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EDUCATION SYND
 

| Perspectives on
. POLITICS ROME

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Multidisiciplinary Perspectives on
EDUCATION - POLITICS SYNDROME

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Multidisiciplinary Perspectives on
EDUCATION - POLITICS SYNDROME
Editor: Dr. A.W. Manivasagar
SASST EDTED VOLUME SERIES

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Multidisciplinary Perspectives on Education - Polotics Syndrome Copyright © 1999 - SASST ISBN 955 - 8291 - 00 - 5
Typesetting:
Rams
73, 37th Lane, Colombo 6, Sri Lanka.
Offset Printing: Unie Arts (Pvt.) Ltd. 48-B, Bloemendhal Road, Colombo - 13, Sri Lanka.
Publishing: South Asian Social Science Trust Kumaon Hills, Ranidhara, Almora, UP, India.
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From the Editor's Pen
Education is a human right and has a fundamental role to play in personal and social development to reduce poverty, exclusion, ignorance oppression and War. Education is a means to develop the creativity and emphathy necessary for pupils to become actively participating and creative citizens of tO110rrOW.
We live in a world which is being increasingly torn apart by intractable divisions. The world is crying out for inclusionary healing and uniting influences. These cannot begin with political endeavour with much prospect and success. Often politics is driven by these very tensions. It is the education system that provides the best, perhaps the only hope of starting the healing inclusionary social process.
Then, what is the role of state in the educational process as a representative of the whole community in a pluralistic and
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partnership based society where education is a life-long process? The role relates mainly to the societal choices that set their mark in education, but also to the regulation of the system as a whole, and to promotion of the value of education. It is more a matter of channelling energies, promoting initiatives and providing the conditions in which new synergies can emerge. It is also a matter of insisting on equality and quality of education.
Thus education of each citizen becomes a part of the basic framework of civil society and living democracy. It even becomes indistinguishable from democracy when everyone plays a part constructing a responsible and mutually supportive Society that upholds the fundamental rights of all.
When we set out two years ago to examine the question relating to education and politics, we encouraged respondents to call for papers to address the question. Here, we present a collection of those papers. The SASSTably fulfils its purpose of producing a volume in the less touched field of education-politics Syndrome, one of the major intellectual and political challenge of the present time. The volume offers a refreshingly new and often challenging approach to the phenomenon relating to education and politics. It will highlight the ways in which education and politics can play a more dynamic and constructive role in preparing the individual and society for better future. It is hoped that it will in addition stimulate public debate on the matter.
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The major aim of the volume would be to integrate the perspectives of the social sciences (which is one of the major objectives of the SASST) whereby a broad understanding of the phenomenon could be attained. The volume should appeal to readers across disiciplinary boundaries. It offers something for almost everyone - Sociologists, educationists, economists, students of media and communication and political scientists. The reader must play a game of mental gymnastics jumping from one area to another. Nevertheless, the scope of methodological approach and theoretical insight is soundly applied, and this manages to maintain a degree of consistency. Attempts have been made to realize the ideas and issues to their felt social urges and economic necessities.
It is our considered view that there can be no universal framework for the analysis of education-politics syndrome in an absolute sense, because the reality of politics and education is full of complexities and does not lend itself to a simple, unidimensional and monocausal explanation.
Inevitably, even a wide ranging collection cannot cover everything, and are should not expect it to. Editing was obliged to be selective due to extensive diversity of the phenomenon. In this process, it is quite possible to omit something very significant and elaborate others one might consider trival.
The editor is grareful to the contributors for giving him a free
hand, in vetting their portions in any manner he considered necessary in order to ensure a certain unity of thought and
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expression, proper co-ordination and proportion as well as perspective from which various concepts and theories habe been examined. The views expressed in this volume and those of the writers and those views do not necessarily reflect the views of the SASST.
The editor wishes to express his appreciation to all those who expressed an interest in this task on behalf of the SASST. They are too numerous to list here.
Dr. A.W. Maniwasagar Editor Director/SASST
12.08.1999
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Contents
From the Editor's Pen
The State as the First and Foremost Educational Institution: Reflections on Plato's Republic.
A.V. Manivasagar
Agental Influence in Political Socialization: The Role of School A.V. Manivasagar
The Ideology of Imperial Political Culture and the Third World Academics. ةم
F. M. H. Ansari
An Analysis of Government Expenditure on Education in India. Vinod Kumar
Cross National Human Resource Management Studies. Pawan S. Budhwar
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0.
Administering the Enlightenment of the Rural Poor: Problems of a Developmental State in a Socio - Psychological Perspective.
P.N. Kautam
Information Technology: Polemics in Politico - Economic Forum. Nushrat Khan
A Note on Mass Media and Population Education in India. Nirmal Sachdeva
Educational Institutions and Political, Administrative and Managerial Practices in Ancient India: A Preliminary Survey (in Tamil) S. Krishnaraja
Educational Planning and Politics: Linkage and Inpact (in Tamil) M. Sinnathamby
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CONTRIBUTORS
A.V. Manivasagar M.A., Ph.D. Senior Lecturer in Political Science University of Jaffna, Jaffna, Sri Lanka.
F. M. H. Ansari M.A., Ph.D. Writer, Scholar and Political Activist in Peshawar, Pakistan.
Vinod Kumar M.A., Ph.D. Lecturer in Economics, Udia Pratap College, Varanasi, U.P., India.
Pawan S. Budhwar M.Sc. Commonwealth Scholar in Manchester Business School, Manchester, England.
P.N. Kautam M.A., Ph.D. Reader in Public Administration, Himachal Pradesh, University, Simla, H.P., India.
Nushrat Khan M.A., Ph.D. Senior Lecturer in Journalism and MaSS Communication, Monohordi Degree College, Dhaka, Bangladesh.
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Nirmal Sachdeva M.A., Ph.D. Lecturer in Economics and Rural Industrialization, Shri Atman and Jain College, Ambala, Haryana, India.
S. Krishnaraja M.A. Senior Lecturer in History, University of Jaffna, Jaffna, Sri Lanka.
M. Sinnathamby M.A., M.Phil.
Senior Lecturer in Education, University of Jaffna, Jaffna, Sri Lanka.
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1
A.V. MANIVASAGAR
The State AS The First And Foremost Educational Institution: Reflections On Plato's Republic
Introduction
Plato (427–347 B.C) lived and wrote at the time Athens had passed its glory and prime. He was born when Athens was a city at (Peloponnesian) war. He matured when Athens was defeated (by a Spartan military obigarchy). In this way Plato was a witness not only to the defeat and humiliation of Athens, but also to its internal dissension and the incompetent and ignorant democratic rule. The challenge of his problem led Plato to an almost supper human intellectual effort. He found that cure for the ills of Athens lay not in politics but in philosophy and prescribed comprehensive and compulsory education under state control to its materialization. Plato frankly admits that the state is the first and foremost educational institution.
During the troubled times of Athens Plato left it for nearly twelve years and took to travelling and reflection. He is said to have visited Meager, serene, Italy and perhaps Egypt. He returned to Athens in 386 B.C. In a grove, outside the city, he founded the Academy - the first University in the Europe - where he taught for the rest of his life.

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On the door of the Academy, he inscribed; "He who knows no Geometry, let him not enter here". The academy was founded with the firm conviction that nothing could be done with contemporary politics and politicians. His Academy was a new type of school where politician could be trained to become a philosopher ruler.
As the prospectus of the Academy, Plato projected the Republic which portrays an ideal state. Plato declared, "Until Philosophers be kings and kings be philosophers, cities and states will never cease from ills" It is for the selection and training of philosopher - kings that Plato has given so elaborate a system of education. Plato's ideal state is the product of his education. The system of education is discussed in Books II, III, VI and VII of the Republic and covers about onethird of the book. Resultantly, Rousseau remarks, "Plato's republic is not a work on Politic, but the finest treatise on education, that has ever been written"
Pedagogic Function of the State
Pedagogy means the art or science of teaching. And this is what the state does in Platonic scheme of things. To make Society harmonious and to brings about unity in the state, proper education is essential. Education reform the wrong ways of living by changing the whole outlook of life. It cuts evils at its very roots. It is a spiritual remedy for spiritual disease.
Plato's theory of education is a logical derivation from his first principles and his theory of justice. One of his first principles is that "virtue is knowledge'. Knowledge is something that can be learnt and taught. So, virtue too can be learnt and taught. It implies that there must be an educational system to teach it. If educational aspect is neglected by the state, the state becomes meaningless.
Education is also a logical corollary of Plato's theory of Justice. Justice consists in the proper discharge of its functions by each class

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of the Society. But unless the various classes are trained in their respective functions, Justice is impossible to realize. So long as the ruler is not trained in the art of ruling, he cannot properly discharge his function. Similar is the case with other classes. Hence, it is very correct to say that Plato's ideal state with its three classes and philosopher - king is the result of his educational theory.
Any thing of such crucial importance as education cannot be left to private initiative. It must be provided exclusively by the state. For Plato, education is the positive means by which the ruler moulds the character of the individuals and generates in them an unselfish devotion to the specific duties. Naturally, Plato could not leave "an item of supreme importance to the state" in private hands. He rejected outrightly the Athenian practice of leaving education to the care of the family. To him, it is the responsibility of the state. For the same reason, it must be made compulsory for all the citizens.
Plato also believed that education should be exposed to strict state censorship. Not only the contents but also the form and style of literature must conform to some ethical purpose so as to produce grace and harmony in the soul. This meant that "nothing of bad moral influence might fall into the hands of the young". Plato's scheme for state controlled compulsory education was probably the most important innovation upon Athenian practice. Here the Spartan influence upon Plato is the most marked.
The Aim of Education
Plato maintained that the aim of education was to discover the innate elements of the individuals and to train them for social use. The whole function of education is not to put knowledge into the soul but to bring out the best things that are latent in the soul, and do this by directing it to the right object. Plato wrote that "We must reject the conception of the education professed by those who say that they can put into the mind knowledge that was not there before...' The true

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object is to "turn the eye, which the soul already possesses to the light"
The aim of education in this way is to make an individual to complete personality, a dutiful citizen, and an able, efficient and public spirited administrator. If the people who wield power, try to misuse it, irreparable loss would be done to the state. So the rulers must be so directed towards the good and so strengthened against evil that they would not wish to misuse it. The business of education is to develop character and to train the mind. Thus, the only safeguard against the abuse of power lies in the character and mind of those who exercise it.'
The second aim of education is to adjust the curricula of education to the state of intellectual growth of the pupil. In the early years of education, emphasis is put on cultivation of mind through appeal to emotion, imagination and imitation. In the later stages, emphasis shifts on cultivation of mind though rational activities by the study of mathematical sciences and philosophy. In the end, education. stimulates creative faculties of the mind.'
Plato's aims of education had ethical and psychological considerations also. He assumes the existence of three classes in the ideal state, i.e. philosophers, auxiliaries and artisans, representing predominance of reason, spirit and appetite respectively. Since reason is the predominant element in the soul of the philosopher ruler, the perfect guardians are the complete masters in Plato's ideal state. His system df education is primarily meant at the selection and training of the guardians. Still, Plato believed that children of the third class could become guardians. It is if they proved themselves worthy of attaining higher education at the end of the elementary education. "Plato emphatically asserts", Says Lee, "that promotion from the third class is not only possible but an important feature of his scheme" Plato himself says that "men of copper can be turned into men or Silver and gold"

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Platonic education is meant for both sexes. Again, this is an innovation upon Athenian practice where women were excluded from educational scheme. Plato advocated that there is no difference of any kind between man and woman. Both should, therefore, receive the same kind of education. Not only they should be educated, the women should be allowed to hold public office also.
The System of Education
Platonic system of education serves, two major purposes - selection and training of the philosopher - kings. His system is divided into two stages - elementary and higher. The elementary education starts from three and ends at twenty while the higher education which begins at twenty ends at thirty-five.'
(a) Elementary Education
The elementary education is divided into three sub-stages. It consists of music and gymnastics. Music includes all arts such as music, art, letters, culture, philosophy. Gymnastics includes physical training, proper use of diet and knowledge of the rules of health. Music aims at healthy soul while gymnastics at healthy constitution. Education, if exclusively musical tends to produce softness and efficiency; if exclusively gymnastics hardness and frugality. They too combined together produce the desired harmony in man and make him both brave and gentle.
First Sub - Stage
The first sub-stage begins from the age of three to six, rather with the unborn baby. The children in this age group are to be imparted education through the narration of mythological stories which embody certain moral and religious truths. The stories which the children are to hear must convey such beliefs concerning Gods and men as will produce honest, brave and stead fast characters. Even the pregnant

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mother may be told these stories in order that the baby in the womb imbibes them.'
Second Sub - Stage
The first sub-stage was the novelty introduced by Plato. The second sub-stage extends from seven to eighteen years and is further subdivided. From seven to ten years, children are to be imparted physical education and given practical lessons in gymnastics. From eleven to thirteen, the children are to be given lessons in reading and writing. From fourteen to sixteen, they are to be taught music and poetry.Between sixteen and eighteen, they are to be taught mathematics. Mathematics, according to Plato, is a means of "purging and rekindling an organ of the soul which would otherwise be spoiled and blinded, an organ more worth - saving than ten thousand eyes, for by it alone the truth is seen"
In the second sub-stage Plato does not introduce anything novel. "It is rather reform of the existing practice than the inventions of a wholly new system." The reform consists in continuing the training usually given to an Athenian and imposing thereon the state controlled system of Sparta. In this way, he revised drastically the contents of both the systems. He remained basically true to the Athenian system but directed it to social purpose in the true spartan spirit. Spartan scheme aimed at the creation of a powerful military class with a view to achieving victory in war. But, Plato had general and comprehensive aims. His aims were to enable the intellect to fit himself in the social set up and to cultivate moral and intellectual virtues in him.
Third sub-stage
In the third sub-stage extending from eighteen to twenty, exclusive training in gymnastics and military is to be imparted for full two years. Like all stages, this education is also meant for both the sexes.

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The course is intended to produce honest, brave and steadfast characters through the study of gymnastics and music. Gymnastics help in reducing a sound and healthy constitution through a system of exercise and dieting to avoid the need of doctors. Music is directed to the education of the soul because it can no more live without food than can body. Training in music is to be directedless towards singing and instrumental music than to the study of poetry and literature in general. In order that education conduces to the desired end, a regid system of censorship is proposed in music.'"
(b) Higher Education
There was to be an eliminating test at the age of twenty. Those who failed were to become soldiers, warriors and Junior administrative officers. In this way, physically fittest are chosen for the military career while the intellectually brighter are selected for carrying on the work of state craft. In the words of Barker, "Here we ascend from an education through art to an education through science.' The emphasis is on mathematics and metaphysics. "The higher education", according to Sabine, "is the most original as well as most characteristic proposal of the Republic".' It is also divided into two sub-stages - the first extending from the age of twenty to thirty and the second from thirty to thirty - five.
First Sub - stage
In the first sub - stage, emphasis is put on the study of science of mathematics to the advanced stages like astronomy. Emphasis in also put on the study of other sciences while instruction in logic is also given. The curriculum is designed with the aim of making the recipient wise. Just as the special virtue of the warrior class is courage, the special virtue of the ruling class is wisdom.'

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Second Sub - Stage
At the age of thirty, another eliminating test is held. Those individuals who secure less distinguished positions enter the career of governmental administration as auxiliaries to enforce decisions of the rulers. Those individuals who secure the superior positions in the test, continue their studies for another period of five years in dialectics and ethics. They are imparted education on the highest academic level so that they may get fully qualified for carrying on the most exalted duties of the state.’
Exhaustive Tests for Trainee Guardian
After undergoing rigorous scientific, philosophical and ethical education, they are given another series of tests. They are given tests in logic in order to find out whether they can argue successfully. In another test in the series, they are made to face dangers in order to see whether they are able to confront them bravely. And in the last test in the series, they are subjected to various kinds of pleasures to observe whether they fall a prey to temptation of the senses. The purpose of the various types of test is to see whether the individuals who are selected as guardian of the state, are prepared to sacrifice their personal comforts and ambitions, and even face dangers for their individual loyalty to the state. In this way, men of sterling worth were chosen for carrying on state - craft.’
Apprenticeship
At the age of thirty five, those who successfully, completed their advanced education are assigned to civil and military administrative positions in order that the state may benefit from their education and training. For fifteen years more the training continues, now, in the form of concrete and practical application of principles that heretofore had been principally theoretical.’

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Creation of Philosopher - Ruler
At the age of fifty, those who have demonstrated real ability and served with genuine distinction reach the pinnacle of the state. They join the groups of guardians whose time is divided between matters of administration on the highest level and periods of pure speculation. Hence, Plato's education is a life - long process.
The aristocracy of intellect so trained may be either few or one. Plato profounds that the philosopher rulers in the ideal state should be absolute, untrammeled by law and public opinion. He is a lover and kinsman of truth, justice, courage and temperance. Since his soul has emerged from darkness to light, he alone must be raised to the position of an instructor to the prisoners of this world of shadows. Plato profounds a theory of communism which denies the right of property and family to the guardian class. They must abnegate the economic side of life which is purely appetitive. "If they are free from dissension" says plato "there is no fear of the rest of the city quarreling either with them or with one another".
Plato, however, reaches the stage of moderation in his later work, the Laws, where he combinesmonarchy with democracy. But Plato points out clearly that what he is describing is only the second best state. His best or ideal state always remain the one depicted in the Republic. That ideal state, is however, impossible for realization because of imperfection of human nature. Hence" the state ruled by law was always a concession to the frailty of human nature and never something which he was willing to accept as having a right to stand on a parity with the ideal".
Comments and Criticism
No scheme of human life was so important to Plato as education. He sees in education the only true way to the permanent unity and stability of the state. Common education bv. the state was meant to give that

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training for excellence in a special work and that instinct for keeping unselfishly to the performance of which justice demanded. Thus, Plato's education is a means of social righteousness and realization of truth.27
Platonic system of education aimed at the all round development of human personality. The main objective is simply to bring the soul into a particular surrounding, so nothing is said of direct teaching. The soul is reached at different stages of its growth by different agencies and through different media. In early life, imagination, fancy and feeling play a predominant part. In the second stage, reason begins to develop, while in the third stage is formed love of the beautiful and in the large stage, comes love of truth. The true function of education is to make men and women useful and fit socially economically, intellectually and politically.
Plato believed in social individuality. Of course, his collectivism was a reaction to the atomic individualism which destroyed the harmony of civic life in Athens. Plato's statement that "in a proper state, the individuals will himself expand, and he will secure the common interest along with his own" shows clearly that Plato was not averse to individualism. It is only a very small minority of the people whom he makes to merge themselves in the state. It is for the good of the vast majority that plato makes his guardians to make sacrifices.' Though Plato was sure of inequality, he conceded equal opportunities for all as a principle.
Plato's ideal state and its corollary educational system have been subjected to various points of criticism. In his theory of education there is certain wavering between the ideal of action and that of contemplation. Sometimes the goal is the idea of the good, sometimes social service, sometimes perfect self-development, and sometimes social adaptation.

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Plato's concept of education is also narrow since it ignores education for the producing class. Sabine writes, "It is extraordinary that Plato never discusses the training of artisans and does not even make clear how, if at all, they are to be included in the plan of elementary education. The fact illustrates the surprising looseness and generality of his conclusions."
It is wrong to presume like Plato that specialization promotes unity and efficiency in the state. The personality of man is not capable of regid divisions into watertight compartments. Most men are endowed with all three faculties of appetite, courage and reason. If one is confined to one function, one's personality cannot be fully developed. It promotes sectionalism which is dangerous for the unity of the state.
The educational system of Plato makes the guardians as absolute kings and reduces the majority to the status of automats. As Kant pointed out "...the position of power invariably debases the free judgement of reason.o Lord action famous dictum goes": Power corrupts and absolute power corrupts absolutely". Aristotle rightly held that the masses of people possess more collective wisdom than the few philosopher guardians.o
As Plato deems philosophy and statesmanship cannot go together. State administration requires practical insight whereas philosophy leads to abstract contemplation. The educational scheme seems insufficient, expensive, impractical and life consuming.To Popper, "Plato's educational aim is not the awakening of self-critical thought in general. It is rather indoctrination, the moulding of minds and soul."
Plato wanted to achieve unity, in the state by eradicating diversity. But on the other hand, Aristotle contented that unity in the state comes through diversity and not through dead uniformity which Plato intended to forge. Plato's system of education seems to be the antithesis of Socrates' intellectualism which is fundamentally equalitarian

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and individualistic. In the opinion of Harmon, Plato was forgetting the great moral lesson learned from the death of Socrates.
Crossman has branded plato as a "fanatical dogmatist' and the Republic as a "handbook for aspiring dictators'." Popper has been more harsh in branding Plato as a 'totalitarian and enemy of open society' and the Republic as an "utopia’.He is rather very harsh in holding that Plato had his own axe to grind in advocating rule of philosopher - king. Plato considered himself to be a fit philosopher - ruler as he was a philosopher and also descendent and legitimate heir of Cordus the martyr the last of Athens' king.
It is said that Republic is a product of the years of Plato's early maturity and speculative vigour at forty, while both Statesmen and the Laws are products of a later period of his life. In the Republic he considers the ideal state almost exclusively. In the Statesman, he retains the point of view but descends to the discussion of some highly significant phases of actual government. In the Law, finally, he formally abandons his idealism and seeks to set forth a system that would be workable among imperfect men. Even Plato himself miserably failed when he tried his ideas of Republic at Syracuse in Sicily.
Summary and Conclusion
The Republic of Plato was written in the Vigour of youth with the burning zeal of a reformer and is full of hopes and aspirations. Many modern thinkers consider Plato as an enemy of freedom, and open society, and a defender of political reaction and even tyranny. Some criticism of this kind has been over emphatic; even unjustified.' As whitehead aptly opines "the safest general characterization of the European philosophical tradition is that it consists of a series of footnotes to Plato". His influence has endured over two thousand and three hundred years."

The State As the First And Foremost ... 13
It is a tribute to Plato's originality and philosophic genius that his theory of education is regarded as the greatest contribution to the science of pedagogy. The Republic is not only a deduction from first principles; it is also an induction from the facts of Greek life. Plato wanted to give something ideal for all times and all states and, therefore, went wherever reason led him. So a person who possesses pure reason is the only competent ruler according to him. This is an undeniable conclusion. The proposition of the disposition of the philosophers is supported by three basic arguments - logical, practical and expedient.
To the end, Plato was convinced that in a truly ideal state, the rule of pure reason embodied in the philosopher - king and unhampered by law or custom ought to prevail. But, he ever held that the theory developed in the Republic is of real importance and that his purpose in the Laws is to describe a second best state. Only a few thinkers in the history of political thought has been as consistent and logical as Plato.'
The ideal of good, or the form of the good is the ultimate principle of Plato's philosophy, at once the source and all being and of all knowledge. Plato invents not only a new system of education in virtue of which the state is formed, and its government recast in the name of justice, and for the sake of spiritual betterment.
Education is for the good of the individuals and for the safety of the state. Plato takes notice of the fact Athens was being governed by ignorant people and therefore suggests remedy in which he includes elements from Athenian as well as Spartan educational methods to give the best system, the aim of which "is the conversion of a soul from the study of the sensible world to contemplation of real existence."

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Notes
1. Harold FCherniss, The Riddle of the Early Academy
(New York: Russell, 1962), p.20.
2. Alexandre Koyre, Discovering Plato (New York; Columbia University
Press, 1945) p. 102.
J.J.Rousseau, Emile (London : Dent, 1911), p.8.
4. Hans Kelson, What is Justice? ( Berkeley & Los Angeles; University
of California Press), pp. 82 - 109.
5. N.R. Murphy, The interpretation of Plato's Republic (Oxford; Clarendon
. Press, 1951) p. 69.
6. Republic, (Benjamin Jowett's trans.) (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1953),
Book VIII, P.393.
7. Ibid.
8. Ibid.
9. Republic, Book.III, p.395.
10. Ibid, p.397.
11. Cited in Ronald B.Levinson, In Defense of Plato (Cambridge, Mass;
Harvard University Press).
12. Republic, Book 111, p.398.
13. Ibid, P.392.
14. Ibid, p.403.
15. Ibid, pp. 405-406.
16. Ibid, p.410.
17. Ibid, pp. 410 - 412.
18. Ernest Barker, op.cit.
19. George H.Sabine, A History of Political Theory, 3rd ed. (New York;
Holt 1962), p.62.
20. Republic Book 111, p.386.
21. Ibid, p.387.
22. Ibid, pp. 387-388.

The State As the First And Foremost .... 15
23.
24.
25.
26.
27.
28.
29.
30.
31.
32.
33.
34.
35..
36.
37.
38.
Ibid, p. 389.
Republic, Book II, pp 375 - 376. Republic, Book V, 465.
Alfred E.Taylor, Plato: The man and his work, 7th ed. ( London; Methuen, 1960 ), p.201.
Ronald B.Levinson, Op.cit. Republic, Book 1V, P433.
Ronald B. Levinson, Op.cit. George H.Sabtne, Op.cit., p.30.
Cited in Robert E.Rusk and James Scotland, Doctrines of the Great Educators, 5th ed. (London: Macmillan, 1979).
William D. Ross, Aristotle, 5th ed. (London; Methuen, 1960), p. 131.
Karl R Popper, Open Society and its Enemies, (Princeton; Princeton University Press, 1966)
William D. Ross, Op.cit, p. 132.
Cited in Alban D.Winspear, The Genesis of Plato's Thought, 2nd ed., (New york; Russell, 1956), p.40
R.H.S.Crossman, Plato Today (Newyork: Allen & Unwin, 1959)
Karl R.Popper, 0p.cit. Seemingly Substantiating the Popper's view Gilbert. Ryle writes, "Plato came from an aristocratic and wealthy family, several members of which had been politically prominent on the anti-democratic side. The victory of the democratic cause left Plato and his surviving relatives without political influence or prospects. Plato's attitude towards the leaders of democracy - that is demagogues - is what could be expected" "Plato" in the Encyclopedia of Philosophy, Paul Edward ed. (London; Macmillan, 1967), Vol. 5 & 6, P315.
Plato got another opportunity to visit Syracuse in Sicily in 362 B.C. Dion, who had cherished great admiration for Plato, invited him to Syracuse and train Dianysius II as a Philosopher - statesman. Plato accepted the invitation but with a hesitation. He had by that time realized the practical difficulties of his thought being translated into reality. Dion was maternal uncle of Dionysius and his chief minister but was distrustsed by Dionysius. Dionysius suspected that there might be plans not only for turning a king into a philosopher, but conceivably turning a philosopher into king. Dion was banished and shortly thereafter Plato left Syracuse.

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39.
40.
4.
42.
43.
Education - Politics Syndrome
In the second edition of their works, "Plato Today' and "The open Society and its Enemies', written respectively by Crossman and Popper, both have confessed that they have hit Plato harder than he deserved. Crossman says that he showed a prejudiced hostility to Plato. Popper says that his criticism of Plato is more emotional and harder than he wish. Popper's treatment of Plato is countered on many points of details by Ronald B.Levinson in his lengthy work, In Defence of Plato, Op.cit.
Cited in Robert R.Rusk and James Scotland, Op.cit., p.33.
A brief but informative discussion on Plato's influence on medieval and modern ages in various fields can be found in D.A.Rees, "Platonism and the Platonic Tradition", The Encylopedia of Philosophy, Op.cit, pp 333 - 341.
R.H.S.Crossman, Op.cit., p.84. Republic, Book III, p.398.

2
A.V. MANIWASAGAR
Agental influence in Political Socialization: The Role of School
'Society' and Politics' are closely inter-related, one affecting the other. Society is composed of various social systems among which the political system is one characterized by 'authoritative allocation of values'. The members of the society play their roles in those diverse social systems including the political system as well. Therefore, their roles in the political system would most likely, bear the imprint of the experiences and orientations acquired by them through the performance of societal roles. As they are born and reared up in the society, they tend to learn from their infancy onward, social values, beliefs and orientations as a consequence of which their social self is formed. This process of social learning is known as 'socialization'. When it takes place in the political context and tends to influence the individuals in the performance of their political roles, it is known as 'political socialiazation'.
Agental Influence in Political Socialization
Political socialization of the individual takes place under the aegis of the political socilalizers. Political socializers transmit political orientations explicitly or implicitly, intentionally or unintentionally,

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and thus, they contribute immensely towards the formation of the individual's political self and the shaping of his political orientations and dispositions. The political socializers - the agents of political socialization - therefore, come to occupy a place of immense importance in the political socialization process, and it is also recognized by the use of the very term 'political socialization'. As Dennis rightly points out, "to call the whole process 'political socialization' would seem to imply more initiative on the part of the socializer than of the socialized".
While shaping political orientations and dispositions of the individual, political socializers may play crucial roles in the context of stability or change in the political system. Political stability may be achieved or political change may be brought about when appropriate political values, beliefs, and attitudes are inculcated successfully in the people by the political-socializers. Political socializers are numerous. However, some important and universal political socializers or agents of political socialization are: the family, the school, the peer group, the mass media, the secondary groups, and the political-world. This analysis is confined with the role of the school as an agent of political socialization.
The Role of School
The school is a public institution, organized in the context of mass public education, where the young are imparted instructions in a wide variety of values and skills. It is the first public institution, beyond the family environment, with which the child comes into contact, and where he spends some of the formative years of his life. In the school, the child not only learns formal curricular instructions but also interacts with the teachers and other fellow school mates, and participates in extra-curricular activities as well. These curricular instructions as well as extra-curricular experiences acquired by him during school years when he gradually matures from childhood to

Agental Influence in Political Socialization 19
adolescence may significantly shape his political self. The school may act as a political socializer, in the context of both latent and manifest political socialization of the pre-adult, through various agencies and mechanism such as: the curriculum, the teacher, the school rituals, the school social milieu and the extra-curricular activities.
(i) The Curriculum
The school curriculum may be one of the major Instruments through which manifest and deliberate political socialization of the pre-adult may take place. Curricular content may be so designed as to imbue with preferred political values which may be directly learned and acquired by the student. For instance, courses in national history may highlight periods of national glory only; courses in civics and government may glorify the existing regime and may imbue with information and values conductive to it, or it may imbue with values and orientations appropriate for good citizenship. It is through the school curriculum that a society may undertake civic - education or political indoctrination of its preadult and consequently, may strive to create an allegiant and integrated citizenry by way of directly educating its adolescent citizens and inculcating in them desired political values and orientations.
The school curriculum may, thus, directly influence the formation of the political self of the pre-adults. However, as regard the amount of influence it exerts in real situations, research findings are not definite. Several American researchers have empirically assessed the amount of impact of high school civics courses upon American students. For instance, Litt, in his study of a sample of American students, reports that the students who took civics courses showed strengthened support for the democratic creed, but mere exposure to civic courses, he observed, did not affect their attitudes towards political participation. Litt concludes that, probably, students' attitudes towards political

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participation are so strongly channelled through other agencies that civics courses have little independent impact. In another most extensive study of high school students in America, Langton and Jennings found that exposure to civics courses resulted in marginal increases in students' level of political information, feelings of patriotism and political competence, and attitudes toward political participation. Similiar feelings, in the American context, have also been reported by Jennings, Langton and Niemi'. Langton in a separate national survey of American high school seniors finds that the relationship between civic curriculum and students political socialization is "extremely weak, in most instances bordering on the trival"6 This little impact of civics curriculum upon the American students in the context of their political learning is attributed by Langton to the redundancy of political values transmitted through it.
However, the cross-national survey conducted by Almond and Verba reveals positive linkage between exposure to civics courses in the school and the political socialization of the individual. On the basis of adult recall data of their samples of population in USA, UK, and Germany, Almond and Verba report that those who recalled that they had been taught about government and politics in the school scored high on the political competence scale.
(ii) The Teacher
The teacher imparts formal instructions to the students in the classroom. Students, therefore, come into direct and regular contact with the teacher throughout their school life. Hence, the teacher may exert considerable influence, directly as well as indirectly, upon the students in the formation of their political self.
(a) Transmission of Politically relevant Non-political
Orientations
The teacher acts as the authority in the classroom where he maintains

Agental Influence in Political Socialization 2
discipline, and enforces school rules and regulations. Students are directed to comply to rules. Therefore, values of discipline and respect for rules are inculcated in the students directly by the teacher who, thus, provides training for future citizenship. Besides, the teacher by way of performing his role as the authority figure in the classroom indirectly transmits authority-orientations which the students may learn inadvertently, and which may shape their political orientations subsequently. The teacher's authority pattern may be authoritarian or democratic depending upon how the teacher performs his role as the authority figure in the classroom and interacts with the students. Where the teacher is strict in his relationship with the students, rigidly adheres to rules, imparts severe physical punishment even for minor acts of indiscipline, and does not permit active participation of the students in the teaching programme in the classroom, the authority pattern appears to be of the authoritarian type.' But, the teacher's authority pattern may be said to be democratic where the teacher interacts with the students with warmth and affection, allows and encourages the students to participate actively in the teaching programme, and tends to be flexible and considerate in the enforcement of school rules.
The teacher's authority pattern in the classroom whether of the authoritarian or democratic type, may indirectly transmit authority orientations which may be imbibed by the students and which may accordingly shape their political orientations subsequently. Positive linkages between the teacher's authority pattern, and the latent, inadvertent political socialization of the socialize have been empirically found by some researchers. For instance, Almond and Verba," in their cross national study, find evidences of positive linkage and report that those individuals who recalled being allowed to participate in classroom discussions possessed high sense of political competence than those who were denied such participation.

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(b) Transmission of Explicitly Political Values &
Orientations
The teacher may transmit explicitly political values and orientations to the students in the classroom. But, such transmission is usually limited to the basic and consensual political values of the polity. The public school teacher represents the polity; therefore, he is not expected to use the classroom as a forum for discussion of partisan values. However, the teacher of the private School may transmit partisan political values through formal instructions in the classroom. But, the public school teacher is expected to transmit political values contained in the curriculum as well as consensual political values of the polity. As Dawson and Prewitt emphatically point out: "A polity cannot afford to have its school system rent by partisan debates, but neither can it afford a public education system negligent in transmitting the basic political norms of the society'. Thus the teacher may significantly influence both manifest and latent political learning of the pre-adult.
(iii) The School Rituals
Political values and orientations may be learned by the students through observance of national rituals and ceremonies in the school. Rituals such as singing of patriotic songs and the national anthem, observance of independence day and other national holidays, hoisting of national flag on nationally relevant occasions, honour to national heroes and the symbols of the nation etc., may foster patriotic feelings in the students. Through observance of various national rituals and ceremonies the school may inculcate in the students a sense of legitimacy toward the political system, and may contribute toward creation of an allegiant and integrated citizenary.

Agental Influence in Political Socialization 23
(iv) The School Social Milieu
The social milieu of the school provide for latent political learning of the students by way of disseminating, inadvertently, some nonpolitical orientation with subsequent political implications. The social composition of the school i.e. the composition of the student popula tion in terms of race, ethnicity, class, caste, religion, language, sex, region etc., may inadvertently, instill in the students some attitudes towards the society and the polity as well. For instance, homogeneous social composition of the school may inculcate in the students attitudes of group identification and loyalty as well as prejudices and discriminations against other groups of the society, whereas heterogeneous social composition of the student population may contributes toward the formation of attitudes of intergroup cooperation and harmony in the students.' These attitudes of intergroup cooperation and harmony or discrimination and conflict which the students may acquire inadvertently as a consequence of the impact of the social composition of the school may filter into the political area, and may subsequently influence the students to view the political world as one either of conflict or cooperation.
Empirical evidence revealing positive linkage between the social composition of the school and the latent political socialization of the a students have been obtained by researchers. For instance, Langton,' in his survey of Jamaican high school students, finds that schools having a dominant working class composition of the student population reinforce working class political norms and maintain the political cleavage between the working class and other social classes, where as working class students in school having heterogeneous social composition of the students population appear to be resocialized in the direction of higher class political norms. Similar findings have also been obtained by Langton in his survey of a sample of American high school students.

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(v) The School Extra-Curricular Activities
The school sponsors various clubs and associations such as the students' union, the athletic club, the debating society, the scout, and other cultural associations through which the students participate in extra-curricular activities. Participation in these extra - curricular activities may inculcate participatory values in the students and may, thus, provide indirect training for their future poliltical participation. For instance, participation in games and sports, and other athletic activities may instill values of competition and sportsmanship in the students and they may, thus, learn to compete according to the rules of the game, to compete to win but to accept defeat with grace. Similarly, participation in the students' union may infuse in them values of self-government and may provide indirect training for them for performing their future citizenship roles. Thus, the school extracurricular activities may significantly influence, of course indirectly and i advertently, the formation of the political orientations of the students.
Empirical findings, however, reveal limited impact of the school extracurricular activities in the context of latent political socialization of the students. For instance, Ziblatt, in his survey of a sample of American students, has found extremely limited influence of the school extra-curricular activities upon the students in the formation of their political orientations. But empirical researches in this area are not extensive. Therefore, any conclusive statement regarding the amount of impact of the school extra-curricular activities upon the political socialize must await extensive empirical researches.
Effectiveness of the School As a Political Socializer
The role of the school as an effective agent of political socialization may be crucially affected by some factors. One important factor may be the newness or the redundancy of values and orientations transmitted by the school. The school is likely to have significant

Agental Influence in Political Socialization 25
influence upon those students for whom the school socialization experiences are not redundant but new. When the student has already acquired, through other agencies, such values and orientations which the school transmits, and therefore, the socialization experiences become redundant, the school is likely to exert less independent impact upon the political-socialize. Of course, redundancy of values and orientations transmitted by the school may influence the formation of the political self of the student in another way. When the school socialization experiences become congruent with earlier socialization experiences of the student, the school may influence the formation of the political self of the student by way of reinforcement of the values and orientations learned earlier.
The role of the school as a political socializer may also be affected by the pattern of school management prevalent in the society. In the society where the school is exclusively managed and controlled by the state, the ruling elite may deliberately manipulate it as an instrument for political indoctrination of the students, but such deliberate manipulation of the school by the ruling elite may not become feasible in the society where there is decentralization in the management of the school.
Some Preconditions for Agental Influence
The amount of influence of the political socializers or the agents of political socialization upon the political socialize may be crucially affected by some vital pre - conditions such as exposure, communication, and respectivity.' The agent may exert influence upon the political socialize only when he is exposed to it. Therefore, exposure of the political socialize to the socializer may be a vital pre - requisite before political learning takes place. But mere exposure to the agent may not culminate in influence upon the political socialize. What may also be required is communication between the agent, and the learner. In order to exert influence, the agent is required to be

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active in transmitting communications and that too, with political content. However, mere exposure and communication may not ensure agental influence upon the political socialize.
Another vital pre-condition for agental influence may be receptivity of the learner. Receptivity of the political socialize to agental communications is likely to be affected by two other factors such as: the timing of communication transmitted by the agent, and the nature of relationship between the agent and the learner The political socialize is most likely to receive agental communications well provided he understands it; and his understanding is likely to depend upon his cognitive maturity which, in turn, develops with biological maturity. Therefore, agental communications should be so timed as to be understood, received, and inculcated by the individual. Mored ver, receptivity of the political socialize to agental communication may depend upon the intensity of emotional relationship between the agent and the learner. Prevalence of strong emotional relationship between the agent and the learner is likely to enhance the receptivity of the learner to the communications, transmitted by the agent.
Therefore, exposure, communication, and receptivity appear to be three vital preconditions for agental influence, and these preconditions conjointly, are likely to determine the amount of agental influence upon the political socialize."
Notes
1. Jack Dennis, "Major problems of Political Socialization Research",
Mid-west Journal of Political Science, 12, 1968) p. 107.
2. Edgar Litt, “Civics Education, Community Norms and Political Indoctrination", American Sociological Review, 28, February 1963, pp. 69 - 75.

Agental Influence in Political Socialization 27
3.
10.
11.
12.
13.
14.
15.
16.
17.
Kenneth P. Langton and M. Kent Jennings "Political Socialization and the High School Civics Curriculum in the United States "American Political Science Review, 62, September 1968, pp. 852-867.
M.Kent Jennings, Kenneth P. Langton and Richard G.Niemi, "Effects of the high School Civics curriculum" in M. Kent Jennings and Richard G.Niemi ed., The political character of Adolescents, (Princeton, N.J: Princeton University Press, 1974).
Kenneth PLangton, Political Socialization (New York Oxford University Press, 1972).
Ibid., pp. 97-98.
Gabriel A Almond and Sidney verba, The Civic Culture : Political Attitude and Democracy in Five Nations (Princeton, N.J.; Princeton University Press, 1989) See especially, pp.361-363.
Richard E.Dawson and Kenneth Prewith, Political Socialization (Boston : Boston & Co., 1979) p.152.
Ibid., pp. 165 - 166
Ibid.
Gabriel A. Almond and Sidney Verba, The Civic Culture, OP.cit., p. 160,
Richard E.Dawson and Kenneth Prewitt, Political Socialization, Op.cit., p. 160.
Ibid., p.168.
Kenneth P.Langton, "Peer Group and School and the Political Socialization Process", American Political Science Review, 61, 1967, pp. 151 - 158.
David Zibllat, "High School Extra-Curricular Activities and Political Socialization", The Annals of the American Academy of Political Science, 361, September 1965, pp. 20-31.
Paul Allen Beck, "Role of Agents in Political Socialization" in S.A. Renson ed., Handbook of political Socialization Theory and Research (New York: The Free Press, 1977) p.117.
Ibid., p.194. For the rediscovery of the phenomenon see Larry Diamond ed., Political Culture and Democracy in Developing Countries (Boulder: Lynne Rienner, 1993): Mehran Kamrava, Understanding Comparative Politics: A Framework for Analysis (London: Roultedge, 1995).6., Mehran Kamrava, Political Culture and a New Definition of the Third World, Third World Quarterly, 4, December 1995, pp. 691 - 701.

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3
F. M. H. ANSAR
The lodeology of Imperial Political Culture and the Third World Academics
The ideology of imperialism holds sway today over the minds of millions across the globe-this is capitalist collectivisation of the intellect both acadcmic and freelance, a one-dimensional tutelage that strangles and suffocates both creativity and criticism wherever it be located. The arena is the third world, the arsenal is false consciousness, and the objective the total intellectual subjugation and subordination of the critical potential of the intelligentsia, that inevitable and inexhaustible recruiting ground for political leadership in the "developing countries". Imperialist brainstorming yields dividends richer than ordinary plunder the costs are negligible, the effort is painless and the enterprise itselfeasily monitored by remote control. Third world academics has been inundated with this ideological offensive ever since the peoples of the colonized nations had successfully forced formal political "decolonization", the "concession" that the imperialist ruling classes made, hastily at a rare time of division between them, to their junior partners in the colonies in fear of the "revolt of the masses" that seemed imminent among most of the subjugated peoples of the world during that troubled and turbulent time of history.

The Ideology of Imperial Political Culture.... 29
Some of this petrifying ideocultural baggage had to be "sold" to the third world in terms of lucrative educational programmes launched with much fanfare and inter-governmental approval, scholarships, fellowships and other fringe benefits of direct and immediate appeal to the consumption starved post colonial elites now suffering from an almost ineradicable inferiority complex vis-a-vis their dominant western masters whom they had only recently helped to overthrow, but most of the meat went over free-imperialism has always had relatively permanent bases of ideological and material coincidence among the local ruling classes under its area of control.
A sample survey of reading lists and research topics drawn at random from the major universities of Africa, Latin America and Asia would confirm the overwhelming onslaught of the hegemony of what can only be termed "white western capitalism" in increasing order of emphasis. This hydra-headed dragon of ideological, collusion breathing imperialist fires and primeval barbarism, this truly monstrous imposition on the minds of generations of our unsuspecting peoples, marches ever more triumphantly by the hour, sowing its terrible seed where riot even blasts of napalm could reach, let alone obliterate. Sadly, but surely, this conquest grows more and more complete, and our acquiescence more and more abject despite some feeble protestations and an occasional flurry of intellectual arms usually inspired by a vague nationalism that is just as vulgar and equally hopeless.
One such "academic" enterprise comes readily to mind, although public memory is notoriously short and indeed maintained that way eagerly by vested interests-the infamous "Project Camelot" where behavioral social science happily prostituted itself to cold war operations flinging all pretenses of the much vaunted "neutrality" of scientific enterprise to the wind of immediate fortune. Indeed "Project Camelot" holds the key to the entire intelligibility of imperialist social science and its ready subordination to politico-military interest: it is

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worth an examination in itself. We can do no better than to start with a definition of the terms of the project in the words of the military apparatus itself:
The U. S. Army counter insurgency mission places broad responsibilities on the Army for planning and conducting operations involving a wide spectrum of socio-political problems which are integral parts of counter- insurgency operations. The Army must, therefore, develop doctrines based on sound knowledge of the problem areas... the problem of insurgency is an integral part of the larger problem of the emergency of the developing countries and their transition toward modernization....social science resources have not yet been adequately mobilized to study social conflict and control....
Thereafter, the next step became, quite naturally, the mobilization of groups of not unwilling'social scientists' to assistin the noble scientific effort of suppressing popular liberation movements across the world, movements that did not correspond to the ideals of modernization consistent with imperialist trade and political interests. And, accordingly, to quote Irving Horowitz.
In July of 1964, the Chief of Research and Development, Department of the Army, requested that Special Operations Research Office (SORO) of the American University develop a plan under the terms of its contract ARO-7 for research"to test the feasibility of developing a social systems model which will give the following capabilities":
1. Measurement of internal war potential 2. Estimation of reaction effect 3. Information collecting and handling systems
Project Camelot was by no means alone-a host of fraternal siblings, of similar high motivation, both preceded and followed it: Project

The Ideology of Imperial Political Culture. 31
Revolt in French Canada, Project Simpatico in Colombia etc, to mention only a few-and needless to add the biggest and most respected names in American academics are involved, on excellent authority, in some form or other of such spurious government contracted "research", including, and under the auspices of; prestigious American universities very like the university that, for a 20% commission, provided cover for the machinations of 'Camelot'. Such is the revealed nature of a social science found linked in servile partnership with political strategy, where as someone put it, "knowledge breeds power and power breeds knowledge" to the everlasting corruption of both.
The link between behavioral social science and the security requirements of imperialism is not necessarily, as the naive may believe, insidious and underhand; if anything, it has been sought to institutionalize it in open and formalized fashion. In the words of Dante B.Fascell of the U.S.House of Representatives:
One area that was of particular interest to our sub-committee in this investigation deals with the role of the behavioral sciences-with what they tell us about human attitudes and motivations and how this knowledge is being-or can be applied to governmental undertakings designed to carry out our foreign policy objectives... My first bill proposes the establishment of a Presidential Commission - for a White House Conference on the social and behavioral sciences to examine our national effort in the behavioral sciences... to assist in meeting our national requirements.
It is this marriage between behavioral social science and the political objectives of imperialism that has given satanical birth to the new demonology of counter-revolution that has gutted the scientific horizon of third world academia for over four decades, the label for which may well be: The Established Imperialist Order-Do not Fold, Spindle, or Mutilate.'

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The "political culture" phantom is the same routine sort of monstrosity in the continuing saga of ideological aggression delivered with the same astonishingly unchanging arrogance of the ever-patronizing, big-brotherly 'western' academic to his insufferably sterile and sycophantic third world counterpart. In its combination of idiocy and guile, the two inseparable elements of bourgeois ideology, the political culture variant of imperialist ideology issurely unmatched; the idiocy may well held hope for a possible built-in' obsolescence of this uniquely capitalist commodity but the guile makes it imperative that this misguided missile be immediately deflected and destroyed before the study of things political becomes irretrievably saturated by this form of metaphysical inversion where fact and fiction, Ideas and institutions, the objective and the subjective, cause and effect are insidiously substituted and confused for each other. Political culture may well be subtitled a "scientific ode to imperialism", a series of ritualized incantations in praise of the kingdom of heaven on earth : the capitalist world. In their opening litany, Almond and Verba have the following precious vignettes to offer, here strung together to save space:
... the transfer of the political culture of the western democratic states to the emerging nations encounters serious difficulties (Hence the need for such adroit political culture salesmen such as Almond Verba et. al., the civic culture and the open polity, represent the great and problematic gifts of the west (For which the ignoble East is eternally obliged and forever grateful... but letus undo the modesty of these authors and mention the other great "gifts" of the benevolent West: what about the "gifts" of plunder, piracy. pillage, rape, loot, slavery, genocide and napalm, to mention only a choice few? Or has the history of the last 400 years to the present day been entirely forgotten ?)
One could easily go on endlessly if there was any further need for confirmation of the ideological villainy of this magnificient new

The Ideology of Imperial Political Culture... 33
"science' which seeks, among other things, to microscopically measure the conformity of the emerging world to the institutional norms of western capitalism and Anglo-American political models specifically. The audacity may well take one's breath away, but such is the smug and self-assured imperialist approach to the threat of possible political diversity in the emerging nations of Latin America and Afro-Asia; it is no ordinary blood that runs in their veins-400 years of domination and super-ordination seem well to be concealed in it.0
Behavioral science is impelled by its own logic toward behavioral control and domination quite aside from the deliberate machinations of "scholars" like the polished peddlers of political culture in whose case the plain intention is to carry out instrumental empirical research to determine international patterns of deviance from capitalist "values" and "attitudes" that mightstand in the way of a total capitalist transformation in these nations. Such strategic studies can hardly be left to the indeliberate hallucinations of the 'traditional scholar’: As Lucian Pye puts it bluntly,
The problem of classifying politics could once be left to the curiosities of isolated scholars, but today it has suddenly become one of the greatissues of public affairs and international relations.
So, once and for all, exit the traditional, "isolated" (that is, not supported by military panels or federal funds.) scholar and enter the teams of sophisticated and pragmatic' scholar-diplomats of strategic studies wielding all manner of 'scientific' tools and technical equipage, only too ready to bludgeon a critical social science with their computerised jackhammers
Psychology, that personalized investigation of the domain of the 'individual', that complex and alienated creation of capitalist society, has always been the unwitting handmaid of reactionary ideologues;

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small wonder, then, that it is the first recruit in the conceptual standing army of political culture specialists. In its valiant effort to reverse historical causation, that undying is incomplete Weberian enterprise, and ridicule Marxian analytical dynamics, political culture theory attempts to explain primary determinations by secondary derivations; the domain of the subjective accordingly becomes the last frontier of bourgeois apologetic. As Pye explains,
...the political culture of a society is given firm structure by the factors basic to its dynamic psychology... each generation must receive its politics from the previous one the total process must follow the laws that govern the development of the individual personality and the general culture of a society...
The political attitude is thereby transmuted into a psychological reflex: it is no stretch of imagination to foresee a situation in the near future where these learned salesmen open political culture 'salons' or 'clinics' whose placard may well read-"Worried about politics? See a shrink'
Less facetiously, the study of politics becomes inseparable, if not actually co-terminous with, from a study of social pathology and personality via a Durkheimian' concern with anomie. But methodology is hardly a serious concern for a strategic policy operation of the kind envisaged by the political culture school; for this is a neo-scientific enterprise unburdened by the canons of methodological respectability laid so conscientiously for capitalist social science by the ingenuity of Max Weber.' A methodological discussion on political culture would not be worth the paper it is printed on, and besides it would unnecessarily give a semblance of intellectual respectability to the vulgar imperialist propaganda that it so assiduously tries to conceal-if only contempt were a cure for ideology. It is curious, however, to occasionally find the odd Scholar, within the camp as it were, being disgruntled with the "limitations”

The Ideology of Imperial Political Culture. 35
of the concept of political culture: as the author of a recent study of Cuba () writes,
...this definition is useful in investigating and explaining how and why certain political institutions function or fail to function in specific national settings... it is much less useful, however, when the focus of inquiry is on the directed transformation of the institutions themselves...
The naivete is touching, but that's about all. This calculated export of imperialist totalitarianism through the medium of academic agents has not always pleased the "isolated" scholar that Pyc scoffs at-after all, if nothing else, their credibility is at stake too, and they realize that they could all the more easily be dragged under popular indignation. As Sahlins puts it, in his personal protest against Project Camelot:7
...this harassment falls on everyone, just or unjust; independent scholar or academic cold warrior, foreign intellectuals as well as the Americans with whom they work. In some sense it is not our fault that America appears to many people an interventionist and counter-revolutionary power. And it is not our fault that American agents, whose relations to progressive movements seem instinctively hostile operate under cover in the third world. But least we can do is protect the anthropologists' relation to the third world, which is a scholarly relation. Field work under contract to the U. S. Army is no way to protect that relation...
But Sahlins is in a minority. More representative is some one like Irving Horowitz who after "learning" that "the identification of revolution and radical social change with a social pathology is the final proof... that the functionalist credo of order, stability, pattern maintenance, stress management, and so forth does indeed reveal strong conservative drives', has this to say about Project Camelot:

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...the cancellation of Camelot, however pleasing it may be on political grounds to advocates of a civilian to Latin American affairs, represents a decisive setback for social science research...
If the cancellation of Camelot was a setback to "social Science one could not wish too fervently for more such cancellations; but the point, however, is that money after all is still a universal solvent and academics are not impervious to its charms-Professor Horowitz included.
The fact that we describe the political culture baggage as ideology is by no means to underrate its effectiveness-after all, ideology is one level of practice and one form of control. The sure way to battle ideological domination, especially coercive ideologies of the kind in question, is to expose and reveal all the various political connections that tie seemingly innocent ideas to very real and dangerous material interests that cower under it-the scientist's task is precisely to make such intelligible connections between the sword and the pen in his confrontation with bourgeois ideology : the critical unmasking of imperialism and social transformation, to point out the non-academic origins and intentions of ideology, while letting history settle questions of method with its usual certainty.
The political culture arsenal, stockpiled with banality, is nevertheless a careful and calculated response to the popular appeal of marxian analytics and socialist ideas among elites and mass movements primarily in the third, world, and, to a slightly lesser extent in Western and Southern Europe. In the face of growing class-consciousness and class-polarization across the world, this new approach to the study of politics is an attempt to divert the attention and focus of the student of politics to relatively secondary, personal and hence universal aspects of popular consciousness, to lose the forest and gain the trees as it were "culture' is a term more agreeable than class and relatively

The Ideology of Imperial Political Culture. 37
more difficult to pin down under the expansive definition given it-its very alleged homogeneity a prophylactic against the discovery of specific clusters of class orientations in the people's weltanscaauung. Further, consciousness in itself is seen as a stable determinant of political forms with attitudes and beliefs defining existing institutions correspondingly, political structures are viewed as being "embedded" in the arena of values and cognition that have a primacy of their own, without any evaluation of the real nature of dialectical reciprocity between them.
Certainly, it comes to mind that, in many colonized countries capitalist social and political institutions were rudely thrust on pre-capitalist social formations with obvious conflicts between popular attitudes and institutional structures : but once established and acquiring dominance, a mode of production reproduces itself on all levels, basic and superstructural, leading to the ideological hegemony of the ruling classes-a process historically complicated in the third world by the rise of socialist mass movements challenging the ideology of capitalism thereby producing an often eclectic national consciousness, with elements of pre-capitalist, capitalist and even post-capitalist ideas with capitalist ideas predominating although not without a compromise here and a concession there. But the struggle between ideas and institutions, if history be our guide, is hardly settled in the realm of ideas-rather, in real praxis, through the determined agencies of class-struggle and class-overthrow.
The attempt to maintain Anglo-American imperialist hegemony over the third world through the encouragement, even "creation' of political cultures favourable to capitalism, spills over, in the light of imperialist contradictions, to a guarded criticism of those capitalist nations of Euro-America where the socialist movement is strong enough to periodically shake the NATO applecart. France and Italy' naturally come in for critical scrutiny in this respect-the intellectual vanguard of imperialism is quite acutely aware of the "weaknesses'

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in the capitalist chain, and more importantly, we can be sure, know what to do about it-the innocents, it is hoped, will beware.
Occasionally, political culture studies spill over to the socialist nations as well in the heartfelt longing to discover persisting reactionary ideologies and interests that could be recruited as allies in the cold, and possibly even a hot war. Individualism, paternalism and religion are eagerly sought after in the socialist world as elements of a possible future transition to capitalism. The attempt would be laughable if it were not so pernicious.
Ironically, it is conceivable today, in this crisis of world capitalism far both Britain and the U. S. themselves to betray elements of opposition to the political culture of capitalism. In which case it would be quite a challenge for our political culture purists to refashion the archetypal models they started off with-but the "theory" of political cultures is probably adaptive enough to meet a new reordering of reality for all strategy can be reformulated according to the demands of expediency. The point is simply this: political culture is the ideological defense of capitalism-if today capitalism seems most vulnerable in the third world, the strategic view-finder swivels in that direction but tomorrow the crisis could be closer home : and it is a safe bet that it will not find imperialist social science unprepared. As it stands now, detailed and painstaking empirical research on all international "problem areas" for capitalism has been accomplished via the medium of such instrumentalist social theory; on which secure basis military planners will no doubt debate policy options endlessly.
The duty of the responsible scholar in the third world is to resist this form of imperialist interventionism in the internal political affairs of their nations steadfastly and to simultaneously step up alternate models of analysis to supplant and replace such irresponsible scholarship-for ideology only too readily fills a scientific vacuum : there is no alternative but to throw the intellectual baggage of capitalism in to, itself only the first step in the long and arduous road

The Ideology of Imperial Political Culture.... 39
to complete self-determination. This paper is only an extended plea for such a concerted academic resolve.
Notes
Racism has been historically inseparable from imperialism and has long been underplayed by progressive writers; for all its simplifications, R. Segal's The Rape War, is a persuasive reminder to political scientists to incorporate the specific historical context of white racism.
An expose of this notorious project is to be found in Irving Horowitz (ed), The Rise and Fall of Project Camelot, M.I.T.Press Cambridge, 1967.
Ibid., p.51.
Extract from a Working Paper issued by Project Cameloton December 5, 1964 intended to orient military readers.
American University, Washington: Information supplied by I. Horowitz.
6. Phrase used by Marshall Sahlins in paper published in Horowitz's book
10.
11.
on Camelot.
Paper entitled "Behavioral Sciences and National Security", p. 178 in Horowitz expose.
A paraphrase of Sahlins title of paper on Camelot.
Almond and Verba: The Civic Culture, Princeton, N.Jersy, 1965, pp. 3-9.
This form of historical amnesia, where entire epochs of unsavoury character are lightly brushed aside as immaterial is truly mind boggling. It is at least understandable when the tribe of oppressors pretends to forget - but when the victims also participate in this whitewashing of brutalities perpetrated on them it is absolutely astonishing; but such is the case with most neo-colonial intellectuals.
L. Pye in Introduction to Pye and Verbs (ed.,): Political Culture and Political Development, Princeton N.Jersey, 1955, p.4.
L. Pye has served in several governmental capacities; D.Rustow served as "Consultant" to the U.S. Dept. of State; and Fred Barghoorn has served the Dept. of State as well as the U.S. Embassy in Moscow,

Page 29
40
13.
14.
15.
16.
17.
18.
19.
20.
Education - Politics Syndrome Pye, n. 12, p. 27.
See Durkheim's celebrated sociological study of suicide - a classic. Max Weber: Methodology of the Social Sciences.
Richard E. Fagen: The Transformation of Political Culture in Cuba, Standford University Press, California, 1969.
M. Sahlins, in article entitled "The Established Order: Do not fold, Spindle, or Mutilate", in Horowitz book, n. 3, p. 71.
I. Horowitz, in his own Introduction to book, n.3, p. 41.
See Pye and Verba: Political Culture and Political Development and Almond and Verba: The Civic Culture.
F. Barghoorn, formerly of the U.S. Embassy in Moscow has "studied" the political culture of the Soviet Union in typical capitalist and cold war terms, See Pye and Verba n.20.

4
WINODKUMAR
An Analysis of Government Expenditure on Education in India
Education is the birthright of every citizen of a country. It is the duty of State to protect its people against ingnorance and illiteracy just as it protects them against voilence and aggression. In 1948, the United Nations General Assembly unanimously declared in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (Article 26(1)): "Everyone has the right to education. Education shall be free at least in elementary and fundamental stages. Elementary education shall be compulsory. Technical and professional education shall be made generally available and higher education shall be equally accessible to all on the basis of merit"
Rapid economic development has been the fundamental objective of the developing as also of the developed countries. Economic development is accomplished and accelerated through investment in the various sectors of the economy. For a considerable period, it was the investment made in the physical assets that was considered as the key to promote economic development. It is only in the early sixties that the importance of skill and abilities of man in accelerating the process of development was clearly identified and acknowledged.’
Emphasising the role of man in the economic development of a nation Gerald M. Meier has aptly remarked, "Key to development is man

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42 Education - Politics Syndrome
and that his abilities, values and attitudes must be changed in order to accelerate the process of development". This view has been accepted to a large extent in the modern age, as both the theoretical and the empirical researches have substantiated the fact that investment in human capital formation of a country has played a crucial role in raising the level of efficiency and productivity of human beings and through them of the various factors of production which complement and supplement the process of production. The crucial role of investment in man, specially through the medium of education has attracted the attention of the economists both in developed and in developing countries. The development of agriculture, industry and trade depends upon modern knowledge, innovative aptitudes, technical skills and supervisory talents. It is education that helps in developing these attributes.
While the role of education in the economic development of a country has been highlighted more emphatically by modern economists specially since early 1960s, it is pertinent to note that the classical economists, like Adam Smith and Alfred Marshall, too had recognised the contribution of human factor in economic development centuries ago. Adam Smith, while discussing his concept of "fixed capital” in his Wealth of Nations, at various places, included expressions like: "the acquired and useful abilities of all the inhabitants or members of society.'The same view is clearly illustrated when he emphasised that, "the acquisition of such talents, by the maintenance of the acquirer during his education, study or apprenticeship always costs a real expense, which is a fixed capital, as it were, in his person. These talents as they make part of his future, so do they likewise that of the society to which he belongs.” Similarly, Alfred Marshall also recognized the benefit and importance of education in the economic development in "human beings' is the most valuable of all the capital resources. He stated that, "a good education confers great indirect benefits even on the ordinary workman. It stimulates his mental activity; it fosters in him a habit of wise inquisitiveness, it makes

An Analysis of Government Expenditure.... 43
him more intelligent, "more ready, most trustworthy in his ordinary work; it raises the tone of his life in working hours and out of working hours, it is thus, an important means towards the production of material wealth".
Since the end of Second World War there have been a number of attempts in developed countries, mainly in the United States, to identify and measure the return of education vis-a-vis development and growth. Amongst notable studies, the work done by Robert Solow in this field is of a pioneering nature. Solow has estimated that 90 percent of growth of output in U.S.A. between 1910 and 1960 was due to "residuary factors' which, amongst others, primarily included education of the people. He has further pointed out on the basis of his researches that similar experiences may also be witnessed in respect of growth in the economics of West Germany, France, USSR, and Japan. Edward Dennison" has emprically concluded that the growth in the U.S. economy during recent years is greatly attributed to improved education and training. His empirical findings are as under:
Table- 1: Sources of Growth in U.S. Real National Income
Sources of Growth Percentage of Total Growth
1909-1929 1929-1957
Increase in quantity of labour 39 27 Increase in quantity of capital 12 15 Improved education and training 13 27 lmproved technology. 12 20 All other 10 11
Source: Edward Dennison: The Sources of Economic Growth (New York: Committee for Economic Development, 1962). Cited by R.B. Agrawal: Financing of Higher Education in India, (Varanasi: Ganga Kaveri Publishing House, 1993). P26.

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44 Education - Politics Syndrome
It can easily be inferred from the above table that whereas 39 percent of growth of national income, during the period 1909-29 was attributed to the income in the quantity of labour, the same is found to have declined to 27 percent during the period 1929-57. This shows that increase in number of work force in the USA has been relatively less helpful in increasing the growth rate in the U.S. economy. However, it is further noted that improved education and training has been greatly responsible for accelerating the growth in U. S. economy which is clearly reflected in its increased share from 13 percent during the period 1909-29 to 27 percent during the period 1929-57. Probably, this has been the key factor in the economic growth of the U.S.
economy. .
It is, thus, clear that better educational back-ground not only increases the income of workers but also assists them in making better use of the existing facilities, enables them to introduce innovations and new techniques of production which result in improved production performance leading to higher level of efficiency and productivity and it also has a far-reaching effects in building up an atmosphere of constructive change in the social outlook of a nation for progress and prosperity.
Financing of Education-A Brief History
The present system of education in India may be attributed to the British rulers who shaped it and designed it on the English pattern. The present system of schools, colleges and universities is thus a gift of the British rule. Since the British rule did not recognise education as their social responsibility, the universities and colleges in the country were permitted to charge fees from the students to meet the financial requirements and raise resources through donations and endowments for their maintenance and survival. The system of providing grants-in-aid in the form of government support, however, was introduced to meet their deficits, but was practised only in a very limited scale.

An Analysis of Government Expenditure.... 45
During this period, the government tried to streamline the educational system by formation of different committees and commissions such as the Indian Education Commission (1882). Resolutions on Education Policy (1904 and 1913), Calcutta University Commission (1917-19) and Sargent Report (1946-47). The findings of these Committees and Commissions were found to be important in stopping the present educational system prevailing in India. It may be pointed out that the government, to begin with, decided to provide financial support for education. In 1913 Resolution on Education Policy was confirmed by the British Parliament. Initially this support started with the meagre sum of Rs. I lakh which increased to Rs. 10 lakhs in 1854 and to Rs. 103.91 lakhs in 1901-1902. Happily, the attitude of Central Government towards education appeared to be more and more liberal and in 1946-47 the amount was raised to Rs. 25.26 crores. Thus, the sources of funding education in India during the British period included not only fees from the students, income from endowments, donations, charities, but also the financial support from the government in the form of grants-in-aid; though this support was generally found to be a small portion of the total financial requirements of the institutions.
It is only after Independence that it was realised by both the government and the planners, the education is a very important contributory factor in economic development. Bold steps were taken by incorporating educational expenditure as part of development strategy with the setting up of the national government. It was realised that large investment in education was a sine qua non for achieving higher economic growth. Further, it was also felt that the elite character of education developed by the Britishers be transformed into a common man character and the educational facilities should remain the prerogative not only of the relatively better-off sections of the society but such gains should be available uniformly to all the groups of society, so that it does not remain the monopoly of a few.

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46 Education - Politics Syndrome
It may be pointed out that the objective of education in free India was to make it conducive to economic growth by preparing a band of qualified personnel. The government, therefore, had rightly started allocating large funds for diversification and development of education to widen the country's resources of talented and qualified people for speeding economic growth. Table-2 shows the share of Government in total education expenditure. It increased from 57.1 per cent to 77 percent during 1951-52 to 1975-76 indicating an increase of 34.85 percent.
Table-2 : Government Financing of Education
Year Percentage of government funds in total
expenditure on education
1951-52 57.1
1965-66 70.4
1970-71 75.6
1975-76 77.0
Source: Education in India (1974-76) - A Report presented at XXXVI International Conference on Public Education held at Geneva in September 1977, p.7.
Growth and Behaviour
In India, according to constitutional division of power, education, in the main, is the responsibility of State Government. However, the Central Government has been increasing its outlay on education in several directions, namely, coordination and determination of standards in institutions for higher education and research and scientific and technical institutions.
In India, the expenditure on education is financed by the Central Government, State Government, local bodies, fees and other sources that include endowments, donations and voluntary contributions.

An Analysis of Government Expenditure... 47
Table-3 shows that there has been an all round increase in government expenditure on education in absolute terms, as a proportion to total government expenditure on education which stood only at Rs. 60.95 crores in 1950-51, increased to Rs. 110.81 crores in 1955-56, to 215.22 crores in 1960-61, to Rs. 432.37 crores in 1955-56, to Rs.889.44 crores in 1970-71, to Rs. 1825.02 crores in 1975-76, to Rs. 3455.37 crores in 1980-81, to Rs. 7633.30 crores in 1985-86 and further to Rs. 18678.20 crores in 1991-92. This increase in government expenditure on education represents an increase of more than 306 times in 199192 ονer 1950-51.
The government expenditure on education in proportion to the total government expenditure reflects fluctuating behaviour from 6.20 percent in 1950-51 to 7.80 percent in 1955-56, 6.72 percent in 196061, 6.58 percent in 1960-61, 6.58 percent in 1965-66, 5.16 percent in 1970-71, 9.31 percent in 1975-76, 9.91 percent in 1980-81, 10.11 percent in 1985-86, 11.19 percent in 1990-91 and 10.70 percent in 1991-92. For about forty-two years i.e. from 1950-51 to 1991-92, it claimed about 8.55 percent of total government expenditure.
Table-3: Total Government Expenditure on Education, its Proportion to total Government Expenditure, its Proportion to GNP and Per-capita Expenditure on Education in India from 1950-51 to 1991-92
Financial Total Col 2 as % of Col.2 as % of Per Capita Year Expenditure on Total GNP Government
Education. (Rs. Government Expenditure on crores) Expenditure Education (Rs.)
(1) (2) (3) (4) (5)
1950-51 60.95 6.20 0.68 1.69 1951-52 65.34 6.17 0.69 179 1952-53 72.30 7.42 0.77 2.65 1953-54 79.99 7.86 0.78 2.11
1954-55 94.59 7.52 0.99 2.45

Page 33
48
1955-56
1956-57
1957-58
1958-59
1959-60
1960-61
1961-62
1962-63
1963-64
1964-65
1965-66
1966-67
1967-68
1968-69
1969-70
1970-71
1971-72
1972-73
1973-74
1974-75
1975-76
1976-77
1977-78
1978-79
1979-80
1980-81 1981-82
1982-83
1983-84
1984-85
1985-86
1986-87
1987-88
1 O.80
133.55
147.25
162.04
87.71
25.22
26049
278.83
313.81
269-95 432.37 487.92
593.15
684.30
780.48
889.44
988.96
1120.51
1285.68
157124
1825.20
2014.36
2283.48
2579.78
2928.83
3455.37
4010,44
4848.39
5520.18
6474.54
7633.30
8767.21
10688.76
7.80
7.90
7.06
7.65
8.22
6.72
7.45
6.64
6.17
5.08
6.58
6.5
7.93
9.08
9.58
5.16
9.08
8.86
9.53
9.77
9.31
8.89
8.03
8.64
10.23
9.91
O.
10.5
10.24
10.91
10.11
9.70
10.66
Education -
1.04
1.15
1.24
1.22
35
41
1.62
1.63
1.60
1.18
18O
1.79
1.85
2.03
2.10
2.25
2.35
2.42
2.27
2.35
2.57
2.63
2.62
2.75
2.85
2.81
2.79
3.05
2.97
3.2
3.28
3.39
3.65
Politics Syndrome
2.8
3.33
3.60
3.87
4.40
4.95
5.86
6.14
6.76
5.69
8.91
9.85
11.72
13.21
14.75
16. 16
17.66
19.65
21.79
26.18
29.91
32.48
35.79
39.62
43.97
50.07
56.80
67.15
75.00
86.21
99.65
12.25
1341

An Analysis of Government Expenditure. 49
1988-89 12354.60 0.78 3.53 52.15 1989-90 15158.80 1.07 3.78 183.29 1990-91 RE 17645.65 1119 3.78 209.07 1991-92BE 8678.20 10.70 3.49 25.78
Source: Computed on the basis of the data provided by Government of India, Ministry of Finance, Department of Economic Affairs, Economic Division, Indian Economic Statistics- Public Finance, various issues.
The proportion of government expenditure on education to GNP shows an upward behaviour from 0.68 percent in 1950-51 to 1.04 percent in 1955-56. The rise from 1955-56 to 1960-61 was 0.37 percent and in 1965-66 it could reach to 1.80 percent. During 196566 to 1970-71 it continued to rise and stood at 2.25 percent in 197071. Thereafter, it again reflects fluctuating behaviour and stood at 2.57 percent in 1975-76, 2.81 percent in 1980-81, 3.28 percent in 1985-86, 3.78 percent in 1990-91 and 3.49 percent in 1991-92.
The percapita government expenditure on education during the period 1950-51 to 1991-92 also witnessed an upward rising behaviour. Whereas, the per capita government expenditure on education in 1950-51 was only Rs. 1.69, it increased to Rs. 2.81 in 1955-56 and rose rapidly to Rs. 16.17 in 1970-71, Rs. 29.91 in 1975-76, Rs. 50.07 in 1980-81, Rs.99.65 in 1985-86, Rs. 209.07 in 1990-91 and Rs. 215.78 in 1991-92 (Table-3), if we consider the overall increase during the period, the increase was more than 127.7 times.
Education has been one of the fastest growing sectors of the Indian economy. Generally the rate of increase of expenditure on education is higher than that of total government expenditure, which in turn is higher than the rate of increase in GNP. As a consequence, expenditure on education as a proportion of the total government expenditure and GNP continues to increase at a steady rate.

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50 Education - Politics Syndrome
An idea about the growth of expenditure on education since the commencement of Five Year Plan can be had from Table-4. It is clear from the table that there has been a rapid increase in the expenditure on education in absolute terms during successive plans.
Table-4: Growth of Government Expenditure on Education in India in Different Five Year Plans (Rs. in crores)
Five year plans Govt. expenditure Total plan outlay Expenditure on on various types (Rs.in crores) education as %
of Edn. (Rs. in of Plan outlay
crores)
First plan (1950-51 to 1955-56) 153 1,946 7.8 Second plan (1956-57 to 1960-61) 273 4,680 5.8 Third Plan (1961-62 to 1965-66) 589 8,572 6.8 Annual Plan (1966-67 to 1968-69) 322 6,625 5.3
Fourth Plan (1969-70 to 1973-74) 786 15,742 5.0 Fifth Plan (1974-75 to 1979-80) 1,713 39,322 3.2 Sixth Plan (1980-81 to 1984-85) 2524 97,500 2.6 Seventh Plan
(1984-85 to 1989-90) 6,383 1,80,000 3.5
Source: Computed on the basis of the data provided by (I) Azed, J. L. : Higher Education in India-Deepening Financial Crisis (New Delhi: Radiant Publisher, 1988), P.8. (ii) Agrawal, R. B.: Financing of Higher Education in India. (Varanasi: Ganga Kaveri Publishing House, 1993), p.45.

An Analysis of Government Expenditure.... 5
Whereas, in the First Five Year Plan, the Government spent Rs. 153 crores on the various types of education which was estimated slightly over Rs. 6300 crores during the Seventh Five Plan (1985-90). However, the relative share of expenditure on education in the total plan outlay declined from 7.8 percent during the First Five Year Plan to 3.5 per cent during the Seventh Five Year Plan. Thus the event is otherwise than the thinkings of economists, that there should be an increase in investment in education to achieve the goals of development, political, socialisation, modernisation and other social objectives.
A Comparative Study
After analysing the growth and behaviour of government expenditure on education in India over the year, it may be interesting to make a comparative study of the expenditure on education in the developed and developing countries of the world. Table-5 sums up the position about public expenditure on education for the years 1970 and 1982."
Table-5 Public Expenditure on Education in 1970 and 1982
Item Public expenditure Expenditure Expenditure per
on education as % of GNP capita (US $) (million US$)
1970 1982 1970 1982 1970 1982
(1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) (7)
World 159,583 6,27,736 5.4 5.8 57 181
(100.00) (100.00)
Developed Countries 1,46,964 5,35,765 5.7 6.2 137 456
(92.20) (85.30)
Developing Countries 12,574 91.971 3.3 4.3 7 40 (including India) (7.80) (14.70) India 1491 5,943 2.8 3.2 2.6 8.3
(0.93) (0.95)
Source: Statistical Year Book, UNESCO, 1984. Note: Figures in bracket denote percentage.

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52 Education - Politics Syndrome
It may be noted that developed countries accounted for 85.3 percent of the total world expenditure on education in 1982 while they accounted for only 27 per cent of the world expenditure enrolment. As against this, the developing countries spent on 14.7 per cent of the world expenditure while they had 73 per cent of the world enrolment. In the same year India had about 14 percent of the world enrolment, while it spent only about one per cent of the world expenditure on education.
In terms of per capita expenditure, India is in an extremely unfavourable position. It is evident from Table-5 that in 1982 the developed countries spent 56 times of the per capita expenditure of India. Even the developing countries together was far ahead of India, having spent capital about 5 times more compared to India. The implication of this inadequate investment on education in India for the quantitative expansion and qualitative development of education can easily be understood.'
Notes
1. Cited by UNESCO, World Survey of Education (New York, 1961),
p.11.
2. Agarwal, R. B., Financing of Higher Education in India, (Varanasi
Ganga, Kaveri Publishing House, 1993), P.19.
3. Meir, Gerald M. (ed): Leading Issues in Economic Development
(London: Oxford University Press, 1975), p.589.
4. Smith, Adam: Wealth of Nations: An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes, 2nd Vol.,ed by. Edwing Cannan (New York: Random House Inc, 1931), pp.265-266.
5. Marshall, Alfred: Principles of Economics, 8th:ed. (London: Macmillan
& Co. Ltd, 1930), p.210.
6. Solow, Robert: "Technical Change and Aggregate Productions". The
Review of Economics and Statistics, August, 1957.

An Analysis of Government Expenditure. 53
7. Dennison, Edward: Sources of Economic Growth in United States (New
York; Committee of Economic Development, 1962.) Agarwal, R. B.: Ibid, p.42.
9. Combined Revenue and Capital Expenditure of the Centre, States and
Union Territories.
10. Azab, J. L.: Higher Education in India - The Deepening Financial Crisis
(New Delhi: Radiant Publisher, 1988), p. 8
11. Ibid, p. 15.

Page 36
5
PAWAN S. BUDHWAR
Cross National Human Resource Management Studies
Introduction
The decade of the 1980's was dominated by discussion on and development of the topic of Human Resource Management (HRM). This is evident from several facts: HRM has become a topic of fast growing research and teaching interest; new chairs in HRM are being created in the universities; the designation Industrial Relations and Personnel is being changed to HRM both in universities and industries Guest, 1991). The debate relating to HRM perspectives continues today; however, the focus of the debate has changed. It started by attempting to differentiate between "Personnel Management' and HRM' Legge, 1989), went on to study how Industrial Relations could be incorporated into HRM (Guest, 1991); then to examine the relationship between various HRM strategies, and finally to look into HRM as a key means to achieve competitive advantage in organisations [Barney, 1986; Sweircz & Spencer, 1992; Van den Bosch & Van Preeijan, 1992).
All these developments have taken place over the last fifteen years, and as a result the nature of the Human Resource (HR) function has changed drastically from being reactive, prescriptive, and

Cross National Human Resource Management .... 55
administrative to being proactive, descriptive and executive Boxall, 1994). These developments and the increasing scope of the topic of HRM is evident in the five main HRM models namely the "Matching model'; the "Harvard model'; the "Contextual model', the "5-P model" (Sparrow & Hiltrop, 1994) and the "European” (Contextual) model of HRM Brewster, 1995).
The contribution of HRM to the success of any organization is being highlighted by recent studies in the field. However, it is clear that as firms are entering into a more dynamic world of international business and as the globalisation of world markets, continues apace, comparative issues appear to be gaining momentum Dowling et al., 1994). The interest of both practitioners and academicians is increasing in the thinking of managers working in different parts of the world, the factors affecting their thinking and the resultant HR policies and practices.
Surprisingly, therefore, the last 7 or 8 years have witnessed an increasing number of cross-national or cross-cultural HRM studies. The available literature on International HRM suggests that national practice is determined by both "culture-bound" and "culture-free” factors. Management gurus such as Hofstede (1980, 1991), Laurent 1983; 1993), Smircich 1983) and Derr and Laurent (1989) indicate a strong influence of culture, especially of national culture on managerial thinking and accordingly on management policies and practices. Recently researchers have started studying the influence of both culture-bound and culture-free variables on HRM. Investigation of the influence of such variables is crucial for the growth and development of cross-national research (CNR) in the new area of IHRM. Investigation into the practical implications of CNR in the field of IHRM has become more demanding ever since giant Asian Nations, such as China and India have liberalised their economic policies and have opened their gates to foreign investors.

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56 Education - Politics Syndrome
With the increased level of internationalisation and globalisation of business the scope of CNR has changed considerably. However, terms such as International Management Research, International Comparative Management Research, Cross-National Management Research (CNMR) and Cross-Cultural Management Research are being used interchangeably by writers in the area of international business.
Now, as soon as decision is made to conduct research in more than one nation, the researcher faces a number of problems which generally do not exist in research within one nation. These problems need serious consideration if the potential contribution of CNR is to be realized. For this paper the term cross-national is often used interchangeably with the term cross-cultural. However, the former term will be more frequently used since the paper is concerned with HRM studies conducted across national boundaries, whereas crosscultural research can refer to the study of two or more subcultures within a country as well as research across nations.The main aim of this paper is to put forward the major methodological considerations which should be incorporated into CNHRM studies. An understanding of such issues is crucial as they help to reveal the subtleties involved in cross-national studies. A secondary objective of this paper is to provide cross-national researchers with a set of sources for information regarding individual issues
What is cross-national research?
Over the last two decades or so the number of cross-national studies in the area of management have increased significantly Robert, 1970; Adler, 1983; Peng et al., 1991; Adler & Bartholomew, 1992; Tayeb, 1994). The primary reason for this is the increased level of globalisation of business and markets and competition amongst firms at both national and international level Dowling et al., 1994; Tayeb, 1994). Technology has been a leading force in bringing about global

Cross National Human Resource Management .... 57
integra Lion. The role of the HR function has become more important than ever in such conditions, since now HR managers have the double burden of managing human resources not only in their own nations but also in overseas operations. Academics have responded positively to face the challenges raised by the globalisation of business by investigating a number of issues and problems related to international business. They have attempted to examine management from a crossnational view point so as to provide information and the means for developing relevant management practices.
To summarise, several academics have demonstrated the strong influence of two broad sets of variables, namely, national (cultural, legal, economic, political and social) and contingent or contextual (age, size, level of technology used, ownership, status, trade unions, membership in professional bodies, pressure groups, educational and vocational set up, labour markets, etc.) in the formation of management practices in general and more recently in HRM policies and practices. This influence is observable in the various actions taken by managers when managing their organisations in diverse countries. The study of such differences increases in importance as firms become more internationalised Dowling et al., 1994, Tayeb, 1994). The early justification for such studies was appropriately stated as follows: since the responses of managers from one country provide a profile of that country's managerial attitudes and thinking, it would be a worthwhile exercise for groups of managers in that country to examine these profiles so as to compare their ideas about the same concept Haire et al., 1966). This would be helpful for expatriate managers and could act as a training tool to smoothen induction programmes for this category of managers. It then became clear that CNHRM could help to highlight which managerial practices were bound to he influenced by local, national or regional values and conditions. The main goal of CNHRM research is to reveal the influence of both culture-bond and culture-free variables on management practices. Better comparisons between HR practices at both organisational and national

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58 Education - Politics Syndrome
level hold the promise of helping to develop more globally relevant HRM policies and practices.
Moreover, since CNHRM research generates more variance in various organisational dimensions than single nation studies, it can lead to more sophisticated and richer models of organisational science by formulating methods for generating, testing and further developing organisational theories. As the number of studies in the field of HRM increases, they are expected to enrich various theoretical debates such as the convergence-divergence hypothesis and the relative influence of culture-specific and culture-free variables on HR policies and practices.
It will be better if national and contingent (contextual) variables are clearly defined and differentiated from cultural variables. Due to a mix up of the two a review of research shows that most of the so called crosscultural studies should really be called cross-national studies. Most emphasis and compare different socio-cultural, political, economic and other institutional variables (for example, trade unions, educational and vocational set-ups) and not just differences of culture between countries Kelley & Worthley, 1981, Tayeb, 1994).
For a long time, researchers have argued about the impact of culture on management practices. It is then not surprising that the existing literature shows a strong influence of the concept of "culture' (both corporate and national) on management practices see for example, Hofsted 1980; 1993; Sekaran, 1983, Adler, 1983; Derr & Laurent, 1989; Tayeb, 1994; Laurent, 1983; Smircich, 1983). The debate has polarised towards an either or, convergence-divergence' thesis of management. One group of researchers suggest that managers' behaviour is becoming more similar the world oversee for example, Hickson et al., 1974; Nogandhi, 1979. Whilst another group supports the view that there is no universal theory of management see for example, Hofstede, 1980, 1993; 1994; Laurent, 1983, Tayeb, 1988) Adler and Bartholomew (1992) and Hofstede (1980, 1993) have

Cross National Human Resource Management.... 59
helped to demonstrate the misconception of the 'convergence hypothesis'. This view has now waned as it has slowly become clear that there is indeed no such thing as a universal management theory. National and even regional cultures and the presence of a number of both contingent and contextual variables are important for inanagement. This aspect of general management still needs to be tested and validated for the new discipline of HRM.
While at the "Macro level a number of similarities are emerging between nations regarding HR practices, at the "Micro level differences remain and indeed may be increasing as the world becomes more complex (Child, 1981; Hofstede, 1993). Through their experience, individuals become mentally programmed' and interpret things and new experiences in a certain way. It is this cultural diversity (summated at national level) that is then mainly responsible for creating divergence in HR practices world wide. The concept of cultural diversity and its influence on HRM policies and practices are clearly evident in different nations. For example Britishers prefer to select "generalists' with a broad humanistic perspective' instead of 'specialists' to work in multinationals. Britishers also prefer overseas assignments to Swedes who are concerned about their wives' careers). Promotions in Japan are often based on experience as opposed to achievement in the Anglo-Saxon nations. Similarly performance appraisal in Japan is based on a person's integrity, morality, loyalty and cooperative spirit rather than on ensuring high sales volumes Schneider, 1993). On the basis of national differences, Kanter 1991 has divided nations into "cultural allies' (those nations which have a more or less similar culture and attitude to management practices (such as the Anglo-Saxon nations) and "cultural islands' (those nations which have a unique culture or attitudinal response (such as Japan, Korea or India). A recent study by Sparrow and Budhwar (1995) supports such claims in the area of HRM.
A number of authors have attempted to classify the many approaches to CNMR. Amongst these classifications, four are more documented

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in the literature. A detailed discussion of these approaches is beyond the scope of this paper and forms the basis of another paper. However, briefly, the first approach concentrates on the methodology adopted. In order to develop a better understanding of the topic of CNMR and to analyse the methodological issues related to it, Nath 1968) and Frijda and Jahoda classified CCMR into five broad methodological categories. These are: “Documentary” studies, “Current Statistics” studies, "Field' studies, "Survey studies and "Experimental studies.
Due to a number of reasons such as the phenomena under study in IHRM projects and the suitability of research methodology to study them, field and survey studies are more prevalent than others. A second classification of CNMR deals with the comparison of management practices between two or more countries. Boddewyn and Nath (1970) have classified such studies into three categories: descriptive, conceptual and hypothesis testing. From the available literature in the field of IHRM a majority of studies fall into the category of descriptive studies.This is understandable since the discipline of IHRM is still very young.
A third type of CNMR describes the cultural relationship between the initiator of the study and the matter studied. Adler (1983) discusses six different approaches to CNMR in this respect. These approaches vary in the theoretical and management issues covered, make different assumptions about their universality, have their own ways of dealing with similarities and differences, and their own strengths and weaknesses related to the methodologies they rely on. The approaches are: the Parochial approach, Ethnocentric approach, Polycentric approach, Comparative management studies approach, Geocentric approach and Synergistic approach.
A fourth classification of CNMR recently developed by Early and Singh (1995) is based on two dimensions: relevance to international management and relevance to intercultural management. Early and

Cross National Human Resource Management .... 61
Singh have categorised the existing CNMR into four different forms.These forms are: Unitary form, Gestalt form, Reduced form and Hybrid form.
Each of the above-mentioned forms of CNMR has its own unique strengths, and none should be taken as superior to another.The importance of each form of research lies in its appropriateness for the task at hand.
Methodological issues in crossinational HRM research
All the approaches to CNMR are based on different assumptions and the methodological issues related to them are also unique. Each approach has serious implications for CNHRM research. The main methodological issues in CNHRM research will now be discussed in general.
Boddewyn and Nath (1970) and Peterson (1993) highlight the methodological shortcomings of CNMR which also apply to a great extent to cross-national HRM studies. They argue that most of research lacks a sound theoretical base; is more ethnocentric, relies heavily on convenience samples; places an over-emphasis on crosscultural variance (i.e. it overlooks variances within a culture); has problems of linguistic meanings; assumes that important factors in one nation have equal value in another nation; relies on a single research method; has a bias towards studying large companies; lacks empirical data to support conclusions; shows only rare instances of using samples of employees and managers across hierarchical levels and across nations; fails to state and test a priori hypotheses and shows an imbalance in terms of areas of the world studied.
Researchers in the field of IHRM still face difficulties in doing high quality and tightly designed research due to inadequate research methodologies (as a result of the above mentioned shortcomings). However, a number of the above difficulties have been eased by

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research within the last few years. Some of the most referred to and acclaimed writers in this area include Frijda and Jahoda (1966), Nath 1968), Ajiferuke and Boddewyn (1970), Sechrest et al. (1972), Kraut (1975), Green and White (1976), Sekaran (1983), Adler (1983), Steers (1989), Tayeb (1994), Hofstede (1994), and Mintuetal. (1994). These writers have raised a number of important issues regarding the methodologies the problems and dilemmas and their possible solutions in CNMR, considerations which are useful for conducting successful CNHR research.
Researchers need to keep the methodological issues clear to save themselves fro problems that arise when it becomes impossible to distinguish between the "idiographic' approach (also called the "emic' approach (which describes particular or unique aspects of a culture) and the 'nomothetic' correlation approach (also called the "etic' approach) which refers to 'general laws or universal aspects' of culture). Generally, this problem arises when different cultures develop an adopt similar practices and behaviour through cultural diffusion (Sekaran, 1983). It can be minimised if CNHRM research carried out between geographically dispersed countries.
Issues Related to the Concept of Culture in CNHRM
The most discussed problem in CNHRM concerns the meaning and definition of the concept of culture. Culture may be used as either an independent or dependent variable. CNHRM is constantly criticised for not clearly defining 'culture', though it is almost impossible to develop one accepted definition of the concept of culture, owing to its wide and unprescribed scope.
However, Steers (1989.25) argues that culture influences both HRM research and practice in at least three ways:
a) Culture helps define the problems we look at in our approach
to HRM;

Cross National Human Resource Management ... 63
b) Culture often defines the methods or approaches we use to
study and solve HRM problems;
c) Culture often helps define acceptable solutions to the HRM
problems under study.
From the available literature it appears that the concept of culture, though used as an independent variable in most CNHRM studies, has an obscure identity and is often used as a residual variable. Such a problem will continue to exist as long as an operational definition of culture is not developed and adopted. Culture is frequently placed along with economic, political and legal variables Kelly & Worthley, 1981; Negandhi, 1983; Tayeb, 1994).
Some writers in the field (see for example Tayeb, 1994) believe that the problem of developing an operational definition of culture is too fundamental to be solved through a more suitable definition. Tayeb argues that culture resists operational definition, not because it is a particularly intractable area of human affairs, but because the idea is tied to aparticular context. This makes it difficult to define the specific aspects of culture that need to be clearly defined against the universal aspects while conducting CNHRMAlder, 1983). Moreover, how an organisation receives, interprets and acts on information in aparticular national cultural context makes matters even more complex. The pursuit of an effective definition is a red herring.
Other writers argue that a sensible way to overcome most of the dilemmas related to the concept of culture is by clearly defining the constituent variables which are being investigated in CNHRM research and by explaining the logic for their discussion. Researchers need to look for the traces of cultural continuity and discontinuity. The study of the cultural aspects of IIRM practices need to take into account the influence of non-cultural factors. An examination of the culture-specific literature highlights what the culturalists argue to be important as far as organisations are concerned. It is then easier to

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develop a series of specific hypotheses regarding what cultural and non-cultural factors are likely to affect which aspects of organisational practices and which of these will he more culture-specific (Tayeb, 1994). As to what constitutes cross-cultural as opposed to crossnational research, the definition of culture given by Hofstede 1980) (one of the more accepted in the literature) seems appropriate. He defines "Culture' as the "collective programming of the human mind that distinguishes the members of one human group from those of another'. On this basis nations can be divided into categories (as Hofstede and others have done) and research between nations that fall under separate categories, can be denoted as the focus for CNHRM.
A number of related issues are typically raised along with the above definitional one. Can a nation be used as a surrogate definition for culture? Should domestic populations be assumed to be multicultural or culturally homogeneous? Researchers in the field have shown a consensus that culture should not be taken either as a synonym for nation or as a residual variable. It must be considered as a potentially. useful explanatory variable, specially in HRM research Steers, 1989). Research by Hofstede (1993, 1994) and Taybe (1994) showed that HRM practices are not only influenced by national culture but also by different regional cultures. Domestic populations cannot be taken as culturally homogeneous.
Ensuring Equivalence
Another significant issue is that of 'equivalence'. Equivalence in cross-national research is discussed in terms of functionality, constructs, concepts, categories, and instrumentation. Each issue is here briefly discussed. The achievement of equivalence is crucial for CNHRM research, as it helps to analyse the influence of various independent and dependent variables on HRM practices in a crossnational context. It can be used to reduce cultural bounds in research methodologies Mintu, et al., 1994).

Cross National Human Resource Management .... 65
The first type of equivalence-functional- has to preexist as a naturally occurring phenomenon. Valid cross-national behaviour comparisons can be made only when the behaviour in question has been developed in different nations in response to similar problems shared by the different social and cultural groups. If comparison is to reach beyond the mere assessment of the fact of differences, and if it is to serve in the search for causal relationships, then identical category systems' have to be identified between different nations (two or more) or individuals from these nations Frijda & Jahoda, 1966).
The functional or defined meanings of key concepts must be equivalent and representative of similar issues in the different nations under study Alder, 1983a; Peng et al., 1991). If similar activities have different meanings and functions in different nations, their parameters cannot be used for comparative purposes Frijda & Jahoda, 1966). For example, "school leavers' in the UK refers to youngsters who seek jobs after their Secondary education, in the US it means "drop outs'. The issue of “wage and salary determination' is viewed differently in Japan (where it is based on experience) and in Western nations (where it is based on achievement). Similarly the term "company' has different meanings and connotations across nations. For example, in the Western nations it means a place of work, whereas in Japan the term takes on family connotations. When asked about the concept of "loyalty' or 'commitment', workers in both nations (Western and Japan) may report a high level, but they may mean quite different things Steers, 1989). However, the issue of functional equivalence is not always critical in CNHRM, as researchers in the area usually study comparable work settings in different nations. It is for this reason that much cross-national research in the field of HRM falls back upon generic personnel management functions (such as recruiting and placing staff, payment systems, identification of potential, employee relations and performance management) when conducting comparative studies Easterby-Smith et al., 1995), since these functions broadly serve the same purpose in all organisations.

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Closely related to the concept of functional equivalence are the concepts of 'construct equivalence, 'concept equivalence and "category equivalence. Construct equivalence is crucial in CNHRM research since the meanings of constructs across different nations are not necessarily universal. This type of equivalence can be achieved if researchers can satisfy three criteria: the phenomena under investigation actually exists across nations, concepts can be operationalised utilising culture-specific(emic)measures; and culturespecific measures can be used to make cross-national comparisons
Mintu, et al., 1994).
Conceptual equivalence deals with the subjects' equal understanding and interpretation of concepts in different nations. This consideration recognises that many concepts are culture bound and are inappropriate for use on a cross-national basis. If the concept under study applies differently across nations then the danger of getting uninterpretable results increases. Forexample, employees on mutual transfers between organisations or departments are said to be on 'secondment' in the UK, while in India they are said to be on "deputation'. Similarly the concept of 'employee-participation, in Japan allows widespread involvement by divergent groups in making important decisions affecting the firm through the "ringi' system. In India, by contrast, the issue of participation is not so important and it is generally felt that it is managements' responsibility to make decisions.
While category equivalence refers to the manner in which objects, stimuli and behaviours arc grouped across nations (Bhalla & Lin, 1987), a third type of equivalence involves the development of the instruments used for study. Again, several types of equivalence need to be considered, including: variable equivalence; scaler equivalence; item equivalence; vocabulary or translation ęquiva lence; idiomatic equivalence; grammatical and syntactical equivalence.
Variable equivalence across nations considers whether the items or measures are conceptually equivalent, equally reliable and equally

Cross National Human Resource Management .... 67
valid. Scaling equivalence considers the extent to which different types of scales are sensitive to national differences. This depends on the concept of item equivalence, that is each item should mean the same thing to subjects from each nation Mintu, et al., 1994). Assessment of this is made difficult since the responses of respondents are expected to vary if the questions are culture sensitive, but also due to the 'courtesy or hospitality' bias (responses given to please the researcher), it is difficult to see whether scaling and item equivalence are achieved or not Sekaran, 1983).
Vocabulary, idiomatic and grammatical equivalence are more directly related to the language used by respondents across nations. It contributes a great deal to successful CNHRM research. Sechrest et al. (1972) suggest three types of translation to achieve these equivalences.
Direct Translation is the most common procedure to achieve equivalence in questionnaires, interview-schedules, and the like. Bilingual translator(s) translate the instrument to be used in CNHRM research as best they can from one language into the other. This method is appropriate only for translation of brief sets of materials, orientations and instructions.The Price Waterhouse Cam-field Project (which deals with IIRM policies and practices in 14 European countries) represents a good example of direct translation in the area Of IHRM.
In Back Translation a translation is first made from one language to another (for example, from English to Hindi) by one translator or set of translators. Then the translated material is back translated (for example, from Hindi to English) by another translator or set of translators. The two versions of the original can then be checked for the adequacy of translation. Discrepancies between the two versions suggests the need for further translation.

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Finally, De-centering involves the development of genuinely bilingual versions of research instruments. This can be achieved if the research instruments are developed by collaborators in their respective nations and where material is jointly generated in their respective nations. However, when long versions of material are produced, the danger of distortion of responses increases and the possibility of working in many nations decreases (as it becomes difficult to find appropriate collaborators).
The need for equivalence therefore necessitates careful pretesting and pilot studying of the instruments before launching them for fullfledged cross-national studies.
Data Collection Methods and Sampling
Having discussed the main issues in the design of CNHRM studies, attention is now turned to data collection methods and the issue of sampling. The available literature in the field suggests four issues which are important for cross-national data collection. Most of the recommendations apply to any social science research. The four issues are:
First, uniform data collection procedures must be adopted in all the nations under study, with identical methods of introduction to the instrument, followed by identical test instructions, closing remarks and so on. This can help to achieve response equivalence Sekaran, 1983). The measurement of the same concepts in other countries may require significant alterations in the instruments used in order to obtain a reliable measurement of the phenomenon under investigation. Secondly, the data collection between different countries should be achieved within an acceptable time frame. Thirdly, it must be borne in mind that respondents generally try to give a better picture of their nation (this is more observable in developing countries), as they fear that their country will be portrayed in an unfavourable light. This problem can be avoided if data is collected by trained local researchers

Cross National Human Resource Management ... 69
or agents. Fourthly, CNHRM and most other research is criticised for assumming organisations are static and conducting more crosssectional as opposed to longitudinal studies Peng et al., 1991; Hofstede, 1994). Such studies take into account measurements at one point in time. With the increased level of globalisation of business, researchers are forced to conduct more and more longitudinal studies (see for example, Hofstede, 1980; 1991; Brewster and Hegewisch, 1994).
There are also significant sampling issues that have to be dealt with. Most of the studies in CNHRM set out to compare two nations but end up with samples representing only a limited segment of each nation. Many cross-national studies fail to mention how representative their sample is. The selection of the sample depends on the objectives of the study Nath, 1968). The aim should be to achieve representativeness in sampling. Another problem faced by crossnational researchers concerns the choice of similar or equivalent samples from the countries being studied. This is frequently difficult to achieve, not if the units tinder study in different nations can be matched on the maximum possible number of variables, then this problem can be minimised Frijda & Jahoda, 1966; Nath, 1968; Tayeb, 1994). Good examples of matched studies are found in the work of Tayeb (1988) and Easterby-Smith et al.(1995).
Data Analysis and Generalisation of Findings
The generalisation of findings of CNHRM research depends on a number of factors such as the objectives of the study, the sample size, the number of nations studied, and so forth Nath, 1968). However, the complexity of the culture-variable situation makes data analysis and interpretation very challenging within the field of CNHRM. Equivalence must also be maintained in the data analysis instruments, i.e. identical techniques should be adopted for the purpose of data analysis and interpretation. Multivariate techniques tend to

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be found more appropriate for CNHRM due to the complex nature of the phenomena studied under it Peng et al., 1991).
Conclusion
From this review of the literature it becomes clear that the problems related to CNHRM research are not only many but very complex in nature. Apart from the problems and dilemmas discussed CNHRM research is an expensive and time consuming affair. Undoubtedly, CNHRM research has made a significant contribution in increasing our understanding of the HRM function in different organisations across the world but there is still along way to go. Stronger theoretical integration is required so as to distinguish clearly between universal and particularistic management practices.
The field of CNHRM has a long way to go. Some work in the field has been done so there is no need to start from "zero. What is needed is to put together collective experiences and to adopt a wholistic and coherent approach to issues in the field (Tayeb, 1994).
To study the HR phenomena in a cross-national context a flexible but coherent methodology is a must. This paper has presented the basic methodological problems encountered by cross-national researchers in the field of HRM and some means to cope with these problems is suggested. A number of references have also been provided on each issue for those who want to study individual aspects in greater detail.
We would like to conclude by stressing that, cross-national HRM research cannot be abandoned or ignored, just because it is difficult and consumes time and resources. In fact, in today's business scenario, research in the field of CNHRM has become more demanding than
eVe.

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Notes
10.
12.
Adler, NJ (1983) Cross-Cultural Management Research: The Ostrich and the Trend, Academy of Management Review; 8(2), pp.226-232.
Adler, NJ and Bartholomew, S (1992) Academic and professional communities of discourse: generating knowledge on transnational human resource management, Journal of International Business Studies, 23(3), pp.551-70.
Ajiferuke, Mand Boddcwyn, J(1970) "Culture" and other explanatory variables in comparative Management Studies. Academy of Management Journal, 13 (2), pp. 153-163.
Barney, J B 1991 "Firm Resources and Sustained Competitive Advantage", Journal of Management, 17(1), pp.99-120.
Bhalla, C and Lin L (1987) Cross-Culture marketing Research: A discussion of equivalence issues and measurement strategies. Psycho logy and Marketing, 4, pp.275-285.
Boddewyn, J and Nath, R 119701 Comparative Management Studies: An Assessment, Management International Review, (1 (l), pp.3-II.
Brewster, C (1995) "Towards a European Model of Human Resource
Management". Journal of International Business, 26 (1), pp. 1-22.
Brewster, Cand Hegewisch, A (eds) (1994) Policy and practice in European human Resource Management. Routledge, London and New York.
Budhwar, P (forthcoming) Developments in Human Resource Management: An Analytical Review of the American and British Models. Indian Journal of Industrial Relations.
Child, J (1981) "Culture, contingency and capitalism in the cross
national study of organisations". In L L Cummings and B M Shaw (eds) Research in Organisational Behaviour, Vol.3, Greenwich: JAI Press; pp.303-356.
Derr, CB and Laurent, A (1989) "The internal and external career: a theoretical and cross-cultural perspective". In A Lawrence and Hall (ed.) Handbook of career theory, Cambridge University Press, 454 - 471.
Dowling, P 1 Schuler, R S, and Welch, D E (1994) International dimensions of HRM. Wordsworth Publishing Company.

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Early, C P and Singh, H (1995) Inernational and Intercultural Management Research: What's Next? The Acaderny of Management Journal. 38(2), pp.327-340.
Fasterby-Smith, M, Mailna, D and Yuan, I, [ 1995) "How culture sensitive is HRM? A comparative analysis of practice in Chinese and UK companies." The International Journal of human Resource Management, 6(1), pp.31-59.
Frijda.N and Jahoda, C (1966) On the scope and methods of crosscultural research. International Journal of Psychology, 1(2), pp. 109127.
Green, RT and White,PD (1976) Methodological Considerations in Cross-National Consumer Research. Journal of International business, 7 (Fall); pp. 81-97. Guest, D (1991) "The Personnel Management: The End of Orthodoxy?" British Journal of lndustrial Relations, 29(2), pp. 147-175.
Haire, M,Ghiselli, E E and Porter, LW 1966) Managerial Thinking. New York: Wiley.
Hickson, DJ, Hinings, CR, McMillan, CJM and Schwitter, JP (1974) "The culture-free context of organisation structure: a tri-national comparison", Sociology, 8, pp.59-80.
Hofstede, G (1994) "Management Scientists are Human." Management Science, 49(1), pp.4-13.
Hofstede, C (1993) "Cultural constraints in Management theories". Academy of Management Executive, 7(1), pp.81-94.
Hofstede, G'(1991) Culture and Organisations: Software of the mind. London: Mcgraw Hill.
• Hofstede, C (1980) Culture's Consequences: 'international Differences
in Work-Related Values, Beverly Hills, Cali: Sage.
Kanter, R M (1991) Transcending Business Boundaries: 12,000 world Managers View Change, Harvard Business Review, May-June, pp. 151164.
Kelly, L and Worthley, R (1981) "The role of culture in Comparative Management: A cross-cultural Perspective". Academy of Management Journal. 24 (1), pp. 164-173.
Kraut, AI (1975) "Some recent advances in cross national management research". Academy of Management Journal, 18 (3), pp.538-549.

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27.
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Laurent, A (1993) "The cross-cultural Puzzle of global human resource management". In V Puick, N.M. Tichy and C K Barnett (eds) Globalizing Management, John Wirey and Sons, Inc. pp. 174-484.
Laurent, A (1983) "The Cultural Diversity of Western Conceptions of Management'. International Studies of Management and Organisations. XIII (1-2), pp.75-96.
Legge, K (1989) Human Resource Management: A critical analysis. In J Storey (ed), New Perspectives on Human Resource Management, London: Routledge.
Mintu, AT, Calantone, R J and Cassenheimer, J B (1994) onwards improving cross-cultural research: Extending Churchill's research
paradigm. Journal of International Consumer Marketing, 7(2), pp.5- 23.
Natli, R (1968) A methodological review of crosscultural management research. International Social Science Journal, 2001), pp.35-62.
Negandhi, A R (1979) Convergence in organisational practices: an empirical study of industrial enterprise in developing countries. In Cornelis, J and Hickson, DJ (eds) Organisations alike and unlike.London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, pp.323-345.
Peng, TK, Peterson, MF and Shyi, YP (1991) "Quantitative methods
in cross-national management research: trends and equivalence issues". Journal of Organisational Behaviour, 12, pp.87-107.
Peterson, R B (1993) Future directions in International comparative management research. In Wong-Rieger, D and Rieger, F (1993) International Management Research. New York: Walter de Gruyter, pp. 13-25.
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Sechrest, L, Fay, T L and Zaidi, S M H (1972) Problem of translation in cross cultural research. Journal of cross-cultural Psychology, 3(1). pp. 3(1), pp. 41-56.
Sekaran, U (1983) Methodological and theoretical issues and advancement in cross-cultural research. Journal of International Business Studies, fall, pp. 61-73.

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Smircich, L (1983) Concepts of Culture and Organisational Analysis. Administrative Science Quarterly, 28, pp.339-358.
Spatrew, PR and Budhwar, P. (1995) "Human Resource Management in India in the New Economic Environment". Proceedings of 1995 Annual Conference: Organising Employment for High Performance, Whales: Cardiff Business School, 4-5 September.
Sparrow, P R and Hiltrop, Jean-Marie, (1994) European Human Resource Management in Transition. London: Prentice Hall.

6
P. N. KAUTAM
Administering the Enlightenment of the Rural Poor: Problems of a Developmental State in a SocioPsychological Perspective
Introduction
The social psychology of rural development administration refers to those factors which help or hamper the achievement of the goals of rural development administration. It thus involves various sociopsychological aspects such as awareness, perceptions, attitudes, motivation, participation, communication, etc., both on the part of the change agents who work for the rural development and also the rural people for whom the rural development administration is meant. The term "change agent' here refers to the persons engaged in rural development and also the rural people for whom the rural development administration right from a village level worker to the top civil servants working in the state as well as in national headquarters. It also refers to the voluntary agencies (or Non-government organisations - NGOs) working in the field of rural development. The term "rural people” refers to all the persons living in the rural areas whether below or above the poverty line.

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General Socio-Psychological Characteristics of Rural People
Researchers, administrators, voluntary agencies and other outsiders have observed some socio-psychological characteristics of the rural people which are discussed here:
Caste-Groups
The villages have still the strong influence of caste-groups. They observe the caste-rules and norms. Eating, drinking, marriage, occupation, and almost every aspect of village life is influenced by caste. Even the people living in the same village are referred to more by caste than by their individual names. Such a strong Influence of caste-groups is not found in urban people.
S.C. Dube has rightly observed: "The interplay of several different kinds of solidarities determines the structure and organisation of Indian village communities. Kinships, caste and territorial affinities are the major determinants that shape the social structure of these communities.'
He has further added: "Caste is perhaps the most important single organising principle in these communities, and it governs, to a very considerable degree, the organisation of kinship and territorial units. In this system of segmentary division of society the different segments are kept apart by complex observances emerging from an all-pervading concept of ritual pollution. The caste divisions are regarded as divinely ordained and are hierarchically graded"
2. Forms of Cooperative Living
Villagers still have many forms of cooperative living. Despite the impact of modern technology on agriculture the people in rural areas still act jointly for the accomplishment of many of their agricultural processes. They help each other in agricultural work. They jointly

Administering the Enlightenment of The Rural Poor. 77
organise some village fairs, festivals and feasts. Thus, there are many opportunities of intimate social interaction in a village.
3. Factions and Frequent Fights
Intimacy, and familiarity, as it is said, breeds contempt. Many factions and frequent fights are observed in the villages. These may be because of caste differences, political differences, for sharing some common land, for sharing water resources, etc. These factions and fights generate a lot of bitterness in the village. This often hampers the development of the village.
4. Distrust of Outsiders
Villagers generally lead restricted lives confined to the limits of their own village or the nearby area "illaqa'. Perhaps this is why they look at outsiders with suspicion. Some persons often come from outside, collect money from them on some pretext or the other and thereby hoodwink the gullible villages. Such things do happen now and then in the villages. Naturally then, the villagers do not trust the outsiders who may be genuine persons with a real desire to help them.
5. Distrust of the Officials
Officials coming from outside are also viewed with suspicion by the villagers. It is only after a long time when they find the officials as sincere workers, that they start trusting them and seeking their help in the solution of their problems.
6. Value-Systems and Belief-Systems
The villagers have their own value-systems and belief-systems which are often not suitable for development. Even today, in many remote areas the villagers consider occurrence of diseases as caused by the wrath of local gods and goddesses and, avoid consulting doctors. Local quacks are still preferred to the modern educated doctors.

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7. Informal Way of Life
The villagers lead a much more informal way of life. Because of the small size of the village population, everybody knows everybody. All the small developments in the village are made public and almost nothing remains private. The informal way permeates the whole life pattern of the village. This can be easily observed in their ways of talking, helping, criticising, visiting, planning, and so in their day-today lives.
Certain Fallacies about Villagers
The outsiders who come to the villages, in the words of Robert Chambers, as "Rural development Tourists", do not understand the true rural life. In fact, rural poverty is discussed by those who are neither rural nor poor. So they are bound to make mistakes in the assessment of the general socio-psychological characteristics of the villagers.
Some of the fallacies in their observation of the rural people can be
pointed out as follows:
1. Villagers have Uniform Pattern
The Outsiders wrongly feel that the villagers have a uniform pattern of behaviour. They visit a few villages situated on the road sides and try to consider all the villages alike.
This tarring all the villages with one brush cannot be justified. There are some villages which are good, some are bad, some are highly developed, some are not and so on.
2. Wrongly Characterised as Resisting Change
Most outsiders consider the villagers to be lazy, resisting change and tradition bound. But this is not true. There have been many examples

Administering the Enlightenment of The Rural Poor.... 79
like those of Kanthapura and Mahunda in Gujarat and the Pin Valley in Himachal Pradesh, where the villagers, when approached intelligently by the change agents, have responded very favourably.
3. Prevalence of Irrational and Primitive Practices
Outsiders also allege that the villagers follow many irrational and primitive practices. But it is not so. Many of the practices thought to be primitive were later on proved to be highly scientific. The villagers have been using their traditional wisdom profitably since centuries. So the agents, instead of rejecting these practices outright should try to find the hidden wisdom in those practices. They should, however, try to modify those practices, if need be.
Morale and Motivation of Rural Development Functionaries
The morale and motivation of rural development functionaries are very low. Highly trained and educated persons do not want to go to serve in the village. A posting in a village is always considered a punishment. Persons with connections generally remain posted at district or state headquarters. Administration, in the words of Robert Chambers, "is urban based and urban biased."4 Even the rural people, after getting higher education in the cities do not want to go back to their villages and serve their own people. This situation is mainly because of the fact that the villages lack many basic facilities which are required to lead a comfortable life and which are also required if an employee has to prosper in his career.
Thus, the outsiders, who are there to serve in the villages have no love or devotion for them. These outsiders lack an understanding of the rural poor. They are themselves neither poor nor rural. On the other hand, they consider themselves more informed, competent and better. They despise and humiliate their very clients. Thus, their morale and motivation are always very low.

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Communication in Rural Areas
Effective communication is a sine qua non for development. The crores of rupees meant for rural development can be properly utilised only if the communication is effective. In the villages, inter-personal communication is more effective. People do read newspapers, listen to the radio or watch television, but they get convinced only when they discuss all that thus learnt with the people and conform to it only after discussion.
All the forms and media of communication are used in rural development administration. Upward, downward, and across communication is used in rural development administration. Communication is also carried through visual media like letters, pamphlets and charts. The radio is also present into service. Television provides a lot of information to the villagers. Meetings, conferences, demonstrations etc. are also organised for the benefit of the rural people.
The communication organised through these visual, audio and audiovisual media is technically called development communication. A lot of research is going on in the area of development communication. Even very well designed communication is not yielding the desired results. It gets twisted. Many additions and deletions also occur in this "development communication."
Factors which Hinder Communication
The following factors hinder proper communication in the villages:
1. Illiteracy: Illiterate rural people cannot understand various rural development programmes. They cannot themselves read. Others who interpret these programmes for them frequently do not find the proper words for expression. Even the posters are sometimes misleading. Communication, thus, lacks its effectiveness for the illiterate villagers.

Administering the Enlightenment of The Rural Poor. 8
2. Distrust of Outsiders: As mentioned earlier, the villagers distrust outsiders. Since the rural development functionaries are almost always outsiders, they do not get trust from them. Many of the programmes suggested and explained by these functionaries are not believed by the villagers. In this way, proper communication does not take place.
3. Distrust about Innovations: Villagers are generally afraid of innovations. In a village everybody knows everybody. Any new action taken by a person is, thus, known to others. If any action proves a failure, the man becomes a laughing stock in the village. Often new things are not properly explained. High yielding varieties of seeds under controlled conditions fail in the real-life situations in the villages. So the villagers do not want to take the risk of trying those innovations. Change agents, with academic knowledge only get infuriated at the lack of enthusiasm about innovations on the part of the villagers. They do not try to understand the anxiety of the villagers. This lack of understanding on the part of rural change agents and the lack of faith in the innovations on the part of the villagers help create a situation in which effective development communication is not possible.
4. Young and Inexperienced Personnel :Generally young and inexperienced persons on their first postings are sent to the villages. They lack the knowledge and experience needed for effective communication. The maturer villages do not trust these immature change agents. The result is that effective development communication is lacking miserably in rural development administration.
5. Lack of Modern Technical Facilities: Modern technical facilities like the telephone and telegraph are also lacking in the villages. Even the latest developments in these facilities have not been able to give any benefit to these areas. From a state headquarter like Shimla, one can directly talk within minutes to persons thousands of miles away in London, New York or Frankfurt. But one has to waste hours together

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in trying to talk even to Mashobara from Shimla which is only 12 kilometers away! This lone example speaks volumes on the availability of modern technical facilities in villages.
6. Isolation. Many villages are still isolated from the headquarters. They are not connected by road to any headquarter-block, district, and state. In some of the villages there are only two or three houses with a population of 10 to 20 persons. These villages are situated in far flung areas and are not touched by the change agents, researchers, voluntary agencies, administrators and politicians. Thus, virtually there is little or no communication with such villages.
7. Social Distance: There is a great distance between the social status of the change agents and the rural poor living below the poverty line. Not to speak of communicating, these people even hesitate and in many cases do not sit on chairs in the presence of the rural development functionaries. They generally prefer to sit on the floor in their company. They cannot talk to them properly. They are, to quote what Paulo Freire in his book Pedagogy of the oppressed has expressed, "immersed in the culture of silence'
Similar views have been expressed by Esman and Upoff when discussing "the difficulty of communication between members of the bureaucratic and peasant cultures'. To quote them, "this (difficulty) derives from the 'social distance' between educated, urbanised officials whose rules, procedures and rewards are determined by the bureaucratic structure in which they operate, on one hand, and the semi-literate peasents with their low incomes, low status and political weaknesses whom they are expected to serve, on the other. The officials therefore tend to feel superior to the peasants and to demand deference in ways that inhabiteffective communication and service; peasants generally respond with diffidence or avoid contact with officials."

Administering the Enlightenment of The Rural Poor. 83
8. Communication through the Elite. Since the poor of the village are not in a position to explain their poverty and aspirations well to the change agents, this function is left to the rural elite who, considering them useless, worthless and lazy fellows, colour the understanding and thinking of the change agents. Development communication is, thus, seriously impaired under such helpless and prejudiced conditions.
This phenomenon has been discussed by Esman and Uphoff in their paper"The Organisation of Rural Development, Reflections on Asian Experience' in these words:
“Cultural inhibitions are reinforced by a powerful structural imperative, the distribution of political and economic power in rural areas. Where the ownership of land and livestock is unequally distributed to the point that a minority of farmers have disproportionate power, these farmers are usually in a position to claim the lion's share of public services available to their area. Members of this class may provide the local political base for the central government. In return for support they expect services. Moreover, it is both prudent and easier for officials to work with the larger and more progressive farmers. Being better educated, they can more easily understand the recommendations of agricultural specialists. Being financially more secure, they can more readily qualify for credit and afford the sophisticated inputs and risks of innovation. And being politically better connected, they can put in a good word (or a bad word) for the department and the individual official providing them with government services. Reinforcing the tendency of officials to skew their efforts toward the larger farmers, there has developed a doctrine of the progressive farmer According to this doctrine, larger progressive' farmers become the early adopters of improved practices and provide a demonstration to the smaller farmers who eventually accept modern innovations as the second step of a two-stage diffusion process.'

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9. Lack of Access to Various Means of Communication. Many means of communication are beyond the reach of the poor rural people. They do not have radios and televisions. Many of them cannot afford even electricity connections with one electric bulb, though there may be electricity poles in the village. This, in fact, has been observed by the author in line research paper along these lines, 'Social and Administrative Response to the Basic Needs of Hill People." So, all our well thought out advertisements about “Shishu Raksha Mela” and so many vaccinations broadcast through AIR and Doordarshan remain meaningless for many of those for whom they have been especially designed.
10. Unawareness of Communication as Separate Function: Most personnel in charge of development programmes are not aware of communication as a separate function. They do not plan communication as an activity. The result is that the rural people often do not understand many of the government programmes properly.
11. Bureaucratic Impediments: Bureaucracy has a particular way of communication. It is formal and inflexible. It is often adopts
cumbersome procedures. The result is that the entry of the bureaucracy
has inhibited the effective functioning of development communication
in rural areas.
We may end the discussion of the factors hindering communication in the words of Ronald E. Oatsman, "... Owing to mainly four mutually reinforcing factors the reach of the mass media in India on the whole is rather limited, especially in rural areas among women and slum dwellers. The factors are: (a) low literacy, about 36 per cent, (b) low purchasing power, 40 to 60 percent are living below poverty line; (c) poor means of transportation for timely delivery of newspapers, or maintenance of radio/TV sets; and (d) lack of relevant information.'

Administering the Enlightenment of The Rural Poor. 85
Motivation in Rural Areas
Rural people want a better quality of life. They want improvement in their living standards. The rural poor eagerly want satisfaction of their basic needs. For themselves, they may even reconcile to their fate but as far as their children are concerned, they have got high aspirations. They want their children to study in schools and colleges and become 'something' in life, do some white-collar job and not lead the wretched life of their parents. Ego-needs are very high in rural people. It may be because of these ego-needs that they spend a lot of money in their traditional ceremonies, but they can be used to motivate developmental change.
Factors which Hinder Motivation
The following factors listed below hinder motivation in rural areas:
1. Fatalistic Attitude
Most villagers, especially the rural poor, because of their stark poverty, which they have been facing for generations, adopt fatalistic attitude towards life. They getfully reconciled to their fate and believe that it cannot be changed. This often generates 'actionlessness' of inertia on their part and, thus, hinders proper motivation.
2. Steeped in Superstitions
Because of their limited and static interaction with the outside world the villagers remain confined to their traditional life. They, thus, remain steeped In the superstitions which certainly hinder motivation.
3. Unscientific Attitudes
Most villagers, as discussed earlier, have got an unscientific attitude towards many diseases. They think the occurrence of those diseases is due to the wrath of local gods and goddesses. In many villages,

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they still prefer their local quacks to scientifically trained modern doctors. Similarly, they have got unscientific attitudes towards important social issues like family planning. All these hinder motivation.
4. Low Risk-taking Qualities
Most villagers also lack risk-taking qualities. They always want to stick to a safe way of doing things. This leads to low motivation in moot rural people who are resistant to change.
5. Low Need for Achievement
According to David C. Mclelland, n. Ach is the great motivator. Those people and nations who have got high n. Ach have achieved much more in comparison to those with low n. Ach. In the rural areas we find total lack of competitive attitudes. They lead a complacent life. Naturally, they have low n. Ach. As a result of this, they are not properly motivated.
According to Anup K. Singh, "The impoverished environment of poverty leads to a motivational pattern in individual which is dysfunctional in nature.' Pareek has suggested that the poor are characterised by low need for extension, and high need for dependence. Naturally, the rural poor lack motivation.'
6. Suffer from Deprivation Trap
The rural poor suffer from what Robert Chambers," in his book Rural Development: Putting the Last First says is "deprivation trap' which consists of poverty, physical weakness, Isolation, vulnerability and powerlessness. This deprivation trap leaves the rural poor with little or no motivation.

Administering the Enlightenment of The Rural Poor. 87
How to Improve
To improve the socio-psychological aspects of rural development administration following points are suggested:
1. Change in the Attitude of the Rural Development Agent
Before thinking of improving the lot of rural people we have to change our attitude towards them. To quote B.C. Muthayya, "Villagers have been hurt rather than helped by economic development... there is a need for the change agent to understand the belief system of the villagers and make the change less emotional while introducing innovative programmes.” For this, we have to sit with them and we have to learn from them. To quote Maodse-tung we have to give to them clearly what we learn confusedly from them. This can be very well put in the words of Robert Chambers, "For them to be better able to participate, control and benefit requires reversals. Among these, one first step is for outsider professionals, the bearers of modern scientific knowledge, to step down off their pedestals, and sit down, listen and learn."
2. Change in the Attitudes of the Rural People
A change in the attitudes of the rural people can be brought about with patience, by understanding and respecting their belief-system and their way of life, explaining and demonstrating to them the benefits of the scientific techniques we want them to adopt, and by showing the sincerity of our mission. As pointed out earlierintelligent change agents brought changes in the attitudes of the villagers of Kanthapura and Manunda in Gujarat and those of the Pin-Valley in Himachal Pradesh just by understanding their belief-system and their way of life. In fact, changing attitudes is a difficult task. Change agents have to adopt the various attitude changing techniques in this respect.

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3. Training in Communication
Change agents should be given a good deal of training in development communication. Akhtar Hameed Khan, in his book, Rural Development in Pakistan, has discussed the lessons which he learnt in communication. Khan pointed our that while communicating with the villagers trust, not cleverness, should be the medium of communication. By talking in their language and adopting their mannerisms he could win their confidence and that was why an eightyyear-old man said to him, "Sahib, we have been cheated many times. Now again you are asking us to put our money in the cooperatives. It is a risk. But you seem to be a good man. We will run the risk for your sake.' Change agents should follow Khan, if they want to communicate effectively with the rural people.
4. Joint R and D
The change agents can do a lot of purposeful research in collaboration with rural people. Robert Chambers has remarked, "The strong reasons for carrying out much agricultural and agricultural engineering research, jointly with farmers in their fields and under their conditions is now widely accepted., Similarly, village midwives can collaborate in child-rearing practices. The villagers can help in data collection also. We, the outsiders, should try to exploit the potential of the rural people in R and D.
5. Improvement in Administration
The transfer and posting policies for rural areas have to be streamlined if we want to benefit the rural people of competence of mature, experienced and qualified professionals. Necessary facilities have to be provided in the villages. Experienced persons should be posted in the villages. Some extra benefits should be given to the staff employed in rural areas. Experience of working for a sufficient time in a village should be considered essential for promotions. Many other methods and incentives can be suggested.

Administering the Enlightenment of The Rural Poor.... 89
6. Enabling and Empowering Poor Clients
The poor clients have themselves to be made capable of participation. Their deprivation trap fortified has to be dismantled by making attacks from many sides and through many agencies. Poverty alleviation programmes have to be implemented with greater zeal, understanding and commitment. Roads have to be constructed to remove their isolation. Schools for children and adult education centres to be provided. Proper health care has to be given to the rural people. They have to be politically organised so that they wield political power also. Many such actions are required to make them competent enough to participate in, and benefit from the rural development programmes.
Conclusion
Various socio-psychological factors play an effective role in rural development administration. The rural people have some sociopsycholo gical characteristic like the strong influence of caste-groups, many forms of cooperative living, factionalism and frequent feuds, distrust of outsiders and officials, their own value and belief systems, and informal way of life. They have their own concept of development. They want a better way of life and strive in their own way to achieve that. There are many factors which hinder motivation and communication in rural areas. The outsiders who come to villages, in the words of Robert Chambers, as "rural development tourists' do not understand the real rural life.
The change agents who are rural development functionaries, right from the village level workers to the high officers at the state and national levels and the workers of voluntary agencies, have to shed their feeling of superiority, sit with the rural people, talk to them, learn from them in order to teach them and improve them.

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Notes
10.
12.
3.
14.
15.
S.C. Dube, Social Structure and Change in Indian Peasant Communities, in A.R. Desal (ed.) Rural Sociology in India, Bombay, Popular Prakashan, Fifth Edition, 1988, p.201.
Ibid., p.202.
Robert Chambers, Rural Development: Putting the Last First, London, longman, 1983, pp. 10-12.
Ibid., p.2.
Paulo Freire, Padagogy of the Oppressed (Translated by Myra Bergman Ramos), London Penguin Books, Ltd., 1972, pp. 153.
Milton J. Esman and Normal T. Uphoff, The Organisation of Rural Development, Reflections on Asian Experience, in Sudesh Kumar Sharma (ed.), Dynamics of Development: An International Perspective, Volume Two, Delhi, Concept Publishing Company, 1978, pp.393-4.
Ibid., pp. 393-4.
Padam Nabh Gautam, Social and Administrative Response to the Basic Needs of Hill People (In Press).
Ronald E. Ostman (ed.) Communication and Indian Agriculture, New Delhi, Sage Publications, 1989, p.271.
Anup K. Singh, The Social Psychology of Poverty, New Delhi, Mittal Publications, 1991, p.34.
. Udai Pareek, Poverty and Motivation: Figure and Ground. In V.L. Aleeni
(ed.) Psychological Factors in Poverty, Chicago, Markham Publishing company, 1970, pp.300.317.
Ibid., pp. 11-14.
B.C. Muthayya, Dynamics of Rural Development, In National Institute of Rural Development, Hyderabad, Rural Development in India, Revised Edition, 1981, pp.290-304.
Ibid., p. 101.
Akhtar Hameed Khan. Rural Development in Pakistan, 2nd Revised and Enlarged Edition, Lahore, Vanguard, 1985, p. 146.
Ibid., p.206.

7
NUSHRAT KHAN
information Technology: Polemics in Politico - Economic Forum
Since the beginning of the Industrial Revolution people have predicated that machines would destroy jobs in the early 19th Century; the Luddities responded by destroying the looms and jennies that threatened their livelihood. Marx said that by investing in machinery, factory owners would create a vast army of unemployed. And in the late 1940s, Norbert Weine, a pioneer in computing, predicted that this new technology would destroy enough jobs to make the depression of 1930s look like a picnic.
Fear of what machines will do to men at work waxes and wanes. Right now, the fear is growing strongly. Typical of the new wave of pessimistic forecasts is a book The End of Workby Jeremy Rifkin, an American technophobe. Within the next century he predicts, the world's rich economies will have virtually no need of workers. Predictions such as this reinforce a growing fear in the middle classes that technology having eliminated much of the work previously done by manual workers, is about to cut a swathe through white collar ranks as well.
Are such fears justified? In one way, Yes. Millions of jobs have indeed been destroyed by technology. In the past 200 years; millions of

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manual workers have been replaced by mechines. Over the same period, the number of jobs have grown almost in the continuously, as have the real incomes of most people in the industrial world. Furthermore, this growth and enrichment have come about not in spite of technological change but because of it. The idea that technology is capable of creating more jobs than it destroys, and will do so again, would not surprise an economist.
This Time It Will Really Hurt
The claim that information technology (IT) is different from spinning jennies is based on three observations: a) Although inventions such as the mechanised loom and the spinning jenny threw people out of work, their impact was confined to a fairly small part of the economy. Even truly enormous changes such as the advent of electricity or the assembly line, mainly affected manufacturing, which has never accounted for more than 40% of the jobs in anybody's economy. By contrast, IT (computers, software and advanced telecoms) is all pervasive. It seems to have the potential to displace workers not only in manufacturing industry but in service jobs too - and not just the humble desk worker but more highly skilled people.
Rifkin notes that in the past when new technologies replaced workers, a new sector always emerged to absorb those who had lost their jobs. When farm labourers were replaced by ploughs and tractors, manufacturing became a big employer. When much factory work was automated, the service sector took over. For half a century services have accounted for almost all, the net new jobs created in the socalled industrial economies. But now service jobs are being automated too. Telephone operators are being replaced by voice recognising computers, postal workers by address-reading-machines, bank tellers by cash dispensing mechines that can handle ten times as many transactions in a day.

Information Technology. 93
And all this is only the beginning, says Rifkin. He estimated that three out of every four workers in industrial countries perform simple repetitive tasks that could be automated. Even the skilled are at risk. Already, clever computer programmes, can diagnose some illnesses just as well as doctors can. A robot that will perform hip replacement is under development in California. Some American companies are using Resumix, a computerised hiring system, to screen job applicants. In 1993, a "computer-generated” novel was deemed no worse than hundreds of humanly created love stories published each year.'
b) As well as being more pervasive, IT is being introduced much faster than earlier new technologies were. This means that societies have less time to replace the jobs that are lost to train people for the new jobs that might be created. Although the pace of technological change is not easy to measure, the speed at which the pace, of computer power has fallen lends some weight to the claim.
c) IT makes work more portable. In some services physical contact with customers becomes unnecessary. Tele-working enables firms to move jobs overseas, so that low paid workers in India end up writing software programs or preparing tax returns for multinationals. In this sense new technology not only reduces the demand for labour it also increases its supply.
Reasons for Resisting Despair
All this sounds plausible. And since it is mainly speculation about the future, it is hard to say with certainty that it is wrong. Yet such evidence as does exist bears out few of the doomsters' claims. There is also a strong theoretical reason for doubting them.
First, some anecdotal evidence. Despite huge investments in computing and soon over the past decade unemployment in the United States is currently no higher than it was in the early 1960s (currently at 5%).

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Next, some theory. A new machine helps you make more stuff with fewer people. But the assumption that this results in fewer jobs rather than more output is based on an economic fallacy known as the Lump of Labour: the notion that there is only a fixed amount of output (and hence, work) to go around. This is clearly wrong. Technology creates new demand, either by increasing productivity and hence real income, or by creating new goods.
For example: as demand for black-and-white televisions was becoming satiated in most rich industrial countries, colour TVs were introduced, and then video-cassette recorders. Microwave ovens, video games and soft-contact lenses are among the many goods that did not exist in 1970s. New things go on getting invented. If output expands, productivity growth can march in step with rising employment.
From an individual firms points of view, process innovation (making things more efficiently) as opposed to product innovation (making new things) may indeed reduce employment. But the economy as a whole will enjoy compensating effects. if a new machine reduces the amount the labour needed, and so cuts costs, one of the three things can happen. The price of good or service will fall, wages will rise, or profits (and hence investment income) will increase.
All three of these things imply a rise in consumer purchasing power, and so increase in demand (and thus in output and jobs, too), either for that particular good or for other goods or services. So even if IT destroys more jobs than previous technical innovations, its pervasiveness also means that the compensating and demand generating effects will be stronger, with enormous investments and growth opportunities for the economy as a whole.
It is of course impossible to predict exactly where the new jobs will emerge over the next 25 years. Any jobs listed in the vacancy columns of today's newspapers - such as aerobic teachers, software engineers

Information Technology.... 95
and derivative specialists - did not exist in 1960s. There are some clues; however, about where the expansion might come.
a) in America in the past ten years employment in the computersoftware industry has almost trebled.
b) The number of elderly people in the population is growing, and they are a lot richer than elderly people were 50 or 100 years ago. They will create jobs in - for instance healthcare, home help, financial advice and the holiday industry.
c) Rapid technological changes increase the need for workers to train themselves for new sorts of work when the old sort gets done by machines. So there will be a growing demand for training, and teachers do it.
d) There is scope for a big expansion in the entertainment and information services. "Virtual Reality” experiences, such as pretending to be a jet pilot for a couple of hours in a session with a sophisticated simulator, could become as popular as going to cinema. If it does it could create quite a lot of jobs.
First Shoots of Optimism
The notion that Technology destroys more jobs than it creates is borne out in reviews by various economic studies published in the OECD's "Jobs Study”. Admittedly, such studies have their limitations, of examining yesterday's technology rather than the most-up-to-date machines. It is also easier to quantify the direct labour-saving effects to technology - the number of jobs replaced by robots in car industry, say - than the compensating demand effects, which may at a different time and in a different place. This makes it hard to estimate the net impact on employment. Nonetheless, the OECD found little support for the view that technological change is to blame for high unemployment.

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If anything, says the OECD, the current wave of technological change has been modestly beneficial for jobs. Indeed, in countries that have been most successful in creating jobs - America and Japan - have also seen the fastest shift in their industrial structure towards a hightech, knowledge-based economy. Japan, for example, has more industrial robots per worker than any other big economy but also has the lowest unemployment rate.
To be sure, there are reasons to hesitate before concluding that everything is all right. One difficulty with estimating the impact of technology on productivity and jobs is that it is hard to measure productivity in services. Robert Solow; an American Nobel Laureate in economics; gave birth to what is known as the 'Solow Paradox. He observed that the huge investments which service industry made in computing had little measurable difference to productivity in the service sector. During the 1980s, when the service industries consumed about 85% of the S1 trillion invested in IT in the United States, productivity growth averaged a niggardly 0.8% a year.
The apparent failure of IT to boost productivity in services may in part be due to measurement problems; New technology tends to boost the quality of services, which conventional measures of output do not capture. As it can take a long time for firms to learn how to use new technology properly. When computer first appeared in 1970s, they were used like superior typewriters, mainly by secretaries. Now they are becoming tools for managers at every level.
JBut there is now some evidence that even in services, IT had started to have its effect. A few companies have eliminated entire layers of middle-managers. These are people who, thanks to computers and telecommunications are no longer needed coordinate the flow of information up and down the corporate ladder. Although the number of jobs disappearing in this way has been exaggerated, more may go in future may be a lot more.

Information Technology. 97
Vulnerable Generation
Both theory and evidence suggests that in the long run new technology should create more jobs than it destroys. But the long run can take a long time. In the next decade or so, things depend on how quickly demand expands to match increases in productive capacity. Unfortunately there may be prolonged lags between job losses and the creation of new jobs. And the new jobs may anyway be inappropriate for the displaced workers. Not every redundant steel worker in Scotland will be able to work as an aerobics teacher in London.
How can this problem of mismatch be alleviated? Governments can therefore help by making works more adaptable through improvement in education and training, and by removing obstacle or free markets in labour in goods and services.
Experience suggests that the worst thing governments can do about new technology is to try to slow down the period of adjustment by using subsidies, protectionist barriers, or strict regulations. A study by Mckinsey, a management consultancy, concludes that productmarket restrictions may be more important than labour-market rigidities in explaining unemployment. In America, although, automated-teller machines and telephone banking have caused many traditional jobs in banks to disappear, jobs in the financial services industry as a whole have grown rapidly over the past decade, thanks to the growth, of new products.
Upstairs, Downstairs
In sum, there are good reasons for believing that new technology will in the end have little effect on the level of employment. It will, however, have an impact on the composition of jobs and the pattern of wages.

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8
NORMAL SACH DEVA
A Note on Mass Media and Population Education in India
Since the Independence of India in 1947 time and again the situation regarding the development of education and the role of media have come up for discussions. Among several objectives, the major two are of the Government during the last five decades have been to improve the educational standard of the whole population and putting down high rate population explosion. Despite major initiatives taken by the Government the literacy still remains at 51.1 per cent and the annual population growth rate at 2.1 per cent. If the present trend continues by completion of this Century India's population will cross 1 billion mark and could double from the present population by 2035 AD.
This estimation could be a highly pessimistic view of the future, but the fact remains that the population is a far more serious problem than we would like to acknowledge it to be. Every minute nearly 200 children are born in India, the highest birth rates in the world, spelling ecological, economic and social disasters; Over the years many methods have been adopted in communicating the people on the population growth and its dangerous consequences. India was the first country to launch an official family planning education

A Note on Mass Media and Population Education. 99
programme in Asia. However, little progress the programme has achieved in the last 49 years. The communication methods used at various levels in educating large number of people primarily rests on the mass media, which have made it possible for written and spoken word, sound and visual images, motion pictures, emanating from a single source to reach an infinite large number of audience simultaneously. Therefore, the primary role and responsibility of the mass media is to report about the dangers that the people and the country face due to explosion of population.
Population Education Defined
It is an educational programme which provides for study of the population situation in the family, community, nation and world for the purpose of developing in the student's rational and responsible attitudes and behaviours towards that situation (UNESCO, 1970). If we take sense of population education in Indian context, the objectives of the education can be defined as to enable the students to understand the family size is controllable, that the population limitation can facilitate the development of a higher quality of life in the nation and that a small size of family can contribute to the quality of living for the individual family. It should also enable the students to appreciate the fact that for preserving the health and welfare of the members of the family, to ensure the economic ability and assure good prospects for the young generation, that the Indian families of today and tomorrow should be small and compact (NCERT, 1969).
Stephen Viderman has defined population education as an educational process which assists persons:
(i) To learn the probable causes and consequences of population
phenomenon for themselves and their community.
(ii) To define for themselves and their communities the nature

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of the problems associated with population process and characteristics.
(iii) To access the possible effective means by which society as a whole, and as an individual, can respond to and influence the process in order to enhance the quality of people of life now as in future.
Areas of Population Education
Education plays an important role in the process of development and social change in any society. Generally the basic areas of developments are the socio-economic, political, and educational level of the people of that society, which is. closely associated with the population factor. Hence, the population education can not confined only to the education relates to birth control or family planning. Though the exact nature and areas of population education is not yet clearly defined, but some important factors are felt desirable, to identify the objectives of this education. The diversified areas of population education can be categorised into major groups as follows:
Population growth and its impact on:
- Socio-economic situation, natural resources, education, family life,
health, food and shelter. - Prospect and retrospect of peace and international relations.
- National development in the field of science and technology.
Besides these some other educations felt essentials in the areas of population education are:
- Health of mother and child.
- Status of women and gender equality as per the Indian Constitution.
Literacy standard in the rural sectors, more particularly female:

A Note on Mass Media and Population Education.... O
- Age specification for marriage. - Family planning methods (both male and female). - Lessons on fewer children and wide gap between them. - Migration.
- Urbanisation.
- Manpower requirements.
- Employment.
- Social security.
Media Role in Population Education
Since the Indian government continued implementing population education projects through Directorate of Adult Education (DAE), the objectives was to introduce a substantial component of population education messages into adult education programmes and institutionalisation of population education in adult education programmes. Its success has been emphasised by the use of mass communication media - the press, radio and television in educating the people and stimulating them about the ill-impact of population growth through various information and planned educations. The role of the press in creating an atmosphere of population education is significant in urban and semi-urban areas, while it does not perform significantly in rural areas because of not having sizeable educated audience for it. Now there has been seen some encouragements by both government and non-governmental organisations (NGOs) in establishing rural and community-based press for education to adult and neo-literates. The importance of rural press in dissemination of information on population growth, health care, literacy, family planning, etc., helps to achieve the goal of social and population education. The press media has special advantage of and the convenience offered by it in educational purposes. A radio listener and television viewer has to adjust himself with time and availability

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of signals originating from station, while the reader of a newspaper is completely out of this restriction, he can use his paper whenever and wherever he likes to read. Occasionally editorials and articles written by eminent educationalists and social thinkers maintain fairly high standards of competence on over population problem and its remedies.
Radio and television both have immense power and potential impact on all class and society of people. The appeal made by both the media in the form of information, education and entertainment can effectively capture the 'attention of the people directly or indirectly to various social issues. Compared to radio, television has some more effect on people for its visualness character. The motivational approach of television draws at many levels social transformations in the society. Therefore, there is need to concentrate more in preparation of social value oriented mass media educational programmes.
Besides the usual role of mass media in educational process, sometimes the mass media also utilised in variety of ways like campaign, training, publicity, motivation, mobilisation in educational process by information transfer method using sophisticated communication technologies. Motivation and mobilisation role of the mass media especially in population education is certainly something difficult. Messages transmit over media on population problem mainly of two different types of approach; one, relates to the various problematic issues of population problem for general audience and another, for social activists, who are the agents of mobilisation utilise their interpersonal approaches for success of the programme. Problematic issues like "social preference to the male child while underrating the female, repeated pregnancies expecting a male child even after several female childbirths' can-be of effectively acknowledged to the people through mass media. But, neither the mass media nor the innovative education methods have been paying

A Note on Mass Media and Population Education. 03
serious efforts for full success of the programme, though mass media (more particularly television and radio) has high potential power for its success.
Better Media Education
The application of mass media in population education purposes is not yet satisfactory. There is no method of teaching population education in the mass media. First, the national network of Doordarshan broadcasts in Hindi. the, language is very little known by Southern belt people of the county. They only depend on the local stations. Though messages on population education in the national network greatly benefit to have widest instantaneous results, at the same time there is also highly need for setting up local and region specific language-based broadcast stations. Realising the necessity, the government and education department should find out strategic plans on an urgent basis. And those stations with the help of State government already started the population education experiments need to be examine and reexamined from time to time.
Second, lack of proper feed-back facilities in broadcast media, our maximum population education experiments fail at the end. Know about the effectiveness of the programme, impact on audience and opinion making, efforts should be taken by the government and media houses installing suitable feedback systems for success of population experiment. Well-planed evaluation and follow-up programmes can be drawn for testing as well as reinforcing the new learning experiments.
Third, topics relevance to population education broadcast over mass media need review from time to time. Proper care and guidance should be taken from educational institutions, offering the subject while preparing population education programmes for mass media. And also, suitable teaching aids like wall charts, diagrams, film strips,

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audio-video recording systems should be provided to educational institutions. The students can get scope preparation of population education related necessary information and programmes, that may be considered suitable model for educating the people. For success of the programme in rural areas, government should provide community television and radio sets to panchayat and village headquarters and where there is no electrification, batteries and other necessary equipment may be provided as alternatives.
In conclusion it may be pointed out that mass media's educational informations, experimented programmes, government and educational institution's efforts, students and social activists' participatory approaches are the supplementary factors that can create awareness and suggests necessary remedies of the problem but, the real success of the population education programme lies at the end of the general people.

9
செ.கிருஷ்ணராஜா
புராதன இந்தியாவில் கல்வி நிறுவனங்களும் அரசியல், நிர்வாக, முகாமைத்துவ நடை முறைகளும்; ஓர் பூர்வாங்க ஆய்வு
S. Krishnaraja Educational Institutions and Political, Administrative and Managerial Practices in Ancient India: A Preliminary Survey
ஆய்வுப் பிரச்சனை பற்றிய விளக்கம்
உலகிலே முதன் முதலாக நகரங்கள் தோற்றம் பெற்ற காலத்துடன் உருவாகிய சமூக-பொருளாதார, அறிவியல் நிறுவனப்படுத்தல்களின் விளைவாக மனிதன் ஓர் அரசியற் பிராணியாக மாறவேண்டிய சூழ்நிலைக் குள்ளானான். இற்றைக்கு 5000 ஆண்டுகளிற்கு முன்பிருந்தே "நகர அரசியலில்" ஈடுபாடு கொண்டிருந்த மனிதன் படிப்படியாக நகர அரசியலில் இருந்து முதிர்ச்சி பெற்றுச் சென்று, முழுநாட்டினதும்கடல் கடந்து - அயல் நாட்டினதும் அரசியல் செல்வாக்கினை ஏற்படுத்துமளவிற்கு - கட்டுப்படுத்துமளவிற்கு அரசியல் சிறப்புத் தேர்ச்சியை ஈட்டியிருந்தான். முடியரசு எனவும் கணஇராச்சியம் (குடியரசு) எனவும், மதகுருவாட்சி எனவும் பலதரப்பட்ட இராச்சிய பரிபாலன முறைகளைத் தழுவி ஆட்சியதிகார நிறுவனங்களை நிறுவிக் கொள்வதற்கு அம்மனிதனுக்கு அடிப்படையாக அமைந்தது பொருளியல் நிறுவனங்களுடன் இணைந்த வகையில் உருவாக்கப்பட்டிருந்த பிரதான கல்வி முறையே என்றால் அது மிகையாகி விடாது. இக்கல்விமுறை யினைத் முவிய வகையிலேயே அரசியல் - நிர்வாக வலைப்பின்னல் களின் உருவமாதிரிகள் சிருஷ்டிக்கப்பட்டு, அரசாட்சி முகாமைத்துவம்

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மேற்கொள்ளப்பட்டது. பபிலோனியரின் கில்காமெஸ்கதை, சிந்துவெளி மாந்தரின் அகத்தியர் கதை போன்றன வளமான வண்டல்மண் படுக்கைகளில் உருவான (ஆதிக்கப்) படர்ச்சி பற்றிக் கூறும் உலகின் முதலாவது ஐதீக வடிவங்களாகும். இவற்றின் காலம் கி.மு. 3500 ஆண்டுகள் என வரையறை செய்யப்பட்டுள்ளது. நீர்வள - நாகரிக வாழ்வுடன் கடல் வள - நாகரிக (கிரீட்டன் நாகரிக) வாழ்வும் ஒன்று கலந்ததன் விளைவே தொழிநுட்பமும் வாணிபத் தொடர்புகளும் ஒன்றுடன் ஒன்று இணைந்து வளர்ச்சியடையக் காரணமாயிற்று. இப்பின்னணியில் கிழக்கிலும் மேற்கிலும் கடல் முகப்புத் தளங்கள் முதலில் உருவாகி அரசியல் - நிர்வாக - முகாமைத்துவ பயிற்சிக் களங்களாக உருமாற்றம் பெற்றன. சுமேரிய, எகிப்திய நாகரிக தொழினுட்பங்கள் கிரீட்டன் தீவினுடாகவே கிறீக் தீவுகளையும், இத்தாலிய குடாநாட்டையும் சென்றடைந்ததன் விளைவாக அரசியல் - நிர்வாக - முகாமைத்துவம் தொடர்பான பல கோட்பாடுகளும் - நடைமுறைகளும் உருவாகக் காரணமாகியது. இதே போன்று கிழக்கில் இந்துநதிப் பண்பாட்டு நாகரிக அம்சங்களுடன் மத்தியதரைக் கடல்சார் வாழ்வுமுறைகள் ஒன்று கலந்ததன் விளைவாக இந்தோ - கங்கைப் பள்ளத்தாக்கில் பல பதிய அரசியல் - நிர்வாக - முகாமைத்துவம் தொடர்பான கோட்பாடுகளும் - நடைமுறைகளும் உருவாகக் காரணமாகியது. ஐரோப்பாவின் நவீன அரசியல் கோட்பாடுகளின் உருவாக்கத்திற்கு எவ்வாறு இத்தாலியக் குடாநாடு வழியமைத்துக் கொடுத்திருந்ததோ அதே போன்று கிழக்கில், இந்தியாவில், இந்தோ - கங்கைச் சமவெளியே இப்பிராந்தியத்து அரசியல் முகாமைத்துவக் கோட்பாடுகளுக்கெல்லாம் வழி சமைத்துக் கொடுத்திருந்தது." இப்பின்னணியில் புவிசார் மக்கள் வாழ்வு முறைக்கேற்ற பொருளியற் கல்வி முறையொன்று இங்கு உருவாக்கிக் கொடுக்கப்பட்டிருந்தது. அதன் அடித்தளத்திலிருந்தே இங்கு (அரசியல்) சிந்தனைகளும் (நிர்வர்கக்) கட்டுமானப் பணிகளும் காலத்திற்குக் காலம் முன்னெடுத்துச் செல்லப்பட்டன.
இவ்வாய்வுக் கட்டுரையில் தென்னாசியாவின் பிரதான நிலப்பரப்பான புராதன இந்தியாவில் வளர்ச்சி பெற்றுச் சென்ற பல்லின - பன்மத - சமூக - பொருளாதார இருப்பின் பின்னணியில் தோற்றம் பெற்று, வளர்ச்சியடைந்து சென்ற கல்வி முறைக்கும் - அரசியல் - நிர்வாக - முகாமைத்துவ நடைமுறைகளுக்கிடையே காணப்பட்ட தொடர்புகளை ஆராய்வதற்கு முயற்சி செய்யப்பட்டுள்ளது. இவ்வாய்வு மொஹலாயர்

புராதன இந்தியாவில் கல்வி நிறுவனங்களும். 107
ஆட்சிக் காலம் வரைக்குமுள்ள காலப் பகுதியை (1707 கி.பி) எல்லையாகக் கொண்டுள்ளது.
கல்விக் கொள்கைகளை ஆராய்வதற்கான வரலாற்று மூலங்கள்
இவ்வரலாற்று மூலங்களின் தொடர்பினை ஆய்வின் நோக்கம் கருதி ஐந்து பிரதான அடிப்படைகளில் வைத்து ஆராய்ந்து கொள்ளலாம்.
960)6):
l.
அரசியல் அமைப்பு முறை, நாட்டு நிர்வாகம், அரசாட்சி போன்றவற்றுடன் தொடர்பு பட்ட கல்வி மையங்களும் நிறுவனங்களும். உ-ம்: காஞ்சிக் கடிகை - பல்லவ சாளுக்கிய வம்சங்களின்
அரசியற் கல்வி மையம். காந்தளுர்ச்சாலை . சேரர்களின் படைக்கலப் பயிற்சிக்
356TFT606). சமய - தத்துவக் கல்விமையங்களும், நிறுவனங்களும் உ-ம்: நாலந்தாப் பல்கலைக்கழகம்
விக்கிரம சீலப் பல்கலைக்கழகம்
சிற்ப - ஓவிய - நடனக் கலைக்கூடங்களும், கல்வி 60LDuursastelbb உ-ம்: வடமதுரா இந்திய சுதேசியக் கலைக்கூடம்
காந்தாரம் - வெளிநாட்டுக் கலைக்கூடம் (கிரேக்கத் தொடர்பு) மாமல்லபுரம் - தென்னிந்தியச் சிற்பக் கலைக்கூடம் வானியல் - கணிதம் - வைத்தியம் - ரசவாதம் போன்ற அறிவியல் கல்விக்கூடங்கள் கடல் வாணிபமும், வெளிநாட்டு மொழித் தொடர்புகளும் உள்ள கல்விக்கூடங்கள் உ-ம்: அமராவதிக் கல்விக்கூடம் (ரோமானிய வாணிபத் தொடர்பு, கலைத்தொடர்பு - வெண்பளிங்குக் கல்லின் அறிமுகம்) அரிக்கமேடு (ரோமானிய வாணிப தொடர்பு - மதுபான 60)LDuub) மதுரை - தமிழ், வடமொழி, யவன மொழித் தொடர்புள்ள கல்விக்கூடங்கள் - சங்கம்.

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இவ்வாறாக ஐந்து வகையில் இந்தியக் கல்வி நடைமுறையின் மூலங்களை வகுத்து ஆராயும்பொழுது, புராதன இந்தியாவில் நடைமுறை ப்படுத்தப்பட்ட கல்வி முறையினைத் தழுவி அரசியல் அமைப்பினையும், முகாமைத்துவ வலைப்பின்னல் வடிவங்களையும் நன்கு இனம் கண்டு கொள்ள முடிகிறது. பொருளாதாரக் கல்விக் கொள்கைப் பிரகடனங்கள் எவ்வாறு இந்திய அரசியல் அமைப்பு முறையினை நிர்ணயித்தனனன்பது இந்திய அரசியல் கோட்பாட்டினை வெளிப்படுத்தும் இலக்கிய மூலங்களி லிருந்து நன்கு அறிந்துகொள்ள முடிகின்றது. இந்திய அரசியல் சார்புத் தன்மையை நிர்ணயித்த காரணிகளை இனங்கண்டு கொள்வதற்கு சமகாலத்து சாசனப் பட்டயங்களும், நாணய வெளியீடுகளும் பிரதான சான்றாதாரங்களாகின்றன. இவற்றின் பின்னணியில் எத்தகைய கல்வி மரபு வளர்ச்சியுற்றநிறுவனங்களினூடே வளர்த்தெடுக்கப்பட்டிருந்தது என்பதனையும் அடையாளம் காண்பது மிகவும் இலகுவானது. பேராசிரியர் ஆர்.சீ. மயூம்தார், பேராசிரியர் றோமிலா தாப்பர், பேராசிரியர் நீலகண்ட சாஸ்திரி மற்றும் கே.எம். பணிக்கர் போன்றோர் கல்விக் கொள்கைக்கும் நிர்வாக முகாமைத்துவத்திற்கும் இடையே இருந்திருக்கக்கூடிய தொடர்புகளை வெளிப்படுத்தியவர்களுள் சிலராவர். இவர்களுள் கே.எம். பணிக்கர், றோமிலா தாப்பர் போன்றோர் உலோகாயத சிந்தனை மரபினடியாக இந்திய மரபு வளர்ச்சியினையும், ஏனையோர் ஆத்மீக மரபினடியாக இந்திய மரபு வளர்ச்சியினையும் நோக்கியுள்ளமை குறிப்பிடத்தக்கது. தென்னிந்தியாவில் எஸ்.எம். நம்பூதிரிபாட் என்பவரும் உலோகாயத நோக்கில் இந்திய மரபின் வளர்ச்சியினை நோக்க முயற்சித்திருந்தார் என்பதனையும் காண்கிறோம்.
இந்திய உலோகாயதக் கல்விமரபும் ஆத்மீகக் கல்விப் பாரம்பரியமும்
மேலே குறிப்பிடப்பட்ட ஐந்து வகையான நோக்கு நிலைகளினடியாக உருவாக்கப்பட்டிருந்த ஒரு பொதுமையான இந்தியக் கல்விப் பாரம்பரியம் பற்றிய தகவல்களை இப்பொழுது பெற்றுக் கொள்ள முடிகிறது. அதாவது இந்திய மக்களுக்கு உலோகாயதப் பின்னணியிலும், ஆத்மீகப் பின்னணியிலும் இருந்த நாட்டம், கல்வி மரபு, சிந்தனை வளர்ச்சி இவற்றினடியக உருவாக்கப்பட்டு நடைமுறைப்படுத்தப்பட்ட அரசியல் கட்டுமானப் பணிகள் போன்றவற்றைத் தெளிவாகக் காணமுடிகின்றது.
ஒரு சம்பவத்திற்கான அல்லது நிகழ்விற்கான காரண - காரியத் தொடர்பினை அவற்றின் இயக்கவியல் அடிப்படையில் உணர்த்தாது

புராதன இந்தியாவில் கல்வி நிறுவனங்களும். 109
மறைபொருளாக சில உத்திகளைக் கையாண்டு (அவதாரக் கோட்பாடு) விளக்குவதாகவே மாணவர்களுக்கான பாடபோதனை நடைபெற்றது. அணு - அணுப்பகுப்பு, கரைசல் - இரசாயனக் கரைசல், நிறமாலை - நிறமாற்றம் போன்ற கல்விச் சிந்தனைகளைப் போதிப்பதற்குப் பெளதீகப் பொருட்களை உதாரணம் காட்டிப் போதிப்பதற்கு பதிலாக அத்துவிதக் கோட்பாடு போன்ற மெய்கண்ட இறையியல் சார்ந்த உதாரணப் பொருட்களை பெருமளவிற்குக் கையாண்டதன் பின்னணியிலேயே உலோகாயதச் சிந்தனை மரபு மங்கி - மறைந்து போகக் காரணமென்று குறிப்பிடலாம். இன்னொருவதைத்தில் குறிப்பிடுவதாயின் ஆதியில் நிலவிய உலகத்தோற்றம் பற்றிய நேரடியான கருத்து வடிவங்களை (பெளதீக வடிவங்களை) அபெளதீக வடிவங்களாக்கிய பின் உருவாக்கப்பட்ட சிந்தனை மரபினடியாகவே புராதன இந்தியக் கல்விப் பாரம்பரியம் மக்களால் பின்பற்றப்பட்டது எனக் குறிப்பிடலாம். குறிப்பாக 'சார்வாக்கர்கள்’ (CARVAKARS) என்ற தத்துவஞானிகள் எப்பொழுதும் இறைவனின் இருப்பினை நம்பியதில்லை . எடுத்துரைத்ததுமில்லை." பதிலாக அவர்கள் இவ்வுலக இருப்பினையே உண்மை எனவும் யதார்த்தம் எனவும் எற்றுக்கொண்டிருந்தார்கள். 'இன்பம்’ என்பது பெண்களுடன் ஒய்வில்லாது துய்த்தலே என்று கொண்டிருந்தார்கள். பேரின்பம் என்ற ஒரு பொருளைப்பற்றி அவர்கள் குறிப்பிட்டது கிடையாது. உலோகாயத வாழ்வு இதுவென அவர்கள் பின்பற்றி வாழ்ந்தமையினால் அத்தத்துவஞானக் கூட்டத்தினரின் பின்னணியில் ஒரு சமூகக் கட்டமைப்போ அல்லது அரசியல் நிறுவன . கட்டுமானப் பணிகளோ உருவாகி வளர்ச்சி பெற மக்கள் அனுமதிக்கவில்லை அல்லது அனுமதிக்கப்படவில்லை. கி.மு. 6ம் நூற்றாண்டில் வட இந்தியாவில் தோற்றம் பெற்ற இக் கூட்டத்தினர் அந்நூற்றாண்டு முடிவதற்குள்ளேயே மங்கி மறைந்துவிடக் காரணமாக அமைந்த பின்னணி என்ன என்று ஆராயும்பொழுது அங்கு அவர்களுக்கென அமைந்த பொருளாதாரக் கல்வியமைப்பு முறை ஒன்று தோற்றுவிக்கப்படாதிருந்ததே என உணர முடிகிறது. ஆனால் அதே நூற்றாண்டில் சித்தார்த்தர் என்ற கெளதம புத்தரால் உருவாக்கப்பட்டிருந்த துறவு நிலை என்ற தத்துவக் கோட்பாடு மக்களால் விரும்பி வரவேற்கப்பட்டு, பின்பற்றப்பட்டதோடு ஒரு கல்வி நிறுவனமயப்படுத்தப்பட்ட வகையில் அவரது கோட்பாடுகள் பாடவிதானங் களாக அமைவதற்கும் ஜனரஞ்சகப்படுத்தப்பட்ட பொருளாதார முறைமை யொன்றினை உருவாக்குவதற்கும் வித்திட்டனர். உள்நாட்டு, வெளிநாட்டு வாணிபத்துறையினை ஒத்த பொருளியல் ஈட்டத்தினை கொழுகொம்பாக அத்தத்துவ ஞானிகள் பின்பற்றிக்கொள்வதற்கும் உரிய பெளதீகச் சூழலை இந்தோ - கங்கைச் சமவெளி வழங்கியிருந்தது. வாணிபத்துடன்

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இணைந்த பெளத்தக் கல்வி மரபு முறை ஒன்றின் தோற்றத்துடன் விகாரைகள் கல்வி மரபின் பிரதான நிலைக்களங்களாயின. இந்து மதம் போதித்த கல்வி முறை ஒழுக்க முறைகளுக்கு எதிரான வகையில் மடாலயக் கல்வி மரபானது மாணவர்களை எடுத்த எடுப்பிலேயே துறவு நிலைக்கே இட்டுச் சென்றதோடு சமூக இருப்பொன்றிற்கு பங்களிப்பு செய்ய முடியாத நிலைக்கு பின்பற்றியோரையும் ஆக்கியது. இருந்தும் வர்ணாஸ்ரம கல்விக் கோட்பாட்டில் இருந்து சற்று விலகியிருந்த பெளத்த மதம் தனக்கெனத் தனித்துவமான வகையில் ஒரேயொரு முறை மட்டும் ஒரு பேரரசக் கட்டுமானப் பணிக்கு வழிசமைத்துக் கொடுத்திருந்தது என்றால் ஆச்சரியப்படுவதற்கில்லை. மகதவரசின் வளர்ச்சியில் மெளரிய வம்ச காலப்பகுதி (கி.மு. 3ம் நூற்றாண்டு) ஒரு பேரரசுக்காலமாக திகழ்ந்த போது பெளத்த மதக் கோட்பாடுகள் பலவும் (தேரவாதம்) சாசனத்தில் பொறிக்கப்பட்டு பிரகடனப்படுத்தப்பட்டதோடு அயல் நாடுகளிற்கும் பெளத்த சமயத் தூதுக் குழுக்களை அனுப்பி மகதப் பேரரசின் பண்பாட்டினை ஏற்க வைத்தது.'
இந்து மதக் கோட்பாட்டினடியான வர்ணாஸ்ரம தர்மக் கோட்பாட்டு நெறிமுறையில் வட இந்தியாவில் இரண்டே இரண்டு முறைகளில்தான் இந்துப் பேரரசுக் கட்டுமானம் நிகழ்வதற்கு வாய்ப்பாயிற்று. முதலாம் முறையில் சுங்கவம்சத்துக்கும் இரண்டாம் முறையில் குப்தருக்குமே அச் சாதனைகளை நிகழ்த்த வாய்ப்பு கிட்டியது. இந்துமதமும் பெளத்தமும் கலந்த வகையில் குஷாணர் காலமும், கர்ஷவர்த்தனன் காலமும் பேரரச முறைகளுக்கு இட்டுச் செல்லப்பட்டது. இந்த இரண்டு மதங்களும் அரசாங்க மதமாக இல்லாத நிலையில், இந்தியாவில் பேரரசுமுறை அமைக்கப்பட்டுள்ளதென்றால் அது டெல்கி சுல்தானியர் காலமும், மொஹலாயர் காலமுமே.
பேரரசுக் கட்டுமானங்கள் முன்னெடுக்கப்பட்ட காலகட்டங்களில் இந்தியாவில் அமைந்திருந்த நிலக் கொள்கைத் திட்டங்களை நோக்கும் போது அவை மானிய சமூக நிலவுறவுக் கொள்கையை வெளிப்படுத்தி யிருந்தமையினைக் காணமுடிகிறது. தென்னிந்திய நிலப்பரப்பில் கோயிற் பொருளாதார-நிலமானிய உறவு முறைகளே பேரரசக் கட்டமைப்பினை உருவாக்கித்தந்த நிறுவனங்களாக அமைந்தன. சோழப் பேரரசர் காலமும் விஜயநகர நாயக்கர் காலமும் இவற்றிற்குச் சிறந்த எடுத்துக்காட்டுகளாகும். நிலமானிய சமூக அமைப்பு முறையின் பின்னணியில் இங்கு இந்து மதமும், வர்ணாஸ்ரம தர்மக் கோட்பாடு

புராதன இந்தியாவில் கல்வி நிறுவனங்களும். 111
களுமே முதன்மையான சமய - சமூக நிறுவனங்களாகத் தொழிற்பட்டிருந் தமையை காணும்போது, எத்தகைய ஒரு கல்விமுறை அக்காலங்களில் அமுல் நடாத்தப்பட்டிருக்கும் என்பது தெளிவாகின்றது. பிற்பட்ட வேத கால மரபினைத்தழுவிய பிராமணியக் கல்விப் பாரம்பரியமே இக்காலத் தில் அமுல் நடாத்தப்பட்டதினால், கல்வி எல்லாப் பிரசைகளுக்குமுரிய ஒரு பொதுத் துறையாக மாற்றம் பெறுவதற்கு ஏற்ற நிலை உருவாக வில்லை. கி.மு. 5ம் நூற்றாண்டின் பின்னேர அந்நிலையில் படிப்படியான மாற்றங்கள் நிகழலாயின. பெளத்த - னஜன மதங்களின் தோற்றமும், தோற்றுவித்தவர்களுடைய தியாக வாழ்வு நடவடிக்கைகளுமே மக்கள் மத்தியில் கருத்தினை ஈர்த்த அம்சங்களாயின. கெளதம புத்தருடைய போதனைகள் முதலாம் (இராஜக் கிருகம்) இரண்டாம் (வைசாலி) மூன்றாம் (பாடலிபுத்திரம்) நான்காம் (பெசாவார்) பெளத்த மாநாடுகளில் ஒன்று சேர்க்கப்பட்டு தேரவாத, மகாயானக் கோட்பாடுகள் என்ற பெயரில் மடலாயக் கல்வி முறையின் பாடவிதானங்களாக்கப்பட்டிருந்தன. ஐந்தாம் பெளத்த மாநாடு கர்ஸவர்தனன் கால கனோச்சில் நடைபெற்றதாகவும் குறிப்பிடுவர்.
வேதகாலக் கல்வி மரபும் இராச்சியங்களின் தோற்றமும்
"வலுவுள்ளவன் வாழ்வான்" (Fittestissurviving) என்ற கோட்பாடே பிற்பட்ட வேத காலக் கல்வி மரபின் தாரக மந்திரமாக அமைந்திருந்தது. இதனை உணர்த்தும் தொடராக "மட்சயர் நியாயம்" என்ற கோட்பாடு வேதப் பாடல்களினூடாக அடிக்கடி குருவினால் சிஸ்யனுக்கு எடுத்துக் காட்டப்படுவதான வகையில் அமைக்கப்பட்டுள்ளது? முற்பட்ட வேதகால த்தில் இந்நிலை காணப்பட்டிருந்ததற்கான சான்றுகள் கிடைக்கவில்லை. காரணம் கி.மு. 1500ம் ஆண்டிலிருந்து கி.மு. 1000ம் ஆண்டு வரைக்கும் வடமேற்கிந்தியப் பகுதியை அதாவது பஞ்சாப் பிரதேசத்தினை ஆக்கிர மித்த அப் புதியவர்கள் (ஆரியர்கள்) மந்தையை மட்டுமே வைத்துக் கொண்டு தமது பிழைப்பினை - வாழ்க்கையை ஒட்டியவர்களாகக் காணப்பட்டமையாகும்.
விலங்கினத்தினையே வளர்ப்பதனை பிரதான ஜீவனோபாயத் தொழி லாகக் கொண்ட ஆரியர்களின் இடப்பெயர்ச்சிக்கு சிந்துவெளி மக்களால் கட்டப்பட்டிருந்த நீர்த் தேக்கங்களுக்குரிய உயர்ந்த அணைக்கட்டுகள், அரண்கள் என்பன பெரும் தடைக்கற்களாக விளங்கியிருந்தன. அணை களை உடைத்து நதிகளை அவற்றின் போக்கிலே விட்ட பின்னர்தான் அம்மந்தை மேய்ப்போர் மேற்கொண்டு தொடர்ந்து கிழக்கு நோக்கி

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12 Education - Politics Syndrome
இந்தோ - கங்கை சமவெளியைச் சென்றடைய முடிந்தது. இதனால் சிந்து வெளி மக்களுடன் (தஸ்யூக்களுடன் ?) ஆரியர் மேற்கொண்ட போராட்டத்தின் வெற்றியானது சிந்து வெளி மாந்தர்களால் அமைக்கப் பட்ட அணைக்கட்டுக்களையும், அணைகளையும் உடைப்பதிலே தங்கியிருந்தது என்பது புலப்படுகிறது. இவர்களுடைய (ஆரியருடைய) வீர புருசனான இந்திரன் விருத்திரதனைக் கொன்றான் என்ற ரிக் வேதத்தின் உட்பொருள் இந்து நதி மீது அந் நாகரிக மாந்தரினால் எழுப்பப்பட்ட பாரிய நீர்த்தேக்க அணைகளை பற்றியதாகும்." இக்கால கட்டங்களில் குடும்பத்தலைவனும் (கிருஹஸ்பதி) கிராமத்தலைவனுமே (கிராமணி) அப்போராட்டங்களுக்கும் பலம் சேர்த்த நபர்களாகக் காணப்பட்டனர். ஆட்சி - அதிகாரம் - இறை என்ற கோட்பாடுகள் இக் காலத்தில் எழுந்திருப்பதற்கு நியாயமில்லை, காரணம், நிறுவன ரீதியான கல்விப் போதனை மரபு ஒன்று இவ்வாறான அணைக்கட்டுக்களை உடைப்பதற்கு (எதிரிகளின் வலுவைத் தாங்கியுள்ள பொருளியல் ஈட்ட மையங்களைத் தகர்ப்பதற்கு) தேவையற்ற ஒன்றாக உணரப்பட் டமையாகும். முற்பட்ட வேதகால இலக்கியமான இருக்கு வேதத்தில் கடலோட்டம் அல்லது படகு செலுத்துதல் பற்றிய எந்தவிதமான குறிப்பு க்களும் இடம் பெறாமைக்குக் காரணமும் இதுவே. சிந்துநதி நாகரிக வாழ்விலும், பின்னர் பிற்பட்ட வேதகாலத்திலிருந்து தொடர்ச்சியாகவுமே படகு கட்டுதல், செலுத்துதல் பற்றிய செய்திகள் தொல்வியல் ரீதியாக நிறுவப்பட்டுள்ளமையும் இங்கு அவதானிக்கத்தக்கது. அவ்வடிப்படையி லேயே கல்வி மரபு ஒன்றின் தோற்றம், வளர்ச்சி ஏனைய சமூக - சமய நிறுவனங்களுடன் கொண்ட தொடர்புகள் போன்றவற்றைத் தெளிவாக இனங்கண்டு கொள்ள முடிகிறது.
கி.மு. 1000 ஆம் ஆண்டிலிருந்தே இந்தியாவில் திட்ட வட்டமான கல்வியமைப்பு முறையொன்று உருவாக்கம் பெறுவதைனைத் தொல்வியல் ரீதியாக இனங் காண்கின்றோம்.
இந்தோ - கங்கைச் சமவெளிப் பள்ளத்தாக்கின் செழிப்பும் பெளதிகவியல் உறுப்புக்களும் நிலையான குடியிருப்பு - நிலையான வாழ்க்கை முறை - நிலையான உணவு - உற்பத்தி முறை ஆகியனவற்றிற்கு இட்டுச் சென்றதன் பின்னணியில் வளமான நிலம் குடும்பங்களின் சொத்துக்களாக உருவாகி, கிராமங்களாகின. இக்கிராமங்கன்ள கங்கைநதியும் அதன் கிளை நதிகளும் இணைத்ததன் வாயிலாக படகு செலுத்தும் முறைமை உருவானது. பிரதான நகரங்களை அணுகும் பிரதான மார்க்கம் நீர் வழியாகவே காணப்பட்டது. எனவே நீர் வழியைப் பிரதான

புராதன இந்தியாவில் கல்வி நிறுவனங்களும். 113
வலைப்பின்னலாக கொண்ட போக்குவரத்து பாதை அமைப்பு கி.மு. 1000 ஆண்டிற்கு பின்னர் மிக விரைவாக வளர்ச்சி பெற்றது. தென்னிந்திய தீப கற்பத்தைப் பொறுத்த வகையில் இக்காலப்பகுதி பெரும்கற்கால மக்கள் வாழ்வு முறையாகப் பரிணமித்திருந்தது. மிகமிகப் பரவலாகக் காணப்பட்ட இவ்வாழ்க்கை முறை மிக வளர்ச்சியடைந்து காணப்பட்டதன் பின்னணியில் போக்கு வரத்து தொடர்புகளும் - வியாபார மார்க்கங்களும் ஒன்றுடன் ஒன்று இணைந்திருந்த நிலையில் இம்மக்களை கல்வியறிவு பெற்ற மாந்தராக மாற்ற உதவியது. அதாவது எழுத்தறிவுடையோராக அவர்கள் வாழ ஆரம்பித்திருந்தார்கள். இதனாலேயே கி.மு. 6ம் நூற்றாண்டில் வெள்ளி நாணயப் புழக்கங்கள், சாசனப் பொறிப்புக்கள் என்பன வட - தென்னிந்தியப் பரப்புக்களில் ஏற்பட்டிருந்தமையைத் தொல்லியல் சான்றுகள் எடுத்துக் காட்டுகின்றன.'
கி.மு. 6ம் நூற்றாண்டில் 16 மஹாஜனப்பத அரசுகள் இந்தோ கங்கை வடிநிலத்திலும். பெரும்கற்கால சமூக அரசுகள் தென்னிந்திய தீப கற்பத்திலும் நிலவியிருந்தன என்பதனைத் தொல்லியல் சான்றுகள் உறுதிப்படுத்துகின்றன. நிறுவன ரீதியாக சமூக, பொருளாதார, சமய, அரசியல் நடவடிக்கைகள் தோற்றுவிக்கப்பட்ட ஒரு காலமாக இது விளங்கியிருந்தது. 16 மஹாஜனப்பத அரசுகளும், முடியாட்சி குடியாட்சி முறையைக் கொண்டு 16 வகையான வெள்ளி நாணய வெளியீடுகள் மக்கள் மத்தியில் புழக்கத்திற்கு விட்டன. இதன் மூலம் இறை என்ற ஓர் அம்சம் உருவாகிவிட்டதற்கான சான்றினைக் கண்டுகொள்ள முடிகிறது. "இறையின்" பின்னணியில் நான்கு வர்ணக் கோட்பாடு, வெளிநாட்டுத் தொடர்புகள், சமூகத்தைக் கட்டுப்படுத்தும் நிறுவனங்கள் என்பன ஏற்படுத்தப்பட்டன. கல்வி என்ற அம்சம் இக்காலத்திலிருந்து பல்வேறு நோக்கங்களுக்காகவும் பயன்படுத்தப்பட ஆரம்பிக்கப்பட்டது. ஏற்கனவே அறிமுகத்திற் குறிப்பிட்டதன் பிரகாரம் ஐந்து பிரதான நோக்கங்களை அடிப்படையாகக் கொண்டு கல்வி என்ற அறிவியற் துறை வளர்தெடுக்கப்பட்டுச் செல்லப்பட்டமையைக் காணலாம்.
வேதகாலத் குருகுலக் கல்வியும், பிராமணிய நிறுவனங்களின் தோற்றமும்
சிந்துவெளி மாந்தரின் வாழ்வு முறைக்கும் மகத நாகரிக மாந்தரின் வாழ்வு முறைக்கும் இடையேயுள்ள அடிப்படை வேறுபாடானது மத நிறுவனங்களின் அடிப்படையில் துல்லியமாக புலப்படுத்தப்பட்டுள்ளது.

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4 Education - Politics Syndrome
அதாவது சிந்து வெளி நாகரிகத்தினை முடிவுக்குக் கொண்டு வந்த ஆக்கிரமிப்பாளர்களான இந்தோ-ஆரியர்கள் யுத்தங்களையும் ஆக்கிரமி ப்புக்களையும் அடர்ந்த காட்டு மார்க்கங்களினூடாகவே தொடர்ச்சியாகச் செய்து கொண்டிருக்க வேண்டிய தேவை ஏற்பட்டிருந்தது. காட்டு வாசிகளுக்கு எதிரான நடவடிக்கைகளில் இப்புதிய ஆக்கிரமிப்பாளர் மேற்கொண்ட போர் - வியூக - நடைமுறைகளுக்கு பலவிதமான சடங்காசார நிகழ்வுகளை மேற்கொள்ள வேண்டிய தேவையும் ஏற்பட்டது. யுத்தங்களையும் ஆதிக்க விஷ்தரிப்பினையும் தொடர்ச்சியாக மேற்கொண்டு முன்னேறிக் கொண்டிருக்கின்ற ஒரு சமூகத்தில், சமூகத்தின் பல்வேறுபட்ட கடமைகளையும் நிறைவேற்றுவதற்கு ஒவ்வொரு கோத்திரத்திலிருந்தும் சில குறிப்பிட்ட அங்கத்தவர்களை யுத்த நிர்வாக நடவடிக்கைளிலிருந்து தனிப்படுத்தி, வைத்திருக்க வேண்டிய தேவையும் ஏற்பட்டது. இதன் விளைவாக "ஹத்திரியர்கள்” என்றும் "பிராமணர்கள்" என்றும் இருவகுப்பார் தோற்றம் பெறவும் பிராமணியம் என்பது நிறுவன ரீதியாக வளர்ச்சி பெறவும் சந்தர்ப்பமேற்பட்டது. தத்தம் சமூகத்தைச் சார்ந்த பிராமணர்கள் சமூக சடங்காசார நெறிமுறைகளை குரு - குலக் கல்வி மரபின் அடிப்படையில் சந்ததி - சந்ததியாக வளர்த்தெடுத்தனர். இதன் விளைவே பிராமணியக் கல்விமுறை இந்திய அரசியல் - நிர்வாக முறைமைகளில் தலையெடுக் கக் காரணமாக அமைந்தது. ஆக்கிரமிப்பாளர்களின் நடவடிக்கைக்குட்பட்ட காட்டுப் பரப்பின் எதிர்ப்பக்கப் பரப்பில் உழுது பயிரிட்டு-விவசாய முயற்சிகளில் ஈடுபட்டும், வாணிப நடவடிக்கைகளையும் முன்னெடுத்துச் சென்ற ஒரு சமூகக் கூட்டத்தினரே பின்னர் வைசிகர், சூத்திரர் என்ற வர்ணப் பாகுபாட்டினுள் இறுதியாக உள்ளடக்கப்பட்டிருந்தனர். இந்த இரு வர்ணத்தாருமே பேரரசும், பெருந்தத்துவமும் வளர்ச்சி பெறுவதற்கேற்ற பொருளியல் ஈட்டத்தின் பிரதான மூலங்களா கத் திகழ்ந்த கூட்டத்தினராவர். வர்ணாஸ்ரம முறைக் கல்விப் பாரம்பரியத் தில் வைசியருக்கும், சூத்திரருக்கும் இடம் ஒதுக்கப்படாது நீண்ட காலம் இருந்துவந்தமையைக் காணலாம். இதன் விளைவே கி.மு. 6ம் நூற்றாண்டில் பெளத்த சமயம் என்ற புதிய மதப் பிரிவின் (வாழ்வு முறையின்) தோற்றத்திற்கும் வளர்ச்சிக்கும் சித்தார்த்தரான கெளதம் புத்தர் அடிப்படை வகுத்துக் கொடுத்திருந்தார். அதன் பின்னர் கல்வித்துறையில் புதியதோர் அத்தியாயம் இந்தியாவில் தொடக்கி வைக்கப்பட்டது எனலாம்.

புராதன இந்தியாவில் கல்வி நிறுவனங்களும். 15
சத்திரியவேடித்திரக் கொள்கையும் கல்விக் கொள்கைப் பிரகடனங்களும்
பெளத்தத்தின் தோற்றத்திற்கு முன்னரே இந்தியக் கல்வி நிறுவனங்கள் சத்திரிய - பிராமணிய சமூகக் கட்டமைப்புக்கேற்றவாறான பாடவிதான நிரல் அமைப்பினை மகதத்தினை தலைமையாக ஏற்று உருவாக்கி யிருந்தன. விஷ்வாமித்திரரும் வசிட்டரும், அகத்தியரும் என தவமுனிகள் வேதக் கல்வியின் செழிப்பிற்கும், வளர்ச்சிக்கும் பெரும் பங்காற்றினார்கள் என இதிகாசங்கள் வாயிலாக அறிகின்றோம். காடழித்து நாடாக்குகின்ற அதேவேளையில் பர்ணசாலைக் கல்வி மரபு அதாவது குரு - குலக் கல்வி மரபினை முன்னெடுத்துச் சென்றவர்கள் இவர்களே. அக்கினியை முன்னே வைத்து கல்வி மரபினை பின்னெடுத்துச் சென்ற ஒரு மரபினையே இங்கு காண்கின்றோம். இங்கேதான் "மனுநெறி" உருவாக்கம் பெற்றது. மனுதர்ம சாஸ்திரம் விளக்கும் அடிப்படைத் தத்துவம் வர்ணாஸ்ரம தர்மக் கோட்பாடே ஆகும். இந்த வர்ணாஸ்ரம தர்மத்தினை பர்ண சாலைகளே வளர்த்தெடுத்தன. பர்ணசாலைகளின் பாதுகாப்பிற்கு அக்னிதேவனே பொறுப்பாக விளங்கினான். மேற்கிலிருந்து கிழக்கு நோக்கி இந்தோ - ஆரியர் இந்தியாவில் நகரும் பொழுது அக்னி தேவன் வழிகாட்டியாக விளங்கினான். இதனாலேயே வேதகால கல்வி மரபில் வேள்வியில் அக்னிக்கும் பலி கொடுக்கும் வழக்கம் மிகமிக அவசியமானது எனப் போதிக்கப்பட்டது. அபிப்பாகம் இன்றி யாகம் ஆற்ற முடியாது என்பது அக்காலத்திலிருந்த ஒரு பொதுவிதி. இவ்வகையான பெரும் யாகங்களுக்கான பொருட் செலவினைத் தாங்கிய சமூகத்தினராக வைசியரும் சூத்திரருமே காணப்பட்டனர். பின்னர் அவர்களே அதற்கெதிராகவும் கிளர்ந்தெழுந்தனர். அக்கிளர்ச்சியின் விளைவாக பெளத்தம் என்ற ஒரு புதிய கோட்பாடு இந்தியாவில் உருவாக்கப்பட்டது. பக்கம் பக்கமாக சமண மதம் உருவானது. இம்மதங்கள் இரண்டுமே உயிர்களைக் கொல்லாமை, வதைக்காமை, புலால் உண்ணாமை போன்ற அடிப்படையான உயிர்களிடத்தே இரக்கமாயிருக்கின்ற உணர்வினை ஊட்டும் நோக்கில் தோற்றம் பெற்றவையாகும்.* மாறாக இந்து மதம் விலங்கு உயிர்களை அவிப்பாகமாக ஏற்றுக் கொள்கின்ற போக்கில் இக்காலத்தில் விளங்கியது. "தன்னை முட்ட வருகின்ற பசுவையும் கொல்லலாம்” என்கிறது இந்து மதம் மக்களுக்கும், மாக்களுக்கும் வைத்திய சாலைகளை உருவாக்கி தந்தது பெளத்த மதம். இவ்வாறான அடிப்படைக் கருத்துக்கள் பேரரச உருவாக்கத்திலும் மனித
ஜீவகாருண்யக் கோட்பாட்டிலும் பெரும் தாக்கத்தினையும், பக்க

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16 Education - Politics Syndrome
விளைவுகளையும் ஏற்படுத்தித் தந்தது என்பது எமக்கு வரலாற்று அனுபவமாகிறது. மனுதர்ம சாஸ்திரமும், அர்த்த சாஸ்திரமும் எடுத்துப் போதிக்கும் அரசியல் நெறியில் காணப்படும் வேறுபாடு வர்ணாஸ்ரம சமூகக் கட்டமைப்புப் பொறுத்துக் காணப்படும் வேறுபாடாகவே உள்ளது. அர்த்தசாஸ்திரம் என்ற அரசியல் விஞ்ஞானத்தில் கூறப்பட்டுள்ள அனுபவங்கள் இந்தியத்திற்குரியது அல்லாமல், பாரசீக - மாசிடோனிய அரசியல் அனுபவங்களை அடிப்படையாகக் கொண்டது என்பதே பெரும்பாலான வரலாற்றாசிரியர்களது கருத்தோட்டமாக உள்ளது. சந்திரகுப்த மொரியப் பேரரசர்கால அரசியல் நடவடிக்கைகளுக்குரிய அரசியல் நூலாக அர்த்தசாஸ்திரத்தினைக் கொண்டாலும், அசோகப் பேரரசன் கால மொரியப் பேரரசின் அரசியல் நடவடிக்கைகளே பாரசீக, மாசிடோனிய அரசியற் சித்தாந்தக் கருத்துக்களுடன் இணைந்து இந்தியாவில் உருவாகி - சமூகச் செல்வாக்கு பெற்றிருந்த பெளத்த மதக் கருத்துக்களுடன் அரசும் மதமும் இணைந்த வகையிலான முதற் பெரும் பேரரசு கட்டியெழுப்பப்பட்டது. இதற்கான அடிப்படையை பெளத்தமடலாயக் கல்வி முறைகளே வகுத்துக் கொடுத்திருந்தன.
ஒரு பெரும் பேரரசின் மேற் கட்டுமானத்தில் பண்பாட்டுத்திணிப்பினை (Cultural Imposition) நடைமுறைப்படுத்துவதற்கு முதன்முதலாக உபயோகிக்கப்பட்ட மதமாக இந்தியாவில் பெளத்த மதம் அமைந்தது." மெளரியப் பேரரசான அசோகன் அக் குறிக்கோளினை அடைவதற்கு எல்லா வகையான கல்வி நிறுவனங்களையும் நன்கு பயன்படுத்தியிருந் தான் என அறிகின்றோம். பிராமி வரிவடிவினை உபயோகித்து பிராந்திய மொழிகளில் கல்விப் போதனைகளை மேற்கொள்ள எடுத்த முயற்சிகளை மொரியர் கால வட - தென் இந்தியப் பரப்புக்களில் சான்றுகளுடன் காண்கின்றோம். ஆந்திரப் பிரதேசத்தின் ஒரு கோடியில் தப்பிப் பிழைத்திருந்த அர்த்தசாஸ்திரத்தின் ஒரேயொரு ஏட்டுச்சுவடி தற்செயலாக சியாம சாஸ்திரி என்பவரால் அடையாளம் காணப்பட்டு அச்சிற் பதிப்பிக் கப்பட்டமையைத் தொடர்ந்தே அர்த்தசாஸ்திரத்தினைப் பற்றிய அறிவு வெளியுலகிற்குத் தெரிய வந்தது." கிர்னார் பாறைப் பிரகடனங்களின் 13 பிரதிநிதிகளை கற்பாறைகளில் செதுக்குவித்து பிராமி வடிவத்தை பிராந்திய மொழிவழக்குகளுக்கு உபயோகித்த கல்வி நடைமுறையை அசோகப் பேரரசன் மேற்கொண்டான். இப்பாறைப் பிரகடன முறையை சமகாலத்தில் பாரசீகத்தில் கல்வியாளர் மேற்கொண்டிருந்தமை குறிப்பிடத்தக்கது.'

புராதன இந்தியாவில் கல்வி நிறுவனங்களும். 17
கெளதம புத்தர் தங்கியிருந்த மையங்களில்- தர்ம சிந்தனைகளையும் போதித்த மையங்களில்- பெரும் துயில் கொண்ட மையத்தில்இவ்வாறான இடங்களில் பெருந்துாண்களை நிறுவி அத்துாண்களில் அவருடைய போதனைகளை பிராமி வரிவடிவில் பிரகடனப்படுத்திய முறையைப் பார்க்கும்போது, பெளத்தக் கல்வி மரபானது அரச முகாமைத்துவத்தின் கீழ் முன்னெடுத்து செல்லப்பட்ட நிகழ்வினையே காட்டுகிறது. அதன் பொருட்டு வர்த்தக மார்க்கங்கள் ஊடாக சமய - பண்பாட்டுத் திணிப்புக் கொள்கையினையும் (Cultural Imposition) மெளரியப் பேரரசு மேற்கொள்ளத் தவறவில்லை.
மெளரியப் பேரரசு கால ஆதிபத்தியக் கோட்பாட்டின் கீழ் மக்கள் மத்தியில் ஜீவகாருண்யக் கோட்பாட்டினை வலியுறுத்தி, தர்ம சிந்தனை மரபினைப் பரப்புவதற்கு மதக் கல்வி நிறுவனங்கள் ஊடாக பலமுயற்சிகள் முன்னெடுத்து செல்லப்பட்டதற்கான சான்றுகள் கிடைத்துள்ளன. பாடலிபுரத்தில் கி.மு. 262ல் கூட்டப்பட்ட 3வது அகில உலகப் பெளத்த மாநாட்டில் இக்கொள்கைப் பிரகடனங்கள் முன்னெடுக்கப்பட்டு, இந்திய அயல் நாடுகளுக்கும் தூதுக்குழுக்கள் (சமயத்தூதுக் குழுக்களா? அல்லது மறைமுகமான இராசதந்திரத் தூதுக்குழுக்களா? என்பது ஆராயப்படவேண்டும்) மூலமாக நன்கு தெரிவிக்கப்பட்டிருந்தன. இலங்கைக்கும் அவ்வாறான ஒரு சமயத் தூதுக்குழு மிகிந்தன் என்பவனது தலைமையில் அனுப்பப்பட்டு சமகால இலங்கை மன்னனான தீசனை "தேவநம்பிய" என்ற தனது விருதுப் பெயரினையே சூடச் செய்து, மெளரியர் கால இந்திய மேலாதிக்கத்தினை இலங்கைத்தீவினையும் ஏற்க வைத்த பெருமை மெளரியப் பேரரசனான அசோகப் பேரரசனையே சாரும்." இவ்வாறான நடைமுறைகளின் வெற்றியினை மடாலயக் கல்வி நிறுவனங்களே ஆற்றி முடித்திருந்தன. இலங்கையிலும் அத்தகைய கல்வி முறை பிராமி வரிவடிவ அறிமுகத்துடன் ஆரம்பிக்கப்பட்டு, அரசின் இருப்பிற்கான மக்களான "சங்கம்" என்ற சமய நிறுவனங்களுக்கூடாகப் பெற்றுக் கொள்வதற் கேற்ற வழிவகைகள் நன்கு செய்து முடிக்கப்பட்டிருந்தன. (இன்றைய இலங்கையின் அரசியலும் அவ்வாறே பெளத்த கல்வி மரபுகளுடனும், நிறுவனங்களுடனும் தொடர்புபட்ட வகையில் வளர்ந்து வருவது இங்கு ஈண்டும் குறிப்பிடத்தக்கது)
பிற்பட்ட வேதகால கல்விப் பாரம்பரியத்தினை பெரும் பேரரச முகாமைத்துவக் கட்டுமானத்திற்குள் அகப்படுத்தி, யதார்த்தமான பண்பாட்டு மறுமலர்ச்சியுடனும், அந்நியக்கலைப் பாரம்பரியங்களையும்,

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சிந்தனை மரபுகளையும் தவிர்த்து, சுதேசிய உணர்வுடன் - சுதேச மொழிக் கல்வி மரபின் பின்னணியில் குப்தர்கள் ஒரு பேரரசினைக் கட்டியெழுப்பிய வரலாறானது கல்விச் சிந்தனை மரபுகளுக்கும் பேரரச முகாமைத்துவத்திற்குமிடையேயிருந்த தொடர்பினை எடுத்துக் காட்டுவதாக உள்ளது. ஓரணித்துவ அடிப்படையில் இந்தியாவை ஒரே கட்டுக்கோப்புக்குள் அரசியல் பண்பாட்டு அடிப்படைகளில் கொணர்ந்த பெருமை பேரரசுக் குப்த மன்னர்களையே சாரும்." இக்கட்டுரையின் அறிமுகத்தில் குறிப்பிடப்பட்டது போன்று ஐந்து வகையான நோக்குகளையுடைய கல்வி நிறுவனங்களையும் ஒரே தளத்தில், ஒரே குறிக்கோளினை ஈட்டுவதற்காகப் பயன்படுத்திய ஆற்றல் பேரரசுக் குப்தர்களையே சாரும். இந்திய மயமாக்கமும், சுதேச தத்துவமும் ஒன்றாக இணைந்த நிலையில் அரசியல் தத்துவமும், சமூகக் கோட்பாடுகளும், கல்விச் சிந்தனை மரபுகளும் உருவாக்கப்பட்ட காலம் குப்தர் காலம் என்றால் அது தவறாகாது' சமஸ்கிருத மொழியினை அடிப்படையாகக் கொண்ட கல்விச் சிந்தனை மரபுகள், இந்தியத் தத்துவத்தைத் தழுவிய தெய்வீக உருக்களின் தோற்றப்பாடு, பிற்பட்ட வேத கால "ஷத்திரிய-சேத்திரக்" கோட்பாட்டினைத் தழுவிய பேரரசக் கட்டுமானம் - வர்ணாஸ்ரம தர்மக் கோட்பாடு ஆகியனவற்றை முழுமை யாக ஒழுங்கமைத்த வகையில் குப்தர் காலப் பேரரசக் கட்டமைப்பு உருவாக்கப்பட்டது. மெளரியர் கால அரசியல் பகைப்புலத்தையே போன்று மகதமும் அதன் தலைநகரான பாடலிபுத்திரமும் மீண்டும் ஓராயிரமாண்டுக்கால இடைவெளியின் பின் "பொற்கலமாக” த் திகழ்ந்தன. கி.மு. 4ம் நூற்றாண்டில் அமைக்கப்பட்ட மெளரியர் கால முதலாம் மகதப் பேரரசு கி.பி. 6ம் நூற்றாண்டின் முடிவின்போது குப்தர்கால இரண்டாம் மகதப் பேரரசாக நன்னிலையில் வளர்ச்சி பெற்றிருந்தது* முதலாம் மகதப் பேரரசுக்கு கொழுகொம்பாக பெளத்தமும், இரண்டாம் மகதப் பேரரசுக்குக் கொழுகொம்பாக வைஷ்ணவமும் பேரரச அந்தஸ்தினைப் பெற்றிருந்ததன் பின்னணியில் கல்வி நிறுவனங்களின் வளர்ச்சியை நாம் உணர்ந்து கொள்ள முடியும்.
மூன்றாம் முறையாக ஓரணித்துவமான அடிப்படையில் இந்தியா முழுவதும் ஒன்றுபடுத்தப்பட்டதற்கான பின்னணியை மொகலாயர்காலம் ஈட்டிக் கொண்டது. கி.பி. 1526ல் நிகழ்ந்த 1ம் பனிப்பட்போரிலிருந்து மொஹலாயர் வரலாறு இந்தியாவில் ஆரம்பித்தது. கி.பி. 1707 ஜகாந்கிரின் ஆட்சியின் முடிவுடன் இப்பெரும் பேரரசினுடைய செல்வாக்கு முற்றுப் பெறுவதனையும் காண்கிறோம். இக்காலப் பகுதியே நவீன இந்திய வரலாற்றின் தொடக்கத்தையும் குறித்தது என்பர்.*

புராதன இந்தியாவில் கல்வி நிறுவனங்களும். 119
அக்பர் பின்பற்றியொழுகிய சமூக - சமய - கல்விக் கொள்கைகளே மீண்டும் மூன்றாவது முறையாக இந்தியாவை ஒன்றுபடவைத்த நிகழ் விற்கு அடிப்படைகளாகின. இந்தியாவிற்கு முன் - பின் அறிமுகமாயில்லா திருந்த இஸ்லாமிய மதத்தினையும் திருக்குர்ரான் கோட்பாடுகளையும் இந்து - பெளத்தக் கல்விப் பாரம் பரியங்களுடன் ஒன்று கலந்து உருவாக்கிய தீன் - இ - இலாஹி என்ற மதக் கோட்பாடே ஒன்றுபட்ட இந்தியத்துவத்தை மீண்டும் ஏற்படுத்த உதவியிருந்தது* புராதன இந்திய மரபுகள் யாவும் உள்வாங்கப்பட்டு பேர்சிய மரபுகளுடன் இணைக்கப்பட்டுப் பின்னர் இந்தியாவிற்கெனத் தனித்துவமாக வெளிப்படுத்தப்பட்ட நிலையிலே அக்பர் கால சாம்ராச்சிய கோட்பாடுகள் அமைந்தன. உருது மொழி அரசாங்க மொழியாக அமைந்த நிலையிலும் இந்தியக் கல்விக் கோட்பாடானது அவ்வப் பிரதேச மொழிகளின் தனித்துவமான வளத்தின் பின்னணியிலேயே கட்டியெழுப்பப்பட்டது. அறிவியல் - விஞ்ஞான இலக்கியங்கள் - வரலாற்று இலக்கியங்கள், சுயசரிதை இலக்கியங்கள் என்பன பெருமளவில் இக்காலத்தில் தோற்றுவிக்கப்பட்ட தன்மையைப் பார்க்கும்போது, அக்பர் கடைப்பிடித்த கல்விக் கொள்கையின் சமரசத் தன்மையை பெருமளவில் உணர்ந்து கொள்ள முடிகிறது.*
அக்பர் காலத்தில் மொஹலாயப் பேரரசில் கடைப்பிடிக்கப்பட்ட பொருளாதாரக் கோட்பாடுகள் யாவும் மிகச் சிறந்த பொருளியல் வல்லு ணர்களின் வழிகாட்டலிலேயே உருவாக்கப்பட்டவையாகும். அந்தளவிற்கு கல்விக் கொள்கையாகப் பிரகடனப்படுத்தப்பட்டு ஒரு பெரும் பேரரசக் கட்டமைப்பு முகாமைத்துவம் நடைமுறைப்படுத்தப்பட்டது. புலியும் மானும், கிளியும் பூனையும் அக்பரது அரண்மனையில் உறவாடுமளவிற்கு சமூகக் கொள்கைப் பிரகடனங்கள் கல்வித் திட்டங்களினூடாகப் பதிவு செய்யப்பட்ட வகையே மொஹலாயர் காலப் பேரரச முகாமைத்துவத்தின் தனித்துவமான அம்சமாகும். இந்தியக் கலைக் கோட்பாடுகள் யாவும் புதிய பரிமாணம் பெற்ற காலமும் மொகலாயர் காலமே. மேற்கும் - கிழக்கும் சந்தித்த காலம் இக்காலமாகும்.* "அக்பர் நாமா"வில் வரையப்பட்ட முதலாம் அலெக்சாந்தரது ஓவியம் வரலாற்று ரீதியில் இங்கு தனிச் சிறப்பும் பெறுவதாக உள்ளது. கி.மு. நான்காம் நூற்றாண்டிற்கும் சற்று முன்னர் இந்தியாவை நோக்கிப் படை நடாத்தி வந்த ஒரு மாவீரனைப் பற்றிய முதன்முதலான குறிப்பு ஓவியவடிவில் கி.பி. 1526 க்குப் பின்னர் இந்திய இலக்கியமொன்றில் இடம் பெற்றிருப்பது என்பது ஒரு பெரும் சாதனை என்றே கூறவேண்டும். மேற்கும், கிழக்கும் மொஹலாயப் பேரரசில் சந்தித்தது என்பதற்கு இது சிறந்த

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எடுத்துக்காட்டு. அவ்வகையில் இஸ்லாமியக் கல்வி கோட்பாடுகள் இந்தியக் கல்விச் சிந்தனை வரலாற்றில் ஒரு பெரும் தாக்கத்தினை ஏற்படுத்துவதற்கு அக்பர் வழி வகுத்துவிட்டிருந்தார். இதனாலேயே அக்பர் ஒரு பெரும் இராசதந்திரி எனவும் மாவீரன் எனவும் வரலாற்று ஆசிரியர்கள் புகழாரம் சூட்டியுள்ளனர்.'
(LDLOобODJ
புராதன இந்தியாவில் கல்விக் கோட்பாடுகளும் பேரரச முகாமைத்துவ நடைமுறைகளும் என்ற இவ் ஆய்வுக் கட்டுரையின்கண் தெரிவு செய்யப்பட்ட சில தகவல்களை ஒருங்கிணைத்த வகையில் ஓர் அறிமுக ஆய்வாகக் கொடுப்பதற்கு இங்கு முயற்சி எடுக்கப்பட்டுள்ளது. புராதன இந்தியாவின் கல்விக் கொள்கைகளை உள்ளடக்கிய வகையிலான பாடவிதான நிரலினை இங்கு கொடுக்காமல் விட்டதற்குக் காரணம் கட்டுரை நீண்டு சென்று விடும் என்பதனாலாகும். திருக்குறளில் பேரரசுக் கோட்பாடுகளை வகுத்தளிக்கும் போது மக்களின் கல்வியறிவும், எழுத்தறிவும் பெருமளவிற்கு உள்வாங்கப்படவேண்டும் எனக் குறிக்கப்பட்டுள்ளமை நடைமுறையில் உண்மையே. அல்லாவிடில் ஏட்டுச் சுவடிகளையும், சாசனப் பொறிப்புக்களையும் அதிக எண்ணிக்கையில் ஆட்சியாளர்களினால் வெளியிட்டு வைத்து காப்பகத்திலிட்டு - பாதுகாத்தி ருந்திருக்கத் தேவை இருந்திருக்காது. புராதன இந்தியப் பல்கலைக்கழ கங்கள் பேரரசின் போக்கினை, முகாமைத்துவ முறையினை நேர்வழிப் படுத்தியிருந்தன என்பதற்குச் சிறந்த ஆதாரமாக எமக்குக் கிடைத்தது திருமுக்கூடற் கல்வெட்டிலும், சோழரது பிற மெய்கீர்த்திகளிலும் குறிப் பிடப்பட்ட காந்தளுர் சாலை என்ற படைக்கலப் பயிற்சிப் பல்கலைக்கழக மாகும். காலத்திற்கு காலம் வெளிநாட்டு யாத்திரிகர்களையும், ஆய்வாளர்களையும் ஒருங்கே ஈர்த்த பல சமயப் பல்கலைக்கழகங்கள் புராதன இந்தியாவில் வளர்ச்சி பெற்றிருந்தன. பேரரசு அதற்கான மானிய உதவிகளை வழங்கி சமூக - கல்விச் சேவைகள் வளர்வதற்கு பெரும் தொண்டாற்றியிருந்தது என்பதனைப் பற்றிய பல சாசன ஆதாரங்கள் கிடைத்துள்ளன. அரசாங்க நிர்வாக சேவையில் தேர்ந்தெடுக்கப்படுபவர்கள் கொண்டிருந்திருக்க வேண்டிய கல்வி பொருளாதாரத் தகைமைகளை 1ம் பராந்தகச் சோழனின் உருத்திர மேளுர்க் கல்வெட்டுக்கள் குறித்திருக்கின்றன. இவ்வாறாகப் புராதன இந்தியாவில் நடைமுறைப்படுத்தப்பட்ட கல்விக் கொள்கை களுக்கும், பேரரச முகாமைத்துவ நடைமுறைகளுக்குமிடையே மிக நெருங்கிய தொடர்புகள் காணப்பட்டிருந்தன.

புராதன இந்தியாவில் கல்வி நிறுவனங்களும். 12
Notes
10.
11.
12.
13.
14.
15.
16.
Ratnagar.S.,Encounters, The Westerly Trade of the Harappa Civilization, Madras, Oxford University Press, 1981, pp.4-10.
Ibid. p.39. Mahadevan, Iravatham, "Ahastya Legend and the Indus Valley Civilization", Journal of Tamil Studies, Tanjavur, December 1986 PP. 24-37.
Ceram, C.W.(Ed). The World of Archaeology, London: Thames and Hudson Ltd., 1966, pp. 95-110.
Fairservis Walter A. The Roobs of Ancient India, The University of Chicago press, Chicago, 1975, p.25 and pp. 12-13 and pp.72-74.
நம்பூதிரிபாட், E.M.S., இந்திய வரலாறு, (ஒரு மார்க்சியக் கண்ணோட்டம்) சென்னை புக் கவுஸ், சென்னை, 1986.
Kosambi, D.D.: The Culture and Civilization of Ancient India Vikas Publishing House PVT Ltd., Delhi 1981, p. 104.
சித்திரலேகா, மெள (தொகுப்பு), இனத்துவமும் சமூகமாற்றமும், SSA வெளியீடு, கொழும்பு / யாழ்ப்பாணம், 1985.
Nilakanta Sastri, K.A.; History of South India, Madras, 1981, pp.327–328.
Thapar; A History of India, Pelican Series, London 1987, p.46 and P90.
நம்பூதிரிபாட், E.M.S., மேலே குறிப்பிடப்பட்டது. Kosambi, D.D., op.cit., p.126.
Pannikar, K.M.; A Survey of Indian History, Asia Publishing House 1963, Bombay, p. 14.
Romila, Thapar, op. cit, pp. 33-39. Lumiya, B.N.; Evolution of Indian Culture, Educational Publishers Agra, New Delhi, 1990. pp. 104- 105.
Antonova, K. Bongard, Levin,G, and Kotovsky, G., History of India, Progress publishers, Moscow, 1979, p.77. Shamasastry, R.; Kautilya's Athasastra, Mysore, 1967, p.XXVI

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17. Romila, Thapar; op. cit., pp. 73-74. 18. Antohova, et al, op. cit., p.79. 19. சித்திரலேகா, மெள (ed,); மேலே குறிப்பிடப்பட்டது. 20. Luniya, B.N. op. cit, p. 187.
21. Ibid.
22. Bhasham, A.L, (ed.) A Cultural History of India, Claredon press Oxford, 1975, pp. 38-50 (Asokan India and the Gupta Age by Pomila Thapar.)
23 Nilakanta Sastri, K.A. Srinivasa Sastri, G; An Advanced History
of India, Madras, 1980, p.474 and pp.539-540.
24. Ibid. pp. 539-540. 25. Luniya, B.N.; op.cit. p. 416.
26. Percival, Spear,; A History of India Pelican Series, London,
1987. p.38.
27. Bamber, Gascoigne; The Great Moghuls, George Rainbird Ltd.,
London, 1987, pp.75 - 128.

1O
மா. சின்னத்தம்பி
கல்வித் திட்டமிடலும் அரசியலும்: தொடர்பு முறையும் தாக்கமும்
M. Sinnathamby Edicational Planning and Politics: Linkage and Impact
அறிமுகம்
கல்வித்திட்டமிடல் நடைமுறையில் பின்பற்றப்படும் செயல் முறையாக வும், ஒப்பீட்டு மற்றும் சர்வதேச கல்வியின் மைய அம்சமாகவும், கடந்த மூன்று தசாப்தங்களாக அடையாளம் காணப்பட்டுள்ளது. 1960களில் வட அமெரிக்காவின் கல்வி ஆய்வு நிலையம், அபிவிருத்தி கல்வி நிலையம், ஒப்பீட்டுக் கல்வி நிலையம், சர்வதேச மற்றும் அபிவிருத்திக் கல்வி நிலையம் போன்றவற்றினால் “வளர்முக நாடுகளுக்கே உரியதான” கல்வித் திட்டமிடலில் அதிக கவனம் செலுத்தப்பட்டது. இது "ஒப்பீட்டுப் பிரயோக கல்வி" (Applied Comparative Education) என்ற வகையில் விளங்கிக் கொள்ளப்பட்டது.
கல்வித் திட்டமிடல் தொடர்பாக அறிஞர்களுக்கும், திட்டமிடும் அதிகாரிகளுக்குமிடையில் முரண்பாடுகள் நிலவி வந்தன. நிர்வாகிகள் அரசாங்கங்களின் கொள்கைகளை அவற்றின் தேவைக்கேற்றதாக நிறைவேற்றுவதற்கு முனைந்தனர். அதற்கேற்றதான கல்விசார் உள்ளடக்கங்கள், கற்பித்தல் முறைமை, அணுகுமுறைகள் தொடர்பான ஆலோசனைகளை எதிர்பார்த்தனர். அத்தகைய ஆலோசனைகளைத் தமது தேவைகளுக்கும் தந்திரோபாயங்களுக்கும் ஏற்ற வகையில் கல்வித்திட்டமிடலில் கையாண்டனர். இவ்வாறு கல்விமுறை, கல்வி நிறுவனங்கள், கல்விசார் உட்கட்டமைப்புக்கள் போன்றவற்றையும்,

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கல் விக்கும் - அரசியல் உறுதிப்பாட்டுக்கும் இடையிலான தொடர்புமுறையையும், கல்வித்திட்டமிடலில் அரசியல் துறையினர் கையாண்ட முறை பற்றியும், அவற்றுக்குப் பின்னணியாக அமைந்த தேவைப்பாடு பற்றியும் ஆராய்வதாக இவ் ஆய்வுக்கட்டுரை அமைகிறது. கல்வியியலாளர் ஆலோசனை வழங்கி, அதனை நடைமுறைப்படுத்துவ தில் பங்கேற்கின்ற போதிலும் இறுதி முடிவுகளை மேற்கொள்பவர்களாக அரசியல் துறையினர் விளங்குவது பற்றி இது விளக்க முயல்கிறது.
கல்வி அறிவு, திறன்கள் என்பன நாட்டு மக்களில் யாருக்கு, எவ்வாறு, எங்கே, ஏன் வழங்கப்பட வேண்டும் என்பதை கல்வித்திட்டமிடல் தீர்மானிக்கும் போது உண்மையில் அது நாடுகளின் அரசாங்கங்களின் அரசியல் முடிவாகவே அமைகிறது. குடிமக்களை எந்த வகையில் சிந்திக்கும், செயலாற்றும் ஆற்றல் உடையவர்களாக மாற்ற வேண்டும் என்ற சிந்தனைகளுடன், அரசாங்கங்கள் யாருடைய செலவில், அதற்குப் பொருத்தமான கல்வி ஏற்பாடுகளை மேற்கொள்ள வேண்டும், என்பதை தீர்மானிக்கின்றன. அதற்கு ஏற்றதாகவே கல்வி திட்டமிடப்பட வேண்டும் எனத் தீர்மானித்து அதற்கேற்றதாக திட்டமிடலுக்கு உதவுகின்றன, அல்லது அவற்றைக் கட்டுப்படுத்துகின்றன.
கல்வித்திட்டமிடல் உண்மையில் கல்வி தொடர்பான அரசாங்கங்க ளின் பகுப்பாய்வு, கொள்கைத்தீர்மானம், முகாமைத்துவம், நிர்வாகம், ஆராய்ச்சி, முடிவுகளை மேற்கொள்ளல் பற்றியனவாகவே விளங்குகின் றன. கல்வித்திட்டமிடல் எதிர்வு கூறல், ஆய்வு செய்தல், தேவைகளை அடையாளம் காணல், செலவைக் கணித்தல் நடைமுறைப்படுத்தப்படல், மதிப்பீடு செய்தல் போன்ற பல படிநிலைச் செய்முறைகளைக் கொண்டுள்ளபோது அவை எல்லாவற்றிலும் திட்ட காலத்தில் இயங்கும் அரசாங்கங்கள், நேரடியாகவோ அல்லது மறைமுகமாகவோ செல்வாக்கைச் செலுத்துகின்றன. இதற்கேற்ற வகையில் பல்வேறு நாடுகளிலும், பாரிய அளவில் கல்வி அம்சங்களை மாற்றாமல், கல்விச் சீர்திருத்தங்களை அறிமுகப்படுத்த விரும்புகின்றன. நிலவுகின்ற அரசியற் பொருளாதார முறைமையுடன் முரண்படாதவாறு கல்வி முறைமையில் மாற்றங்களை நடைமுறைப்படுத்துவதற்கான ஆணைக்குழுக்களை அரசாங்கங்கள் ஏற்படுத்துகின்றன. மலேசியா (1950), தென் கொரியா (1985), இலங்கை (1991), இந்தியா (1992) போன்ற நாடுகளில் இவ்வாறு ஏற்படுத்தப்பட்டுள்ளன.

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சர்வதேச ரீதியிலான கல்விக்கான உதவிகள், சர்வதேச ரீதியிலான அல்லது பிராந்திய ரீதியிலான அரசியல் அபிலாசைகளின் அடிப்படையிலேயே வழங்கப்பட்டு அல்லது அதிகரிக்கப்பட்டு வருகின்றன. கல்விக்கான சர்வதேச உதவி இந்த அடிப்படையிலேயே அதிகரிக்கப் படுகிறது. 1969 இல் இது 600 மில்லியன் (milion) அமெரிக்க டொலர்களாகக் காணப்பட்டது. ஆனால் 1986இல் இது 4.25 பில்லியன் (bilion) டொலர்களாக அதிகரித்தது. உண்மையில் வளர்முக நாடுகள் தம் கல்விக்குச் செலவிடும் தொகையில் வெளிநாட்டு உதவியின் பங்கு 4.2% மட்டுமே. ஆயினும் பல்வேறு வகையான அரசியல் சார்ந்த விளைவுகளை உருவாக்கும் வகையில் மறைமுக அழுத்தங்களை அவை ஏற்படுத்தி வருகின்றன.
வளர்முக நாடுகளில் மனிதவள அபிவிருத்தி, (Human Resource DeVelopment), பொருளாதார ரீதியிலும், அரசியல் அமைதி, வெளிநாட்டு சொத்துக்களின் அதிகரிப்பு, நாடுகளிடையிலான நல்லுறவு போன்ற வற்றை பேணுவதற்கான அடிப்படை அம்சம் என்ற வகையிலும், அரசாங்கங்களுக்கு அதிக முக்கியத்துவமுடையதாகும். இதனால் கல்வித் திட்டமிடலில் அத்தகைய அணுகுமுறையைச் சிபாரிசு செய்வதிலும் அதற்கான வளங்களை ஒதுக்கீடு செய்வதிலும் அரசாங்கங்கள் அக்கறை செலுத்தி வருகின்றன.
அனைவருக்கும் கல்வி' என்ற கல் விசார் இலட்சியத்தை நிறைவேற்றுவதில் அரசாங்கங்களே ஊக்கத்துடன் பணியாற்றுகின்றன. தமது பொருளாதார அபிவிருத்தி துரிதப்படுவதற்கு முன்பே - அதாவது அக் கல்வி இலட்சியத்துக்குரிய நிதி வழங்கும் ஆற்றலை உறுதிப்படுத்துவதற்கு முன்பே - கொங்கொங், சிங்கப்பூர், தாய்லாந்து, தாய்வான், கொரியா போன்ற நாடுகளின் அரசாங்கங்கள் அவ்வாறான இலக்கை அடைவதில் குறிப்பிடத்தக்களவு வெற்றியடைந்திருந்தமை நோக்கத்தக்கது.
கல்வி, அரசியல் சார்ந்த அமைதி, நவீனமயமாக்கல், உறுதிப்பாடு போன்றவற்றிற்கு உதவக்கூடியது என்ற கருத்து வரலாற்றுக் காலத்தில் பல அறிஞர்களால் தெளிவாக விளக்கப்பட்டு வந்துள்ளது.
பொருளியலின் தந்தையாகிய அடம் ஸ்மித் (1776) நாட்டின் குற்றச் செயல்களைக் குறைக்க கல்வி உதவும்; தவறான சிந்தனையிலிருந்து மக்களை விடுவிக்கவும் கல்வி உதவும் என்று கருதினார். இதனால்

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நாட்டை அமைதியாக நிர்வகிப்பதற்கு அரசியல் துறையினருக்கு கல்வி பயன்படுகின்றது. ஒரு நாட்டின் அரசியல் அபிவிருத்தி பற்றி அரசாங்கங்கள் அக்கறை கொள்வதுண்டு. அத்தகைய தேவைக்கு கல்வியைக் கருவியாக அவர்கள் பயன்படுத்த முடியும். கோல்மன் (Coleman : 1965) என்பவர் அரசியல் அபிவிருத்திக்கும் கல்விக்கும் உள்ள தொடர்பு பற்றி பின்வருமாறு விளக்குகின்றார்.
அரசியல் ஆற்றல் கல்வியின் நவீன தன்மைகளினால் உருவாக்கப்படுகிறது. அரசியல் நவீன மயமாக்கலின் அடிப்படையாகக் காணப்படுகின்ற ஆளுகின்ற கற்றோர் குழாத்தினருக்கும் மிகச் சிறியளவில் நவீன மயப்படும் வெகுசனங்களுக்கும் இடையில் நிலவும் இடைவெளி யைக் குறைப்பதில் கல்வி பெரும் பங்காற்றுகிறது. அரசாங்கம் எழுத்தறிவை வளர்த்து உளப்பாங்கை முன்னேற்றுவதன் மூலம் அரசியல் நவீன மயமாக்கலை ஏற்படுத்த முடியும்.
கல்வி அரசியல் ரீதியிலான முன்னேற்றமான விடயங்களில் செல்வாக்குச் செலுத்துகிறது. அரசியல் ரீதியில் சமூகமயப்படுத்தல், அரசியல் நியமனங்கள், அரசியல் ஒருங்கிணைப்பு, பல்வகைப்பட்ட அரசியல் தொடர்பு, அரசியல் இலட்சியங்கள், மதசார்பின்மை போன்ற பல்வேறு கருத்தியல்கள், நடைமுறைகள் என்பவற்றில் கல்வி அதிக செல்வாக்குச் செலுத்துகிறது. இந்த அடிப்படையில் அரசாங்கங்கள் தமது இலக்குகள், விருப்பங்கள் என்பவற்றுக்கு இசைவுடையதாக நாட்டின் அரசியலை மாற்றியமைக்க கல்வியை ஒழுங்குபடுத்த வேண்டுமெனக் கருதுகின்றனர். சிறந்த குடிமக்கள் பண்பு, ஜனநாயக விழுமியங்களை மதித்தல், பகுத்தறிவு சார்ந்த அரசியல் அணுகுமுறைகள் போன்றவற்றை மிக சீராக வளர்ப்பதற்கு கல்வி துணை செய்யும் என அரசறிவியலாளர் நம்புகின்றனர். அரசாங்கங்கள் நீடித்து நிலைப்பதற்கு அல்லது அரசியல் உறுதியைப் பேணுதற்கு குடிமக்களின் கல்வித் தரத்தை முன்னேற்ற வேண்டுமென்று நம்புகின்றனர்.
நாடுகளில் கல்வி வாய்ப்புக்கள் விரிவடைவதாலும் உயர் கல்வி வளர்ச்சியடைவதாலும் அரசியல் சுதந்திரத்தைப் பெறமுடியும் என்பதை பிரித்தானியர் கால குடியேற்ற ஆட்சிக் கால அனுபவங்கள் வெளிப்படுத்துகின்றன. (B.C.Tilak 1994 - 167) மிக உயர்ந்த எழுத்தறிவு கட்டாயமாக ஜனநாயக அரசியலை உருவாக்கும் என்று

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கருதமுடியாது என்பதை மக்கள் சீனக் குடியரசு சுட்டிக்காட்டுகிறது. அவ்வாறே மிக உயர்ந்த எழுத்தறிவு வீதம் இருந்தாலும் அரசியல் ஸ்திரமின்மை காணப்படலாம் என்பதை மியான்மார் அனுபவம் காட்டுகிறது. ஆனாலும் கல்வித் தரம் உயர்ந்து செல்லும் நாடுகளில் பொருளாதார முன்னேற்றத்திற்கு உதவக்கூடிய அரசியல் சூழ்நிலையை உருவாக்குதல் சாத்தியமாகும் என்ற கருத்தும் நிலவுகிறது. இவ்வாறு அரசியல் நோக்கங்களை பெருமளவில் அடைவதற்கு கல்வி ஆவன செய்யும் என்ற கருத்தின் அடிப்படையில் அக் கல்வியைத் தனது கட்டுப்பாட்டில் வைத்திருப்பதும் தமது நோக்கங்களுக்கு முரண்படாத வகையில் கல்வியை வடிவமைப்பதும் அவசியம் என்று கருதப்படுகிறது. இதனால் கல்வித்திட்டமிடலாளர்கள் இறுதி அங்கீகாரத்தை அரசியல் உயர் பீடத்திலிருந்தே பெற வேண்டியுள்ளது. அது கல்வி திட்டமிடல் அதிகாரசபை, கல்வித்திட்டமிடல் பணியகம், கல்வித் திட்டமிடல் அமைச்சு போன்றவற்றில் யாதாயினும் ஒன்றாக இருக்க முடியும்.
கல்வித் திட்டமிடல் மக்களின் அறிவு, ஆற்றல், மனப்பாங்கு என்பவற்றை முன்னேற்றுவதாகவும் தனிநபரிடையேயும், இனக் குழுமங்களிடையேயும் நட்புறவு, பரஸ்பர நல்லிணக்கம், புரிந்துணர்வு போன்றவற்றை உருவாக்குவதாகவும் அமைய வேண்டுமெனக் கல்வியியலாளர் கருதுவதுண்டு. கல்வி கற்போரின் உளவியல் அம்சங்களும், கற்பித்தல் முறைமையியலும், அடைவுகளை மதிப்பிடும் முறைகளும் கல்வியியலாளருக்கு முக்கியமானவை. தனி நபர் எவ்வாறு பண்பட்டநிறைவான மனிதனாக கல்வியினால் உருவாக்கப்படுகிறான் என்பதில் கல்வியியலாளர் கவனம் செலுத்துவர். ஆனால் அரசியல் துறையினர் இவற்றை ஏற்றுக் கொண்டாலும் எவ்வாறான ஆட்சிமுறைக்கு ஆதரவான உளப்பாங்கினை நிலவுகின்ற கல்வி ஏற்பாடுகள் வழங்குகின்றன, கல்விக்கு எந்தளவு வளங்களை ஒதுக்குவதால் பெரும்பாலான மக்களின் ஆதரவை அரசாங்கம் பெற்றுக் கொள்ளலாம் என்பன போன்ற அவதானங்களில் அரசாங்கங்கள் கவனம் செலுத்துகின்றன.
அரசாங்கமும் வகைகூறலும்
எல்லா நாடுகளிலும் ஜனநாயக கட்சி அரசியலும் தேர்தல் அடிப்படையில் உருவாக்கப்படும் அரசாங்கங்களும் விரும்பப்படும் போக்கு அதிகரிக்கின்றது. 1990களின் பின் சோவியத் யூனியனின் வீழ்ச்சியோடும் கிழக்கு ஐரோப்பிய சோசலிச நாடுகளின் நிலை மாற்றங்களோடும்

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இக்கருத்து வளர்ச்சியடைந்துள்ளது. சர்வதேச ரீதியில் உதவி வழங்கும் நிறுவனங்களும் உலக ரீதியான பொருளாதார, அரசியல் செயல் திட்டங்களும் ஜனநாயக அரசாங்க முறைமைக்கு அதிக ஆதரவு வழங்குகின்றன. சமூக நலன், குழந்தை உரிமை, பெண் உரிமை, மனித உரிமை, பல்லினக் கலாச்சாரம் போன்ற பல்வேறு கொள்கை சார்ந்த நடவடிக்கைகளை அரசாங்கம் மேற்கொள்ள வேண்டுமென உலக வங்கி (IBRD), ஐ.நா. ஸ்தாபனம் (U.N.O) போன்ற சர்வதேச அமைப்புக்கள் வற்புறுத்துகின்றன. இதனால் உலகின் பெரும்பாலான நாடுகளில் ஜனநாயக அரசியல் கோட்பாடுகளை மதிக்கும் அரசாங்கங்கள் பெருகி வருகின்றன. கடந்த தசாப்தத்தில் ஆசிய, ஆபிரிக்க, இலத்தீன் அமெரிக்க நாடுகளில் ஜனநாயகம் நோக்கிய அரசியல் மாற்றங்கள் அதிகரித்துள்ளன.
இத்தகைய ஜனநாயக அரசாங்கங்கள் மக்களின் பொதுவான சக்தியை பிரதிநிதித்துவம் செய்கின்றன. அவர்களது அதிகாரங்களை அவர்களின் நலன்களுக்காக பயன்படுத்துவதற்கு பொறுப்புடையனவாக விளங்கு கின்றன. அதாவது வகைகூறும் தன்மை (Accountability) உடையனவாக அவை வளர்ந்துவிட்டன. இந்த அடிப்படையில் கல்வி என்ற சமூகத் துறையை மிகக் கவனமாக நிர்வகிக்க வேண்டிய பொறுப்பும் அதற்கான அதிகாரமும் ஒன்றிணைந்த வகையில் அவ்வரசாங்கங்களுக்கு கிடைத்துள்ளன. இதனால் பல்வேறு அடிப்படைகளில் கல்வித் திட்டமிடலில் அரசாங்கங்கள் பொறுப்புடன் செயலாற்ற வேண்டி உள்ளது. அவ்வாறான அடிப்படைக் காரணங்களை பின்வருமாறு குறிப்பிடலாம்.
1. மக்களின் சமூக மட்டத்திலான அபிலாசைகள் விருப்பங்கள் என்பவற்றைக் கண்டறிந்து அவற்றை அவர்கள் அடையும் வகையில் அவர்களுக்கு வழிகாட்டுவதும், கட்டுப்படுத்துவதும் கல்வி வாய்ப்புக்களைத் திறந்து விடுவதும் அதற்கான நிறுவனங்களை உருவாக்குவதும் அரசின் கடமையாகின்றது.
2. நாட்டின் பற்றாக்குறையான வளங்களை (பெளதீக நிதி) மக்களின் பல்வேறு தேவைகளையும் பாதிக்காத வகையில் கவன்மாக ஒதுக்கீடு செய்ய வேண்டிய பொறுப்பு அரசுக்குண்டு. கல்வி கற்கும் மாணவ-ஆசிரிய தொகுதி யினருக்கு வளங்களை ஒதுக்குவதால் ஏனைய மக்களின் நலன்கள் புறக்கணிக்கப்படாதவாறு பார்த்துக் கொள்ள

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வேண்டிய பொறுப்பு அரசுக்கு உண்டு. அதாவது கல்விக்கான வள ஒதுக்கீடு ஏனைய துறைகளைப் பாதிக்காதவாறு பார்த்துக் கொள்ள வேண்டிய கடமை அரசாங்கத்துக்கு உண்டு.
3. நாட்டின் பொதுவான தேசிய செயல் திட்டங்களின் நலன்சார் நிழலுக்குட்படாத சிறுபான்மையினர் பல்வேறு நிலைகளில் காணப்படுவர். வறியோர், தொழிலாளர், பெண்கள், சமூக ரீதியில் ஒடுக்கப்பட்டோர், அரசியல் சிறுபான்மையினர் போன்ற இலக்குக்குரிய குழுவினரின் (Target Groups) கல்வியை அல்லது கல்வி முன்னேற்றங்களை உறுதிப்படுத்த வேண்டிய பொறுப்பு அரசாங்கங்களுக்கு உண்டு. ஏனையோருக்குச் சமனாக அவர்களுக்கும் கல்வி வாய்ப்புக்களை வழங்குவதன் மூலமாகவே தேசிய முன்னரங்கிற்கு கொண்டு வர முடியும்.
4. நாடுகளின் முன்னேற்றத்தில் விஞ்ஞானம், தொழில் நுட்பம் என்பவற்றின் பங்கும் பணியும் சிறப்பானவை. தகவல் தொழில் நுட்பம், உயிர்சார் பொறியியல், விண்வெளி ஆய்வு போன்ற பல்வேறு துறைகளில் விஞ்ஞானமும் ஆராய்ச்சியும் வளர்ச்சியடைந்த பல நாடுகளில் மக்களின் வாழ்க்கைத் தரம் வேகமாக உயர்ந்துள்ளது. அந்த நாடுகளின் சகல துறைகளும் நவீன மயப்பட்டுள்ளது. இத்தகைய முன்னேற் றத்தைத் தமது நாட்டில் ஏற்படுத்தி மக்களின் நலன்களை அதிகரிக்கச் செய்வதும், அதற்கேற்ற விஞ்ஞான, நுட்ப, தொழில்நுட்ப கல்வி வளர்ச்சியைத் திடமிடுவதும் அரசின் கடமையாகும்.
5. இலங்கை போன்ற வளர்முக நாடுகளில் பல்வேறு இன, மொழி பிரிவினர் காணப்படுகின்றனர். அவர்களிடையே “ஒன்றாக வாழக் கற்றல்” பற்றிய எண்ணக்கருவையும் விருப்புணர்வையும் நம்பிக்கையையும் வளர்க்க வேண்டியது அரசாங்கங்களின் கடமையாகும். நாட்டின் எல்லா இன மக்களின் கலாச்சாரங்களையும் ஒவ்வொரு இனத்தவரும் அறிந்து கொள்ளவும், மதிக்கவும் அவற்றிடையே நல்லுறவுகளை விருத்தி செய்யவும் கூடியதான பல்லின 856) Tö FITU 56)6.60)u (Multi- Cultural Education) 6 c(b55 செய்ய வேண்டியதும் அரசாங்கங்களின் பொறுப்பாகும்.

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6. நாடுகளில் பொருளாதார வளர்ச்சி எல்லைகளற்ற உலக
மயமாதலுடன் தொடர்புபட்டுள்ளது. இதற்கு ஏற்றதாக ஒவ்வொரு அரசாங்கமும் தமது நாட்டை முன்னேற்ற வேண்டும்; உலக ரீதியான தொழில் வாய்ப்புக்களையும் பிற பொருளாதார நன்மைகளையும் தம் நாட்டு மக்கள் பெறுவதற்கு அரசாங்கம் துணை செய்யும் வகையில் கல்வியைத் திட்டமிட வேண்டும்; மதிநுட்ப சொத்துரிமை (Interlectual Property Rights) (og5 TLTUTE D 6)35 6.Jiggs நிறுவனம் (WTO) விதந்துரைத் தவற்றை கல்வித் திட்டமிடலுடன் இணைப்பதில் அரசாங்கம் பொறுப்புடன் கடமையாற்ற வேண்டும். கல்வி "பொருளாதார பண்டம்" என்ற புதிய பரிமாணத்தில் அங்கீகரிக்கப்படுவதற்கு ஏற்றதாக உள்ளிடு தொடர்பாகவும் கவனம் செலுத்த வேண்டிய பொறுப்பும் அரசாங்கங்களுக்கே உண்டு.
நாட்டு மக்களின் சர்வதேசிய அந்தஸ்து ஒப்பீட்டு ரீதியில் உயர்த்தப்பட வேண்டும் என்பதில் அக்கறை செலுத்த வேண்டிய பொறுப்பு அரசாங்கத்துக்குரியது. உள்நாட்டிலும், நாட்டின் எப்பிரிவினர் அவ்வாறான தேசிய மற்றும் சர்வதேசிய அந்தஸ்தையும் அங்கீகாரத்தையும் அதன் வழியாகக் கிடைக்கும் அதிகாரத்தையும் கொண்டிருக்க வேண்டும் என்பதையும் அதன் அடிப்படையிலான நலன்களில் உரிமை கொள்ள வேண்டும் என்பதையும் தீர்மானிக்க வேண்டிய கடமையும் அரசாங்கங்களுக்கே உரியதாகவுள்ளது.
வளர்முக நாடுகளில் அபிவிருத்தி வளர்ச்சி பற்றிய முக்கியமான பிரச்சனை புவியியல் பிரதேசங்களிடையிலும், அரசியல் நிர்வாக பிரதேசங்களிடையிலும் காணப்படும் சமமின்மையாகும். கிராம, நகர சமமின்மை, மாநிலங் களிடையேயான மற்றும் மாகாணங்களிடையிலான சமமின்மை என்பன மக்களிடையே அதிருப்தியை உருவாக்கி தேசிய நெருக்கடிகளுக்கு காலாய் அமைகின்றது. இச்சமமின்மையை அகற்றும் வகையில் கல்வி நிறுவனங்கள், கல்விசார் வளங்கள், வாய்ப்புக்கள் என்பவற்றை ஒதுக்கீடு செய்யும் வகையில் கல்வித் திட்டமிடலை வழிப்படுத்துவதும் கண்காணிப்பதும் அரசாங்கத்தின் கடமையேயாகும்.

கல்வித் திட்டமிடலும் அரசியலும். 13
9.
நாடுகளின் முன்னேற்றம் என்பது அந்நாடுகளின் தேசிய பொருளாதாரத் திட்டமிடலின் வடிவமைப்பு நடை முறைப்படுத்தல் தொடர்பான வினைத்திறன் பயனுறுதித் தன்மை, என்பவற்றில் தங்கியுள்ளது. இத் தேசிய பொருளாதாரத் திட்டமிடலை தயாரிப்பதிலும் நடை முறைப்படுத்துவதிலும் அரசாங்கங்களே பொறுப்புடன் செயற்பட வேண்டும் . இத் திட்டமிடலில் இருந்து கல்வித்திட்டமிடல் வேறுபடுதல் கூடாது; மாறாக தேசிய திட்டமிடலுக்கு அவசியமான ஆற்றல்களையும் அறிவையும் இணக்கமான சூழலையும் கல்வித்திட்டமிடல் உருவாக்க வேண்டும். அத்துடன் கல்வித்திட்டமிடலின் பயனுறுதி மிக்க வினைத்திறன் நிறைந்த செயற்பாட்டிற்குத் தேவையானவற்றை தேசிய திட்டமிடல் செயற்பாடுகளிலிருந்து பெறுவதும் அவசியம். இத்தகைய பரஸ்பர தொடர்பை உருவாக்கும் மற்றும் பலப்படுத்தும் பொறுப்பு அரசாங்கங்களுடையதாகும்.
எல்லா நாடுகளினதும் முன்னேற்றம் தனியே பெளதீக
வளங்களில் தங்கியிருப்பதில்லை. அது கல்விக்கும் அபிவிருத்திக்கும் உள்ள தொடர்பு முறையில் தங்கியுள்ளது. கல்வி தானாகவே வளர்ச்சியையும் அபிவிருத்தியையும் உருவாக்கும் வல்லமை கொண்டதல்ல. ஆனால் நாட்டு மக்களை அபிவிருத்திச் செய்முறைக்குப் பயன்படக்கூடிய உள்ளிடாகவும் அபிவிருத்தியின் தொடர்பில் பெறக்கூடிய பயன்களை முழுமையாக நுகரக்கூடியவர்களாகவும் மக்களை மாற்றும் கல்வியின் ஆற்றலே அபிவிருத்தியை உருவாக்கு கிறது. நாட்டின் பல்வேறு துறைகளுக்கும் வேண்டிய மனிதவளத்தை சரியான அளவில் உரிய தகுதிகளுடன் சரியான காலப்பகுதியில் நிரம்பல் செய்யக்கூடியதாக கல்வியையும் பயிற்சியையும் திட்டமிடும் பொறுப்பு அரசாங்ககங்களுக்குரியதாகும். கற்றோர் தொழிலின்மை, கீழ் உழைப்பு, மிகைக் கல்வி, குறைக்கல்வி போன்ற பிரச்சனைகள் மனித வளம் தொடர்பாக ஏற்படாமல் பார்த்துக் கொள்ளும் வகையில் அரசாங்கம் திட்டமிட வேண்டும். ஏனெனில் கற்றோர் தொழிலின்மை அதிகரிக்கும் போது கல்வி வளங்கள் விரயமாவதுடன் இளைஞர் அமைதி யின்மையும் ஏற்பட்டு பொருளாதார அரசியல் சீர்குலைவுகள் அதிகரித்து விடுகின்றன. இவற்றை தவிர்க்க வேண்டிய

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தேவையும் கடமைப்பாடும் அரசாங்கங்களுக்கு உண்டு. கூம்ஸ் (Philip H. Coombs 1963) மனிதவளம் தொடர்பாக கல்வித்திட்டமிடல் பின்வருவனவற்றில் கவனம் செலுத்த வேண்டும் எனக் கூறுகின்றார்.
a) நவீன துறைகளுக்கான உயர்மட்ட வலு, ஏனைய துறைகளுக்கான பயிற்றப்படா ஊதியம், கிராமிய ஊழியம் போன்றவற்றை ஒழுங்குபடுத்துதல்.
b) மனிதவலு விகிதாசாரங்கள் வளர்ச்சியடைந்த கைத்தொழில் நாடுகளைப் பின்பற்றித் தீர்மானிக்கும் தவறான போக்கினை மாற்றுதல்.
C) எதிர்கால பொருளாதார மற்றும் தொழில்நுட்ப முன்னேற்றங்கள் தொடர்பான நிச்சயமின்மைகளின் அடிப்படையில் மனித வளத்தைத் திட்டமிடுவதிலுள்ள பிரச்சனைகளைத் தீர்த்தல்
இத்தகைய விடயங்கள் பற்றி எத்தகைய அணுகுமுறையை அரசாங்கங்கள் கையாளும் என்பது அவர்களது அரசியல் சித்தாந்தம், கொள்கை என்பவற்றை பொறுத்ததாகவே அமையும். தனிமனிதர்களை முயற்சியாண்மை உடையோராக்குவதா அல்லது மத்திய கண்காணிப்பில் பணியாற்றும் கட்டுப்பாடான மனிதவளத்தை கல்வித் திட்டமிடல் ஊடாக உருவாக்குவதா என்பது அரசாங்கங்களின் கொள்கைகளினாலேயே தீர்மானிக்கப்படும். "தென்படக் கூடிய வெற்றி” என்பது ஒரு நாளில் கிடைப்பதில்லை” (HALLAK) என்ற கூற்று தொடர்ச்சியான அரசாங்கங்களின் கொள்கைகளின் முக்கியத்துவத்தை வலியுறுத்தும், மனிதவள விருத்தி மக்களின் வருமானங்கள் பொருளாதார துறைகளின் உள்ளிடு என்பவற்றுடன் கல்வியை எவ்வாறு தொடர்புபடுத்துவது என்ற அரசாங்கத்தின் தேசிய கொள்கையிலேயே தங்கியுள்ளது. இது அரசாங்கங்களின் கைவிட முடியாத பாரிய பொறுப்பாகும்.
இத்தகைய கருத்துக்களின் அடிப்படையில் தேசத்துக்கு "வகைகூறும் தலைமை நிறுவனம்" என்ற வகையில் கல்வி, மற்றும் கல்வித் திட்டமிடல் பொறுப்புக்கள் அரசாங்கங்களுக்குரியதாகக் கருதப்படுகிறது.

கல்வித் திட்டமிடலும் அரசியலும். 33 கல்வித்திட்டமிடல் அணுகுமுறைகள்
கல்வித்திட்டமிடல் பெருமளவிற்கு தொழில்நுட்ப செயலாற்றமாக விளங்குகின்றபோதிலும், திட்டமிடலின் பொதுவான நோக்கங்கள் அனைத்தும் கல்வி முறைமைக்கு வெளியே அரசியல் செய்முறைகளின் அடிப்படையிலேயே தீர்மானிக்கப்படுகின்றன. ஒரு தொகுதி கொள்கை களுடனும் சிறப்பான நோக்கங்களாலும் அவற்றை அடைதற்கு கிடைக்கின்ற வளங்கள் மற்றும் நடைமுறைப்படுத்தும் முறைகளுடனும் தொடர்புட்டதாகவே கல்வித்திட்டம் தயாரிக்கப்படுகிறது.
1980களின் பிற்பகுதிகளில் ஐரோப் பாவில் காணப்பட்ட கல்வித்திட்டமிடலுக்கான கொள்கை முடிவுகள் சில ஆராய்ச்சி களினடிப்படையில் மேற்கொள்ளப்பட்ட போதிலும் கூட. பல்வகையான தொழில்நுட்ப பகுப்பாய்வுகளைக் கையாள்கின்ற போதிலும் கூட, பலவற்றில் அரசியல் அடிப்படை வலுவானதாகவே காணப்பட்டது. மக்கள் வர்க்கம், பால்வகை, இனம், இனக்குழுமம், சமயம், புவியியல் அமைவிடம், அல்லது வேறு சமூகக்குழு என்ற பல்வேறு அடிப்படையில் வெவ்வேறுபட்ட அளவான அதிகாரங்களைக் கொண்டிருந்தாலும், கல்வித்திட்டமிடல் கொள்கைகள், மதிப்பீடு என்பவற்றைத் தெரிவு செய்வதில் அவர்களுக்கிடையே நிலவும் அரசியல் முரண்பாடுகள் முக்கிய இடத்தைப் பெறுகின்றன. சமூக முறையில் நிலவும் முரண்பாடுகள் தொடர்பான அரசியல், திட்டமிடலில் செல்வாக்குச் செலுத்தும். (Farrel 1990;98) கல்வித்திட்டமிடலின் தந்திரோபாய திட்டமிடல் அணுகுமுறை அதிகமாகக் கையாளப்படுமிடத்து அது பகுத்தறிவு அடிப்படையை விடவும் கூடுதலாக அரசியல் முடிவுகளை அடிப்படையாகக் கொண்டு திட்டமிடப்படுகிறது.
கல்வித்திட்டமிடலானது எந்தக் குழுவினரின் நலன்களைக் கருத்திற் கொள்கிறது என்பது முக்கியத்துவம் பெறுகிறது. கல்விமுறையில் பணிப்பாளர், ஆசிரியர், மாணவர் ஆகிய பல அடுக்கினர் செயற்படும் போது எப்பிரிவினது நலன்கள் முன்னுரிமை பெறுகின்றன என்பது அணுகுமுறையைத் தீர்மானிக்கும். கல்விமுறைமைக்குள்ளேயே எப்பிரிவினரிடம் அதிகாரம் அதிகம் குவிந்துள்ளது என்பது பற்றியதாகவே இது அமைகிறது.
கல்வித்திட்டமிடல் பணித்துறையினர் அரசியல் மற்றும் அக்கறைகொண்ட கற்றோர் குழாம் போன்றோரில் யாருடைய கட்டுப்பாட்டில் இருக்க

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வேண்டும் என்ற முடிவுகளின் அடிப்படையிலேயே அதன் செயற்பாடும் பலன்களும் நிர்ணயிக்கப்படுகின்றன.
இரண்டாம் உலக ய்த்தத்தின் பின் மனித வலுத்திட்டமிடல் அணுகுமுறை (Manpower Planning Approacher) (upda5ugsgj6), Lb Gugbgcobbgbgs). பொருளாதாரத்தில் தொழில்நுட்ப, உயர்தொழில் மட்டங்களுக்குரியதாகத் தேவைப்படும் மனித வலுவைக் கணித்து அவைகளை உருவாக்கும் வகையில் திட்டமிடுவதாய் இருந்தது. சோவியத் யூனியனில் இம்முறை வெற்றி பெற்றதால் இது பிரபல்யம் பெற்றது. 1968ல் யுனெஸ்கோ (UNESCO) மேற்கொண்ட ஆய்வின்படி 91 நாடுகளில், கல்வித்திட்டமிடல் காணப்பட்ட 73 நாடுகளில் 60ல் இந்த அணுகுமுறை கையாளப்பட்டது (Farrel 1997:291). திட்டமிடல் தொடர்பான யதார்த்த நிலைகளை விடவும் குடிமக்க்ளின் அரசியல் கோரிக்கைகள் இதில் முக்கியத்துவம் பெற்றதால் இது அதிக நாடுகளில் அப்போது வெற்றியளிக்கவில்லை. மக்களின் அரசியல் கோரிக்கை களுக்கு மதிப்பளிக்கும் கொள்கையின் அடிப்படையில உருவாக்கப் பட்டதே சமுதாயத்தேவை (Social Demand) அணுகுமுறையாகும். மக்கள் அபிப்பிராயங்களை முன்னிலைப் படுத்தி அவற்றை நிறைவேற்றும் வகையில் கல்வியைத் திட்டமிடுவது இந்த முறையாய் இருந்தது. செல்வாக்கு மிக்க கற்றோர் குழாத்தினர் தமது பிள்ளைகளுக்கு எவ்வாறான கல்வி (மருத்துவம், பொறியியல், முகாமைத்துவம், சட்டம் போன்றவற்றுள் எதனை) நெறியை விரும்புகின்றார்களோ அதுவே "சமுதாயத்தின்" தேவை என்று காட்டப்பட்டு அவற்றுக்கு வளங்களை அதிகம் ஒதுக்கும் திட்டமிடல் விரும்பப்பட்டது. வறிய மக்கள் தொகை அதிகமாக இருந்தபோதிலும் அவர்கள் விருப்பம் முன்னிலைக்கு வரமுடியவில்லை. இங்கு 'அரசியல் வலு" என்பது கல்வித்திட்டமிடல் அணுகுமுறையைத் தீர்மானித்தது.
பொதுவான கொள்கைகளில் எது வினைத்திறன் மிக்கது என்ற முறையாக செலவு - நன்மை அணுகுமுறை (Cost-Benefit Analysis) வ்ளர்ச்சி பெற்றது. தனியாரினதும் அரசாங்கத்தினதும் கல்விச் செலவுகளுக்கு எதிராகக் கிடைக்கும் வருமானங்களை ஒப்பீடு செய்யும் அணுகுமுறையாக இது அமைந்தது. பல்கலைக்கழக மட்டத்தில் செலவிடுவதை விட ஆரம்பக் கல்வியில் அதிகம் செலவிடுவது அதிக வருமானங்களைத் தரும் என உலகவங்கி வலியுறுத்தியபோதிலும் அரசியல் ரீதியிலான தேவைகளால் அது அதிகம் ஏற்கப்படவில்லை.
ஏற்கனவே நிலவும் சமூக அடுக்கு, அதிகார அடுக்கு முறைகளைப் பேணுகின்ற - அதில் எந்த வகை மாற்றத்தையும் ஏற்படுத்தாத

கல்வித் திட்டமிடலும் அரசியலும். 135
திட்டமிடல் அணுகுமுறை அதிகம் விரும்பப்பட்டது. சமூக பொருளாதார வர்க்கங்கள், ஆண் பெண் வகை, இன, இனத்துவக் குழுக்கள் தொடர்பான வேறுபாடுகளைப் பேணக்கூடிய அரசியல் தேவைகளுடன் உடன்பாடான திட்டமிடல் அணுகுமுறைகள் தொடர்ந்து அரசியல் பொருளியல் மாதிரி (Political Economy Model) களாக முக்கியத்துவம் பெறலாயின. இவை தொடர்பான பிரச்சனைகளை ஈஸ்டனும் கிளிஸியும் (PEaston & S.Klees) தெளிவாக விளக்கியுள்ளனர்.
இவ்வாறு கல்வித்திட்டமிடல் தொடர்பான பல்வேறு அணுகுமுறைகளும் அரசியல் செல்வாக்குக்கு உட்பட்டே வந்திருப்பதை விளங்கிக் கொள்ள (Մ)IԳպլb.
முடிவுரை
கல்வித்திட்டமிடல் வரலாற்றுக் காலம் முழுவதிலும் முடிவுகளை மேற்கொள்ளும் "அதிகார அணி" யினரின் விருப்பத் தெரிவுகளையே வெளிப்படுத்தி வந்துள்ளது. ஐரோப்பாவில் மறுமலர்ச்சிக்கு முன் தேவாலயங்களினாலும் சீனாவில் நிர்வாக உயர் அலுவலகர்களினாலும் கல்வித் தீர்மானங்கள் மேற்கொள்ளப்பட்டிருந்தன.
1917 அக்டோபர் புரட்சியின் பின் சோவியத் யூனியனில் மையப்படுத்தப்பட்ட கட்டளையிடும் தன்மையிலான கல்வித்திட்டமிடல் வளர்ந்தது. 1990 களில் கல்வித்திட்டமிடல் பல சோஷலிச நாடுகளிலும், வளர்முக நாடுகளிலும் மையநிலையிலிருந்து பன்முகப்படுத்தப்பட்டது. ஐக்கிய அமெரிக்காவில் "ஸ்புட்னிக் நெருக்கடி" (Sputnic Crysis) யின் பின் அரசின் தேசிய பாதுகாப்புச் சட்டத்தினூடாக கல்வித்திட்டமிடல் ஒழுங்குபடுத்தப்பட்டது. 1964ல் யுனெஸ்கோ நிறுவனம் கல்வித் திட்டமிடலுக்கான சர்வதேச நிறுவனத்தை (International Institute for Educational Planning - IIEP) g (56JT disas 95grtLT35 b|T(6856flair அரசியல் தலைமைத்துவ முடிவுகளுக்கும் தேவைகளுக்கும் ஏற்றதாக கல்வியைத் திட்டமிட துணை புரிந்து வருகிறது. கல்வியியலாளர் கல்வி தொடர்பான சில தொழில்நுட்ப மற்றும் கோட்பாட்டு விளக்கங்களை தெளிவுபடுத்தும் வகையில் கல்வித்திட்டமிடலின் இரண்டாம் படிநிலையில் தொடர்ந்து பணியாற்றி வருகின்றனர். ஆனால் கல்வித்திட்டமிடலின் செயற்பாட்டு ரீதியிலான சாதனை அந்தந்த நாடுகளின் அரசியல் அபிலாஷைகளையே பெருமளவில் வெளிப்படுத்தி வருகின்றது என்ற உண்மை வெளிப்படையானதாகும்.

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Notes
1. Farrell P. Joseph (1997) A Retrospective on Educational Planning in Comparative Education. Comparative Education Review. pp. 277-313.
2. Tilak.B.G. Jandhyala (1994) Education and Political Development.
Education for Development in Asia. pp. 165-173.
3. Coleman, James.S (ed) (1965) Education and Political Development,
Princeton. N.J. Princeton University Press.
4. Blaug, Mark (1970) Economics of Education, Harmonds worth: Penguin
Press.
5. Becker. G.S. (1964) Human Capital; A Theoritical and Empirical
Analysis, New York: Columbia University Press.
6. UNESCO (1967) Educational Planning, Paris, UNESCO IIEP.
UNESCO (1970) Educational Planning, A World Survey of Problems and Prospects, Paris: UNESCO.
8. Vaizey, John (1970) The Political Economy of Education, London,
Duckborth Publishing Co.
9. World Bank (1980) Education Sector Policy Paper, Washington, D.C.
The World Bank.
10. Curle, ADAM (1973) Education for Liberation, New York: John Wiley.
11. UNDP: United Nations Development Programme 1990, 1993, Human
Development Report, New York: Oxford.
12. Watson.K., (ed) (1982) Education in the Third World, London. Croom
Helm.

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Education - Poli
Education has always been and Education systems are a source O capital (Putnam) and cultural C however, has not been exempt fi which educational reformis poli the economic imperative.
Education is a collective asset tha
< forces. Thus where Ver the decentralization or diversificatio assume certain responsibility to i national consensus on education, a coherent whole and proposing
The role relates mainly to the socii on education, but also to the regu and to promotion of the value of be exercised as a strict mono channelling energies, promoting conditions in which new synergie. of insisting on equity and quality
Thus the education of each citize framework of civil society and livi indistinguishable from democra in constructing a responsible ar. that upholds the fundamental rig
South Asian Soci; Almora (India) - Rajshahi (Ban
Printed in Sri Lanka - P. ISBN 955 - 8
 
 

pics Syndrome
is still a highly social exercise. f human capital (Becker) social apital (Bourdieu). Education, om the force and urgency with ically advocated to respond to
at cannot be left only to market organization or degree of on of a system, the state must ts citizens, including creating a ensuring that the system forms a long-term view for the future.
tetal choices that set their mark lation of the system as a whole 2ducation; it must not, however poly. It is more a matter of initiatives and providing the s can emerge. It is also a matter
of education.
in becomes a part of the basic ng democracy. It even becomes cy when everyone plays a part 1d mutually supportive society hts of all.
al Science Trust gladesh) - Jaffna (Sri Lanka)
ice : Rs 200/S 40/£ 20 291 - OO - 5 -
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