Age' of Anuradhapura and Polonnaruwa. The State of the Ambalama at Pitakotte junction, or even the Rampart at Etul Kotte, attest to the lack of interest in artifacts of less than Seven hundred years ago; the Mission Houseat Christian College (the Bangalawaof the Bangala Junction) was unceremoniously pulled down in 1978, even though it served as Alma Mater to Don David Hewavitharana (aka Dharmapala). What struck me most about Singapore was not the Tower Blocks for housing the proletariat (an utter abomination for anyone who has lived in one,
-

Page 33
THREE DAYS
Corbusier or no Corbusier), nor the grand shopping complexes, nor even the fantastic roads. It was the niggling little things that pointed to a great deal of forethought. It was the fibreglass seats in the bus shelters, the clearly labelled public toilets, the extensive drain systems with the ubiquitous holes (to provide for soil drainage) in the concrete slabs lining the storm drains. The omnipresentaura was one of caring for the population: a desire to fulfil the basic human necessities of shelter, of nourishment and of relieving the bladder.
Hong Kong is considered by many, in advance of Singapore. But, just imagine trying to relieve a bursting bladder in Hong Kong: one longs for the comfortably sign-posted lavatories of Singapore. I found myself in a terrible predicament awaiting the island ferry hovercraft in Hong Kong and had to retreat to a McDonald's eatery to save myself: there was not a public lavatory in sight. The disposal of bodily waste is considered of high priority in civilised society. Indeed, I would posit that the degree of civilisation of a given society could be measured, by the access, provided to the public, to lavatories. On this index, Sri Lanka would be rated very low indeed: we hide our lavatories away, public toilets being well nigh extinct.
Perhaps the fact that Singapore is ruled by Chinese has something to do with it (Hong Kong being administered by English civil servants, in their ivory towers, who require no public toilets). The Chinese revere their urine and their faeces. Piss and shit provide the nutritiontothesoil thatisso necessary after thousands of years of cultivation. Sri Lankans seem to prefer the Urea, the Phosphates and the NPKfrom abroad (imported anaesthetic being better than local anaesthetic), so our bodily wastes are just that, wastes.
In Singapore, don bage') goes to a which provides a
tion of the City's Greater Colombo, burnt Or used as la
Another significar pore was the uni national languages, Malay and Tamil. have three national by more than 10% proficient in that to tous four-language are even more refre boards in Switzerla ter's universal use
Go out to Jurang
marshlands) and y to popular educatio rest Of Asia. You S{ and the Science
European standard South Asia's). The and ZOO, are nothi
The buzz-word in S ple”. A capitalist s a corporate State, lo ple. The Vision is
An interesting artic the Daily News of M based on an interV Chin Chye, formerly premier. According party Strove to assl job and a home:
"We realised that WOuld be mOr achieving this ob. becomes prov everyone of an giving everyone to be upwardly
This ideology was pore's developme economic growth). that the role of the S Toh, is not at all the World Bank, but m
3 Pra,

lestic waste (garcentral incinerator significant proporenergy needs. In the wastes are just ndfill.
t aspect of Singaversal use of four English, Mandarin, In Sri Lanka, We languages, spoken of the population ngue. The ubiquiStreet name boards shing than the name ind, lacking the latfthe Roman script.
(claimed from the ou See a dedication n, unheard of in the ee Jurang Bird Park Centre (paltry by ls, but gigantic by Colombo Museum ng in comparison.
ingapore was "peotate, a police State, Ioking after its peoirresistable.
le was published in Varch 26. This was riew With Dr. Toh Singapore's deputy g to him, the ruling ure all citizens Of a
ta “socialist' line e appealing to jective. The state ider”, assuring education and the opportunity mobile.'
the key to Singant (as opposed to It should be noted tate outlined by Dr. ; prescription of the lore akin to the bi
partisan policy of Sri Lankan Governments in 1956-77.
The overwhelming impression I received of Singapore in 1986 was of a state that cared for its people; this impression was not echoed by Hong Kong or Taiwan, certainly not by Sri Lanka.
So, why was I disappointed in 1992? Perhaps, it was a difference of viewpoint: in 1986, I stayed in the posh Holland Village area, but in 1992 in the less plush Al Junied district. Perhaps, but ....
The differences were not in the macro projects. The Mass Rapid Transit (MRT), still a building in 1986, is a
complete system rivalling the Zurich
F-bahn. The sea-land reclamation projects I had seen from the air six years ago, were now flourishing communities. The streets were just as wide and impressive. What was the difference?
My first impression in 1992 was of Television. The quality of TV was obviously down. The good (mainly British) TV programmes I had seen in 1986 were missing. Instead, there were those horrible American game shows ("You have just won US $ 50,000). The Chinese - language soaps were dreadful: young people in offices falling in love with one another, over an over again (apparently an official propaganda campaign, of which more later). The young people were all ChiՈCSe.
The lesson of my second visit to Singapore, was of the ethnic tensions existing there. The ethnic discrimination is not as obvious as in Sri Lanka (Our TV commercials are as lacking in subtlety as our ethnic discrimination: bang the viewer on the head with a huge hammer), but it is there.
In the MRT stations, I saw wall posters advertising the virtues of having children. The "average family' depicte

Page 34
THREE DAYS ...
was Chinese, with three children. The background is that fewer and fewer professional women are marrying, those marrying having fewer children. It is not widely known that Singapore has an official Eugenic policy: the state wants (Chinese) professional level people to get married and have large numbers of children, to increase the average IQ of the population. Hence the 'office' soaps.
Consider, why is it necessary to have Mandarin as an official language? The majority of the Chinese speak Cantonese (the Guangzhon dialect). I first came across the phenomenon of Mandarinisation while a Student in England. A fellow student, a
Singaporean Chinese, informed me that
she had been told by the Singapore authorities that she was pronouncing her name wrong (the Chinese ideographs are pronounced differently in Cantonese and Mandarin), and She was ordered to spell it differently in Roman Script (imagine someone called Pratapasinha being forced to spell his name Pratapasiha in Roman Script).
Modernization aim Chinese population (Confucian) value eration for anceSto of laid down mora
The most dramati the atmosphere of ments had many o ered with plywood excellent Storm blocked with refus phere was similart in England in the r try past its prime.
I found the key to Government prop: peted new prestig which were to COm Singaporeans just Similar to Sri La propaganda
These projects sy ing from the mass state: they were n but for attracting why announce su propaganda mach Singapore finds it
Marc
 

led at converting the to their 'traditional is: discipline, venDrS, and acceptance l Values.
c let-down Was, in decline. The pavepen manholes, covsheets. Many of the water drainS were e. In fact, the atmoso that I experienced mid-70's, of a coun
the new situation in nganda: these trume building projects mence. Barlier, the got on with it. How nka, this “will be”
mbOliSed a diStanCes on the part of the ot for common use, foreign capital. So ch projects on the ine? HS it because difficult to attract
capital?
According to Dr. Toh:
"... once you open up the market forces via socialism (or with a pale pink version of it), the concept of the state as sole provider, no longer works; time now to let the free-market ideology of supply and demand take over - the success story of Singapore.”
The role of the state in bringing about the rapid development of Singapore has been very little talked about. It now appears that there has beenachange in that role, as described by Dr. Toh above.
The Singapore 'miracle' was based on a compromise between the needs of the masses and the needs of capital, with the State as arbiter. It seems that this compromise is now crumbling in favour of capital, so that the less beautiful aspects of the Singaporean state emerge much more openly, with the fetters off.
34 h/April

Page 35
The Clergy G
new debate has sprung up in A Colombo where both hope and despair about ethnic peace are intermingled: should the members of the Buddhist clergy visit Jaffna to meet the LTTE leaders? While Rev. Balapitiye Siddhartha, the leader of an eleven member peace team of Buddhist monks, is making preparations to go On the long trekto the war-torn peninsula, some others in the South have been saying "don't go.' "If you go to Jaffna at this moment, you are only helping the Tigers,” is the essence of the anti-visit-to-Jaffna arguInment.
Priestly visits to Jaffna are not new. In recent months, a number of Christian clergy of various denominations have visited the peninsula on pastoral as well as peace missions. Some of them have issued impassioned appeals for peace, ethnic reconciliation and an early end to the war. Illustrative of this sentinent is the peace plea made by the Catholic group that visited Jaffna in March under the leadership of the Bishop of Chilaw. The Bishop's press release said: "Time is running out. The senseless war in the North and East must stop. Peace with dignity and honour is what the people there yearn for.”
Whatis still new in the unfolding controversy is that a team of Buddhist monks is planning to go to the land of the 'enemy”. “Message-couriers of LTTE leaders' is the term which Nalin de Silva, a leading spokesperson of the Sinhalese war lobby, recently used to describe the Jaffna-bound Buddhist monks. His evocative phrase encapsulates the extremist Sinhalese opposition to what is seen as an act of treachery.
In the nationalist mind, both Sinhala and Tamil, Sri Lanka is a land sharply divided, and that isprecisely what de Silva’s
phrase is all about.
reckoning is persua. naive and menacing an atmosphere of w; dhist monks, SOgoes not carry peace mes because it only hin Tamils in Jaffna are to Tamils is talkingt The Sinhalese nati obsessed with the T society sans the LTT of even demograph On an earlier occasi year, a delegation of go to Jaffna, but for and in a differe) Mahanayaka Thera the Malwatte Chapte led this particular di helicoptered to the b Lankan army. The camp at Palalai and to bless the Soldiers. Daily News publish half-jest perhaps, of side an army bunker field through a pai timing of this partic the company of t commanders was no It was the high poin about the Thondam: ate peace talks with
Christia
he visits made T clergy have, in spectacular and mo the peace process. ) have made it a poi leaders as well. Re former President of ference, was in Jaffr and held talks with
Pra

oes to Jaffna.
The entire mode of sively simple, albeit , because it comes in armongering. Budthe argument, should Sages to the enemy, ders the war effOrt; Tigers, and talking o murderous Tigers.
onalist mind is so
iger that a Northern "Eisbeyond the pale ic imagination. On, in December last Buddhist monks did a different purpose nt company. The (the High Priest) of rof theSiyam Nikaya 2legation which was battle zone by the Sri sy visited the army chanted Seth pirith The state-controlled ed a photograph, in the Maha Thera insurveying the battle of binoculars. The ular visit to Jaffna in he army's ground tentirely accidental. ut of the controversy in proposals to initi
the LTTE.
an Visits
by the Christian
heanwhile, been less re. Oriented towards In recent times, they ht to meet the Tiger v. Soma Perera, the the Methodist Conlain early December Anton Balasingham
5
and Yogaratnam Yogi, two senior leaders of the LTTE. The message he brought to Colombo was that the Tiger leaders were prepared for an alternative political model as a settlement to the war in the North.
Is the LTTE ready to accept a model short of a separate state Rev. Soma Perera and other Christian peace groups appear to think so. Even more important is that, as observed by these peace missions, people in Jaffna are now talking about 'peace with dignity and honour which does not necessarily reject the idea of a unitary State.'
In the last week of March, the Bishop of Chilaw, Rt. Revd. FrankMarcuS Fernando, led a Catholic peace mission to Jaffna. In a statement issued in Colombo on its return, this miSSiOn claimed to have met and held discussions with "a fair cross section of the people in the North such as ordinary citizens, members of the Citizens' Committee, humanitarian groups, university dons, students, religious leaders as well as high ranking Officials of the LTTE.'
The Bishop's delegation stated that "the core message' conveyed to them by these "various groups' was that an opportune moment for peace had come and that it should not be missed. The Jaffna people, according to the Bishop's press statement, expressed “genuine and innermost desire to live in unity and harmony with the people in the South' whom they considered as their fellow citizens.
A Buddhist Mission
he eleven member delegation of Buddhist monks is Scheduled to be in Jaffna on April 18. According to Rev.
Siddhartha, the head of the mission, this

Page 36
CLERGY...
visit will be made in response to a request made by the LTTE. The request, in fact, was made in early February by Mahatthaya, a top LTTE leader. At a meeting with some Colombo-based journalists, he is reported to have said: "Tell the government to send Buddhist monks, and not the soldiers, to the North.' Mahatthaya's request was probably a rhetorical one, because at this time many leading Buddhist monks were in the forefront of a pro-war campaign. The Tiger leader is said to have told the journalists: "If the Buddhist monks came to the North and saw the situation for themselves, they would be in a better position to advise their political leaders.”
Divaina of March 31 published an interview with Rev. Siddhartha on the proposed peace mission. The questions put to the monk by the paper are symptomatic of the Southern ultra-nationalist Wish that the wareffortshould not be jeopardised by talking peace. Some excerpts:
Q: Reverend Sir, there are reports that you have decided to lead a delegation of Buddhist monks to Jaffna. Can you tell us what made you to take this decision?
A: Newspapers had reported a request made by the LTTE that Buddhist monks should come to the North. I decided to respond to that request.
Q: Do you think that the other demands of the LTTE, which are being put forward by means of a war, Should also be met in the same way you have decided to meet this particular request of the LTTE?
A: No, not at all. I am totally against
an Eelam.
Q: If that is so, what do you really expect from your visit to Jaffna'?
A: Our main purpose is to explain to the LTTE the consequences of the war. The other objective is to hold talks with them regarding the release of members of the army and the police who
are being kept LTTE. -
Let us quote a few m this interview. The ally nationalist stati
i.
ii.
iii.
iv.
Whatever may tions, as SOme ready pointed C Jaffna at a mom annount to acCC an indirect way. that you, a mem Sangha who re majority of the country, will m Eelam demand b
Do you really h propose as a SC ganisation whic gun?
Several Senior
i readymade sta
any visits to Jas monks. Do yol ticular reason to warnings?
Some political c Of the view tha timate objectiv establish an Ee destroy Buddh Reverend Sir,
The Sinha
Crit
eace missions have run int
Sinhalese and Tam Representing the Sil of view, the Diva spondent wrote on
Once again, ag
priests have g
meet the LT purpose of the initiate peace ta thOse who hav earlier achieve the Sinhalese
the LTTE dem Sense in meetir
Mara

risoners by the
ore "questions' from questionS are actu»mentS:
be your intencritics have alut, your visit to ent like this will pting Eelam in Don't you think ber Of the Maha present the vast : people in this erely affirm the y visiting Jaffna?
lave anything to tion to an Orh believes in the
monks have altements against fna by Buddhist u have any pardisregard these
ommentators are the LTTE's ule is not only to lam, but also to lism. Do you, accept that?
la-Buddhist ique
oy the Christian clergy o criticism by both l ideological groups. halanationalist point ina political correMarch 31:
roup of Catholic Dne to Jaffna to "E leaderS. The ir visit is said to lks. What did all e met the LTTE They only forced beople to accept inds. Is there any g with an organi
36 h/April
zation which is committed to nothing short of an Eelam?
Rev. Balaptiye Siddhartha's determination to visit Jaffna as a Buddhist peace missionary is obviously an act that goes against the grain of the dominant ideology of the Buddhist church. It has created a great deal of uneasiness among the Sangha intelligentsia. So far, Only One leading Buddhist monk, Rev. Wellawatte Gnanabhiwamsa, has expressed support to the idea that Buddhist monks too should visit the land of the Tamil people. Others appear to see a diabolical conspiracy behind the planned visit of Rev. Siddhartha. For example, the Divaina of April 13 carried a statement attributed to Rev. Arankattiye Kavidhaja, a leading
| monk from the North-Central province,
with the headline, "A Conspiratorial Objective in Jaffna Visit. "It is not a peace mission; Only an underhand conspiracy” is the essence of the Divaina report of Rev. Kavidhaja's view.
Conspiracy or not, the nationalist Sangha intelligentsia is in a real fix. Earlier, they managed to stop Mr. Thondaman's planned visit to Jaffna. They could easily cry foul at Thondaman, because he happened to be a Tamil. This time, the "traitors' are from among their ownranks. And traitors they are, because "going to Jaffna in search of peace at a time when the LTTE is losing the war amounts to an attempt to save the Tiger organization from inevitable defeat.' This, incidentally, is a part of a resolution passed by an assembly of monks held at Vidyodaya Pirivena in Colombo on April 11. The full text of the resolution appeared in Divaina on April 13.
Tamil Reactions
he critical response of Tamil
political groups is equally interesting. Both the EPRLF and PLOTE have expressed grave reservations about the usefulness of these peace missions. Their main point is that the Christian peace groups basically echo political interests of the LTTE, and not of the Tamil masses.
"The peace missions meet, essentially, nun)o

Page 37
CLERGY...
the LTTE leaders; they rarely go out and seek the views of those who are critical of the LTTE. They do not condemn the LTTE brutalities on their own people; ultimately the good-hearted peace missionaries allow themselves to be used by the LTTE' is the gist of the EPRLF-PLOTE critique.
So, an almost obsessive hatred of the LTTE is universally present in the war and peace debate in Sri Lanka. Even some Tamil human rights groups are disturbed about what they consider to be the endorsement by peace missions of the LTTE's political agenda in which peace now happens to be included for manipulatory objectives. Take, for example, the critique presented by the University Teachers for Human Rights (UTHR) of the Jaffna University:
The other peace makers involved in these types of approaches to bring the two parties to the negotiating table also do not understand the fact that if these two parties
Perfection of a kind
And the poetry he inve
He knew human folly And was greatly inter When he laughed, respectal
And when he cried the lit
W.H. Aude
Pr
 
 
 
 
 
 

do not have any concern for the Ordinary people and are only concerned in preserving their own power, then the natural outcome will again be a continuing tragedy for the people. Their inability to grasp this fact has allowed them to concentrate only on asking the LTTE what they want and then reporting back to the other side, and releasing empty statements which repeat the LTTE pronouncements, such as the One they are prepared to talk without any preconditions (UTHR: The Trapped People Among Peace Makers and War Mongers, February 1992, P.6).
In an almost evangelical spirit, the UTHR has castigated all peace makers' for "their lack of grasp of the reality” in the North.
We all are trapped in the reality of a multi-layered war, aren't we
, was What he was after, hted was easy to understand;
like the back of his hand,
ested in armies and fleets; ble senators burst with laughter,
tle children died in the StreetS.
n: Epigraph on a Tyrant
avada

Page 38
The Fall and Ris.
Tough cops do not retire; they embarrass their masters.
Premadasa Udugampola and “Keerthi Wijebahu'; these were the two names that sent shivers down our spines in 1987-89, the years of Southern insurgency. Wijebahu, the JVP'smilitary-wing leader who sent out orders of execution, signed personally, is no longer around. Captured in November 1989, he was probably summarily executed, thereby sharing the fate of thousands of his own victims. Udugampola, the Deputy Inspector General of Police who played a leading role in the counter-insurgency efforts of the State, made a name for himself, by matching the ruthlessness of Wijebahu' and his killer comrades. On his own admission, Mr. Udugampolacame down really hard on the JVP.Those who lived in Sri Lanka and Survived those three years of living dangerously would know what the word "hard' actually meant.
Udugampola, the tough top cop, is again in the news, now pointing an accusing finger at his own political mentors for “human rights violations. His “revelations' werepublished in the Sunday Times, The Island and Aththa, aleft-wing Sinhala bi-weekly. Udugampolahas made pointed observations about the involvement of some unnamed leading politicians of the ruling UNP in the counter-JVP terror campaign.
Politically more damaging for the UNP is Udugampola's story about the "Black Cats', that killer squad about which there was so much public fear. Udugampola has alleged, according to newspaper reports, that this killer squad was directed personally by some influential UNP politicians. He has also provided a list of over ninety names of people whom he claimed to have been killed by "Black Cats' in January-March, 1989. Aththa published these names with a still more
damaging story: the porters of the oppos dom Party in the No and the killings wel election time behi
terror.
Ofcourse, when DI these 'secrets' pub persona non grata w He also had his grie the police had notb inquiry into his all the death of
Liyanarachchi in 1 gun. The governn wide publicity at ho inquiry against Udu of its intentions to accused of human fact, when Udugan extension Of his Sel ary, the Sri Lanka A in Paris On Februar Rights Commissio) March. Meanwhile, pressure on the g( increasing to mak countable for very human rights viola
The Seriousness wi ment reacted tO UC tions” became evid ister Wijetunga caI evision to presentt Sion of the 'Black rieS. The Prime Mi not deny the "Bla suggested that Udu have been involve The gist of Mr. W that a disgruntled whom a murder in had become a
anti-government e
The opposition, m opportunity to mí
Mar

e of Udugampola
se victims were suption Sri Lanka Freeth-Central province e carried out during ld the veil of JVP
Udugampola made lic, he was already rith the Government. ances: his service in een extended and an ged involvement in lawyer Wijedasa 88, had already bement had also given me and abroad to the gampola as evidence
punish those being rights violations. In npola was denied an rvice in early Februid Group was to meet y 7. The UN Human toO was to meet in diplomatic and donor overnment had been :e Udu gampola acerious allegations of tions.
th which the governlugampolas “revelaent when Prime Minne on prime-time telne government’s verCats' and other stohister's Statement did ck Cat' killings, but gampola himself may i in the killer squad. jetunga's rebuttal is olice officer, against uiry was under way, willing pawn of enhetS.
eanwhile, Seized the ke political milleage
38 h/April
out of the government's discomfiture. Udugampola's allegations of para-state death squads operating against SLFP personnel during election time had come in the wake of the Election Commissioner's strictures regarding malpractices at parliamentary polls. At a joint opposition press conference held on April 9, Mrs. Bandaranaike, the Leader of the Opposition, demanded the resignation of the government and the appointment of an international commission Of inquiry to investigate Udugampola’s allegations.
For the non-state press, which has of late been asserting a considerable degree of independence vis a vis the Premadasa regime, Udugampola's disclosures could have been rich material for "exposure' journalism. It was rumored in Colombo that Udugampolahad circulated a number of affidavits, giving more details. It appears that the government strategists immediately decided on a political damage-control exercise. On April 9, the day after Aththa carried the news story about Black Cat killings, the Attorney-General filed two indictments in the High Court of Colombo, one against Udugampola and the other against the editor and publisher of Aththa. The charges, framed under Emergency Regulations, are for causing hostility, ill-will, hatred and contempt of the government of Sri Lanka and between different groups of citizens of the country.
Ironically, Udugampola was the betenoire of the Opposition and opposition-aligned press, until perhaps early last year. He was portrayed in the press as the epitome of brutality. The story of his meteoric rise during the Jayewardene administration was attributed by his ex-critics to his blind loyalty to the state and to his willingness to disregard norms of human
s

Page 39
The Fall and Rise...
rights. Still more ironically, his demonic image began to change when he was brought from Kandy to Colombo in 1990 to head a newly formed anti-vice police unit called the Bureau of Special Operations. He then led a series of raids On under-world business ventures in Colombo. His reported contempt for political patronage of vice won accolades in the press.
Framing charges against Aththa by the A-G is being viewed by the independent press in Colombo as ablatant attempt to intimidate the non-state controlled press. Both the Sunday Times and the Island have strongly denounced the government’s move. The Sunday Times political correspondentpointedouton April 12 that by filing indictments against Udugampola and Aththa, the governmenthas also sought toinvoke the principle
of subjudice on th
Meanwhile, the op parliament have be tions for a no-COnfi government. They h issues raised by this warranted a full pau
A public discussic Udugampola’s discl gal implications ast indictments pending Court. Some more againstother newspa the Udugampola st the whole episodes under the carpet.
victim to political bi government and the the truth or otherwis disclosures should be because the good na tician and an Officia
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entire episode. position parties in en making preparalence motion. On the ave pointed out that senior police officer liamentary debate.
in in the press on osures may have lehere are already two at the Colombo High are likely to be filed pers which published ory. Nevertheless, hould not be swept Nor should it fall ckering between the Opposition. Indeed, se of Udugampolas foundout, not merely mes of many a poliul in the present ad
ministration have to be cleared, but essentially because they raise some profoundly disturbing questions about the nature of the Sri Lankan state, and even of politics, today.
DIG Udugampola is not an ordinary cop; he has been, for many years, a major figure in the state apparatus. Judging by what is already public knowledge of his own activities in the entire decade of the eighties, he can be seen as one personification of the horrendously violent state apparatus evolved in response to violent political conflicts in Sri Lanka. His disclosures which appeared in the press are not just incriminatory stories about his ex-friends and patrons, but alarming accounts of Subterranean Or Secret Structures of the state about which very little "authentic' information is as yet available.
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'S' ASSOCATION

Page 40
The World Cup fever has died in Sri Lanka. We are reproducing as we think it appropriate to remind our readers of a subterrane Asian and "Western cricketing nations was manifested in the fact that at least one of 'us' won the World Cup.
THE BAT, TH THE FOU
he Sri Lankan cricket tour of Australia in 1989-90 has highlighted the degree to which Australian cricketers go into important matches againstcricketers from the Asian world with one distinct advantage: in addition to the Bat and Ball, their armoury includes the foul mouth.
The manifestinequality and Machiavellian instrumentalism which Such abuse introduces into the game of cricket has been successfully obscured by Border and others. Those, such as Arjuna Ranatunga, who protest against such behaviour on grounds of sporting ethic and gentlemanliness are represented as
wimps and/or dandies from a world that is now past.
The weaponry of abuse is wrapped up in clothes of tough professionalism. Australian instrumentalism (and its inequalities) masquerades as the Sturdy Australian male, a male who insists that the (little) foreigner should show the world that he can be another Australian male who can give (bat, bowl, abuse) as much as he takes. Inequality and domination are thereby legitimated.
by Micha
The fact remains Indian, Sri Lankan eters are no match f Briton or West Inc verbal abuSe the mo is complemented b tion (clothed as a bOwlers.
A few Asian cricke all the time. Most c of the time. But SO an Asian batsman
The result, not alw the loss of his wicke evidence that ther Such cases. On the that is from my lin ence). ThiS, Of co Australians to rep lated tactics wheng obstruct this progr
One cannot revie develop out of suc as the media perS (witness their Aravinda-Tucker
From the touring
these incidents a experience, part of mittent victimisati tralians at both t
Mai
 

this article, first published in the SRI LANKAN of August 1990, n discourse within international cricket. This "unease' between e 1992 World Cup, in Sri Lankans and Indians delighting in .
E BALL AND
L MOUTH
el Roberts
hat the majority of and Pakistani crickor the Australian (or ian) in the game of reso when the latter by physical obstrucccident) by big fast
ters can cope with it al соре with it some mewhere, SOmetime, will lose his cool.
lys but sometimes, is t (there is prima facie e were at least two Sri Lankan tour; and ited viewing experiurse, encourages the roduce these calcuver a stand begins to
ESS.
V the incidents that h tactics in isolation, Innel are WOnt to do handling of the ncident).
eam’s point of view, part of their lived their regular or interon by a range of AusSt and other levels.
40 h/April
From the perceptive observer's point of view, each incident is part of a pattern.
An investigative reporter would be able to discern when precisely such abuse (and obstruction) is called into play. It is when a batsman is getting on top of the bowlingor whenan adventurous or streaky shot has been played.
This patternis revealing. It shows up the Machiavellian character of these acts of abuse. They are as slimy as they are cunning. They are out of the drawer of gamesmanship devised by Cardew the Cad. The honest and sturdy Australian man from the bush has, now On the cricket field, degenerated into a scheming being. The macho cult and bristling moustaches should not be allowed to cover up this fact.
Much attention has been focused on racial abuse. That is a misplaced emphasis. Some taunts are obviously racial. But black British crickets also wield the Abusive Mouth The racial side of the abuse has the same Machiavellian intent as the Other abuse.
Indeed, it is arguable that the most effective abuse is not the racial taunt, but that which brings the Asian batsman's mother's genitalia, quite earthily, into the
<ح

Page 41
THE BAT.
picture. The mother is a central figure in Asian culture. Such taunts have the capacity, at times, to penetrate the soul of the victim. The victimised batsman can lose his cool.
The popular Australian expectation (and defense) is that "these guys' must become tough, learn how to keep their cool. A simple solution? This simpleness is misleading. Behind this simpleness is a massive imperialism and a searing demand. It is a demand for Arjuna and his lads to totally transform themselves, to de-Ceylonise themselves.
Itasks the Asians to give up their cultural values. It asks them to give up their identity. This is form of imperialist bigotry, no less powerful because it is parochial and seemingly simple.
It is for this reason that the Sri Lankan and other Asians should not meet abuse with abuse. Apart from the fact that such retaliatory abuse is contrary to the sportsperson's ethic, the point is that it renders one into an Australian (or British) clone.
One is being turned into yet another western male, losing one's being as a Sri Lankan, Indian, Pakistani. That being is far more important than cricket. To resist such pressure towards standardisation is a greater act of resistance than Scoring a century in the face of abuse. Stand as Self, Stand as Batsman.
Yet other solutions have been suggested. Ian Chappel on Channel Nine publicly
suggested that a structed by a bowl the ankle with his rather than bat aga answer one Machi other. But, then,
Somewhere in the erally introduced sle Harvey, Benauds di to it). That innovat ised into standard there to prevent an of the contest? With as a "higher' stag here the Sri Lankar have the advantage
It is time for interve the highest levels. Khan and others pressing the ICC umpires - an expe essential requireme
Another item must calendar, and plac banishment (for a p captains who indu Sledging.
This will not be a inexpensive though resolve. Such resol is to preserve both ciples and sporting game of cricket is
If the higher authori there is a case foi liberation from abr anemulation Of a Ti a Ned Kelly on tł manner which will
Pra

atsman who is Obr should taphim On at: bat against ankle inst ball. This is to vellian act with anwhere does it stop? bast someone unilatdging (the Bradmans, d not, after all, resort ion became generalractice. But what is unilateral escalation T-56 or Kalashnakov 2 of weaponry (and S and Pathans WOuld )?
ntion emanating from or some time, Imran have been bravely to introduce neutral
nsive but absolutely.
'nt.
be placed on the ICC ed there pronto: the eriod) of players and ulge in or condone
n easy step to take, it is. It calls for great ve is essential if one the egalitarian prinethic On which the constructed.
ties do not intervene, a symbolic act of ave Asian cricketer: lak, a Dharmapala or le cricket field in a make the authorities
wake up to the injustices that are being perpetrated and condoned by the cricketing world and its media (Jeff Wells being a notable exception).
The possibilities for symbolic violence as act of Eureka are not difficult to envisage. A wicket or a bat can be a lethal weapon. An Asia batsman could easily maimanoffending cricketer permanently if he puts his mind to it. This memorandum is not presented in order to encourage such extreme steps. It is an attempt to prevent such a possibility in the future by requesting judicious intervention by the ICC so as to restore the scales of justice in cricket. It is an anti-colonial protest with the pen rather than the sword. The sword must always be a last resort.
Notes
1. Rod Tucker, medium pace bowler, was knocked for a couple of fours in one over by Aravinda de Silva. This led to his abusing de Silva who then deliberately ran into Tucker while taking a run.
2. One of the notorious stories in the cricket grapevine in Sri Lanka is about the abuse heaped on Hashan Tillekeratne by David Lawrence of the England B team when Hashan compiled a century at Galle in one of his first international games. During the game, Hashan approached Duleep Mendis, addressing his as aiyya (elder brother) and in a puzzled manner inquired why Lawrence et all were pouring humiliation on him. I introduce this story here to underline the different cultural idiom in which the SriLankans operate and to emphasise the fact that it is not solely a black/white divide.
vada

Page 42
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Page 43
April is the Ca, Fake Primordial l
For 350 days in the year, Sri Lankans follow the Lunar calendar (January - December) in conformity with the rest of the world (and we think of January 1st as the beginning of theNew Year), butin mid-April Sinhala Buddhists and Tamil Hindus of Sri Lanka (pretend to) revert to a primordial New Year ritual, based on thesolarcalendar, which is an occasion for revelry, eating, drinking, gambling and exchanging gifts. The conflict between modernity and tradition and the desire to have the best of both worlds continue. We want to modernise, to develop, to generate employment, to export our goods and to give our people a betterstandard of living. But we also want the Carnival. We continue to be the country with the highestnumber of public holidays in the world, where all work ceases in the month of April, which this year has given us opportunities not only for an endless binge during the New Year, but has also given us splendid excuses to disrupt work for Ramazan, Bak Poya and Easter.
Year in and year out, it is the media that sustains, invents and reinvents so-called tradition - tells us what to do, wear and eat, and advises us on lucky times and scolds the modern woman for not making (the labour intensive) kavun. Encouraged by the State, it whips up national fervour, with appeals to tradition and religion, making believe that the "New Year' has a Buddhist connotation, when actually it is a simply a spring festival - common in mid-April to Southern India and Sri Lanka but not to other parts of India.
Rites of the Spring Equinox have always been observed by agricultural communities to whom the changing seasons were important. But in today's context, how meaningful are the traditions?
To the urban population the extended New Year holidays means closed shops, high
Changin
prices and many inco a loaf of bread was a days. Urban dwell fire if they live in c. a mockery (nottom such a ritual. Only
still pretend (in the a kavun and bibikka cake like the rest O. banks on April 14th take) is ajoke; after v to the regular Janual dures. This year, s national newspaper mentedonand satiris in April. We reprod View' from the Busi (16.4.1992).
Despite sloga
Festivities are good and socially. They human camaraderie
Of course we are a festivals, rituals, car As the Leader writ remarked the other Baan Choon...”
We do not, as a rule in the calendar. A Book has failed tore of holidays we enjo or the other.
When festivities be ditional Sinhala and bakeries that produ every other establis for more than a w traditional ritual to
The open markets trade and our own commercial activit ear-bashing slogans
Pr

rnival Month. Rites of Spring in a
g Society
onveniences. Not even vailable for nearly 10 rs cannot light a real onditions which make ention afire hazard) of Rosy Senanayake can dyerts) that she makes instead of buying a f us. The opening of organudenu (give and which they revert back ry to December proceome columnists in the s have critically comed the extendedicarnival uce below "A Point of nessPage of the Island.
as, rituals go on
and nice. Culturally also help to keep the going.
great nation noted for ousals come whatmay. er in the Island aptly day “Neva Gilunath
, missa single festival nd only the Guinness :ord the highestnumber y to celebrate this, that
gin, especially the traHindu New Year, shops, ce our daily bread and hment, remain closed eek. That has been a
O.
yndrome, competitive concern to increase ty, the government's to export or perish, all
43 avada
trade, come to a standstill during the festive season.
One wonders to what extent this modern concept of commerce and trade is consistent with the old traditional festivities that drag on for more than a week.
The dictum is, to develop, the wheels of industry must move. And they must move all the time. There can be no respite just because old tradition and custom demand a rest to celebrate - rather along rest. Some wheels turn rusty when they return to the machines afteran absurdly extended holiday.
Gone are the days when trade was a monopoly of the southern Matara man. He had his roots and family in the South but did lucrative business in the metropolis, because, as the saying went, the Matara businessman was born with native cunning and shrewd business acumen and knew all the games in the trade.
So all the Matara Kades remained closed until they daubed the holy oil on their enterprising heads at the auspicious hour, set out to resume business at the auspicious time, and until then, the urban consumer twiddled his thumbs with an empty larder.
But the scenario has changed. The Matara
entrepreneurnolongercontrols the economy and the business. Yet, the age-old traditions, customs and rituals, continue. Good, the nationalist and the chauvinist would say. Pretty bad, the consumer would lament. Badforbusiness but good for culture, you could almost hear the man in between
utter.
So, letus have more festivities, close shops
as longas we wantand to hell with business and economy

Page 44
Captive, A
Between dark heaven and earth Through silent night: "Captive, are you awake?” Can he sleep or is wakefulness Something burns in his head. Every moment, in each instant He hears the ring of shackles, t Into the blind hold
Of his cell
The Sun like a d Comes to assert his presence.
To ask the etern "Captive, are you awake!'
Wakeful through Through the bar Below his brows
Burn two arrows Removed entirely from Nature, At private arts of love, of comr
And at the deep He flings his echoing question: "Are you free? Free’?”
Sul
frO
tran
Kalyan
Typeset, Designed & Print

re You Awake?
, a cry heaves
his prison?
of his life's term
is solitude.
Ca
What cruelty it is ally sleepless,
time, his fierce hard face S directs its gaze.
of questions. his eyes scorch the dark. herce, thirst, greed, somnolence of humanity's playhouse
lil Gangopadhyay m CITY OF MEMORIES
lated from the Bengali by Ray and Bonnie MacDougall
d by Karunaratne & Sons Ltd.