கவனிக்க: இந்த மின்னூலைத் தனிப்பட்ட வாசிப்பு, உசாத்துணைத் தேவைகளுக்கு மட்டுமே பயன்படுத்தலாம். வேறு பயன்பாடுகளுக்கு ஆசிரியரின்/பதிப்புரிமையாளரின் அனுமதி பெறப்பட வேண்டும்.
இது கூகிள் எழுத்துணரியால் தானியக்கமாக உருவாக்கப்பட்ட கோப்பு. இந்த மின்னூல் மெய்ப்புப் பார்க்கப்படவில்லை.
இந்தப் படைப்பின் நூலகப் பக்கத்தினை பார்வையிட பின்வரும் இணைப்புக்குச் செல்லவும்: The Ceylon Journal of Historical and Social Studies 1958.07

Page 1
JOURNAL OF ' ' - Αι
. SOCIAL
Vol. I July
Ο ΟΝΤ
ASA BRIGGS The study of
R. K.W. GooNESEKERE The eclipseo
J. E. JAYASURIYA The concept
SUBHADRA SIRIWAR- The pattern . DENE Kotikäpola
SIRI GUNESINGHE The statue at
GANANATH OBEYSEKERE The structure
J. E. JAYASURYA and Juvenile deli
S. KARIYAWASAM city of Col
S. ARASARATNAM Oratorians ar Ceylon un
Book
Annual Subscription Rs. 5.
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

EYLON
HISTORICAL
ND
STUDIES
1958 No. 2
' E N T S
industrial revolutions.
the village Court.
of the ideal self in Sinhalese children.
of social life in the village of
.
Potgul Vehera, Polonnaruva.
of a Sinhalese ritual.
nquency as a gang activity in the ombo.
d predikants : the Catholic Church in der Dutch rule (Review Article).
Reviews.
-00. Single Copy Rs. 2-50

Page 2
T CEYLON JOURNAL OF HISTC
EDITORIAL
B. B. DAS GUPTA, M.A., Ph.D. (CAL), B. J. E. JAYASURIYA, M.A. (LOND.). Prof K. KULARATNAM, M.A., Ph.D. (LOND.).
(PARIS), DIP. GEMMOLOGY, A.G.A. fessor of Geography, T. NADARAJA, M.A. (CANTAB)., Barris s. PARANAVITANA, C.B.E., Ph.D. (LEIDE
Professor of Archaeology, H. C. RAY, M.A. (CAL), Ph.D., D.LITT.
EDIT
R. PIERIS, B.A. (CEY.), B.Sc., Ph.D. (Lc
Sociology, S. ARASARATNAM, B.A. (CEY.), Ph.D. (
MANAGING H. A. I. GOONETILEKE, B.A., DIP. LIB. (I
Library,
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The Ceylon Journal of Historic twice a year. Copies will be sent p. July.
The Journal is intended to cover -economics, political science, law, a sociology, social psychology and an mainly, but not exclusively to Ceylo
Articles, editorial communicatio addressed to Dr. Ralph Pieris, Dep: Ceylon, Peradeniya, Ceylon.
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ADVISORS
SC. (LOND.) Professor of Economics, essor of Education.
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ster at Law., Professor of Law, N), HON. D.LITT (CEYLON). Research
(LOND.). Professor of History,
ORS DND.). Head of the Department of
LOND.). Lecturer in History,
EDITOR LOND.), DIP. LIB. (MADRAs), A.L.A., The
OF CEYLON. ENIYA
all and Social Studies will be issued
ost-free to subscribers in January and
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T H E C
JOURNAL OF
A N
SOCIAL
Vol. I JULY
EDIT
RALPH
S. ARASA
MANAGINC
H. A. I. GC
 
 
 

EY LON
HISTORICAL
D
STUDIES
1958 No. 2
ORS
PIERIS
RATNAM
GEDITOR
)ONETILEKE

Page 4


Page 5
THE CEYLON JOURNAL OF HISTOR
Vol. I July 1:
C O N T
ASA BRIGGS The stu
R. K. W. GOONESEKERE The ec
J. E. JAYASURIYA The co Sinh,
SUBHADRA SIRIWARDENA The ра V of K SIRI GUNESINGHE The sta Polo
GANANATH OBEYSEKERE The str
J. E. JAYASURIYA AND Juvenil SUNDARI KARIYAWASAM in th
S. ARASARATNAM Orator: Cath
Dutc
BOOK R.
ROBERT KNOx An Historical Relation by S. D. Sapara
E. F. C. LUDowYK. The Footprint c
Gunasinghe.
A. R. HEWITT Guide to Resources foi by H. A. I. Go
G. C. MENDIS Ceylon Today and Yes
 

[CAL AND SOCIAL STUDIES
58 No. 2
NTS
Page
dy of industrial revolutions. 127 ipse of the village court. 138 ncept of the ideal self in lese children. 155 Itern of social life in the village otikapola. 163 tue at Potgul Vehera,
a UVa, 18O ucture of a Sinhalese ritual. 192
2 delinquency as a gang activity e city of Colombo. 203
lans and predikants : the olic Church in Ceylon under h rule (Review Article). 216
VIEVVS
of Ceylon, with an introduction madu, reviewed by Ralph Pieris.
f the Buddha, reviewed by Siri
Commonwealth Studies, reviewed »netileke.
erday, reviewed by Ralph Pieris.

Page 6
NOTES ON C
ASA BRIGGS, M.A. (CANTAB.), B.SC.
History, University of Leeds.
R. K. W. GOONESEKERE, LL.B. (CEYLC
University of Ceylon.
J. E. JAYASURIYA, M.A. (LOND.), A.B.Ps.
of Ceylon.
SUBHADRA SIRIWARDENE, B.A., DIP. E
SIRI GUNASINGHE, B.A. (CEYLON), Do in Sanskrit, University of Ceylo
GANANATH OBEYESEKERE, B.A. (CEY
Lecturer in English, University
SUNDARI KARIYAWASAM, B.A., (CEYLO
S. ARASARATNAM, B.A. (CEYLON), Ph.D
sity of Ceylon.
RALPH PIERIS, B.A. (CEYLON), B.SC.ECC ment of Sociology, University (
H. A. I. GOONETILEKE, B.A., DIP. LIE Assistant Librarian, University c

CONTRIBUTORS
ECON. (LOND.), Professor of Modern
DN), B.C.L. (OXON.), Lecturer in Law,
S., Professor of Education, University
D. (CEYLON).
cteur de l’Universite, (PARIS), Lecturer
1l.
LON), M.A. (WASHINGION). Assistant of Ceylon.
N), DIP. ED. (CEYLON).
. (LOND.), Lecturer in History, Univer
DN., Ph.D. (LOND.), Head of the Departpf Ceylon.
... (LOND.), DIP. LIB. (MADRAS), A.L.A., of Ceylon.

Page 7
THE STUDY OF INDU
ASA B
THE term “ industrial revolution” ha popular arguments and even into the p contemporary discussion about ** indu cally under-developed countries of the headlines frequently proclaim " the s century, a revolution founded on aut
Writers of the nineteenth century v compared the political revolution whi and continued to dominate French hi the economic and social revolution the time of Richard Arkwright, Mat which continued to reshape British soc period. The first Englishman to m Toynbee, the namesake and uncle of generation. In 1881 and 1882 Toynbe men on The Industrial Revolution of the were lectures which emphasised not s Scale industrialisation in Britian as the Englishmen were living through a de ferment, Toynbee naturally selected f topics in British industrial history wi conflict. One of his Oxford conten than he and maintained that ” the Er or famine or war, suffered such a deac blishment of the factory system with absence of ' proper safeguards ' whi critics of the British industrial revo popular writing about the subject inspiring books like the Hammonds Town Labourer (1917), and The Rise essertially the same approach as Toyn
 
 

TRIAL REVOLUTIONS
RIGGS
s passed from the history books into bpular press. Not only is there much 1strial revolutions in the economi: world, but European and American econd industrial revolution of our omation and atomic power.
vere the first to use the term. They ch had taken place in France in 1789 story in the nineteenth century with which had taken place in Britain at thew Boulton and James Watt and iety and ways of life in the Victorian ake the term popular was Arnold the historian Toynbee of our own e gave a course of lectures to working Eighteenth Century in England. They much the economic gains of largeocial losses. Writing at a time when cade of intense social and intellectual or the attention of his hearers those nich were associated with strain and liporaries was even more forthright Iglish people, never by any plague, Ily blow at its vitality as by the estaout proper safeguards. It was the ch shocked both liberal and socialist lution and dominated most of the Intil very recently. Powerful and The Village Labourer (1911), The of Modern Industry (1925), followed
)ᎧᏫ .

Page 8
128 ASA I
A parallel group of writers, howev concentrating not on social dislocatio. as 1835 Andrew Ure had publishec a panegyric of the new machines, wl to increase the output of raw materi of the steam engine, the spinning jeni but other writers late in the century v the complicated but often exciting of particular inventions. Learned sc produced invaluable research papers environment associated with coal, i. needs to be carried out on the detailed for the delay in the improvement o slow development of theories of hea Oxford History of Technology, three vo is providing a useful general survey.
Social disorganisation and technice in the industrial revolution. The latt Professor T. S. Ashton's stimulating (1948), has returned to the question the miseries and discontents cf the r there could never have been that sustair has been a feature of British history could never have taken its place as middle years of the nineteenth cent other countries went through industri more, there could never have been tl lems, which is the first preconditi societies, based on the land, and he authority, tend to accept their ways By enabling men to tame Nature a towns and the country, industrial 1 enabled them to see the potentialit abuses of the early industrial revoluti industry sharpened people's consci abuses appeared, many of them Wer revolutions through the narrow win or the economic historian is inadequ revolutions stretch beyond techniqu ideas and values.

BRIGGS
er, took up a different point of view, n but on technical progress. As early | his The Philosophy of Manufactures, nich had made itpcssible enormously als and finished products. His praise ly and the loom was somewhat naive, vere as happy as he to explore in detail histories of the development and use ocieties, like the Newcomen Society, on the making of the new technical ron and steam. Much research stiil history of technology (on the reasons f the loom, for example, and on the it in the nineteenth century), but the
lumes of which have already appeared,
l advance were not the only themes est writing on the subject, particularly little book The Industrial Resolution of economic gains. However great lew factory system, without factories led rise in the standard of living which y during the last 150 years. Britain the workshop of the world in the Jry, or lost it later in the century as all revolutions of their own. Furtherlat growing awareness of social probon of their soultion. Traditionalist ld together by ties of deference and of life as part of the order of Nature. nd by reshaping society both in the evolutions cleared men's minds and es of human control. Some of the Dn only appeared to be abuses because pusness of them. Even when new a remediable. To examine industrial dow either of the technical historian ate : the implications of the industrial es or production indices to shifts in

Page 9
STUDY OF INDUSTR
There is a strong case for restricti revolutions '-to apply it only to ov mations in the whole life of a society of the eighteenth century, the America of the nineteenth century, and the F twentieth century all fall into this cate rences of political and social setting, A fruitful competitive study of indu upon only if there is an initial limitati
The increasingly familiar expression should be assessed against this backgr of our own time, (not only automatio and the rise of electricity) they only in of as the latest phase of a story whic It was then that Britain made the first of life, with all that that way of life sign great changes in the eighteenth century that scientific and industrial develop1 and even earlier, had pointed the way these earlier changes and the pronent '' industrial revolution' to describe eve in the woollen industry in the thirtee technical improvements in the Bronze uniqueness of what happened in the in Britain's classic industrial revolution, economic, technical, social and intellec know began to dominate the horizon.
III
The central feature of the British indu industrial revolutions, was a new rel and resources. A full study of this d investigation of six factors :-
(1) Initial and newly available rest graphic resources, human or resources when they are reco resources is relative therefor framework of their exploitat hitherto little-utilised resource
 

IAL REVOLUTIONS 129
ng the use of the term ' industrial er-all and once-and-for-all transforThe British industrial revolution n and Japanese industrial revolutions ussian industrial revolution of the gory, and in each case, despite diffethere were significant uniformities. trial revolutions can be embarked on of enquiry to this field.
'' the second industrial revolution' ound. However great the changes in but the rise of synthetic products take sense when they are conceived h began in the eighteenth century. "take off into an industrial way lifies. It is true, of course, that the 7 did not come out of the blue and ments in the seventeenth century, to the future. The significance of ess of historians to use the term n earlier periods-economic changes nth century, for example, or even : Age-should not blind us to the eighteenth century. It was then, the first of a world series, that the :tual problems of the world that we
strial revolution, as of all subsequent ationship between men, machines eveloping relationship demands an
urces, including manpower. Geo
material, only become economic gnised to be such. The concept of e to the economic and technical on. In eighteenth-century Britain s of coal and iron were given new

Page 10
130
ASA
significance by changes in resources on which the ind cular cotton-were import a small island were augr industrial specialisation thu graphical specialisation abr nental economies, with mi in large quantities, have a lopment, although a Sma internationally demanded, revolution on the wealth a
Techniques. Industrial rev associated with the devel capacity to utilise them quic of the eighteen century
industrial revalution of th a revolution by imitation. the British industrial revolt though there was a water to many industries. The twentieth century has been gave it the highest priority not difficult to look ahead
dependent on atomic energ
The more a country reli important will be the p eighteenth-century Britain inadequate and were for needs. A hundred years la course. Individual students to study Western science, while experts were hired i silkworm breeding to Centre was set up in 1871 : this wi first national Education A many twentieth-century problem of rapid economic Britain many of the key in and Britain led the way bec and to invent into product
 

BRIGGS
technology, but some of the basic ustrial revolution depended—in partied from overseas. The resources of nented by foreign resources, British is depending on other forms of geooad. In the twentieth-century contixed resources, many of them present growing advantage in industrial devell country with strategic resources may be able to base a wider industrial CCruing from a single source.
olutions are often but not always opment of new techniques and the :kly. The British industrial revolution followed this pattern : the Japanese a nineteenth century, by contrast, was
The rapid rate of growth during ition depended on steam power, even power phase before steam was applied
Soviet industrial revolution of the associated with electrification-Lenin in the strategy of growth-and it is to industrial revolutions which will be
У.
es on borrowed techniques, the more roblem of technical education. In educational facilities were completely the most part unrelated to economic er Japan followed an entirely different and group missions were sent abroad administration and the industrial arts, in all branches of technical skill from lbanking. A Department of Education s only one year after the passing of the ct in Britian. The scientific basis of techniques further complicates the : development. In eighteenth-century rentions were simple and manipulative, ause it diverted the impulse to contrive ive channels, and set men to work on

Page 11
(3)
STUDY OF INDUSTF
looms and steam engines r like mechanical clocks or century industrial revolution gains from simple technical : far without following in the of the time lags in the proc of such legal and institution necessary part of the investig
Capital formation and accun resources and the application capital, working capital, a experience of different indus of them the community has ploughing back capital or t lective planning decisions a su This process has social cause ment depends on the willing to hoard orto enjoy. It dire offering gains in the long rur eighteenth-century industrial ated with low wages (though than in the traditional agric there were large differential of industrial workers), with v complete absence of social
were often frugal and aust '' wages' rather than to dip i sing that the classical econo ' abstinence and that the
given central importance in century Russia the same empl in Soviet economic growth, a collectively rather than in ind in order not to curtail im imports were pruned and ra goods which were in short exported overseas. The el nated : all that can be done and to spread the burden of is ʻ fair ʼ will arise in any bu even in such a society there
priorities.
 
 
 

IAL REVOLUTIONS 131
ather than on complicated gadgets musical instruments. Twentiethis can achieve quick and immediate application, but they cannot advance : paths of modern science. A study ass of invention and of the influence |al factors as the patent system is a sation of this subject.
1ulation. Both the exploitation of of techniques demand capital-initial nd capital for development. The itrial revolutions diverges, but in all set aside either through individuals hrough the implementation of colibstantial part of the national income. s and Consequences. Capital invest2ness to invest in capital rather than ctly influences levels of consumption, rather than in the short run. In the revolutions in Britain it was associhigher wages were offered in industry ultural sector of the economy, and s in wages paid to different grades ery low taxation, and with an almost investment. The first industrialists are men content to pay themselves into current profits. It is not surprimists associated capital directly with virtues of thrift and self-help were business philosophy. In twentiethhasis on future gains has been implicit lthough capital has been accumulated ividual hands. In 1931, for instance, ports of materials for construction, tioned and a considerable volume of supply in the home market were ament of sacrifice cannot be elimiis to cut social costs to a minimum sacrifice fairly. Disputes about what it a completely authoritarian society : will be differences of opinion about

Page 12
132
ASA
In twentieth-century con industrial revolutions is a r. economic one, for if forei immediately arises of the
has undoubtedly played a b.
but not all revolutions have direct foreign investment o Britain the growing industr countries not for capital bl was little direct transfer of ce ness (particularly to Holla critical years of growth. In overseas rather than was attra century Japan, although an exports was used to buy in their manufature, direct for significant in the aggregate or to the balance of payme Union, with its large-scale ment (as distinct from fore in the process of industria
(4) Enterprise and organisation. I
without the other either in a and both demand a framewo existence. In Britain during were combined in the new b society they must be found leaders who take key decisi execute them. Eighteenthpioneers of industrialisation nation of qualities if they wi
First, they had to have t drive to exploit it. This w It is doubtful whether he in the cause of much contenti that he realised the great p( a time when many of his co century economist, Schun businessmen who are genui who are “ routinisers” fol
 

BRIGGS
ditions the role of foreign capital in lajor political question as well as an gn sources are tapped the problem necessary conditions. Foreign trade g part in most industrial revolutions, been dependent on a large amount of r borrowing. In eighteenth-century les depended on foreign or colonial ut for resources and markets : there pital, and Britain's overseas indebtedhd) actually diminished during the the nineteenth century capital moved cted into the country. In nineteenthincreasing share of the earnings of nported materials and equipment for eign investment in Japan was never in relation either to business capital nts. In the twentieth-century Soviet continential resources, foreign investign know-how) has played no part
lisation.
Neither of these qualities is complete capitalist or in a communist economy, rk of law and order for their effective the eighteenth century the qualities business community : in a communist | among the political and economic ons, and among the managers who century British businessmen, being had to display an unusual combished to be successful.
he ability to see an opening and the as perhaps Arkwright's greatest gift. rented anything-all his patents were bus litigation-but there is no doubt tentialities of the cotton industry of ntemporaries did not. A twentiethpeter, has distinguished between le innovators of businesses and those owing in the path of the pioneers.
d,

Page 13
ܓܕ
STUDY OF INDUSTRI
Men like Arkwright fell into monopoly profits for their ei in the ways they had made careful and persevering in thei started off by raising initial c that supplied by relatives, fri trade-they had to organiz machines, labour-in an efficie organised local or national
fall back upon for funds, an they had to be prepared to
their own profits for the acc they had to be able to super of their enterprises, or, more working into routines. The more complicated in the eight for it involved the disciplinir which previously might hav disciplined industrial employm this task defeated many men w qualities. Fourth, they had to industries, there were men Josiah Wedgwood, for exam potteries with worldwide cor So too was the great ironfou to make Britain '' iron-consci remarked would be sure to si coffin. His life became so mu that he would rise from his f furnaces again seven years afte gathered for the resurrection.
There vas no single formu of business success, at least in t of the most effective busines combined his talents with t Between them they created a known throughout the world listic in their relations with w others were ruthlessly compel discipline-including compreh against discipline in the mi
 
 

AL REVOLUTIONS 133
the first category and they received forts : second generations followed familiar. Second, they had to be r forecasting and planning. Having apital-usually either their own or
ands or merchants interested in the
: the factors of production-site nt way. Since there was no highly capital market which they could d no limited liability organisation plough back a large proportion of uisition of new machines. Third, vise and manage the daily routine difficult still, to turn new ways of : problem of management was far eenth than in the twentieth century, g and 'taming of a labour force, 7e had no experience of regular ent. The perseverance required for ho possessed other requisite business have a flair for selling. In many whose flair amounted to genius. ple, who built up a flourishing nections, was a master of publicity. inder, John Wilkinson, who helped ous.' His iron boat, which cynics nk, was as well-known as his iron ich of a legend that the story spread amous iron coffin and visit his blast 'r his death. Indeed, a large crowd
la for combining these ingredients he pioneer phase of industry. One smen was Matthew Boulton who lose of the inventor James Watt. business partnership which became
Some businessmen were paternaorkers and other local inhabitants : itive, relying upon fierce industrial ensive systems of fines for offences ls. Many were surprisingly un

Page 14
134
ASA
competitive even from the and price fixing. All, ho a more highly industrialise singly as the eighteenth ce lay in their own individua support of a governmen rather than the industrial ir
The origins of the new Professor Ashton has said, and enterprise that the tra and the Wedgwoods, wel men of property. Few r of them were merchants b shire cloth merchants wl eighteenth century. They opportunities of social an in traditional rural Englan or the meeting house, an provided them with fina co-religionists. Christian ircnfounder, Benjamin (Hı of steel making, Aaron anc
and Jedediah (Strutt), the
world from which they si the economic changes o taking into account the S. the critical pioneering gro 1788, ' with us a man ric would not care to remain unworthy of his wealth, showed that they too scus for their heirs and successc to this quest for approved
system work. As a Man business enthusiasm asked
" What worth to yourse Are your ancestors' glor, And is your lazy pomp Are not parks and wide

BRIGGS
start, putting their trust in combinations wever, were anxious to make Britain | country and most of them felt increantury came to an end that their future or co-operative efforts and not in the , which still represented the landed tCreSt.
business group were very mixed : as it was from no single zone of thrift le winds blew.’ Some, like the Peels 'e of yeomen stock, some were small ose completely from nothing. Many y background, like some of the Yorkno turned manufacturers in the late 7 were often Nonconformists, whose d political advancement were limited l, whose values were set by the chapel d whose sectarian religion sometimes incial and moral support from their names like Abraham (Darby), the Intsman), who improved the processes i Jonathan (Walker), also ironfounders, textile manufacturer, are clues to the prang. It is impossible to understand eighteenth-century Britain without Dcial structure and the psychology of ups. As a French observer put it in h enough to set up and own a factory in a position which he would deem Some English businessmen soon ght the prestige of landholding at least rs, but these were sufficient exceptions social status to make the new industrial 'hester poet who had caught the new the Lancashire landowners in 1777 :-
"f from high birth can accrue : es entailed upon you ? of much use to the nation : lawns a refined devastation 2

Page 15
STUDY OF INDUSTR
It is impossible to collect qualities of other key group communist world, but a cert: coupled with great drive and within a completely different of" work' indeed has many on the same subject, and th industrial growth is apparent. envisaged not as a hostile for transformed, but as a necessa general policy. There are di of decisions of course, which and Poland as well as in th system of economic plannin ' will depend on the characte of econcinic decision, and on an adequate motivation for efficiently taken and implem lieutenants and sergeants rath economic planning runs the between centralisation and U.S.S.R, and in the communi in the evolution of economic
The difference in the attitu British and Russian exponen the basic issue of the social industrialisation. Some wri American experience, have p class' group with " middledition of industrial change. view, as does the experienc nineteenth century and non-c In Japan, as Professor J. J. S government offset the lac class by performing many of tating the accomplishment o priate monetary, fiscal, and r the physical volume of indu between 1939 and 1946, a 'n encouraged co-operation wit

AL REVOLUTIONS 135
imilar kinds of evidence about the
in the industrial revolution of the in minimum degree of ruthlessness, determination, is equally important ocial setting. The Soviet literature finities with the Victorian literature same emphasis on the need for
Government, however, is naturally e to be cast on one side or radically y agency in the determination of a ficult problems relating to the locus
have been discussed in Yugoslavia e U.S.S.R. " The success of any g, as Maurice Dobb has written, of the personnel near the periphery the capacity of the system to provide
those peripheral decisions to be ented. It is from lack of capable er than from poor generalship that
danger of failing.' The balance decentralisation has shifted in the st countries has been a major theme
policy.
ide towards government shown by ts of industrial growth illuminates conditions necessary for large-scale cers, arguing from British and ostulated the need for a 'middleclass” attitudes as a necessary conRussian experience challenges this e of non-communist Japan in the ommunist Mexico in the twentieth. pengler has remarked, the Japanese k of an adequate enterpreneurial the functions of this class and faciliothers through the use of approslated policies.” In Mexico, where trial production increased by 40% w group of entrepreneurs actively labour "pointing out that labour

Page 16
136
(5)
ASA
will share the fruits of indu and looked to governmen industries of Mexico.'
In all cases, however, er
small group of people if ir
The development of ancill economy as a uvhole. Bef efficiently, not only inve (or planners) are necessary transport and banking syst
The word ' system' is century British experienc sectors of economic life w; the interest and pressure local and provincial press were made available. O. become possible to organi to try to tidy them up.
In the case of subsequent can be traced in power di transport. Whatever the p facilities available before r. as industrialisation continu and deficiencies which may " takes off' into industri: just as much as its volume
It is possible to learn " revolutions of the past anc parrot-like reliance on the ever duplicate each othe elements of uniformitycompounded of exactly t the same course. There t mulation and utilisation o

BRIGGS
strialism in higher standards of living" : as a ' necessary ally for the growing
terprise must be shown by a relatively dustrial growth is to take place.
ury economic services, strengthening the ore an industrial society can operate ntors (or educators) and businessmen but also over-all improvements in the 1S.
misleading in relation to eighteenth2. In neither of these two essential is any, national plan drawn up. It was of businessmen themselves, usually ures, which determined what services nly in the nineteenth century did it se the fragments of possible systems or
industrial revolutions different patterns avelopment as much as in banking or attern, however, banking and transport apid industrialisation prove inadequate Les. There are serious *bottlenecks * hold back progress. When a country lisation, its geography is transformed of production or its way of life.
III
lessons' from some of the industrial the present, provided that there is no n. Just as no two political revolutions -although there may be significant so no two industrial revolutions are le same ingredients or follow exactly and to be similar problems-the accufadequate capital, the harnessing of a

Page 17
STUDY OF INDUST)
"labour force, the re-align: industrialised society (a prob handled) and the maintenan the pioneer stage is passed-b COintextS.
Three important issues lo which have not undergone brink. First, is there vigo Do the businessmen or the are doing 2 Second, is the framework, which permits decisions a No study of inc out. Third, can the new va. depends secure acceptance a1 Industrial growth requires a work, towards discipline, t turbance in accepted waysthe future rather than relial statistics of economic growth or are undergoing industrial economic history, which gai a subject it becomes, but it of what Max Weber called value systems of different k specialist in social studies C. would be fascinating to have revolutions in other parts oft investigations of the conditi their own countries. Indee not diverge but would conv to be more carefully mapped
 

AL REVOLUTIONS 137
lent of agriculture in an increasingly 'm few economies have satisfactorily :e of flexibility and enterprise once it the problems take shape in different
om large, however, when countries hdustrial revolutions tremble on the ous and self-confident leadership 2 planners really believe in what they re a proper legal and institutional hem to make and execute relevant ustrial revolutions can leave politics ues upon which an industrial society nong the masses of the population ? new attitude towards time, towards owards sacrifice. It implies a disas all revolutions do-and hope in ce upon the past. A study of the in countries which have undergone revolution is an important part of ls in precision the more quantitative is no substitute for an exploration “economic sociology' or of the inds of society. Different kinds of an contribute to this approach. It more studies by Asians of industrial he world as well as practical research ons necessary for industrialisation in d, the two lines of enquiry would rge in central territory, which needs than it has been in the past.

Page 18
ECLIPSE OF THE
R. K. W. G.
IN 1945 the Village Tribunals establi Ordinances 1871–1924 and the Vil 1945 (hereafter referred to as the Ru to Rural Courts1. This change was Legal Secretary (Mr. J. H. B. Nihill) sise the changed character of the Col to remove any lingering doubts or u of persons who may still consider th have something to do with the in The Chief Secretary (Mr. R. H. D approach of the proposed legislation the "idyllic' approach of certain cr "somebody sitting under a palm tr and, by agreement between the parti in relation to any known llaw or pro he claimed, we had long since left.
The purpose of this article is to loc indigenous institution which began later became officially known as the Rural Court. Secondly, to see how culmination of a series of steps by wh court was transformed to almost that
PA
The little evidence of early villa enjoyed a degree of independence intl by pillars of immunity. Codring cription as the "only clear reference by committees such as are found ir
Village Tribunals (Amendment) Ordinance N Hansard 1943, Vol. 2 p. 2579. Hansard 1943, Vol. 2 p. 2629. Ancient Land Tenure and Revenue in Ceylon, p. Communities of Ceylon, Ceylon Literary Regis

VILLAGE COURT
OONESEKERE
shed under the Village Communities lage Tribunals Ordinance No. 12 of ral Courts Ordinance) were changed s not without significance for as the 2xplained it was intended to "emphaurts. ... and it should go a long way ncertainties which linger in the minds at in some way or other these Courts ternal Government of the village2. rayton) also emphasised the realistic as contrasted with what he termed itics who saw the Village Tribunal as 'ee and acting in a paternal manner, es concerned, settling the dispute not cedure3.” This “ land of simplicity,”
k back on the different phases of this as the gansabhava or village court, : Village Tribunal and finally as the far the change of name reflects the ich the machinery ofa simple village
of a regular Court.
RT I
ge organization shows that villages heir internal administration guaranteed on4 speaks of the Badulla pillar insto the administration of village affairs South India.' The committee has
Jo. 13 of 1945.
3. For further information see Paranavitana, Village ter (Third Series) 1931 Vol. 1 p. 49.
ܟ-ܐ
t

Page 19
ECLIPSE OF THE
been variously described as consisting village, or, according to Codrington, o of the Indian panchayat has suggeste both administrative and judicial functi confined to a few important details of v services, e.g. duties in connexion with in by the different cultivators. The set main preoccupation of the gansabhava nistration was remembered many year gation facilities became a prime concer the institution is, it is difficult to says gansabhava in the second half of the Complaints and doing Justice among Courts of Judicature, consisting of the Men of the Places and Towns, where called Gom Sabbi, as much as to say, T
In the maritime districts the history the consequences of foreign occupatio inclined to interfere with the local law tutions in the administration of justice7, story. They not only imposed their las Provinces but further set up an efficient our legal system was profound and pro laws and institutions in the areas unde the gainsabhava fell into disuse during it is in the Kandyan Provinces that th by the parallel existence of the moder clear picture of the Kandyan gansabha " Gansabe or Village Court. This C Disavonies and the Upper Districts, Principal and experienced Men of a V a Shady or other Central Place upon the matter as Disputes regarding Limits, and after Enquiring into the Case, if a Party which is in Fault, adjudge R
5. It has been suggested that gansabhava existed f
established village boundaries over the whole
... 107.
E. Historical Relation, p. 84. P. Pieris, Ceylon, the Portuguese Era, Vol. 2, p. 8 A gansabhava is reported by the Govenment A in Panadura for over 30 years. 9. Sketch of the Constitution of the Kandyan Kingdoi

ILLAGE COURT 139
of the elders' or leaders of the the heads of families. The parallel that these committees discharged ins. The former would have been lage life as apportioning customary rigation which had to be performed ling of disputes however was the , but its usefulness in village admis later when the restoration of irriof the government. How ancient Knox6 gives this account of the 17th century : " In the hearing Neighbours, here are Countreye Officers, together with the Headthe Courts are kept : and these are own Consultations.”
of the gansabhava was affected by ns. The Portuguese who were not is made use of the indigenous instibut with the Dutch it was a different ws on the inhabitants of the Maritime judicial system. Their influence on bably led to the abrogation of many r them. Even so it is unlikely that
the Dutch periods. Undoubtedly Le gansabhawa flourished unaffected in types of courts. D'Oyly9 gives a 7a soon after the British occupation: ourt is frequently held both in the ind consists of an assembly of the illage, who met at an Ambalam or : occurrence of any Civil or Criminal Debts, Petty Thefts, Quarrels etc., possible settle it amicably, declaring stitution or Compensation and dis
"om 425 B.C. or the date at which Pandukahbaya sland. See Civil Courts Commission Report, Part 1
O. gent (W.P) in 1848 to have functioned successfully
, p. 28.

Page 20
140 R. K. W.
missing with Reproof and Admon to Compromise and not to Punish we have of the modus operandi of essential features of the local inst courts we know today. The infor by the place of meeting and by the official but by a number of local in and social standing differed in no
no regular sittings but the gansabl as may be expected in a village
striking feature was that the court's and not to Punishment.' Rules of and chicanery found no place in thest had first-hand knowledge of the tr
about an equitable settlement or, fa
Clause 8 of the Kandyan Conve1 gansabhava by enacting that "the justice and police over Kandyan inha to established forms and by the ordi to function and the early British ac by the useful work they performe tolerance only. There was a ready of inferior quality, and the educat this opinion without difficulty. T ment : “ The Tamil and Sinhales Magna Charta than they do of th The Proclamation of November 21s in the Kandyan Provinces whereby til to the Resident, a Judicial Comm assisted by Chiefs and Assessors. by the courts of the Judicial Com1 the practice of bringing village dis continued because we are told tha the Government Agents occasion: and gave judgments in accordance w had what Berwick later called a 'd of official neglect. There is also dispute regarding the boundary of Judicial Commissioner's Court was the gansabhava in which the lands v.
10. See Hayley, A Treatise on the Laus and Cust 11. Mendis, Colebrooke-Cameron Papers, Vol. 1,

GOONESEKERE
ition, their Endeavours being directed ment.’ This is the first clear account the gansabhava and it brings out the tution which distinguish it from the mality of the proceedings is conveyed fact that the court was held not by an habitants who by occupation, training way from the litigants. There were lava was convened whenever disputes community arose. Perhaps the most efforts were 'directed to Compromise evidence and procedure, technicalities a courts. The "judges' who generally ue facts could be relied upon to bring iling that, to give an equitable decision.
htion indirectly gave recognition to the a administration of civil and criminal bitants .... is to be exercised according nary authorities.' Gansabha continued lministrators were favourably impressed 'd but the official attitude was one of assumption that local institutions were ied Ceylonese were also persuaded to his lends point to Digby's ironic Come law students talk far more glibly of e ancient laws of their own people.' t, 1818 established a new judicial system he administration of justice was entrusted issioner and the Government Agents, Technically gansabha were superseded missioner and Government Agents but putes before the gansabhava must have t even the Judicial Commissioner and ally referred cases to the gansabhava rith their decisions 10. The gansabhava ormant vitality during the early years the evidence of Colebrooke11 that a lands which had been decided by the referred by the Governor in appeal to vere situated. The policy of the British
oms of the Sinhalese, p. 60. ܟܐ p. 28, fin.a.

Page 21
ECLIPSE OF THE \
in providing machinery for the enforce courts only meant however, that the dissatisfied with the gansabhava decis regular court.
Colebrooke was among the foremc gansabhava. He saw in it a means of people and in a letter to the Colonial regular courts were inconvenient for "the ancient mode of referring such ca would be advantageously preserved v where it has been superseded 12.' I reasons in support of his proposal. Fi in that it would reduce the burden in vast body of European functionaries w a vast number of petty native officers to their support.” Secondly, " the n conformity to their customs would a satisfaction.” Thirdly, "The Village but very little regulation to render it an police of the country and the adjustme
All that came of Colebrooke's reco of Justice, 1833 which reorganized the ju of the gansabhava by declaring that prevent any persons from submitting of certain assemblies of the inhabitants by the name of Gansabes14.” This me things alone and gave legislative sanct officially recognised. It was not what doubtful whether it had the immediat the gansabhava. The relationship be Courts and the gansabhava was left in clarified by the Supreme Court. At which a gansabhava decision could be direct before the gansabhava as in olden an action has been instituted could w matter to the gansabhava. The for that an unsuccessful party could settl comply with it since the gansabhava lac
12. Mendis, op. cit, Intro. lvii.
13. See Colvin R. de Silva, Ceylon under the British 14. Charter of Justice, 1833, s. 4.
 

ILLAGE COURT 141
ment of judgments of their regular e was nothing to prevent a party ion from taking the matter to a
st to press for the revival of the preserving the ancient usages of the Secretary he pointed out that the hearing petty cases and urged that ses to a Gansabe or Village Council there it is established and restored h a further letter13 he gave good rst, there were reasons of economy volved in the employment of a ho expect high remuneration-and who receive allowances inadequate lanagement of their own affairs in lso be of some source of general Council or Gansabe. ... requires efficient means of providing for the nt of petty disputes and cases.”
mmendation was that the Charter ldicial system made express mention its provisions did not extend " to their differences to the arbitration of villages known in our said island rely continued the policy of leaving ion to a practice which was semiColebrooke had asked for and it is e effect of enhancing the status of :tween the newly-created District an uncertain state and had to be this time there were two ways in obtained. The parties could come days or the District Court in which ith consent of the parties refer the ner method had the disadvantage he award at nought by refusing to ked the power to enforce its awards.
Occupation, Vol. 2, p. 578.

Page 22
142 R. K. W.
In the other case the award of the and was held conclusive by the D partiality or other vitiating circums
The authority of the gansabhava
in Kiria v. Poola 16 that the decision prevent a party from raising the n is also interesting in that it gives an bhava presided over by the Chief ' About eight years ago, a dispute b father, came before me, into whi gansabe was formed, was conve our temple-officer, and also Gover I verbally ordered him. It accord President of the gansabe was myse in number, and consisted of Head1 such as durayas. The only vellala were present. We made investig evidence on both sides. The decisi of the land. A written decision was The evidence was taken in writing Sittu, was handed to the plaintiff.
the incumbent of the temple; but signed it after I had written the bo of many gansabes, and this was c Kandyan custom.... Making a is not an old custom, but an impro lowest number of a gansabe coul gansabe sat in a circle on mats17. have already been replaced by go
in the regular courts was followed a
Perhaps a more serious blow to Courts of Requests and Police Col driving away more people from t diminished in importance18. The
15. Marshall, Judgments, p. 37.
16. 3 Lor. 143.
17. From the evidence recorded in the District (
18. The decline of the gansabhava further mark often sought after to settle disputes. Skin is usually thronged with people from the ne of the consequences of being drawn within cases to this good man.' (Forty Years of Ci

GOONESEKERE
gansabhava was binding on the parties. District Court in the absence of fraud, tance15.
suffered again in 1859 when it was held of the gansabhava did not operate to latter in the District Court. This case account of the proceedings of a gansaPriest of the Asgiriya Establishment: etween the plaintiff and the defendant's ch. I made investigation ; on which a ned. I ordered the Vidhane, who is inment Arachy, to convene a gansabe. ingly met at Korosa-temple. . . . The lf. The other members were 10 cr 15 men and late Headmen of that village, was Udatapola Arachy. Both parties tion according to custom, and heard on was that the plaintiff was the owner made which was given to the plaintiff. g; and the decision, in the form of a I did not sign that Sittu, as I was not Owitipana Unnanse, the incumbent, dy of the situ. I have been president onducted according to due form of written record of gansabe proceedings vement which I always observe. The d be four or five persons.... The We see from this that the village Elders vernment minions and the procedure s being an improvement.
the gansabhava was the creation of urts in 1843. This had the effect of he gansabhava which in Consequence same period also saw an alarming
court. ed a rise in the authority of the Headmen who were ner mentions a headman whose ' wallawa (palace) ighbouring districts, who, having a wholesome dread the vortex of our law courts, agree to submit their izen Life in Ceylon, p. 235).

Page 23
ECLIPSE OF THE W
increase in litigation and attention w Sinhalese passion for litigation19. False in the gansabhava but in the regular Co the inordinate love of litigation charg pretexts, to gratify spite or often merely the case in Court. 20 Further, the proc The Inspector-General of Police in hi pointed cut that nearly a thirteenth of the Magistrates as accused persons. Ift the civil courts were added it was estim annual attendance at the Courts appro whole population; certainly largely e The administration was faced with the Skinner described as '' the ruinous a indulgence of the natives in their love o
The possibility of the gansabhava be to have struck many minds. Official in Berwick (then D.J. Colombo) to the C was sent to the Governor, Sir Hercu that the establishment of gansabha to great benefit to people. To the Go fitting capital to a goodly column of 1 irrigation and service tenures '23 and memory in the country by introducing already the encouraging results from t Henry Ward to settle disputes relating the restoration of irrigation works25. measure would meet with the same deg
Richard Morgan, Queen's Advocate : Chief Justice, was given the task of p some misgivings on reviving the ancier
19. Mills, Ceylon under British Rule, p. 137. 20. Mills, loc. cit. As there was no trace of this unus a legacy of British administration - 21. This figure is based on the number of cases into each case. So also Skinner, op. cit. p. 234 : “ C if he chooses, withdraw from their village and as witnesses. 22. Op. cit., p. 233. 23. An excellent account of the circumstances attel given in Digby, Forty Years of Citizen Life in Ce 24. His successor Gregory suggested that his epitaph
Councils to Ceylon.” 25. Ste the Paddy Lands Irrigation Ordinance No.
 

ILLAGE COURT 143
is more than once drawn to the 2 claims were reduced to a minimum urts it was found that "Owing to es were laid on the most slender to enjoy the excitement of having eedings were dilatory and expensive. s Administration Report for 1869 the population was brought before he numbers of those who attended lated by Berwick that "there is an aching and perhaps equal tc, the xceeding the adult population.'21 serious problem of checking what hd demoralizing tendency of the flitigation.“22
ing of use in this situation appears nterest was awakened by a letter of 'olonial Secretary, a copy of which les Robinson. Berwick explained settle trivial disputes would be of vernor the suggestion seemed 'a native measures, such as education, an opportunity to perpetuate his ... a popular meassure24. There were the Village Councils set up by Sir ; to irrigation and to bring about
It was generally felt that a like gree of success.
and later the first Ceylonese Acting reparing legislation. Morgan had it gansabhava on the same lines but
ual national trait previously it must be considered
the approximate number of persons involved in )ne individual for a trifling suit may, in instances, necessary occupations one-half of its population
nding the first Village Communities Ordinance is ylon, Vol. 2. 1 should contain the words “He restored Village
9 of 1856 discussed more fully in the Appendix.

Page 24
144 R. K. W.
his Ordinance contained only a few attempted to accommodate the gan A curious feature must be noted h legislation was the establishment of enforce their awards but this aim reorganizing the village life on the or village republic. The ideal of with the villages enjoying Homelives became as important an objec of Morgan's Ordinance-Village Co. was inspired by the researches of M in the Government Gazette to ascert was considerable opposition from t legislation could not appear in Villa satisfaction was expressed at the pro headmen. On the whole the Gover was favoured by the mass of the pe Communities Ordinances No. 26 of by the official members of the Counci
The Ordinance of 1871 consisted of and the Government contemplated th just as in the old gansabhava there w, strative and judicial functions. The in favour of Village Tribunal an name has persisted to this day by cor always clear whether by the term Village Committee which is essentia village court-the Village Tribuna
26. Maine published his Ancient Law in 1861 and h
at Oxford was published in 1871 (same year This aspect of the Ordinance came in for sev munities Ordinance No. 9 of 1924. Mr. C with not having possessed an "intimate acc self-sufficient, he was incapable of any symp whom he viewed from afaras natives. As totype of the Colonel Wrights of today. Thus was not based even on simple misconceptio ignorance of everything that the term "Vil simply a case of Hamlet without the Princ Prince of Denmark in this case being the cont to be fundamental to a Village Community. been true of the past it did not appear to be soi p. 107) says of the minute rules governing concile a common plan and order of cultivat holding of the distinct lots in the arable land t or community has been so far broken up as not so far as to allow a departure from a joir

GOONFSEKERE
7 simple provisions and on the whole sabhava to the changed circumstances. ere. The immediate objective of the simple village courts with power to got entangled in a grander vision of old basis of the Village Community the independent village community -rule or the right to regulate their t. This explains the misleading title mmunities. It is possible that Morgan Iaine26. The Bill was first published ain the opinion of the people. There he proctors who under the proposed ge Tribunals and a more general disvisions which enhanced the pcwer of nment were satisfied that the measure 'ople and it was passed as the Village 1871. The Bill was keenly supported 1 but unofficial support was lukewarm.
two parts, administrative and judicial, e working of these two parts together as no clear line separating the adminilocal name gansabhava was dropped d Village Committee but the old mmon usage so much so that it is not 2ansabhava reference is made to the lly an administrative body or to the l. The administrative part of the
is first course of lectures as Professor of Jurisprudence as Morgan's Ordinance) as “Village Communities. ere criticism during the debate on the Village Com. E. Corea (Member for N.W.P.) charged Morgan Juaintance with local conditions. Self-centred and athetic understanding of the genius of the people, for knowledge of national history, he was the proit happened that his Village Communities Ordinance n of local conditions, but was conceived in utter lage Community o connotes. This Ordinance was : of Denmark ' (Hansard.) 1923, p. 475. The munal ownership of land which Mr. Corea claimed It is worth mentioning that although this may have n 1923 or even in 1871. Maine (Village Communities, :ultivation that they had the same object-" to reion on the part of the whole brotherhood with the y separate families. The common life of the group to admit of private property in cultivated land, but t system of cultivating that land.” a

Page 25
ECLIPSE OF THE
Ordinance made provision for the reg affairs by the inhabitants themselves.
first be given. The Ordinance provic at the request of at least ten inhabitants ( of the inhabitants for the purpose of purely village affairs which might ran cation of children. Rules could be mad fisheries, nuisances, cattle, gambling,
' enforcement of ancient customs as re purpose connected with or relating t on matters which were important fo reached by general legislation. The i to make rules to a committee elected happened28. Rules when approved the Government Gazette became bind a fine not exceeding Rs. 20/- could
self-government to the village was onl ment Agent or his representative cam, in English and reflecting the Englishn village. But we may fairly assume th before these rules were accepted beca certain village insisted on a rule prevel forests for the reason that bats are used pagating seed. The Village Commur an amending and consolidating Ordin of Morgan's Ordinance. Officialdon with the appointment of the chief every village committee in his division and largely responsible for the unsati At the insistence of the Ceylonese
the Village Communities Ordinance Community by resolution at a public of an elected Chairman. With the government principles the character o: changed considerably and today the of local government institution of organization suitable to an agricultu
27. This was the idea of the Director of Public In compulsory attendance could be achieved thro 28. The principle of election was a farce since the 1 nominees were returned ur opposed with t largely of village headmen.

WILLAGE COURT 145
gulation and management of village
A brief account of this aspect will ded that a Government Agent shall of a village convene a public meeting making rules for the regulation of ge from castration of cattle to edue governing village works, schools27, village tanks and generally for the 'gards cultivation, and for any other o purely village affairs.” In short, r village welfare and could not be hhabitants could delegate the power by them and this is what usually by the Governor and published in ing at law for the breach of which be imposed. The grant of limited y illusory for in practice the Governe armed with rules carefully framed lan's idea of what was good for the at some sort of discussion took place use we are told that the people of a nting the shooting of bats in Crown ful in providing manure and in prolities Ordinance No. 24 of 1889 was ance but in the main it was a replica intruded directly in village affairs headman as ex-officio Chairman of l. This was an unpopular provision sfactory working of the Ordinance. members in the Legislative Council No. 9 of 1924 empowered a Village meeting to declare itself in favour progressive introduction of local fthe Village Councils or Committees y resemble more the modern type English parentage than the ancient ral community. The present law is
struction who thought that free village schools and Dugh the medium of village councils.
minor headmen who were the Government Agent's he result that village committees were composed

Page 26
146 R. K. W.
contained in the Ordinance last menti make rules (now by-laws) is vested on which by-laws could be made is change in the structure of our village of land, loans, land and property, operation and works, public health fairs, water supply.
PAR
In this part we shall analyse the di place of the gansabhava but modelled Communities Ordinances of 1871, 18 Ordinance No. 1, 2, and 3 respectivel nature of the changes introduced b Courts Ordinance.
General. As stated above Ordinan administrative which was inspired by village, and the judicial. The purpose expensive litigious habit of the peop with jurisdiction to try minor offenc to the village. This part though treat adjunct to the reorganized village con were meant to work together. This as it became evident that although generally acceptable Village Tribuna Morgan himself introduced an Ordinance to be proclaimed in areas Village Tribunals. Thus Village C without corresponding Tribunals beir Village Tribunals continued however t the Government no doubt hoping tha recognise the superior virtues of the establishment. When the character the Village Tribunal changed fundam to contain the respective provisions in Ordinance took the judicial provision signifying that these courts have no affairs of the village. Where a Villag 29. The amendments have been many and their
as first passed. A consolidated reprint is foun Vol. 2, p. 122.

GOONESEKERE
ned as amended 29. The power to in the Committee and the matters indicative of the magnitude of the organization-capitation tax, taxation oads and paths, buildings, building and amenities, animals, markets and
* III
ferent aspects of the court set up in on it. For convenience the Village 89 and 1924 shall be referred to as and the object will be to show the f these Ordinances and the Rural
ce No. 1 consisted of two parts, the the idea of self-government for the of the latter was to put an end to the le by establishing Village Tribunals es and disputes in places convenient ed separately was seen as a necessary nmunity and therefore the two parts idea had to be abandoned as soon the Village Committee system was ls were looked on with suspicion. amendment which enabled the without at the same time establishing ommittees were founded in areas g established. Provisions regarding o be included in the same Ordinance t in course of time the people would se simple courts and demand their of both the Village Committee and 2ntally it no longer became possible the same statute. The Rural Courts s out of Ordinance No. 3 thereby v nothing to do with the internal e Tribunal was not established in a
fect has been completely to alter the Ordinance
in the Legislative Enactments Supplement 1941,
FN

Page 27
ECLIPSE OF THE VI
Village Committee area alternative pre of limited judicial functions by the
Purpose. It has been observed that conciliation and not punishment. Ord that " It will be the duty of the presid shall be brought before them, to ende: the litigant parties to an amicable set remove, with their consent, the real Ca
Personnel of Court. The Tribuna appointed by the Governor and rem The Government Agent (C.P.) in 187 gentlemen of the highest social rank' guard against corruption32. The Presi (later reduced to three) having propel from the inhabitants of the village a councillors to express their opinion fir from that of the President it was the special qualifications legal or otherwis except for a few proctors were recruit 1941 only 14 of 59 Presidents were outcry against the unsatisfactory quali by resolution decided that in future Rural Courts Ordinance dropped out the President as it had proved to be a Rural Court is presided over by a Pre preference to Judge because as the Le the latter “ you confer a little too m worthy gentlemen who preside over
Jurisdiction. From the beginning V tion not only to try breaches of rules Communities Ordinances but in add
30. See Ordinance No. 1, s. 10 ; Ordinance No. 2,
the Rural Courts Ordinance the policy was to judicial functions were being exercised by Villag repealed sections but s. 63 which makes breaches was not repealed. The number of courts as a ma 31. Ordinance No. 1, s. 23. Repeated in Ordinance
Rural Courts Ordinances. 24, also retains it. 32. See Sessional Paper 6 of 1872-73. 33. Honsard, 1943, Vol. 2. p. 2580.

LLAGE COURT 147
visions were made for the exercise Village Committees themselves30.
the purpose of the gansabhava was inance No. 1 following this enacted ent and councillors, when any case vour by all lawful means to bring tlement, and to abate, prevent or use of quarrel between them 31.”
consisted originally of a President unerated by the general revenue. 2 recommended that only native be appointed as Presidents as a safedent was assisted by five councillors ity qualification and chosen by lot rea. The procedure was for the st but where their opinion differed atter's opinion that prevailed. No e were required of Presidents who ed from the Kachcheri. As late as lawyers when following a general ty of Presidents the State Council only lawyers be appointed. The the association of councillors with nother unsatisfactory feature. The sident, this term being retained in gal Secretary explained by adopting 1ch status and privilege on these these very minor courts33.
illage Tribunals were given jurisdicor by-laws made under the Village ition a limited civil and criminal
s. 46 ; Ordinance No. 3, ss. 63, 71, 85. After establish Rural Courts in all village areas where * Committees, and ss. 71 and 85 were among the of by-laws punishable by the Village Committee tter of fact has decreased from 59 in 1943 to 48. : No. 2, s. 30 and Ordinance No. 3, S. 79. The

Page 28
148 R. K. W.
jurisdiction. From 1889 it was po Tribunal to the exercise of civil or c) of rules or any such jurisdiction in CC
A. Civil. The following factor (a) residence of defendant in the vill arisen in village area or (c) land in re. situate in village area34. Ordinance Rs. 20/- on the value of actions which whether for debt, damage or dem parties were allowed by their written up to Rs. 100/- value. In 1924 juri case of actions between a Co-operati pecuniary limit continued until 1945 in the legislature who were against beccme clear that the limit was unr value of money. The Rural Court to Rs. 100/- both in cases of actions actions involving title to immovabl nance expressly forbids a Rural Co of actions specified in the First Sche subject matter. Some of the actio specific performance, rectification a of trust, defamation, seduction.
B. Criminal. Originally confin malicious injury to property (damag trespass (damage not exceeding Rs. triable by Village Tribunals was c Fourth Schedule to Ordinance No. the Rural Courts Ordinance36.
C. Punishment. Maximum fine No. 1 was raised to Rs. 50/- by the No. 2, s. 31 authorised a sentence c. payment37. Also made any false, fri
34. Ordinance No. 1, s. 21 ; Ordinance No. 2,
Ordinances. 9. 35. S.9(1). The Minister of Justice may enlarg
of a Court. 36. See the Second Schedule which gives a Rur, the following Ordinances-Penal Code (ss. 484, 488) Vagrants, Prevention of Juvenile S and Prevention of Diseases, Vaccination, N 37. Amended by Ordinance No. 50 of 1938 to
Summary Jurisdiction) Ordinance of 1938.

GOONESEKERE
sible to limit the jurisdiction of any iminal jurisdiction or trial of breaches mbination.
gave a Village Tribunal jurisdiction age area or (b) cause of action having pect of which action is brought being No. 1 imposed a pecuniary limit of could be tried by the Village Tribunal and or involving title to land. But consent to give a Tribunal jurisdiction sdiction was extended to Rs. 100/- in ve Society and a member. This low chiefly through the efforts of lawyers any raise even though by 1923 it had eal in view of the depreciation in the s Ordinance has now raised the limit for debt, damage or demand and in e property35. The Rural Courts Ordiurt from entertaining certain classes 'dule, irrespective cf the value of the ns excluded are partition, mortgage, nd cancellation of contracts, breach
ed to petty assaults, petty thefts, ge not exceeding Rs. 20/-) and cattle
20/-). In 1924 the list of offences onsiderably extended and set out in 3. Further additions were made in
of Rs. 20/- provided for in Ordinance Rural Courts Ordinance. Ordinance f 14 days imprisonment in default of volous, malicious or vexatious action
s. 28 ; Ordinance No. 3, s. 83 ; Rural Courts
the civil jurisdiction by raising the pecuniary limit
| Court jurisdiction to try offences punishable under 57, 287, 270, 314, 332, 343, 349, 367, 394, 409, 433 noking, Police, Firearms, Thoroughfares, Quarantine isances, Wells and Pits, etc.
bring in line with the Payment of Fines (Cogrts of

Page 29
ECLIPSE OF THE W
punishable with a fine of Rs. 5/- whicl Ordinance No. 3 made whipping ar under sixteen39, and also authorised t offender's character, antecedents, age, punishment on him but merely to wal
D. Exclusiveness of Jurisdiction.
should have exclusive jurisdiction an prevent an evasion of this jurisdict recognized from the beginning e.g. ' parties in any civil or criminal case Court if it appeared that the case mig higher tribunal42. Further inroads ( made by Ordinance No. 343. Toda Rural Court is subject to the follow officer may prosecute before a Magist for the provisions of this Ordinance strate's Court. (2) The Attorney Gene jurisdiction may in offences cognizable against by-laws which are also offence such offence to be tried before the Judge having appellate jurisdiction ma Requests in civil actions instituted in a to him the more appropriate. (4) A which cannot adequately be punished (crin a civil action which it feels can m of Requests) suspend further hearing an appellate jurisdiction with a view to (or Court of Requests).
E. Conclusiveness of Order. In Or made as to the effect of an order of res adjudicata seems to have applied e value of the land and not the value pl: versed by defendant) did not exces
38. S. 32. See also Ordinance No. 3, SS. 98, 101.
Rural Courts Ordinances. 28. 39. S. 86(4). Followed in Rural Courts Ordinance 40. S. 86(3). Followed in Rural Courts Ordinance 41. Ordinance No. 1, s. 25 ; Ordinance No. 2, s.
s. 13. 42. Ordinance No. 1, s. 21 provisions (2) and (3) ; 43. See ss. 93, 94 and 95. 44. See R. C. Ordinancess. 12, 15, 16 and William 45. Puncha v. Sethuhamy 19 N.L.R. 217 ; Pusanba

ILLAGE COURT 149
1 may be awarded to injured party38.
alternative punishment for males he Tribunal to take account of the health etc. with a view not to inflict in him.40.
It was essential that the Court d suitable provision was made to ion41. Certain qualifications were Tribunals were empowered to refer io the Court of Requests or Police ht more properly be tried before a on this exclusive jurisdiction were y the exclusive jurisdiction of the ing qualifications44 : (1) A public rate's Court any offence which but would be cognizable by such Magiral or District Judge having appellate : by a Magistrate's Court or offences 's under any other Ordinance direct Magistrate's Court. (3) A District ly confer jurisdiction on a Court of Rural Court where this course seems Rural Court may in certain offences | by any penalty within its powers ore appropriately be tried in a Court d report to the District Judge having a transfer to the Magistrate's Court
dinance No. 1 and 2 no mention is the Tribunal. But the doctrine of ven in land cases provided the actual Iced by the plaintiff (even if not tra'd the pecuniary limit5. Under
Maximum of fine was raised to Rs. 20/- by the
s. 27(4). s. 27(3). 14; Ordinance 3, No. 3, s. 91 ; R. C. Ordinance
Ordinance No. 2, s. 28.
Singho v. Eduvin Singho, 59 N.L.R. 18. ”. Sendeliya 2 L. Rec. 85.

Page 30
150 R. K. W. GC
Ordinance No. 3 orders in actions fo final and conclusive but in the case of: provided that "such determination
any civil court other than a Village
to render Rural Court decisions in adjudicata if the defendant did not ob this failed owing to the objection th: doctrine. The present position is an mission did not consider it necessary t that there was no evidence that it ha
F. Excepted Persons. Since an
Ordinance was to revive the commun desirable to exclude from the ambit , in village life. Morgan's Ordinance t jurisdiction of the Village Tribunal " natives who were defined as 't than persons Commonly known as
known as Burghers48.” The “n to the Tribunal's jurisdiction for
by written consent give jurisdicti criminal causes. The same provisio During the debate on Ordinance
to the use of the word ' native '4 excepted persons' substituted in i defined as "persons resident in the Isl known as Eurcpeans, (b) persons C (c) labourers as defined in the Estate any woman or child related to any s relative of any such labourers 0.” In the reason given by the Attorney G. danger of these Village Committees :
46. S. 83. 47. What is not clear is whether an unsuccessful
the same matter before a higher court, or w only in regard to the subject matter of the su case would be the application of the princ pure question of law - see Katiratamby v. Parl swamy 57 N.L.R. 130). 48. Ss. 3 and 21. 49. " a term which in these more enlightened day
1943, Vol. 2, p. 2598). In De Lile v. Sedoris not including an Eurasian. 50. SS. 89 and 129.

)ONESEKERE
debt, damage or demand were made ctions relating to land it was expressly shall not operate as res adjudicata in Tribunal46.” An attempt was made and cases subject to principles of res lect to the jurisdiction of the court but it there was danger in admitting this omalous but the Civil Courts Ccmdisturb the existing law for the reason
d caused hardships'7.
important objective of the first ity spirit of the village it was thought of legislation those who had no part herefore limited the civil and criminal s to cases where both parties were hose residents in the country other Europeans, or persons commonly on-natives' however were subject breaches of rules and they could on to the Tribunal in civil and in is found in Ordinance No. 2. No. 3 strong exception was taken 9 in this connexion and the term ts place. "Excepted persons' was and and being (a) persons commonly ommonly known as Burghers, and Labour (Indian) Ordinance including uch labourer or aged or incapacitated dian Estate labour were excluded for ineral that there was the 'manifest nd Councils becoming rather Indian
party can disregard the decision and re-litigate on hether the decision will operate res adjudicata but it in which it is given, and no further (A parallel iples of res adjudicata to an erroneous decision on a pathipillai 23 N.L.R. 209; Subramaniam v. Kumaaa
of grace is only applied to oysters ' (Hansard, 6 S.C.C. 95 the term “native' was interpreted as
ܟ

Page 31
ECLIPSE OF THE
Village Councils than Ceylon Villag excluding foreigners from village org but a certain regret was expressed tha on as an external force in their cou debated in 1923 the Member for Ea Burgher community in the Battical connected with the other inhabitants and occupation that it was desirable settlement of petty disputess2. Whe nated Member replied that "there ar Burghers, but who call themselves Bu were concerned they did not wish to idea that by excluding certain classes Village Tribunals a privileged class w 1940's when with the changing char. lating to excepted persons took a c Ordinance proposed that there shoul persons, viz., non-domiciled Europ with the Indian Government on the is consideration it was decided that no p Legal Secretary observed ' with the there is no logical argument which ca any class of persons from the crimi Courts55.' Surprisingly enough ther on the ground that Presidents would the inclusion of Indians and Europear Sinhalese as the language of the procet
Enforcement of Decisions. The that there was no machinery to compo put right by enacting that judgemei enforced by the Fiscals 6.
51. Hansard, i923, p. 216. In Peter Simon v. D Tamils, resident but not domiciled in Ceylon No. 2, s. 28 and in Nadar v. Leon 30 N.L.R. 123 not considered an "excepted person.' 52. Hansard, 1923, p. 494. 53. Hansard, 1923, p. 495. Earlier the Burgher
of imagination can it be held that the Burghe property and be classed as villagers.' 54. Ordinance No. 13 of 1945, s. 7 deleting R. C. 55. Hansard, 1943, Vol. 2, p. 2579. 56. Ordinance No. 1, s. 29; Ordinance No. 2, s. 38

WILLAGE COURT 151
a Councils51.' The general idea of inization was on the whole approved Burghers should agree to be looked ntry. When the matter was being stern Province referred to the large oa district who were so intimately of the district by language, custom to afford them the same facilities for reupon a Burgher Unofficial Nomie Burghers, and people who are not rghers' and that as far as the former i come under the Ordinance53. The of persons from the jurisdiction of as being created was felt only in the acter of Tribunals the provisions relifferent colour. The Rural Courts d be only one category of excepted eans. This aroused a controversy ue of discrimination and after further ersons should be excepted54. As the changed character of these tribunals, n be adduced in favour of exempting hal (and civil) jurisdiction of these e was some opposition to this change be overawed by Europeans and that is would lead to English supplanting >dings.
chief defect of the gansabhava was :l a party to obey its order. This was hts of the Village Tribunal shall be
rasamy 17 N.L.R. 234 it had been held that Indian were "natives' within the meaning of Ordinance 3 an Indian trader living temporarily in Ceylon was
Member had rhetorically asked “ by what stretch rs could in any way be brought within communal
Ordinances. 11.
: ; Ordinance No. 3, s. 107; R. C. Ordinances. 26.

Page 32
152 R. K. W.
Form of Proceedings. In the showed a marked departure from the a simple village court it was shorn of ciated with a court. Proceedings summary form. It was further ma substantial justice in all questions cc matters of form.57. A most impo representation of parties to litigation a definite step to stamp out the bli village economy and one which F language policy underwent a subtle enacted that the record may be ke Rural Courts Ordinance s. 21 went proceedings shall be determined by jurisdiction but that the record must was explained as a temporary exped were available. The Rural Court excluding lawyers from proceeding with the summary form of the pro that all actions shall be "institutec completed in accordance with the r procedure, as the case may be, made in force under this Ordinance.'
Appeals.-At first a party aggriev right of appeal to the Government the Governor39. An order of acqui late jurisdiction of the Government 1 by the Rural Courts Ordinance anc local jurisdiction over the areas 1. appeal on the written petition of parties or lawyers to make an appe satisfactorily and therefore retained
Executive Control. In the early Agents not only exercised an appellat trolled and supervised proceedings in
57. Ordinance No. 1, s. 30 ; Ordinance No. 2, s 58. See R. C. Ordinances. 22. 59. Ordinance No. 1, s. 32; Ordinance No. 2, 60. Ordinance No. 22, s. 52; Ordinance No. 3 61. R. C. Ordinances. 42. 62. R. C. Ordinances, 42(4).

GOONESEKERE
sphere of procedure Village Tribunals practice in regular courts. As befitting all the formalities and trappings assowere in the native language and in de the duty of these Tribunals to do ming before them without regard to rtant provision was that prohibiting by advocates and proctors. This was ght of the professional lawyer in the as been rigorously followeds 8. The change when Ordinance No. 3, s. 73 ot in English or the vernacular. The further in stating that the language of the District Judge having appellate in every case be kept in English. This ent until such time as bilingual judges s Ordinance retained the provision s but left out the provision dealing ceedings. Instead s. 26 now provides l, conducted, heard, determined and ules of civil procedure or of criminal ', or declared for the time being to be
ed by the decision of a Tribunal had a Agent in the first instance and then to tal was not appealable60. The appellAgent and Governor were taken away vested in the District Judge having The former practice of deciding the appeal alone without permitting the
arance was reported to have worked
experimental years the Government e jurisdiction but to a large extent conTribunals. The President was required .50; Ordinance No. 3, s. 74.
. 52; Ordinance No. 3, s. 113, 116. , s. 117.

Page 33
ECLIPSE OF THE V
to send weekly reports to the Governme until the Rural Courts Ordinance di right to sit with the President and ob even intervene of his own motion an of any case pending or tried 4. This
the District Judge. This control form Agent together with the fact that until were products of Kachcheri training h. into subsidiary departments of the
Conclusion. The gansabhava court was felt that a number of desirable result gation which was having an altogether lation, harmony in the village through and the promotion of a greater sense of ant functions to the people themselves agreement especially on the official sid Later on open criticisms of the syste. ignored and it became necessary to 1 It was found that a large volume of w bunals and that from the point cf the judgements it was the most important nistration of justice in the country. entered in Village Tribunals66 was Civ The number of cases actually decided v Putting a low figure of 3 as the nun proceedings we get 6 lakhs or 10 per c( judgments. A more important fact less than one-third the civil cases wer for criminal cases show that less than 1 disappointing feature was that bribery on the Tribunals. The Minister of L to say that the ' 'justice meted out absolute travesty of justice, and that corruption, ignorance and incompete time was ripe for a revaluation and the
63. Ordinance No. 1, s. 32; Ordinance No. 2, s. 64. R. C. Ordinances. 42(6). 65. See Civil Court Commission Report, Part 1, p. 10 66. The figures are taken from the Ceylon Blue Boc 67. 29,920 money, 1684 land. 68. 83,059 breach of V.C. rules, 54,419 Schools(?). 69. A point well worth remembering by those who 70. Hansard, 1943, Vol. 2, p. 2631.
 

ILLAGE COURT 153
nt Agent (a practice which continued l away with it) who also had the serve the proceedings63. He could d call for and examine the record power has now been transferred to herly exercised by the Government
recently the majority of Presidents ad the effect of turning these courts Kachcheri” 65.
was re-established in 1871 because it is would follow, viz. a decrease inlitidisastrous effect on the rural poputhe amicable settlement of disputes, responsibility by entrusting importTo begin with there was general e that the experiment was a success. m were made which could not be te-assess the position in the 1940's. ork was being done by Village Tria number of persons affected by its part of the machinery of the admiIn 1938 the total number of cases vil 40,14667 and Criminal 200,89468. vere 36,624 and 187,765 respectively. aber of persons who are parties to 2nt of the population affected by the emerging from the statistics is that 2 amicably settled while the figures L0 per cent were settled69. Another 7 and corruption had taken a hold ocal Administration was compelled by these Village Tribunals was an they were simply sinks of bribery, nce70.' All this indicated that the : Government finally turned its back
52; Ordinance No. 3, s. 111 and 112.
8. k for 1938.
) set great store by Conciliation Boards.

Page 34
154 R. K. W.
on village courts which were outsic of ordinary Courts of law-the
quite definitely a Court of law-th respect the Government was deter1 other courts-parties to a Rural C counsel either at the trial or in ap as it conflicts with the idea of a reg be admitted, Rural Courts have sufi vely by many that the only safeguar powers of Presidents lay in counselb explanation may be that the Gov off the idea of the old Village Tr to conceal the fact that the experi failure. A more rational explanati felt that any dangers inherent in t to the dangers lurking for poor vill allowed to attach themselves to Ru confirmed the misgivings of the lav at the same time the exclusion of of a court of law as we understand
71. R. H. Drayton, Hansard 1943, Vol. 2. p. 2
API
It is interesting to consider the precursor of sets out the reasons which led to legislation, highly beneficial customs connected with irriga difficulties, delays and expense attending the settle relating to water-rights ; and in obtaining redress of law are found to be productive of great inju mation of an irrigation district a committee of up the ancient customs of the district relating to tenance of water rights. A breach of the rules of proprietors selected by the Government Age summary and free from formalities, nor were ac The decision was in the hands of the proprietors, t could impose a fine on the guilty party which Police Court. There was no appeal to any col given a trial for a period of five years proved to lines was reintroduced from time to time. See Paddy Cultivation Ordinance No. 21 of 1867, of 1889, Irrigation Ordinance No. 16 of 1906, I change which was introduced quite early was th out the purposes of the legislation. They were to take action to prevent damage done by acts prietors to decide whether they should enlist th councils and Headmen were seen as essential to munities Ordinance the need for convening a sp disappeared and this jurisdiction was given to No. 32 of 1946 has retained the right of propri of Irrigation Headmen but has done away wit established custom are now triable by the Rural Councillors selected by the Government Agent ( land.

GOONESEKERE
e the system of regular courts in favour most rudimentary form of Court, but e first rung in a ladder.'71 But in one nined to distinguish Rural Courts from ourt case could not be represented by peal. This provision needs explanation lar court of law (to that extent, it must red in status). It was urged ineffectil to the proper exercise of the enhanced ring permitted to appear for parties. The ernment was unable entirely to shake bunal and this provision was retained ment had been totally abandoned as a on may be that the Government rightly he provision were nothing compared age folk if advocates and proctors were tral Courts. Experience has so far not wyer-members in the State Council but sounsel makes a Rural Court fall short 1t.
629.
PENDIX
the Village Tribunal in some detail. The Preamble "Whereas the non-observance of many ancient and tion and cultivation of paddy lands; as well as the sment of differences and disputes among the cultivators ; for the violation of such rights in the ordinary course ty to the general body of proprietors.' On the forproprietors of paddy lands were empowered to draw irrigation and cultivation of paddy lands and mainwas investigated into by a village council consisting nt with himself as President. The proceedings were lvocates and proctors permitted to appear for parties. he President having only a casting vote. The Council was made recoverable through the machinery of the rt. This experiment of Governor Ward which was
be a success and legislation on substantially the same
Paddy Lands Irrigation Ordinance No. 21 of 1861, Irrigation and Paddy Cultivation Ordinance No. 23 rigation Ordinance No. 45 of 1915. One important e creation of Irrigation Headmen to assist in carrying
given important supervisory duties and also power contrary to custom. At first it was left to the proe aid of Irrigation Headmen but later both village the purposes in mind. After the first Village Comacial village council to try breaches of irrigation rules Village Tribunals. The present Irrigation Ordinance 'tors to make rules, and the election or appointment 1 village councils. Breaches of rules, regulations or court or by an Irrigation Tribunal consisting of 3-7 is President) from among the proprietors of irrigable

Page 35
ܓܐ
THE CONCEPT OF THE IDEAL
J. E. JAY
"THE Ideal Self' has been defined grated set of roles and aspirations w comment that should be made about is as a theoretical construct, adherence make an experimental study of the dev for one can never be sure what forces Those forces that in fact direct an in surmised. One can, however, leave ( it defies experimental enquiry, and co aspirations which an individual is pre or significance to him. This is quit these same roles and aspirations actu, may or may not, we do not know f these are the things which the indi responding to a test situation. For t we may define " The Ideal Self' simp which the individual voluntarily recog to the individual.'
Three studies dealing with the idea attempted to come to grips with t reported. An early study by Hill (1 question, "Of all persons whom you whom would you most care to be like by Mary Phelan (2) in 1936, gave mc is your ideal 2 Why have you cho study was that by Havighurst and oth New Zealand in 1955 (4). They ask topic " The Person I would Like to detailed directions: “ Describe in a pa like to be like when you grow up. imaginary person. He or she may Tell something about this person's ag and recreations. If he is a real pers real name if you do not want to.” Ilir

SELF IN SINHALESE CHILDREN
ASURIYA
by social psychologists as 'the intehich direct an individual's life.' A this definition is that, valuable as it to the letter of the definition would 'elopment of the ideal self impossible, do in fact direct an individual's life. ldividual's life can at best only be out the element of direction alone as oncentrate attention on the roles and pared to recognise as being of value 2 a different thing from saying that ally direct the individual's life; they r certain. But it is important that vidual deems significant, at least in he purpose of our study, therefore, ly as " the set of roles and aspirations nises as being of value or significance
self, but none of which, however, he problem of definition have been ) in 1930 required responses to the have heard, or read about, or seen, or resemble : Why ?' A later study ire latitude by asking merely “ Who sen this ideal 2 The most recent ters in the U.S.A. in 1946 (3) and in ed children to write an essay on the be Like and gave the following ge or less the person you would most This may be a real person, or an pe a combination of several people. e, character, appearance, occupation on, say so. You need not give his order to compare our data with the

Page 36
156 J. E. J
data collected by Havighurst and his Zealand children, the subject and di They were also translated into Si option of writing in English or in
Although essays are not generally certain circumstances be included in The media used in projective testi consist of unstructured materials suc of pictures, artistic Constructions or has to project his personality into h Use of Personal Documents in Psycho length on the projective properties on The Essay Examination as a Proj “The essay examination is a relativ to a problematic situation or situ intentionally or unintentionally reve dynamics and functioning of the “ The Person IVWould Like to be Lik and many are the insights concerni that come out of essays on this subj deal about the psychological make child relationships. Here is what a Gulliver I wish I could go into a q people whom you could rule like a Unlike others I will not wear ordin a costume which I could wear on my because I think the beard makes yo This piece of writing stands out a trend revealed in essays by children nate, the desire to be different and a preoccupation in this girl's mind. on parent-child relationships. It is has been out to England and Ame to stay in the quiet English countrysid London or any such busy town, it is at home or go to the park with then go to dinner parties or cocktail pa parents go now. I will also teach them frightened and making them kindness.' One cannot but be str
 

AYASURIYA
s co-workers from American and New
rections were given in the same form.
inhalese, and children were given the Sinhalese.
recognised to be such, they can under l the category of projective techniques. ng are many and varied. They may has ink blots. They may also consist personal documents where the testee is answer. In a monograph on The logical Science Allport (5) dwelt at great of personal documents. In a paper ective Technique Vernon Sims (6) says, ely free and extended written response lations (question or questions) which als information regarding the structure, student's mental life. The subject ce' required the testee to reveal himself, ng motivations and attitudinal patterns ect. Some of the essays reveal a great 1p of the individuals and about parentForm II girl (age 12+ ) writes, " Like uaint old village where you find small king. I would dress in a peculiar way. ary clothes. I would like to make up travels. I would like to grow a beard u look distinguished and honourable.” S being so different from the general in the same class. The desire to domito draw attention on herself is clearly Here is something which throws light by a standard 4 girl (age 9+ ) who rica. " If you wonder why I choose le and not in Colombo or New Yorkor because I like to stay with my children 1 or play games with them rather than rties and places like that where my my children to obey not by making do everything like slaves but with luck by the sincerity of the Writing.

Page 37
THE CONCEPT OF '
These two examples should suffice justification for regarding essays as pro
The sample of children whose resp consisted of 100 boys and 100 girls fron from Colombo, an equal number from from Colombo and 108 girls in a lea Unfortunately, no group of boys com girls has been tested yet. The ages of th
Following Havighurst, the ego ideal into the following categories.
P=Parents and relatives of the pa T = Teachers. G = Glamorous adults-people wi e.g. movie stars, military figu H = Heroes-people with a substa by time but certain living pe Category. A = Attractive and successful you
of observation. C = Composite or imaginary cha
a number of people. M = Age mates or youths. NC = Miscellaneous responses not
The following table shows the percen of persons described as the ideal self by
Category American American Rural
boys girls boys
P 11 11 5 T 2 4 18 G 30 20 15 H 6 4 8 A 25 25 46 C 22 31 3 M 1. 4 O NC 3 1 5
Certain comments may be made on
OV

HE IDEAL SELF 157
to convince the sceptical of the jective instruments.
onses are dealt with in this paper l, a rural area about 25 miles distant an urban area about 8 miles distant ding Colombo 7 (7) girls' school. parable to the last named group of : children ranged from 8 to 18 years.
s in the responses may be divided
ental or grand parental generation.
th a romantic or ephemeral fame res, athletes, characters in fiction.
ntial claim to fame, usually tested rsons may also be included in this
ng adults within individual's range
racters; these are abstractions of
classifiable among these.
tage distribution by these Categories different groups of children.
Rural Urban Urban Colombo girls boys girls girls
1. 12 O 1. 52 14 45
7 6 8 46 10 8 12 16 25 55 31 23 2 2 1. 2 O O O O 3 3 3 4.
this distribution.

Page 38
158
J. E.
Sinhalese children, girls in their parents much less tha trend has indeed a great deal interpretations of behaviour objects of identification. A striking difference in the patt American children is that exc of the same sex as the child appeals to the child. The cases occupations that the b suing ; the fathers of rural less appealing to their children of mothers do not pursu why many girls do not wan point of the view of the pe implications of this state of a a matter that must await ful
American children do not in in the case of Sinhalese chil girls, the teacher is very po too, the occupational factor comes most clearly from the About 50% of them want to the case of girls, teaching is they can aspire to and hence
by this factor. If this be so, h choice with Colombo girls : us look at the next category.
With the exception of Colc choose to be like glamoro do not go in for glamorous 1 Possibly, this is to be accoun ment. The Colombo girls 1 are exposed to glamorous p contact through Various medi paper, film and radio. Havi; of the social environment on that this is only to be expect expose children to different kiu

JAYASURIYA
articular, want to grow up to be like in American children. The American of theoretical support for it, for on most the parent is one of the most important possible explanation for the somewhat ern of responses between Sinhalese and ept in the case of urban boys the parent is not engaged in an occupation that athers of urban boys pursue in many oys themselves would not mind purpoys pursue occupations perhaps much 1. In the case of girls, the great majority le any careers, and perhaps that is it to be like their mothers. From the Irent as an agent of socialisation, the Iffairs might be far reaching but this is ther investigation.
nuch care to be like their teachers but dren, with the exception of Colombo pular as an ego ideal. Perhaps here, is of importance. Evidence of this responses of urban girls and rural girls. grow up to be like their teachers. In one of the most popular occupations their choice of an ego ideal is coloured ow is it that the teacher is not a popular For an answer to this question, let
pmbo girls, nearly 50% of whom us persons, other Sinhalese children persons as much as American children. ted for in terms of the social environive in an environment in which they ersons both by direct contact and by a of communication such as the newsghurst himself points out the influence
the choice of the ideal self. He says ed, since different social environments nds of people who may serve as objects

Page 39
THE CONCEPT OF T
of identification and teach differe hurst, however, nowhere discusse factor which appears so promin that in a highly developed econo to be found in the United State with the occupational factor as r lack of interest of the Colombo Colombo 7 fee-levying school, is they do not have to think in terr a competitive struggle between
wins the day in so far as Colomb for great concern, however, is tha of identification and therefore ar. girls are socialised not by paren tractive and successful young ac of experience (a category we have adults. There was a wide variet went in for film stars, musicians others who mentioned authors (ir stars. Rather unusual choices w of England by one, Queen Elizal Rajasinghe I (8) by one and Proj haps some of these choices ough next catgory (namely, Heroes) but choices as a whole is a matter for from a mental health point of
percentage of Colombo girls ch a half times the percentage of A perhaps dangerously high. Ha from lower rather than higher sc glamorous adults is not supporte
The choice of heroes is a little but not very much so. In any realism. Many girls, for exam humanity as Florence Nightingal for any girl might legitimately selfless service, though not a N who wanted to be like Anagar V (11) or Senarat Paranavitana (12)

HE IDEAL SELF 159
:nt values and aspirations. Haviges the influence of the occupational ent in the case of our data. Is it my with jobs for all as is supposed s children there are not concerned nuch as children in Ceylon 2 The
girls, drawn as they were from a not a matter for surprise ; perhaps ns of employment; and perhaps in glamour and occupation, glamour o 7 girls are concerned. A matter it if the chosen ego ideal is an object agent of socialisation, Colombo 7 ts, or by teachers, or even by atlults within the individual's range not yet come to), but by glamorous y of such adults mentioned. Many
and ballet dancers but there were cluding Shakespeare) and Olympic rere Napoleon by two, the Queen peth I by one, Joan of Arc by one, fessor Ludowyke (9) by one. Pertreally to be considered under the : the lack of realism about glamorous : concern and portends rather badly view. It will be noticed that the posing glamorous adults is one and merican girls, and is unusually and vighurst's conclusion that children ocio-economic strata tend to choose
d by our data.
higher than for American children case, the choices had an element of ple, wanted to be nurses and serve e did. This is at least partly realistic,
aspire to be a nurse engaged in ightingale. Similarly for the boys ika Dharmapala (10), W. A. Silva

Page 40
160
J. E.
The next category-attracti individual's range of observat rural boys and a little less si was undoubtedly a primary for in the vast majority of c way in which he or she was there was an abundance of d chose persons in humbler wa men, nurses, policewomen, there was an air of realism boys and girls shows that r economic status as Havighurs
Finally, we come to the cate According to Havighurst, " people. Sometimes thay aị times they are clearly a coale persons. Although many A characters as their ego ideals, c children did so. In one p "The final and mature stag desirable characteristics, draw the individual identifies him scence.” This seems hardly fact that Havighurst was al. remark he makes elsewhere.
stage of greatest maturity is t attractive visible adult or th: composite, imaginary charact former. It must, however, child did not recognise or front door, the composite ch by the back door, for the at characteristics that appeared child would name a doctor on to credit him with more v Here was the category of t into the category of the at re-word Havighurst's first
mature stage of the ego ide or an attractive adult in characteristics has been tele

JAYASURIYA
ve and successful young adults within ion-was very popular with urban and with the other groups. Occupation consideration in making this choice, ases the ego ideal's occupation and the practising it were described. Though octors and engineers mentioned, many lks of life, e.g., clerks, soldiers, business ocial workers, and generally speaking about the writing. Data from rural alism does not decrease with sociot implies.
gory described as composite characters. these are abstractions of a number of ppear to be wholly imaginary, other scence of qualities of two or three real \merican boys and girls gave composite inly an insignificant number of Sinhalese lace in his writings Havighurst says, : of the ego ideal is the composite of n from all of the persons with whom self during his childhood and adole:enable in the light of our data and the ive to this possibility is clear from a He says, " It is not certain whether the hat represented by our category of the at represented by our category of the er.” Our data certainly points to the be stressed that though the Sinhalese admit the composite character by the aracter seemed in effect to be admitted ractive adult was often showered with to be composite. For example, a or a clerk as his ego ideal, and then go irtues than a single individual possesses. he composite more or less telescoped ractive adult. We would therefore statement and say that the final and al may be either a composite figure Zo whom a composite of desirable
Coped.
༽

Page 41
THE CONCEPT OF
The remaining two categories, responses do not call for any child selected an age mate as children had done so in spite of be recalled that children were
like to be like when they grov
Let us now turn to the co an age sequence is discernible Havighurst thought so. He s childhood as an identification v middle childhood and early ado cism and glamour, and culmina of desirable characteristics whic visible young adult, or may be far does this statement agree In the first place, the parent w. The teacher was, and let us t1 figure. But the teacher did not years. The teacher was select of children at different age lev cism and glamour which Ha children in the years of midd was very largerly absent in th And in their case, it characterise and was not confined to the adolescence. These facts throw thesis that romanticism and gl ments of adolescence. They of excessive urbanisation and hi own data with this hypothesis, satisfactorily as his hypothesis stances, ours would seem to b, factory hypothesis. Thirdly, pational factor in the choice c factor was not important for certainly appears to be an all in fact helps to explain why the te: with advancing years. It also occupation only in the case C This brings us into conflict with He points out that the social

THE IDEAL SELF 161
namely age mates and miscellaneous comment except that no Sinhalese an ideal, whereas a few American directions which forbade it. It will asked to describe what they would 7 up. This excluded age mates.
sideration of the question whether in the development of the ego ideal. ays, "The ideal self commences in with a parental figure, moves during lescence through a stage of romantites in late adolescence as a composite may be symbolised by an attractive,
simply an imaginary figure. How with our data ? Not appreciably. as not a person of much importance. eat him as being at least a parental decline in importance with advancing ed by roughly the same percentage els. Secondly, the stage of romantivighurst implies is common to all Ile childhood and early adolescence e case of all but the Colombo girls. dallage levels from 8 or 9 to 17 or 18 years of middle childhood or early great doubts on Havighurst's hypoamour in ego ideals are accompaniuppear to us to be accompaniments gh life. Going back to Havighurst's it is seen that it explains his data as of an age sequence. In the circume the more inclusive and more satisHavighurst has ignored the occuf an ego ideal. It may be that this the children he dealt with. But it portant factor for our children. It in cher does not decline in importance explains why glamour wins over if the prosperous Colombo groups. another of Havighurst's observations. snvironment affects the choice of an

Page 42
162
J. E. J.
ego ideal and argues that chi economic status name a high Our data goes contrary to ti children of a lower socio-ecol others in their choices. Th however, for our data, too, b envisaged by Havighurst. Ti in the choice of an ego ideal in society there is a realism abou life society there is a glamo ego ideals.
We may conclude by summa points that emerged from this
a. Occupational factors appear
of ego ideals.
b. Either because of occupatio reason, parents do not seem same extent as teachers and :
c. If egoideals have a bearing ol important implications follo parents as ego ideals.
d. The hypothesis of an age sec
e. There is more realism in the social environment than in
Notes and
HILL, D. S. (1930), “ Personification of Ideals
Vol. II.
PHELAN, MARY (1936), An Empirical Study of versity of Amer ca, Monograph No. 193,
HAVIGHURST, R.J., ROBINSON, M. Z., AND I Self in Childhood and Adolescence.' Jourt
HAVIGHURST, R. J. AND MACDONALD, D.
Zealand and American Children,” Journal 0.
ALLPORT, G. W. (1947), The Use of Personal
Research Council, N.Y.
SIMS, VERNON M. (1948)., “The Essay Ex:
and Psychological Measurement, Vol. 8.
Colombo 7 is the postal address of the most King of Ceylon during the period 1582-92. Formerly, Professor of English in the Univer. A well known religious and social worker of A well known Sinhalese novelist who died a
Ceylon's foremost archaeologist. Now Rese
Ceylon.
a

AYASURIYA
dren from families of lower sociodr proportion of glamorous persons. e second part of this statement, for omic status were more realistic than e social environment is important, ut in a quite diffèrent way from that he social environment is important the sense that in a relatively primitive , choices but in an urbanised and high ir and romanticism about choices of
irising very briefly the more important study.
to be significant in the determination
nal factors or because of some other to be significant as ego ideals to the ttractive adults.
n the strength of agents of socialisation, w from the scarcity of mention of
(uence is not tenable on this data. choice ofan ego idealin a conservative
an urbanised high life society.
References
by Urban Children,” Journal of Social Psychology,
the Ideals of Adolescent Boys and Girls. Catholic UniWashington.
DORR, M. (1946), “The Development of the Ideal all of Educational Research, Vol. XL.
V. (1955), “Development of the Ideal Self in New
Educational Research, Vol. XLIX.
Documents in Psychological Science. Social Science
mination as a Projective Technique,' Educational
ashionable residential area in Colombo.
ity of Ceylon.
the early years of this century.
few years ago.
Irch Professor of Archaeology in the University of
༽

Page 43
THE PATTERN OF SOCIAL ]
KOTIKA
SUBHADRA SI
THE village of Kotikápola (literally, " on the Kurunägala-Kandy road betwe the south-east of Kurunāgala and north small township of Mavatagama. Th. to have been acquired as a result of a fi locality; in the course of the fight they the manner of two leopards. The vil climatic conditions of the Kurunāgala situated on flat land. The annual rain is just sufficient for the cultivation of p. year, maha and yala. The village is gire tions, Pitakande Estate on one side, an on the other.
TABLE I. POPULATION AND He
Families 103 Males 284. Houses 92. Rooms 234.
Table I shows that some accommo. are all cases of two or more brothers father's house. This is usually due to give them no opportunity to build ho one case-that of the Village Commit two brothers living with their families one, not because of any economic diffic nection with their business concerns. ' are no walls or fences to separate one h
In most houses the rooms are Very S1 scarcity of windows there is no doubt t of the vital requirements of sunlight a
1. From the main Kurunāgala-Kandy road ther the interior of the village. A cart track branc
1 miles, with footpaths spreading out like a and across little streams.

LIFE IN THE VILLAGE OF
POLA
RIWARDENA
leopard's eating-place ) is situated 2n the 8th and 9th mile-posts, to -west of Kandy, very close to the e name of the village is supposed ght between two blind men in the r had bitten and torn each other in lage is typical of the physical and District and is for the most part fall ranges from 75-100 inches and addy during the two seasons of the ded by cocoanut and rubber plantad Brenton and Robert Hill estates
OUSING (FEBRUARY 1955).
Females 280. Total 564. Latrines 83. Wells 30.
date more than one family. These living with their families in their poverty and landlessness, which uses of their own. There is only tee Chairman and his brother-of in the same house, which is a large culties, but for convenience in conThe houses are detached, but there buse from the other.
mall, narrow, and dark. From the hat the people are happily ignorant nd ventilation. The requirements e is a motorable gravel road of about a mile to
hes off from this gravel road and extends about cobweb from it, going up over a hill and dale

Page 44
164 SUBHADRA
are not considered when building h and Town Improvements Ordinan kitchen is usually separate from th instances where the fire-place was iu
The maximum number in a hous shows that an average of 6 person
number of 2.5 rooms.
TABLE III. SI
No. of occupants No. of houses
1.
1.
Most houses had a bed covered w for sleeping as well as for sitting. males sleep on the verandah and protecting the house and garden fro1 of furniture and hardly any use table with photographs and calendars, alpractical use to the villager.
More than 90% of the population; sprinkling of Hindus and Roman Kandyans. The low country Sin absorbed into the pattern of living i
TABLE III. R
Sinhalese
- -Aس- مصمصـــــــــــص
Louw Country Kandyan Indian Tamil 55 481 28
It is a noteworthy fact that the In labourers, but are at present landow
TABLE TV. C
Culinators Jaggery Drитет (Goyigama) (Vahumpura) (Nakati)
399 90 14

SIRIWARDENA
ouses, as the provisions of the Housing ce are not applicable in villages. The e living rooms, but there were a few n the corner of the living room.
ehold is 14, the minimum 1. Table II s live in a household with an average
ZE OF HOUSEHOLD
No. of occupants No. of houses
8 8
9 7 10 4 11 4. 12 2
13 2
14 3
ith a mat in the verandah and it is used Very often one or more of the older reduce the congestion within, besides m robbers. There are very few articles s for dining. But the walls are covered though the latter may not be of much
are Sinhalese Buddhists, with a negligible Catholics. Of the Sinhalese 90% are halese and Indian settlers have been in the village.
ACE AND RELIGION
Buddhist Hindu Roman Catholic
533 28 3.
dian Tamils had first come as estate ners of the area, as well as labourers.
ASTE DISTRIBUTION
Dhoby Goldsmith Indian (Radā) (Acari) Tamil Total 25 8 28 564

Page 45
༣
SOCIAL LIFE IN
As the above table indicates, most o the goyigama caste and asserted that t Their superiority is recognised by the to this birth-right of theirs. The nam. For instance, all the Bandas and Mänik high caste (goyigama); drummers have so forth. The people of the so called to those of lower caste. Seats and b. those of equal caste, and given by the
Connubium and commensality with Viclation of these strictures, especial person, is punished by the offender b The offender and his progeny are deba. occasions in the houses of people of his individuals who have been thus ostra concrete instance was that of a goyiga man. She is completely cut off from Situatl Ol.
The dhobies, drummers and Smiths pations, besides paddy cultivation. T The vahumpura or jaggery caste pec occupation of tree-tapping, and do Instead they eke out a living by labo cultivating according to the andē sy these people, both men and womer function, that of working as tempor the goyigama or cultivator caste. For somely, mostly in kind. The village occupation of his family, that of ton temple on poya and festival days. Fo temple lands (viharagam), perhaps th drummer is also the village exorcise which services he is paid in money. his work requires years of training at th paddy cultivation and carpentry a enable him to live fairly comfortably.
Members of the dhoby caste, bot traditional caste occupation, that of w for which they are paid both in mon

KOTIKAPOLA 165
f the people in the village belong to hey are superior to the other castes. 2 others who seem to be reconciled es of people indicate each one's caste. es are supposed to be of the so-called a names like Suramba, Pasindu, and high caste do not offer betel and seats étel are offered to, and accepted by,
lower to the higher castes.
members of a lower caste are taboo. y that of Connubium by a goyigama being ostracised by his or her caste. rred from participating in ceremonial caste. I was informed of and shown cised for violating caste rules. One ma woman married to a vahumpura her people but is reconciled to her
perform their traditional caste occuhey are paid in money, not in kind. ple do not follow their traditional not own cocoanut trees for tapping. uring in the estates or roads and by stem. It is interesting to note that l, still observe an obligatory casteary cooks at the wedding houses of this service they are paid quite hand2 drummers perform the traditional n-tcm beating at the local Buddhist }r these Services thay hold hereditary le only vestige of feudalism. The r, soothsayer, and devil dancer, for
As with other caste occupations, e feet of a teacher. Home gardening, re supplementary occupations, and
h male and female, perform their vashing clothes for the higher castes, ey and in kind. Nowadays there is

Page 46
166 SUBHADRA
a tendency among youths in the vill: as estate labour or driving motor vel for this change : most of the people
dhoby either in money or in kind, an and enjoyed equal rights with childr shy of taking to the traditional occ noteworthy fact that dhobies do no lower castes, e.g., drummer, Smith,
clothes unless they are rich enough to by the so-called higher castes.
All the people in the village know another-economic status, children, distinctions, there is hardly any diff among high and low castes. Almos cultivator, and either owns the land to the andé system. There is equali the local School (Delgolla Governme
TABLE W. AGE,
Male
f Age Group Literate Illiterate Tofal Under 5 2 48 5-14 74 4 78
15-18 16 -- 16
19-50 103 7 110 Over 50 29 2 31 TOTAL 223 13 284
15 to 18 per cent of the general po and of this number 85 per cent ar females is particularly evident in the age-group over 50, 11.2 per cent of mother tongue. Questioned as to write, the answer given by all the present-day parents, did not see the as the only school for the surround co-education was not favoured. T at a very early age, and the over teens. From the time they ceased the various domestic duties such as after siblings. Females found to be illit 9 percent of the general illiterate po

SIRIWARDENA
age to take to other occupations, such nicles. Two reasons may be adduced of the village are too poor to pay the d the youths who have gone to school en of the so-called higher castes fight :upation in the same village. It is a it wash for members of the so-called and vahumpura, who wash their own be elevated to the social status enjoyed
each other and everything about one character, and so on. In spite of caste trence in the mode of life or outlook t every man is a full-time or part-time or works the fields of others according ty of opportunity where admission to nt School) is concerned.
SEX AND LITERACY
Female
rー ----س---------^س----------- Grand Literate Illiterate Total Total
32 80
68 3 71 149
21 5 26 42
78 45 123 234
6 22 28 59
173 75 280 564
pulation above the age of 15 is illiterate, e females. This marked illiteracy cf : age groups over 14. Of the general the females can read and write their why they did not learn to read and women was that their parents, unlike : value of female education, especially ling villages was a mixed school, and he other reason is that women marry -18 age group married in their early to be toddlers they were initiated into cooking, drawing water, and looking erate between the ages of5 and 18 (about pulation and 3.7 per cent of the illitęrate

Page 47
SOCIAL LIFE IN
female population) are daughters of are convinced that if they were able their daughters would miss nothing by
Of the 15 per cent illiterate male 85 per cent are in the age group 5illiterate mothers. Asked why they given were that the older brothers ha while the parents were away in the p refused to attend school because of c school. Most of the illiterate males misfortune in not being educated, and children are not deprived of this priv. 50 who are literate, the majority had b at the local Buddhist temple, that is, 1 education is far superior to that impar day schools.
TABLE VI. SCHOOL
(Total popul
Age Group Male
5-14 56 15-18 10 Over 18 1.
Total 67
Delgolle Government School 62 R. C. School, Mawatagama 4. Weuda Junior School 1.
Maliyadeva Girls School, Kurunegala --
Table VI indicates that of the entire and fall within the age-group 5-18, w is 19 and attends Weuda Junior Schoc boys is higher than girls in this age gro school going population are between majority leave school after the age of 1 slightly outnumber the girls, while in A comparison with table 5 shows tha 5–14, the ages between which educe 32 per cent do not go to school.
The village itself has no school. The at the Malandeniya Government Scho at Māvatagama. 82 per cent of the pr

KOTIKAPOLA 167
illiterate mothers. These mothers to manage without being literate, 7 their illiterary.
s of the general population, nearly 50. Here too they are children of did not go to school, the reasons d to look after the younger siblings addy fields. In some cases the boys orporal punishment awarded in the admitted that they regretted their are doing their best to see that their illege. Of the older men aged over een educated at the feet of the bhikku pirivena education. They claim that ted to their grandchildren in present
S AND EDUCATION ation, 564)
Female Total
46 102 13 23 - 1.
59 126
54
2
3
population 22.14% attend school, ith the exception of cne boy who l. The percentage of school-going up. Since nearly 81 per cent of the the ages 5-14, it is evident that the 4. In the 5-14 age group the boys the 15-18 age group it is the reverse. It of the children in the age group tion is compulsory by law, nearly
: older generation had been educated ol and the Roman Catholic School esent generation attend the Dangole

Page 48
168 SUBHADRA
Government School which was oper from the village. The present hea for the last nine years and have coi school. Three students sat the S.S. time in December 1955. Until 19 level. There are 11 teachers includ 6 are women, including 3 vernacular male trained teacher. The number and 160 boys. Of these 116 are fro1 buildings.
The curriculum in the school cons Social Studies, Hygiene, Rural Scier Instruction in handicraft is elementa for which the raw material is avail: in the school garden. Physical exc physical drill and outdoor games lik represent a conscious attempt on th keep abreast of the urban Englis extra-curricular activities, including are arranged. The school also par and Elocution Tests. According to in all activities than the boys. Tui procure their own books. There is
On leaving school 90 per cent of pation of paddy cultivation. Others scale business in the neighbouring t the Nittambuva Teacher's Training neighbouring schools. Most of the schooling, and loiter in the village of paddy cultivation. They probab relation to their agrarian economy cation' the villagers mean book lea which would enable them mainly vocational ambition is teaching, an 5 per cent of the students from the v
Nobody seems to be able to conceiv methods of agriculture, animal hus are most likely to promote the econc The instruction offered in the Scho

SIRIWARDENA
led 18 years ago and is about 1 miles lmaster and his wife have been there ntributed much to the progress of the C (Sinhalese) examination for the first 54 classes had been up to the J.S.C. ng the English Assistant, and of these trained teachers. There is not a single on the roll was 333, with 173 girls m Kotikäpola. There are three School
ists of Sinhalese, English, Mathematics, ce, Art, Handwork and Needlework. ry, and consists only of Coir weaving, ble locally, The children also work arcise for boys and girls consists of e volleyball and netball, which games e part of both teachers and pupils to h schools. The school encourages folk dancing, and term-end cencerts ticipates in the District Sports Meets the headmaster, the girls are keener tion is free, but the children have to no school library.
the boys take to the hereditary occutake to tailoring, carpentry and small ownships. One past student entered
College. Two girls are teachers in boys leave school early as they dislike 1ntil they are absorbed into the work ly dislike book learning as it has little and home environment. By ' edurning and the acquiring of certificates to become teachers. The highest d this profession is confined to only llage school.
te of education in the form of improved pandry, and cottage industries, which mic and social progress of the village. ols today is of little practical value.

Page 49
SOCIAL LIFE IN
The villagers will benefit if more emph in the existing schools, or by opening in industries which make use of the r weaving, basket-making, pottery, pou initial response may be poor as showr centre established in the village. A v started by the joint efforts of the Vill: The school is adjacent to the communi pupils under one teacher. Students sele day. The products, chiefly towels and s hospital.
There is little variety in the leisure-t play in the fields and gardens as there the one in the school. Only the boys playing is the common boy's game. school, where it is compulsory. At their share of the domestic duties such as water and so on. They say that they homework and read the textbooks to The children do not possess any moderi from well-to-do families. The cinema the lives of these children. The only Centre and one in the house of the V. only films that adults and children hav commercial advertising films.
This account of education would be education which the grey-haired men when there were no schools within a belonging mainly to the age-group b in the Buddhist Temple, where they from the priests. The curriculum was books with Buddhist themes. They w or mathematics, except whatever was old folk-tales, ballads, vannam songs, inc uring Villages, genealogies of people, ai the area, are at their finger tips if one he of these men can recite very beautifully school child carries a lot of books on lacks knowledge in proportion to th imparted by the bhikku in the temple,

KOTIKAPOLA 169
asis is laid on vocational education
vocational schools for instruction aw material of the cocoanut tree, ltry and bee-keeping, But the by the failure of a doll-making yeaving school has however been ge Committee and local societies. ty centre hall, and has 25 girls as cted are paid seventy five cents per heets, are sold to the Mavatagama
ime activities of the children who is no public playground other than and the little girls play, and marble Teenage girls do not play except at nome these girls have to perform washing clothes, cooking, drawing have hardly any time to do their
which their reading is confined. l toys, except in the case of the few and radio have not yet penetrated radios are one in the Community illage Committee Chairman. The e seen are Health propaganda and
incomplete without a word on the of the village have had in the past
radius of ten miles. These men etween 60 and 70, were edueated learnt to read and write Sinhalese |imited to Sinhalese verse and prose ere not taught history, geography, incorporated in these books. But idents connected with the neighbold the history of the plantations in is the time to listen to them. Some . According to them the modern which money has been spent, but eir books Since education was
the females did not benefit by the

Page 50
170 SUBHADRA
ancient system, and the literacy of learnt from older men in their fam especially the jataka stories. The and they look askance at children school texts.
In this village there is one instan that prevailed in ancient India and and taught by the teacher, living i son. The only fee is the renderi house, garden and fields. This is imparts his knowledge to his thirtee The boy went to school up to Sta. to learn his traditional caste occupa drumming, chanting, and dancing : of beating the different kinds of d according to the various rhythms ballads, and learns the dance-form: of planetary gods for bali ceremo cocoanut leaves.
TABLE VII. OCC
Cultivators 53 Tailors Labourers (M) 38 Tailors' ar Labourers (F) 6 Dhobies ( Businessmen : Dhobies ( Studio owner 1. Policemer Hotel owner 1. Army Rice mill owner 1. Carpenter Tea Kiosk owners 2 Drivers Boutique owners 6 Mason Village headman 1. Blacksmit Vel vidane 1. fòrummer
The majority are cultivators. Alt in Table VII, almost all the female years of age and infants, perform suc transplanting, and collecting the ri of all classes consider agricultural morning's work, the villagers sit d and dry fish served on plantain lea they take plain tea with jaggery.
Despite landlessness, every man i According to information supplied nams are under cultivation accord

SIRIWARDENA
women over 50 is confined to what they ilies. The literate read religious books, older people have never read fiction who try to read books other than their
ce of the antevasilea System ofeducation Ceylon, where the pupil is maintained in the latter's house in the position of a ng of personal service in the teacher's the case of the village drummer who 'n-year old pupil who lives in his house. ndard VII and on leaving school began tion. He learns by active participation, at ceremonies. The curriculum consists cum Such as gaita bera, dauul, tamanditan, and tunes. He memorises poems and s, clay-modelling and painting of statues nies, and decorative work with tender
UPATIONAL DISTRIBUTION
7 Drummer apprentice Gram seller Lorry cleaner
1.
oprentices 1. 1.
Cloth weaver (F) 1. 1.
1.
2 M) 5 F) 1.
3 Teachers (M) 2 Teachers (F) 2 Domestic servants : 2 over 18 (M) 7 1. under 14 (M) 2 1. under 14 (F) 2 1.
S
hough not included among cultivators s, except the very old women over 75 sh tasks in paddy cultivation as weeding, 2aped paddy. Both men and women tasks as highly respectable. After the own in the field itself to a meal of rice Ves. During the periodical rest-breaks
s a cultivator, at least as an ande tenant by the villagers, 46 acres or 14, amuing to the ande system, while 96 acres

Page 51
SOCIAL LIFE IN
or 32 amunams are cultivated by owl mented through inheritance have on C co-owners or by a complete outsider. turns, and may till the land only onc of rotation is also applied to cocoanu I was told that large tracts of land enci to the villagers but had been bought b for as little as fifty cents per acre, fo ations. Some villagers are compelled t
TABLE VIII. ]
Buffaloes Bulls
57 24
Livestock resources are also shared ac the owner giving the cattle to be tende The latter looking after the animals anc paddy cultivation, and giving a share of keeping is a hobby of teenage boys a the houses to collect eggs.
TABLE IX. LAND OWN
Landless Less than one acre 1-5 acre
29 33 26
Possession of land gives social importa and land disputes are frequent causes of
There are two crops of paddy for th tember, and the maha from October ti with lotus and other aquatic plants ir acres. The rest of the fields depend ( little streams. The agricultural methc from time immemorial. The plough the fields, the hoe for further levelling, people who can afford to, manure their paddy is done by buffaloes. In all the
one another, and exchange their bufi after school hours.
The first meal prepared out of the 1 for every family. No one forgets to

OʻTIKAPOLA 171
rs. Fields which have been fragccasion been bought by one of the Some cultivate inherited land by in five or six years. This system trees, and is known as tattumaru. cling the village had once belonged t enterprising capitalists, sometimes the purpose of cocoanut plant) serve as labourers in these estates.
IVESTOCK
Cous Poultry 13 23
cording to the andé system, that is, d by those who do not possess any. employing them for purposes like the produce to the owner. Poultry ld one girl. Middlemen come to
ERSHIP PER FAMILY
'S 6-10 acres over 10 acres
6 9
nce in an agricultural community, village quarrels.
e year, the yala from April to SepMarch. The small tank covered rigates an extent of about twenty in rain and water channelled from ds and implements are those used and mammoty are used to farrow and the sickle for reaping. A few fields. The threshing of the reaped e tasks the villagers co-operate with
loes. Children help in the fields
ew paddy is a ceremonial occasion et apart something for the bhikkus

Page 52
172 SUBHADRA
of the local temple and for the G immediately following is the busies villager.
TABLE X. ExTEN
Paddy C
Ande Оитned
46 96
About 80 per cent of the villagers sufficient for domestic consumption. jak tree, one or more cocoanut tre ancestral properties in which each with his family, the produce of jak in turns each year (called karu ande middlemen visit the home gardens
could spare at low rates. On occ especially in the case of plantains.
TABLE X
Under 14 15-18 Over 18 1
Labour in the nearby estates, rice service, forms the most widely ado Wage labour of this kind is distingu and gives one a comparatively lower of the lower castes whose caste occi taken to paid labour, but men of h and 31.2 per cent of the male earners a per cent of the total labour force. so called low castes, especially the ve consider it a disgrace to work for starvation. -
The most a man could earn by lab earns two rupees. One old wido' earnings as a labourer said that whe goes to neighbouring villages in s servants are also full-time labourers th

SIRIWARDENA
ods. Harvesting time and the period t and happiest part of the year for the
TS OF CROPS IN ACRES
oconut Rubber
42 13
cultivate on a home garden scale, just
There is hardly a house that has no es, and a grove of plantain trees. In inheritor has built a house and settled and cocoanut trees is shared or taken by the villagers). Muslim and Tamil and buy whatever produce the village asion they buy the yield in advance,
I. EARNERS
Male Fetnale
2 3. 3 1. 43 8
mills, and on the roads, and domestic pted occupations, next to cultivation. lished from labour in the paddy fields social and economic status. Most men upations have gone into oblivion have igh caste also become wage labourers, tre labourers, while females form 14.5
These female labourers are from the thumpura caste. Women of high caste wages even if they are reduced to
our is three rupees a day and a woman
w who maintains her family by her
'n there is no work in the village, she
earch of employment. As domestic
ley have been included in this category.

Page 53
SOCIAL LIFE IN
There are male servants in the houses village, but having servants is the exce
Business is almost negligible and th or the initiative to launch into busines the whole village which stocks every 1 arecanut to rice and curry stuffs, tinned patent and ayurvedic medicine. A SI uring town Mavatagama, half a mile a be done at the weekly fair. A hand places as distant as Vavuniya to open are all young men who received at le local school.
Tailoring rates high as an occupation sidered respectable to be a tailor, though in the village itself. Nearly 10.5 per c they work in shops at Mavatagama. T One young man owns and hires a mot There is only one blacksmith in the vill to mouth existence, and he does not w occupation of turning out ploughs, k available at the fair from traders. T occupations only with the aid of su cultivation. Two youths have joined t The parents of the policemen are prouc their sons for such a job. One man ow gama, and his son develops the photos the vernacular training college. There and one female weaving school teacher.
Although Table XI indicates that t sense of earning money, nobody in the work in their own fields, and home ga occupations are mat, bag and cadjan v woven to store paddy, rice, curry stuff
2. In the house of a family temporarily settled it
of age employed as a domestic servant.
3. One policeman is from a Roman Catholic fa.
 

KOTIKAIPOLA 173
of the two richest families in the tion rather than the rule.
e villagers do not have the capital s. There is only one boutique for equirement ranging from betel and foods and soaps, articles of clothing, Inday fair is held in the neighboway, and all buying and selling can ful of villagers have emigrated to tea kiosks and boutiques, and they ast an elementary education at the
. If one is not a farmer it is conit is not a very lucrative occupation 'ent of male earners are tailors, but wo 13-year old boys are apprentices. ior car, and he is proud of the fact. age and he seems to eke out a hand ant his son to follow the hereditary nives, sickles, etc., since they are hese craftsmen can continue their pplementary earnings from paddy he army, and three are policemen.3 i of their achievement of educating ns a photographic studio at Mavata
One young man is a trainee at is one S.S.C. qualified lady teacher,
here are only a few earners in the village can afford to be idle. They rdens and the women's leisure time seaving. Reed bags of all sizes are s, and other cereals.
l the village the writer found a girl under 7 years
mily.

Page 54
174 SUBHADRA
TABLE XII. LEVELS ON
Incотe group No. of families
Below Rs. 5 Rs. 6-10 RS. 11-15 Rs... 16-20 Rs... 21-25 RS. 26-30 RS. 31-35 Rs. 36-40 Rs.. 41-45 Rs.. 46-50
Only 19.41 per cent of the villag per month. Most people get into marriage and death. Two or thre area; their houses are bigger and roofs tiled, floors cemented, and be houses have plenty of garden spac anyone would work for them ever are sent by car to school at Kurunā the rest of the village. The majori of one to three rooms, with roofs daubed with clay, and their furnitu teapoy, and a large wooden box. bags, and one or two sets of clothing peasants and labourers, the only seat (pila) covered with a mat.
The compounds in front of the there are heaps of refuse elsewhere proportion of about one to every wells constructed at central places b and repaired by the Village Comm Rs. 30/- and a concrete squatting latrine. Nearly 12 per cent of the h did not have a separate latrine, and
The men usually wear a sarong, l Women wear thick printed cotton but hardly any underwear. The ol women of lower caste wear cloth an others. Little girls of poor parents cloth below the waist. Older girls even teenagers, wear a sarong tucke

SIRIWARDENA
MONTHLY INCOME PER FAMILY
Income group No. of families.
RS. 51-55 9 RS. 56-6) 19 RS. 61-65 7 RS. 66-70 2 RS. 71-75 5 RS. 76-80 1. RS. 81-85 2 RS. 86-90) 3 RS. 91-95 3
e families have an income of over 100/- debt on occasions such as birth, illness, e related families are the richest in the better built with walls white-washed; etter furnished than the others. These e. As they were chiefs of the village as domestic servants. Their children gala. Their diet and dress is superior to ity live in very small houses, consisting thatched with cadjan, walls and floor ce consists of one or two chairs, a small A few pots and pans, mats and reed comprise the belongings of the landless ; in their houses being a raised half-wall
houses are well swept in a pattern, but : in the gardens. There are wells in a four houses. Of these 6 are model y the local Rural Development Society littee. The Central Government gives plate to anyone who desires to build a ouses, including one with 14 occupants, did not consider it an essential facility.
saving the upper part of the body bare. s, Kandyan saree style, with a jacket, der women do not wearjackets. Two djacket, but not in the same way as the wear either a petticoat or a piece of wear a half-saree and jacket. The boys, d up at the knees, without a banian or
്

Page 55
SOCIAL LIFE IN
shirt. Boys of seven and eight contin insensitive to the presence of strangers, cleaner clad when going out of the vill
The staple food of the village is rice. do not go beyond a malun of green lea some dry fish. These vegetables are Sunday fair. In one household the da and dry fish curry. Most of the babie sugar is also given. Milk is not drunk fields. When questioned, some peop disorders and has evil influences on of children is attributed to planeta1 beliefs influence children's diet.
TABLE XIII. VITAL
Births Death. 12 4
There is a government hospital at M (western) dispensary and two ayurvedic and midwife of Mävatagama make r( are 3 cripples, 2 epileptics, 1 partially growth in the age-group 7-20. Most with rickets and were underdeveloped, ; convulsions in infancy. 95 per cent o buted to convulsions. The physicall families, and have not been to school.
The basic social unit round which t family. There are 103 families with Seniority of age is respected. The p views of the heads of the village, such Village Committee Chairman, who v of life is the same day after day. The men set out to the paddy fields or plac the morning meal and the children st prior to weaving. The school going the men gather at the only boutique or a cigar, beedi, or chew of betel, excl ΟΥ listen in to the radio.
 

KOTIKAPOLA 175
ue to play about stark naked, quite Everyone is of course better and
age.
The curries of the average village ves or jak and other vegetables, and grown at home or bought at the 7's lunch consisted of kurakkan pittu s are breast fed, and plain tea with , cattle being used for work in the le said that milk causes stomach regnant women. Illness or death y influences. Many superstitious
STATISTICs, 1955
s Marriages
10
lavatagama in addition to a private dispensaries. The sanitary inspector outine visits to the village. There 7 blind, and 1 person of stunted bf the children seemed to be afflicted and most of them had suffered from f cases of infant mortality are attriy disabled are a burden on their
he individual's life is centred is the an average of 5-6 persons in each. eople incline towards the political as the headman and his brother the vield great authority. The rhythm villager rises with the sun and the es of work. The women attend to art collecting cadjans to be soaked children leave early. After work at the Community Centre and enjoy ange local news, read newspapers,

Page 56
176 SUBHADRA
Women spend their spare time g steps and compounds. Not more t can sew or darn, and this too is limi There is free mixing of the sexes temple, and school. Females are e speak softly, to be obedient to all eld Girls are not sent to the boutique strict discipline for boys or men.
This is a monogamous society, b in the marriage tie, and conjugal daughters return to their parents both men and women marry you and men in their early twenties. ration postponing marriages. Di than binna (uxorilocal).4
The husband being the breadwin first place of authority in the house children to respect and obey him. she assumes more authority. The and children have eaten, and there is at meals. In fact few houses have given to methodical child-rearing they can take solid food, and the Elder siblings or the grandmother
The local Buddhist temple, the F tution in the village and is the focal the community. Whereas caste ti together. The chief incumbent is the village. The temple itself is sel it a privilege to offer alms to the and consoles the bereaved, invokes women by chanting pirit, and deliv assembly hall. The temple librar about 100 books including 25 palm
The temple assembly hall is use nature. There is a Sunday Schoo
attend it. The chief bhikku holds :
4. There was one case of polygyny, a man

i SHIRIWARDENIA
ossiping with one another on the doorhan 4 per cent of the female population ted to the younger set attending school. at work in the fields, the Sunday fair, xpected to be less forward, shy, and to lers, and modest in dress and movement. : even in an emergency. There is no
ut it is not usual to find some elasticity fidelity is liable to waver. Married after a broken marriage. Generally ng, most of the women in their teens, There is evidence of the present genega (virilocal) marriages are Commoner
ner and protector of the family is given hold and it is the duty of the wife and If the wife has brought a large dowry women take their meals after husbands no custom of the family sitting together a table for dining. Little thought is practices. Infants are breast-fed until 1 rice forms a part of the baby's diet. help keep an eye on the little ones.
(otikápola Viharaya, is the oldest instipoint of most of the unifying forces in ends to disrupt, the temple draws all looked upon as the spiritual leader of lf-supporting, but the villagers consider priests. The bhikku attends at funerals blessings on the sick and on pregnant ers sermons on poya days at the temple y is a separate building and contains
leaf books.
'd for all purposes of a congregatory 1 and about 100 children and teachers a class for pupil teachers. He has also
having two wives under the same roof. ്,

Page 57
SOCIAL LIFE IN
encouraged a children's society know besides imparting religious knowled (vannan) are taught. On poya and fest New Year) the villagers attend the te and flowers, and after these offerings elders according to seniority. The el them. In the peraharas both males and
The Village Committee has opened by the side of the village tank. The reading matter, including the Sinhal is played by the men in the adjoining C as the Kotikápola Gramasanvardana K. meetings here. This society works in sadhaka Samitiya. Both societies are bhikku and the Village Committee Chai transplanting campaigns, run the Sun Movement. Working together in s common good is a new and democrati
Representative government, the de cation, the opening of schools and th medical and sanitary facilities, rural and radio, have all wrought changes f forces have not penetrated sufficiently t of social life. The tendency to imitat material aspect, is noticeable, but th community centred around the age-o either as a full time or supplementary to caste and traditional ways of life.
According to the oldest inhabitants narrow footpaths; it is now reachec available every hour to Kurunagala ar. annual visit to Kandy to the Temple oft years ago such journeys would have be cart. Cars are hired for emergencie The presence of low country people villagers from their lethargy, and pro is conducive to their economic progr which they once owned has been conv people on whom they look with sus

KOTIKA POLA 177
/n as the Bosat Society, in which, ge, traditional ballads and songs ivaldays (eg. Vesak, Poson, Durutu, mple clad in white, bearing incense are made, touch the feet of their ders in turn bless those that honour
females participate.
a Community Centre Hall situated hall is provided with a radio and ese daily newspapers. Voley ball ourt. The women's society known ulangama Samitiya holds fortnightly cooperation with the men's Punnydue to the initiative of the chief rman. The societies conduct paddy day School, and the local Savings pecially organised groups for the c idea in the village.
velopment of means of communihe increase of literacy, provision of development work, the newspaper or the folk of Kotikipola, but these o bring about a total transformation e patterns of city life, especially the e village remains a homogeneous ld occupation of paddy cultivation occupation, the people conforming
the village was accessible only by | by a motorable road. Buses are d Kandy, and the villagers make an he Tooth (dalada maligava). Twenty en undertaken on foot or by bullock s such as illness, or for weddings.
and Indian Tamils has roused the duced a spirit of competition which ss. They lament the fact that land rted into plantations by low country picion, considering them wiser and

Page 58
178 SUBHADRA
more cunning than themselves. O1 that the low country man 'comes a wealthy businessman or planter, an them in money making.
The Sunday fair at Mavatagama is cocoanuts, and arecanuts are bought Kandy and Gampola, and transport beetroot, and carrots find their way fairs. Ready-made clothing is avai ments. In regard to dress, there ar. forms. The men wear the Wester they leave the village, but may or occasions, especially weddings, bri the traditional tuppotti, jacket and all elaborately decorated with gold dhobies to dress the groom for th their hair long while the younger r modernisation. There is hardly a styles. Brides wear no veils which on the one hand, and the dress of R a Church, on the other. Instead th and several chains and bangles. The could be hired. The use of amplifie
from the towns.
The western method of greeting should clasp the palms together in may your life be long. Persons higher caste bends slightly as a m fashion. Poor people of lower cast the road, move on to a side of the 1 shawl or large handkerchief that m cognition of one's subordinate posit lower caste are offered stools in the the latter do not sit at all if they ha But wealth levels down these diffe birth to the same social position of high caste are happy about this chal or obliges them to share these priv
The newspaper is considered an for a villager to allude to the paper

SIRIWARDENA
he owner of a tea kiosk told the writer in as a vagabond' and soon becomes d that he too opened a hotel to emulate
the centre of trade. Plantains, husked wholesale by merchants from Colombo, ed by lorry. Items such as cabbage, 7 to the villager's menu through these lable, as well as cheap imported orna2 innovations alongside the traditional n coat over the cloth or sarong when may not wear shoes. On ceremonial degrooms of the goyigama caste wear headdress, and the conventional shoes, and silver thread. There are special 2 occasion. The older men still wear nales cut their hair short-a symbol of ny change in women's dress or hair are associated with the Muslim purdah oman Catholic women when entering he bride wears an ornamental headdress : bridal clothes of both men and women rs and cinema records has been adopted
with a handshake is unknown. One he form of worship and say ayubovan, of lower caste when greeting one of ark of respect whilst greeting in this e meeting a higher caste individual on oad and bend slightly, and remove the ly be on their shoulders. This is a reion and a mark of respect. People of houses of people of higher caste, while ppen to visit the houses of the former. rences and can bring a person of low one of high caste. Not all people of ge, which deprives them of privileges, ileges with others.
infallible authority, and it is common s to confirm a statement. Most of the

Page 59
N
SOCIAL LIFE IN
gossip in the community centre relates gossip is confined to local happenin informative and partly interpretative, control and a medium for the formati
The school is definitely the chief met tion of new ideas. People look up to everything they do not know and if, a Delgolle Government School, he has years, the villagers consult him on var end of each school term the pupils teacher as a mark of respect. It is cu the beginning of term or on admissior leaves (bulat hurulla). Pupils dare n towards a teacher. These are relics of of the past. At school children are i and the influence of this health educati in which there are girls attending sch more self-confident and responsible.
Few officials of state have visited the comes over on the rare occasions wh The midwife is rarely summoned, as Mavatagama hospital. The Agricultur Officer could render great service b cultivation. The scorn with which the villagers may be attributed to 1 officials concerned.
There have been no grave crimes decade, and no cases even of minor of years, although acute fragmentation c
5. In fact the writer received a letter from one in the interest taken in the village, and vol
 
 

KOTIKAPOLA 179
to news in the dailies, while women's
gs. Gossip is an institution, partly and functions as a means of social
on of public opinion.
dium of social change and the infiltrathe schoolmaster as an authority on s in the case of the Headmaster of the been in the school for a number of ious matters. At the beginning and fall on their knees and worship the 1stomary also to greet the teacher at to the school with a bundle of betel tot retort or behave disrespectfully f the teacher(guru)-pupil relationship instructed in the rudiments of health on is seen in the cleanliness of houses tool. The school has made children
village. The public health inspector len an infectious disease is reported. most of the expectant mothers go to al Instructor and the Food Production y introducing scientific methods of paddy transplanting is viewed by ack of effective propaganda by the
reported from this village in the past fences or petty thefts in the past three fland is productive of disputes.
} of the girls in the S.S.C form expressing her joy unteering to disclose any necessary information.

Page 60
THE STATUE AT POTGUL-VEH
SIRI GU
SINCE its discovery the sc-called st Potgul-Vehera, Polonnaruva, (Fig. 1 amount of controversy from the p the basis of its general appearance an Agastya found in Cambodia and Sc in it a representation of this India takes it to be the portrait of the grea bāhu I (1153–1186 A.D.), the late on iconographical grounds being
It must be stated at the very outs is mainly due to the fact that the piece of work iconographically, sir found in India cr elsewhere where I The smallest resemblance to a know comes very striking and students ar. such similarities alone. This is obvi in this sagely figure a representatio no time, any adherents in Ceylon. mention in any of the literary work of any other. Although this statu to that of the images of Agastya the 1 of this sage, aksamala and kamandal it. Any student of whatever scho no cult image could ever exist w more so in the case of Indian relig the appearance of a sage. Part of usual in the images of Agastya ; f tangled hair, long moustache droop beard, prominent belly, upavita an Nevertheless it certainly is not an in
1. For a summary of the opinions expressed, se in Polonnaruva,” Ceylon Journal of Science
2. S. Paranavitana, “ The Statue near Potgul
1952. pp. 209 ff.
3. O. C. Gangoly (Editor, Rupam), "The Cult
(Rupam, January 1926).

ERA, POLONNARUVA-CEYLON
NASINGHE
atue of Parakramabahu the Great at has been the subject of a considerable bint of view of indentification. On dits similarity to well known statues of uth India many authorities tend to see n sage. Popular tradition, however,
test ruler of Polonnaruva, Parakrama
st authority to support this tradition
Dr. S. Paranavitana.
et that much of the misunderstanding statue has been considered an unique mply because no prototype has been hdian artistic traditions have prevailed. in type, however superficial it is, be2 led to establish an identity based on ously the case of those who recognize n of Agastya whose cult has had, at
Nor does this sage ever find any Es of the Polonnaruva period or those presents an appearance very similar most significanticonographical symbols '4, are very conspicuously absent from ol of religious art would agree that ithout its iconographical symbolism, icus art. No doubt the image bears the iconography undoubtedly is that or example the high conical head of ing at the corners of the mouth, long over-all look of age and wisdom. age of Agastya if the aksamala and the
e S. Paranavitana, “ The Statue at the Potgul Vehera
II/6, p. 229 f. 'ehera at Polonnaruva, Ceylon,” (Artibus Asiae, XV
of Agastaya: and the Origin of Indian Colonial Art'

Page 61
THE STATUE AT
kamandalu are not present. The mo therefore is, in the words of Bell, th elderly guru or religious teacher.'
As for the opinion that the statue is mabahu it must be said at the very c1 than a popular tradition and the un in that it seems to lack all idealisation 1 art of Ceylon, for which reason autho if the statue in question were a piece if it were a portrait figure, we need in realism of it, since we know that mu and Ceylon is more often idealised th we are not in a position to demonstr. it is not impossible to doubt the histo for certainty that much of such pop objects and sites in Ceylon has been that most of the ancient viharas are a or Vattagamini Abhaya when archa to be untenable. There is the well popularly called that of Kustaraja. T was, until recently, called the tomb Polonnaruva has been popularly ro the term Potgul-Vehera has been call therefore be very cautious in acceptii archaeological or historical evidence for the popular identification of the historical nor archaeological support. never been shown without their crov phernalia symbolic of kingship. It is but doubtful identifications as in the at Ruvanvalisiya and, Nissankamalla : have at least one representation of a the outline drawing representing Niss (Fig. 2) carved besides his inscription it is stated that it is the manner in wi shipping the foot-print. In all the crown and ornaments, etc. We do have been made in the case of Parak the Cillavamsa he is the one king wh nature, and revelled in the fact that he
4. Archaeological Survey of Ceylon, Annual Report
 

POTGUL VEHERA 181
st that one could Say in this respect at it is the representation of "some
a portrait sculpture of King Parākrautset that it is based on nothing more usual aspect presented by the statue normal in the predominantly religious rities have seen a portrait in it. Even of secular art, or to be precise, even ct lay great emphasis on the so-called lch of the portrait sculpture of India an not. As for the popular tradition ate its authenticity. On the contrary ricity of this tradition since we know )ʻular tradition attaching to historical proved to be groundless. We know ittributed to either Devanampiyatissa rologically such attribution is found known case of a Bodhisatva statue he Dakkhina-thtipa in Anuradhapura of Elara. The Tivanka Pilimage at agarded as Demalamahasāya. Even ad in question by Bell. We should ng a too popular identification if no comes forth in support of it. As ! statue in question we have neither
So far as it is known, kings have vns and ornaments and other paranot necessary to depend on popular case of the statues of Dutugāmunu and Valagambahu at Dambulla. We king, closer in time to our statue : ahkamala in the act of worshipping, at Siripada (Adam's Peak) in which hich King Nissankamala stood worse instances the king is shown with not see why an exception should ramabahu the Great. According to O took immense pride in his warlike : brought all Ceylon under his domi
(ASCAR), 1906, p. 11.

Page 62
182 SIRI GUI)
nation. If he (or a successor of his it would undoubtedly have been inv.
It has been argued that the most object held in the hands. We must true the other peculiarities are as si statue, in that they help us to rem its austere isolation and place it besi met with in the mural paintings oft these painted figures and the Potgul is surprised to find them so consister to identify the latter. We refer in p bearing a striking similarity to the P Pilimage at Polonnaruva belonging the Potgul-Vehera figure.6 There of mural paintings at the rock-cut shi of Parakramabahu the Great, where tions of three figures which closel paintings that were discovered in th Stupa and dated in the 12th century, where we see two figures very simila at the Gall Vihara, standing on eith similarity of these figures to one anot ography cannot be over-emphasised illustrations (see Figs. 3, 4, 5). All or less of the same Sagely appearance Vehera statue. While some figures, bald, others are pictured with jata-n statue. As far as one could see the our statue and the painted figures is Tivanka Pilimage. For the rest all t wear the drooping moustache, long eyes, upavita, sumptuous and protul ported at the waist by a belt with its rate bow. These are also the main with the exceptions, however, of the they do so. The Potgul-Vehera st fortuitous. On the contrary it is on
5. S. Paranavitana, op. cit.
6. ASCAR, 1909, Appendix C. For line drawing Pilimage is called ' Demalamaha Seya in t
7. ASCAR, 1907, Appendix C.

NASINGHE
) ever caused his statue to be made, sted with all his royal majesty.
important iconographical motif is the observe that while this is very largely gnificant in any identification of the »ve the Potgul-Vehera colossus from des many other similar figures to be he same period. The affinity between -Vehera statue is so marked that one itly ignored by every one attempting articular to a large number of figures otgul-Vehera colossus in the Tivanka undoubtedly to the same perica as have been discovered some remains ine of the Gal-Vihara, also the work again we come across the upper pory resemble our statue. Among the e relic chamber of the Mahiyangana was found a fragment of a painting r in appearance to the painted figureser side of the Buddha. That the her from the point of view of iconwill be clear from the accompanying these figures represent persons more and age as is portrayed in the Potgulfrom the Tivanka Pilimage, are shown lakutas very much in the line of our only point of dissimilarity between this baldness of a few examples from hese figures belong together : they all beard, pendant ear-lobes, half-closed erant belly and dhoti-like cloth suppeculiar central knot tied in an elaboL characteristics of the Potgul figure : objects held in the hands, whenever atue is therefore neither unique nor e example of a type of human figure
3, see ibid., Plate A. B. C. D. E. F. H. (The Tivanka his account).
Ah

Page 63
THE STATUE AT P(
that had been in vogue during the Po ficant is that this type of figure has escaped the students of this statue. statue belong to 2 The answer is ve Indian text of iconography when it is sa beard, and upavita are the main feat very well satisfied by the images of elsewhere, and they bear a close res. rsi-type had already been introduced two sculptured figures from Siva De (see Figs. 6 and 7) undoubtedly repre attendant. One cannot fail to obse of these two figures to the Potgul stat
We must admit that although the j. specifically in connection with the im used in the representation of ordinary case already at Bharhut and Sanchi for an ascetic and a risi (sometimes both distinction) is only the degree of sp shown in the physical appearance alor to above.
As for the figures at the Tivanka
shown with the jata-makuta depict a Jataka stories illustrated there. There where we see a figure as described abo Bell's identification, however, is open of Jijaka tallies more with that of an Brahamin than with that of a serene difficulty in recognising in our painti should be taken as Vessantara himsel figure of similar appearance represent the Asahika jataka. In these two in no doubt whatever that we have to d mark the jata-makuta being present.
this shrine, though identical in the
the jata-makuta and we have to take
8. Gopinatha Rao, Elements of Hindu Iconography, 9. O. C. Gangoly, op. cit. 10. ASCAR, 1906. 11. Marshall and Foucher, Monuments of Sanchi, Vo 12, ASCAR, 1909, Appendix C.

OTGUL VEHERA 183
lonnaruva period, and what is signia definite iconography which has What iconographical type does this try clear and is to be found in any aid that the jata-makuta, long, pointed ures of risis.8 These conditions are rsis that we know from India and emblance to our statue.9 That the at Polonnaruva is evident from the vale No. I.10 This neglected group sent a risi (Siva Mahāyogi 2) and an rve the close iconographical affinity
C.
ata, beard and upavita are mentioned ages of rsis they could very well be ascetics as well, as it has been the example. 11 The difference between
types are called muni without any iritual attainment which cannot be le: thus the mahāyogi Siva referred
shrine there is no doubt that those scetics that we come across in the 2 is for instance the Vessantara Jataka ve and identified as Jujaka by Bell.? to doubt since the jataka description old, decrepit and not very handsome ; and venerable ascetic : there is no ng a person of the latter type who lf in his grotto. We have another ing the Bodhisatva as the ascetic in stances therefore we need entertain o with ascetics : their distinguishing
But some of the other figures at other respects, are shown without them, correctly we are sure, as lay
Vol. II, pt. ii, p. 567.
l. 2, pl. XXVII, 29.

Page 64
184 SIRI (
characters from the jatakas, Braha identification of the figures from the of Mahiyangana dagaba we are com have to deal with is no more than The figures from the Galvihāra are do not find the jata-makuta. They the lay figures of the Tivanka im: has therefore taken these old men ' features, drooping moustache, and simply as devotees. We are, how represent not just devotees but des figures are placed on a plane highe (or Bodhisatvayo according to Bell) with that given the brahmas in their thology. The characters standing fragment of a painting from the M are also to be identified as two brah depicted, but the bo-tree behind the B ment as suggested by Dr. Paranavita: tempted to identify the two figure these paintings results, in our opinic period generally called that of Polo had been in popular use in the rep and elderly laymen and that each of shing mark : brahmas with (Mahiy kirita (head dress) were distinguishe or lotus carried in the hands; laym. by the absence of any particular obje alone wore the jata makuta. We m case of the risis we have no support ography. But this should not deter Indian texts have not been much Buddhist deities (brahma in Buddhist from the four-faced Hindu Branma this analysis one may conclude that iconographical point of view, is mo1 of a brahma or an ordinary layman.
Now the other distinct feature o hands. Judging by its superficial ap
13. ASCAR, 1907, Appendix C.
14. ibid. 15. ASCAR, 1951, p, G18.

GUNASINGHE
mins and otherwise. As regards the Galvihara shrine and the relic chamber pelled to be reserved since all that we a few small fragments of paintings. certainly not those of ascetics as we are shown bald and bare headed like age-house mentioned above and Bell shown almost side face, with pinched scanty beard now white from age sever, of the opinion that these figures otees from the brahma-world : these r than that of the figures of the gods and this position is quite in agreement relation to the devas in Buddhist myon either side of the Buddha in the Lahiyangana dagaba referred to above nas. We cannot be sure of the scene uddha seems to point to the Enlightenna. 15 It is for this reascin that we feel s as those of brahmas. The study Cf in, in the cbservation that during the nnaruva this particular type of figure resentation of brahmas, risis or ascetics these classes of beings had a distinguiangana) or without (Gall-vihāra) the d by the white umbrella, fly-whisk, en, mostly bare-headed, were marked ct in the hands; and the risis or ascetics ust admit however that except in the or our thesis from the texts of iconus from our conclusion above, since concerned with the iconography of mythology and art is quite different ) or that of ordinary laymen. From the Potgul-Vehera statue, from the te that of a rși or an ascetic than that
this statue is the object held in the pearance it was generally taken to be

Page 65
Fig. 1 The Statue at Potgul Vehera, Polonnaru
 

Iva. (Courtesy, Department of Archaeology, Ceylon.)

Page 66


Page 67
Fig. 2 King Nissankamalla wor
Buddha, Sripada. (I Devendra for the photo drawing was made.)
 

لکھی۔ چنا ه
shipping the foot-print of the an indebted to Mr. D. T. graph from which the line

Page 68


Page 69
Fig. 3 Brahma (?), from
 

Galvihāra, Polonnaruva.

Page 70


Page 71
4گ \、クルー %6ހމަ ܫܓܠ حضر N صر ( \~ പ്ര്
گصسسه
Fig. 4 Vessantara (?) reading a palm. Polonnaruva (line draving maa
Dept. of Archaeology.)

-leaf manuscript, Tvanka Pilimage, e from a photograph Supplied by the

Page 72


Page 73
( རི་ බ්‍රිබ් \\ Νλ\ R
Fig. 5 A Brahma (?), Mahiyangana
photograph. History Seminar,

Relic Chamber (Line drawing from a
University of Ceylon.)

Page 74


Page 75
Fig. 6 Sage with attendant, Siva Devale
 

I, Polonnaruva (Courtesy, Dept. of Archaeology, Ceylon).

Page 76

&ఖ్య
★ →

Page 77
THE STATUE AT P
a palm-leaf manuscript. But a very this object has been made by Dr. Pal this aspect of the statue-in which he manuscript but an artistic representati responsibility.' Dr. Paranavitana's
book is based on the observation the serve as covers' while the books in t covers ; that it is '' one solid block,
holes for the string which holds the le the two ends, on the upper side of the the one on the right side is of indef represents a yoke is based on the faci cart in Ceylon today' would look and that the word dhura meaning yo to mean burden in Sanskrit and Pal
It must be admitted at the very ol heavily on a literary image in worki state that literature could be a shaky ba symbolism if taken too far. This is n has been developed out of literary im vitana says, is one such. Many mor that where there is no other evidence f accepted convention to support the could easily degenerate into obscurant an isolated symbol not recognised by do not deny the possibility that an symbolism. But it seldom happens when it does happen, the symbolism specimen to die with this specimen. statue, if taken as a yoke, is not to b before or after. Granted however ti once, we would still be at a loss to who would select a symbolism whic It will be accepted by anybody that an In fact the greatest advantage to art more concrete a statement than any o practice in all schools of art to repres and not as one suffering under the bui been represented in art as cakravarti
16. See note 2.
*The same goes for the symbolism of the threa op, cit.

OTGUL VEHERA 185
lengthy study of the symbolism of (anavitana-in fact the cnly study of a concludes that it is not a palm-leaf ion of a yoke symbolising "a king's opinion that it is not a palm-leaf it it has no 'wooden boards which he hands of Indian images have such with no indication of leaves, nor of aves together ; and that ' towards : object are two projections of which inite shape. His conclusion that it t that "the yoke of a single-bullock sery similar if" held upside down
ke “ has been cften used figuratively
16
itset that Dr. Paranavitana leans too ng out this symbolism and one must sis for the interpretation of a pictorial ot to say that no pictorial symbolism agery. Dharmacakra, as Dr. Paranae may be cited. What we mean is rom the other arts or from generally : interpretation, such interpretation ism. This is easiest when it concerns 7 any iconographical tradition. We ingenious artist could create a new in a tradition-bound discipline and, (does not reach its perfection in one The object in the hands of the Potgul e seen in the same role anywhere else hat all this is possible, if at least for inderstand the mentality of an artist h would remain for ever obscure.*
obscure symbolism is no symbolism. of a symbol is that it is clearer and ther. It has always been the general ent a king as a conquerer or a ruler den of responsibility, and kings have and not as burden bearers. That
d for raiyatantra suggested by Dr. Paranavitana,

Page 78
186 SIRI GU
Parakramabahu was no exception tC Calavamsa and other works where glowing terms. And it is unimagina mabahu the Great would choose th concept) as his symbol.
Granted, however, that Parakrar reason decided to have his portrait d we are still faced with the question hands is a yoke or not. Dr. Paran not a book is based mainly on the representation. To say that it can boards are not shown, nor the hole criteria of interpretation of art. M there are palm-leaf books without know for certain that wooden cov Polonnaruva period : the earliest re for palm-leaf books is to be seen in boards were in use during the Pol significance for us since we know t these covers. We also read in the the books and scattered the leaves re. the chronicle makes no mention o not be proof either of the presence shows however that palm-leaf books to co vers. They could therefore be two instances referred to by Dr. Par natha Rao's Elements of Hindu Icono Aravamuthan's Portrait Sculpture in palm-leaf books with their covering are not so clearly shown after all. a rough drawing which gives no ic hands; nor does it show clearly en Aravamuthan's work does not help hands of this statue is not the longola fat type often found in South India. it no chance to sag and the person is if he is making an offering of it lik boards are not shown clearly either, be seen that it is not justifiable to c of ola manuscripts with the object in
17. Ciūlavamiñsa, 80 : 67.

NASINGHE
this rule can easily be seen from the he has been described in the most ble that a powerful ruler like Parākrae yoke of a bullock-cart (not a regal
nabahu the Great for some obscure lone in the fashion of a burden-bearer as to whether the object held in the avitana's conclusion that the object is consideration that it is not a realistic not be a book because the covering Es for the strings, goes counter to all soreover we know that, even today, the wooden coverings. We do not ers were in general use during the ference to the use of wooden covers the Mahāvansa tīkā. Vhether such onnaruva period is of no particular hat ola books are often used without : Calavamsa that Magha destroyed moving them from the strings. Here f the wooden coverings. This may or otherwise of such coverings. It could be spoken of without reference shown so in art as well. As for the anavitana (Fig. 9 of Plate IV in Gopigraphy, Vol. I, part I and Fig. 18 of South India) where he could discern S we must admit that such coverings Gopinath Rao's illustration is only lea as to how the book is held in the ough the boards. The example from us either. The book placed in the book typical of Ceylon, but the short, Besides it is held in the middle giving not shown as if he is reading it but as e a handful of flowers. The wocden if they are there at all. It will thus :ompare these South Indian examples the hands of the Potgul-Vehera statue,

Page 79
THE STATUE AT PO
so as to deny that this object is a boo shown is of no significance since realis If it were, then we would expect to sec (for example). Dr. Paranavitana's c because the holes for the strings are no for realism. Or, if realism becomes object cannot be taken as a yoke eithe holes for the rope to pass through. It why the yoke should be shown upside would be for the yoke to turn upside ends, as the object is held in our statu a yoke if it were held upside up. Th the type of yoke that is commonly u Polonnaruva period. We note that I entertain this doubt as could be seen fi It is, I think, safe to assume that th twelfth century, . . . . did not differ fr This is no more than an assumption as grounds for such an assumption. N. a yoke should be depicted as a rectangu edges when the stone could have beel a closer resemblance to a yoke : the ill by Dr. Paranavitana is far from wha observer. It thus becomes clear that Dr. Paranavitana to prove that the ob Vehera statue is a yoke will stand e difficult to see in this object a yoke, it i ation of a palm-leaf book. The gract theme of Dr. Paranawitana's argumen a palm-leaf book without the covers that this object placed in the hands ( a palm-leaf book, as has been generally theorizing. All that we need is to ref painting from the Tivanka shrine de object in his hands exactly in the sam and 6). We have already referred to the Vessantarajataka and the person have shown above, is Vessantara. In ascetic, seated in his grotto in all seclu to the one placed in the hands of ou that whatever the object is, it is not a y to be gazing at a yoke. We must say he said that the person, (mistaken as J

TGUL VEHERA 187
k. That the separate leaves are not m is not an important consideration. : each separate hair in the moustache, ontention that this is not a book t shown, springs from the same need the basis of the argument then this r, since even a yoke must have such is also obvious that there is no reason down, although the natural tendency down when held lightly at the two e. It would have looked more like le question also arises as to whether sed today was ever used during the Dr. Paranavitana himself has had to om the following statement cf his: a shape of the yoke of a cart in the om what it is at present in Ceylon.” he admits. But we do not see any o one could however explain why lar block of wood with sharp cutting 1 very easily rounded off and given ustration of a modern yoke as given t it looks like even to a superficial none of the arguments adduced by ject held in the hands of the Potgul(amination. And just as it is very S very easy to see in it the representful curve which has been the main t is in our opinion very natural for and held at both ends. To show ;f the Potgul-Vehera statue is only accepted, we need not resort to any er the reader to a hitherto neglected picting an ascetic holding a similar fashion as in our statue (see Figs. 2 this painting as a representation of we are concerned with here, as we this picture we see Vessantara the ision holding an object very similar r statue. Here we have no doubt roke; it is meaningless for an ascetic that Bell was perfectly correct when tjaka by him), is reading, although

Page 80
188 SIRI GU
we are not very certain what he i Bell). Whatever it is that he is rea in his hands, and it sags in the midc the same type of representation wil and in another to depict a book in t short period of time. And perha that directed both these creations i artist. The similarity between the for the posture however, is so obvic the attention of those who attempt representations depict the same type hands is, in each case, a book, there
From this examination of the pa can safely arrive at two significar Vihāra statue is only one example used during the Polonnaruva perio tics ; (b) that the object in the han
It is natural now to raise the questi a book could be. It might be argu himself appearing as a pious and we have no justification whatsoevel vanisa which considers Parãkramabã more as a conqueror than as a pious dhism are given less prominence t surprising that the chronicle would r to such a singular tour de force as to a Sage.
We believe that some informatic could be brought to light if the ch which it is associated could be establ the place marks the cremation grour discovery of a stupa containing the a one conclusion : that at the particul: a memorial stupa erected over the a the person cremated with certainty only evidence available at this spot, buildings and our statue itself. It m has been done at this site and no atte the nature of the establishment. In ments at this site and not just one, a

NASINGHE
reading (it is the Vedas according to ding it is certainly a book that he has le. There is no reason to believe that be used in one case to depict a yoke wo works of art created within a very ps it is the same master-craftsman f they are not the work of the same Potgul statue and this figure, except sus, that one is surprised it has escaped ted to identify the statue. That both : of person, and the object held in the
can be no doubt.
intings of the Polonnaruva period we It conclusions: (a) that the Potgulof a type of human form commonly d to depict Sagely personages or asce
is is a book.
on as to who this sagely person reading ed that it is Parakramabahu the Great learned layman, almost a sage. But : for such an assumption. The Cillaihu as its greatest hero speaks of him sage. Even his benefactions to Budhan are his battles. And it is most emain silent if Parakramabahu resorted
have his effigy made in the garb of
in for the identification of this statue laracter and purpose of the site with ished. According to Dr. Paranavitana lds of Parakramabahu the Great. The shes of a cremation could lead to only ur spot a body had been cremated and shes. To go beyond this and identify we should have more evidence. The so far, is limited to a few remains of ust be stated that very little excavation mpt whatever has been made to define our opinion there are two establishnd the term Potgul-Vehera, if correct,

Page 81
THE STATUE AT PO
(it has been already stated that Potg only to the circular building, further the other buildings connected with it close to the circular building itself.
independent of this establishment. W the Potgul-Vehera had been laid ou unit separated from the surrounding
been usual in the case of monastic est entrance to the east, the Potgul-Veher. If the two were in any way connected other rather than have the statue face especially because the north-south oriel in Polonnaruva. Although at prese and the vihara is devoid of any build statue is having its gaze directly fixec a different story. We are compelled is independent of the Potgul-Vehera.
for such a conclusion is that the Potg as is seen from the general lay-out an while the statue is, without any doubt
Independent as it is the statue is ni Although no student of the archaeo. sericus notice of the remains lying we suggest that these remains speak statue must be directly connected. since there are no remains of the ust It is neither a purely Hindu establishm a Saiva or Vaisnava statue instead of temple belonging to one or the othe take this institution therefore not as a but as a place of an entirely differen testimony to the fact that both Buddl widely pursued during the Polonnaru of the learning of this period is the he included perhaps not only the study o but also other forms of secular lea to the chronicle, occupied a very pri of the court. Rites such as the ho upanayana ceremony was performed
18. ASCAR, 1906, p. 15-16. 19. Ciūlavaminsa, 62 : 33 44. 20. ibid., 64 : 13.
<
 

TGUL WEHERA 189
ul-Vehera is a misnomer) applies south from our statue, along with whose remains are to be seen lying The statue in our opinion is quite /e are led to this conclusion because t independently as a self-contained area by a moat and a wall as it has ablishments. Besides, with its main seems to turn away from the statue. we should expect them to face each the blind northern wall of the vihara, ntation of buildings is not uncommon nt the ground between the statue lings giving the impression that the on the vihara, the remains indicate therefore to observe that the statue A very significant piece of evidence l-Vehera is a Buddhist establishment d the four stupas at the four corners, , a non-Buddhist item.
ct to be taken as an isolated object. logy of Polonnaruva has taken any behind in the vicinity of this statue of some institution with which the This institution cannot be Buddhist lal Buddhist variety in its precincts. ent for if it were so we should expect the present one, in the absence of a of these two faiths. We prefer to place of Buddhist or Hindu worship, t character. Calavamsa bears ample ist and Brahmaniclearning was very Ta period. A very important feature 'avy emphasis laid on Sanskrit which the Vedas and the connected subjects ning. Brahmanic ritual, according ominent place in the lay life at least na sacrifice were practised.19 The for Parakramabahu himself.20 We

Page 82
190 SIRI G
are told of many scholars who cam priests and other Brahmins versed i be safely stated that while Buddhis import during this period, the pure minated by Brahmanic ritual and doubt that royal patronage was reac that institutions devoted to this kir such patronage.
On the evidence of the Calavamsa, while being the patron of the Bud buildings intended purely for Brahr a Hemamandira and a Dharanighara b form their ceremonial ritual.23 A. of Nissankamalla one may observe th of Brahmin priests and scholars in P for whose benefit this King built ma not able to identify any of the instit in the inscriptions in the present state and the topography of Polonnaruva one of these institutions was adorned
There is nevertheless the remarka Parākramabāhu had a giñjakā vasath (Kapilesissa).25 which is very signific in this part of the chronicle, to any honour. (The term isi, there need not Brahmin sage and not to a Buddhi chronicle could mean not only the We would therefore suggest that built for the image of Sage Kapila,
21. ibid., 60 : 19.
22. ibid., 64: 16.
23. ibid., 73 : 71 ff. 24. Epigraphia Zeylanica II, pp. 171, 284.
*In some manuscripts (one in the Unive which has been translated as "eagle shaped dwell as 'house of bricks.' We would rather take it could mean an assembly hall, for example. (See
We would like to make a distinction between it calls the Girijakdivasatha built for Sage Kapila. institution. The gifjakavasatha-although it may need not be the same as vihdra. Kapila-vihara i vasatha of Kapila. (Our attention was drawn to th
25. Cülavanizsa, 78 : 92 ff.

UNASINGHE
2 from Cola etc.21 and also of family l the Vedas and Vedangas.22 It could m maintained its spiritual (so to say) ly lay life and lay learning were dothe study of Sanskrit. There is no ily accorded to this new learning and d of learning were established under
one could state that Parakramabahu I, dhist church, was also the author of hanic ritual. The chronicle mentions uilt by him for the Brahmins to per'cording to the epigraphical records at there was a very large congregation olonnaruva and in its neighbourhood, ny alms-houses.24 We are, however, utions mentioned in the Cillavaohsi or of our knowledge of the archaeology
Nor can we be too sure that any with a statue.
ble statement in the Ciūlavaminsa that a built for a sage named Kapila :ant because it is the only reference, Brahmanic sage, who merited this be any doubt, refers to a Hindu or a t Arahat or monk). Kapilesi of the sage Kapila, but his image as well. Parākramabāhu had a giñjakā vasatha which consequently is the only non
sity of Ceylon library) we have gihakaivasatha, Ing.” The term giñjakāvasatha has been translated o mean a building used for a specific purpose. It Malalasekera : Dictionary of Pali Proper Names).
what the Calavanisa calls the Kapilavihara and what According to the text Kapilavihara is a Buddhist have been in the precincts (tahim) of the viharaself may have derived its name from the gifjakaKapilavihara being Buddhist by Dr. Paranavitana).
(R
s

Page 83
歸
THE STATUE AT P.
Buddhist image referred to in the Ciāla to identify our statue with that of the done by Bell; but we are compelled to On the basis of the present analysis all is the representation of a Sage (rȘi) oth Parakramabahu the Great.
 
 
 

OTGUL VEHERA 191
vamsa. It is therefore very tempting sage Kapila cf the Calavamsa-as was await precise archaeological evidence. we can say is that the Potgul colossus er than Agastya and not that of King

Page 84
THE STRUCTURE OF
GANIANATH
THIS essay will attempt to interpre Sinhalese social structure in functio employed by social anthropologists. gists. The main focus will be on as udupila and yatipila which was a f in almost every part of the Island at its importance as a feature of social
of the low country, where the tradit able change.
In the low country it is only in the rons, that the division of society int ficance. The evidence of informan other parts of the low country this r at one time. The analysis of udupi, mainly applicable to the low count area. It may, however, be true of country, the udupila and yatipila divi annual harvesting ceremony known whereas in other cultural areas this is analysis may with some modificatio) the gam-maduva is not performed.
Society in the low country is di during the performance of two ritua and polkeliya, Coconut Game. Thes harvest ceremony to the gods after rituals are performed during the ga between twenty four hours to seven rituals. -
It will not be possible here to give rituals. Suffice it to say, that they
1. Other types of analysis of the same instituti udupila and yatipila suggest a sexual symbolism, ug Pattini's side. An old informant in Matale on on top (uda).”

A SINHALESE RITUAL
OBEYESEKERE
t an important aspect of traditional nal terms, i.e. the mode of analysis
particularly the British anthropolothe form of ritual grouping known eature of Sinhalese social organisation one time. However it has now lost organisation. This is particularly true ional culture has undergone consider
very south, in Akuressa and its envio udupila and yatipila is of any signits however, suggested to me that in itual division of society was common la and yatipila presented here will be y which constitutes a broad cultural other culture areas too. In the low sion appeared in conjunction with the
as the gam-maduva or Village Hall, not the case. However the following h be applied even in the areas where
ided into udupila and yatipila only is known as the ankeliya, Horn Game, : two rituals are a part of the annual the Maha season. About thirty five m-maduva and it may take anything days to perform all or most of these
even the briefest description of these are designed to banish sickness and n is possible, e.g. a symbolic analysis. The terms pila being Prince Palanga's side and yatipila his wife e told me, "The Prince is a male and he must be

Page 85
THE STRUCTURE OF
bring prosperity and blessings on the the ritual are Skanda, Saman, Vishnu, village deities. The chief goddess v ever is Pattini. It is under her suzera priest who officiates at these ceremon other Kapuralas, dancers, drummers rituals—marā, ippaddima, salamba sani goddess and blesses the worshippers
symbol in these rituals.
In most of the rituals performed strictly worshippers. They stay outs ficence of the deities, through the m some rituals however in which the are the ankeliya and polkeliya rituals. for two or three weeks before the Hall are performed.
It is for these rituals that the villa groups-udupila and yatipila. These so that members of the same caste o ritual groups. Membership in these single village may be divided into has been traditionally performed by then each village may belong to one This is the case in Maliduva and its in
a Ca
Ankeliya (Horn Game).
The main actors in the ankeliya anc organisers, helpers) recruited evenly wattadis have to procure well tested h of the stage for the ritual, hook the h
They have to observe many more than the ordinary villager. The num entirely on the scale of the ceremo ritual are either long, hooked pieces the antler and brow tine of the Samb upholstered with leather ropes to giv
A huge tree (angaha or horn tree) sei site, this a few yards away is the yat
 

A SINHALESE RITUAL 193
village. The gods appeased during Devol, Vibiishana, Vahala and minor vorshipped in the gam-maduva howinty that the Hall is performed. The ies is the kapurala He is assisted by
and washermen. In some of the tiya-the kapurala impersonates the
with the sacred anklets, the main
in the gam-maduva the villagers are side the arena and receive the beneediation of the kapurala. There are villagers directly participate. These
These rituals are performed daily night when the other rituals of the
gers are divided into the two ritual groups cut across caste and kin lines r kin group may belong to opposite groups is hereditary. Sometimes a the ritual groups. If a gam-maduva
the joint effort of several villages, : or other of the two ritual groups. eighbouring villages in the Akuressa
polkeliya are the vattadi (attendants,
from both ritual groups. The orns and ropes, supervise the setting OrnS, etC.
: interdictions and purificatory rites ber of wattadis on either side depends ny. The 'horns' chosen for the of hardwood, or the lower part of par deer. The "horns' are tightly e them strength and endurance.
ves as a post for the udupila. Oppopila post (hena kanda or lightning

Page 86
194 GANIANATH
trunk), a coconut palm trunk abo facing up, and its narrow end nea dug at the bottom of a small pit.
The hooking of the horns is a co described here. The udupila horn The yatipila horn is hooked to the the yatipila post. A rope, about twe post. The villagers belonging to b heave it with all their might. The 1. ritual cries of exultation 'hoiya , to a couple of hours before one of unbroken is the victor. The chief the triumphant horn covered in w shouting their jubilance and exulta three times, the winning team follo ious horn on an altar before a bó tree on the village. After this the victo shouting, mocking, and abusing til and obscene shouts and swearing go
Polkeliya (Coconut Game).
Unlike the ankeliya where any vil in the ritual, in the polkeliya only a fe participate. The rest of them surr respective teams. Paul Wirz has a
The whole crowd presses around the Kapua v He hands the two coconuts to two men, one yatipi all those present are sprinkled with a little yellow next to him. They then go to opposite ends oft south. . . .
Two drummers announce the beginning of th a referee and each one is carefully examined. No or five players on either side, but they are men v with both hands, the first throws it with all his str with a nut held out in front of him. To do this holes point forward to meet the blow. Particular back as far as possible, otherwise the fingers would theless, injuries occur rather often. If the blow i sometimes both of them, flies to pieces, but he w one back. Any nut which shows the slightest cra to hide any such small crack and it is therefore acc cheating. The result is that they finally come to always present who have to see that fair play is beaten and much noise is made. . . . . . The game to pieces ; then, the remaining nuts of the other pa the party whose nut is the last is the victor2.
2. Wirz (1954), 170—171.

OBEYSEKERE
ut ten feet high with its broad base tly fitted like a socket into a groove
mplicated process which shall not be S tied to the angaha or udupila post. udupila one, and the long end tied to hty-five feet long, is tied to the yatipila oth ritual groups hold this rope, and attadis on both sides exhort them with hoiya l' It may take from a minute the horns snap. The horn which is vattaidi on the victorious side carries hite cloth on his head, his followers tion. He circumambulates the arena wing him. Then he places the victorand invokes the gods to bring blessings rious side comes back into the arena, he defeated side. The cries of joy, on for many hours.
lager (generally male) can participate w representatives of each group actively ound the arena and encourage their good summary of this ritual.
Jaiting attentively until he has finished the mantra. la and one udupila for them to begin the game. First root water, particularly the players who are standing he field, the yatipila to the north, the udupila to the
game. The coconuts are once more counted by w the game proper is begun. There are only four iho have the necessary experience. Seizing the nut ength towards his partner who has to stop the blow he grasps the nut with both hands so that the germ care has to be taken that the fingers are kept drawn be broken when the two nuts hit each other ; neverchecked, almost always one of the two nuts, and hose nut has remained intact has the right to fling k must be withdrawn. Of course, they always try mmon occurrence that one party decries the other's fighting. For this reason a number of umpires is observed. During the whole time two drums are continues until all the nuts of one party have gone ty are divided and the play is carried on again. . . . . .
త్రో

Page 87
THE STRUCTURE OF A
Generally seven or fourteen sessions or after the main ceremony of the H. game both parties go in procession thro carried in white bundles, drums bea shouting, " Hoiya The god bless broken coconuts is extracted and usec the Hall.
Deiyanne Dane (Almsgiving of the
The final ritual in the agenda of th meal is cooked from the food contri The food is stored in the hut known a kitchen (multange) by the vattadi. No multinge. Greatest care is taken by th
After the meals are cooked, the lar Kapurala and dedicated to the gods. outside the Hall. The chief Kapurala Buddhist prayers of the Five Precepts This done, the vattādi serve all the vill banana leaves. All worshippers eat to
In the following analysis we will no at all. We will only deal with the str in which the ceremony is organised, t the functions of the ceremony in relati country village.
Social Structure and Ritual Structu
The structure of the Village Hall s opposed and contradictory principles. oftwo main arrangements which for t (a) the internal structure and (b) th structure relates to the arrangement of of status and role-the priest and h relates to the arrangement of the w who gather in a group for worship structure is vertical and in conformit wider society; the external structure is to the structural arrangements of soc constitute the total ritual structure. W
3. The content of the rituals will be dealt with in
بر

SINHALESE RITUAL 195
of the polkeli are held either before l, or both. Each evening after the ugh the village, the broken coconuts ing, flag and banners waving, all us. Hoiya The oil from the
for lighting, cooking, etc., during
Gods)
Hall is the communal feast. The buted by the villagers for the Hall.
the gabadage and Cooked in a special outsiders are permitted to enter the e vattadi to avoid kili, or pollution.
ge pot of rice is consecrated by the The people of the village assemble or an important villager recites the (pansil) which the villagers repeat. agers assembled rice and curries on gether irrespective of caste affiliation.
t consider the contents of the rituals ucture of the ceremony, the manner he constitution of its personnel and on to the social structure of the low
Life
eems at first glance to be based on
The structure of the Hall consists he purposes of analysis will be called 2 external structure. The internal the performers of the ritual in terms is troupe. The external structure orshippers-the village community and obeisance. The internal ritual with that of the structure of the horizontal and seems contradictory ety. Together these arrangements When we speak of the ritual structure
a forthcoming monograph on the Pattini cult.

Page 88
196 | GANANATH
we will refer either to the internal both. The purpose of this essay is to of these two parts of the ritual st knowledge of Sinhalese social struct
Our first proposition can be state Hall reflects the main structural arra system) and in doing so one of its sanctify it, thus contributing to tl structure of the Hall reflects in epit society. This is seen in the recruit
(1) The higher castes. The mc Kapurala, generally belongs to the some of the dancers also belong to to the collection of ritual poems (p explicitly recognized.
Utun govi kulaye kapuv (Take a kapurala from
In actual practice, however, kapura major castes too. For instance, a kan This is probably due to the rapid ris tance, of these castes during the pe to the twentieth century). Broadl recruited from one of the four majo (2) Navandanna caste. This cast implements needed for the ceremon (3) Radava caste. The washerme They provide the white cloths (piruv white footcloths and canopies.
(4) Badahala caste. This caste o newly fired, or unfired, pots neces. pot known as the puna.
(5) Beravā caste. These are the di cannot be held. -
(6) Oli caste. Sometimes meml dances, e.g. the Gard dance.
The personnel of the ceremony castes in the village. Not merely other aspects of social and economi zational concreteness. The interdep

OBEYSEKERE
structure or the external structure or explore the differences in organization cucture and their importance for our
C.
d thus. The internal structure of the ingement in Sinhalese society (the caste latent functions is to reinforce and he stability of society. The internal ome the caste hierarchy of the wider ment of its personnel.
st important figure in the Hall, the : Goyigama caste. His assistants and
the same caste. In the introduction antis kõlanura) sung in the Hall this is
"ek araganne the noble Govi caste)
as are recruited from the other three ava village may have a karava kapurāla. e, owing to their occupational imporriod of foreign domination (sixteenth y, we could say that the kapurala is ( CaSteS. - e provides the new knives and other y. an play a crucial role in the ceremony. ata), symbols of purity, and lay out the
if potters provide the many types of sary for the ceremony, especially the
rummers without whom any ceremony
pers of the oli caste perform certain
represent microcosmically the various this : the interdependence reflected in c relations is here given clear organibendence is actually seen in the active

Page 89
THE STRUCTURE OF .
collaboration that takes place among Today this interdependence is not could do without the navandanna's kni market, but at one time the interdepel and more pronounced, for all castes, stake in the ceremony. The ceremo1 co-operation of the castes and if the c could one avert the breath of the pes and the consequent ravage of the e and procreation of man, the abunda are recognized by all to be depende gods are pleased; and the performan castes. The assembled worshippers a cosmic view of the principles operatin therefore, say that the structure of ther principles of the society; as a latent fun recognize on a symbolic level the in perpetuation and maintenance of a sta
Recognition of interdependence is the contrary, another important functic the already existing status system. Ir dependence is recognized, the symbol in the society at large are reflected in Ceremony.
(1) The kapurala and his assistants sit on chairs in the arena.
(2) The drummers cannot sit on c arena floor.
(3) The washermen would not co so they stand behind the altars and c upon to assist the kapurala.
However, there is no neat reflection of commensality among the personnel transcendence of the structural arrang ritual there is hardly any inter-caste c where various castes work together ir they never eat of the same meal. In t place and of the same meal. Neve conditioned by seating differences and may not wear a shirt. Even when til
●
 

SINHALESE RITUAL 197
the castes within a given time span. o marked since, for example, one res, which could be bought from the dence would have been more heavy irrespective of their statuses, have a y cannot be performed withcut the eremony cannot be performed, how ilence, the drying up of the waters arth 2 The multiplication of beast nce of crops and the general weal (ht on this ceremony by which the ce of the ceremony depends on the re presented a symbolic and microg in the wider society. One could, itual not merely reflects the structural ction it perhaps helps the worshippers dispensability of the castes for the ble society.
not a recognition of equality. On in of the ritual structure is to reinforce precisely the same way that inters of status and distance that operate the organization of the actors in the
, as members of the higher castes,
hairs ; they sit on mats laid on the
indescend to sit with the drummers, ome forward when they are called
of the hierarchy, for in the practice of the various castes there is a partial ements of society. Outside of the ommensality. An approach to it is the fields and eat in a group; but he Hall, the actors all eat in the same theless commensality here is at least | other symbols, e.g., the drummer Le actors among the three castes eat

Page 90
198 GANIANATH
together on a mat, as they often d recognition of his higher status. H in ceremonies) would be placed on a whereas the drummer would eat on
The operation of these status sy camaraderie in the arena. There is stricted to decent bounds of prop underlying tensions may be aired in tension is canalized in the comic ritu between the drummer and the kapi bambura rituals.4 Whatever tension co-operation demanded in the cert responses. Generally, the attitude of actors is paternalistic. He sees that well fed. When one of the dancers of the audience and gets money, he ha At the conclusion of the ceremony i money thus collected among the re epitomize the way the castes are id cordiality and higher caste paternal and caste distance. These conventio1 in the Hall under the suzerainty oft cation and reinforcement.
We have so far been concerned v structure of the Hall. The relatio) symbolically sanctify, as it were, th vention operating in the wider societ in worship, the cituras or " patients, gods 2 Here we are confronted wit worshippers-the external ritual stru operating in the social structure. actually promotes inter-caste solida solidarity of the village.
The organization of the worship we suggested, seems to violate the s worshippers of the Hall all the wors contribute food and money. All seated irrespective of status symbols,
4. These are comic rituals performed in the gam.

OBEYSEKERE
o, the kapurala will be given special (is banana leaf (on which people eat plate, and the plate on a white cloth, a plain banana leaf.
mbols does not preclude inter-caste
a general tone of comradeship, re
iety by status symbols. Sometimes l the form of witty repartee; some als where there is a brisk verbal duel urāla, e.g., the At Bandun and Hatas that may be built up in the close 'mony are ventilated by traditional
the kapurala towards the lower caste
the drummers and washermen are performs a special dance for a member nds the money over to the drummers. t is the drummer who distributes the st of the actors. All these relations eally expected to interact in society; ism, governed by symbols of status ls, by the very fact of being 'observed he gods, are given symbolic sanctifi
vith the caste relations in the internal nships depicted here crystallize and e scheme of caste relations and coniy. But what about those assembled who have come here to worship the h a paradox, for the organization of cture-seems to violate the principles But in effect the seeming violation rity and consequently enhances the
pers themselves for the ceremony, tructure. In the organization of the hippers irrespective of caste affiliations worshippers are either standing or and all worshippers are divided into
-maduva. They have a broad fertility significance.

Page 91
THE STRUCTURE OF A
two ritual groups-called udupila (sic irrespective of caste status. These ritu ments. What is more important is conflict in the two ritual games known (coconut game). Thus we find that th into horizontal, non-hierarchical g. itself is organized vertically into ca community is (a) a member of a cas At first glance it would seem that ti social structure, but this opposition ceremony and has no behavioral fun It is true that people are allocated to these groups actively operate only fe problem is to find out whether this aggression which follows, is, soc dysfunctional.
A further description of the manı for the Hall may help us to elucidate performed for a single village, some close ties of kinship. It is often true village or in a number of neighbouri consanguineally or affinally. Marria single caste among a number of vil ritual group come from a given village groups from another village-this wo performed for several villages. Othel would be drawn from a single villa ritual groups cut across Caste and kin a single village or a number of closely groups were focal points for interper group of villages, then they would produce tension between members o. of caste lines brought about by the pri during and for the organization of t function of the ritual groups is, perh in structural terms. In the ankeliya rit each other. But each ritual group, w castes in society, are united and proud of their caste affiliations. This bond during the ceremonial season, contri and hence the solidarity of the wide
J9
 
 

SINHALESE RITUAL 199
e above) and yatipila (side below)- al groups crosscut the caste arrangethat these two groups come into as ankeliya (horn game) and polkeliya 2 external ritual structure is organized oups whereas the social structure stes. Each member of the village ce, (b) a member of a ritual group. e ritual structure is opposed to the 2xists only for the duration of the tion outside the ceremonial season. he groups on a hereditary basis, but r, and during, the ceremony. The opposition and expression of overt ologically viewed, functional or
ler in which Villages are organized the problem. Sometimes a Hall is times for a cluster of villages with that most members of a caste in one ng villages are related to each other ge takes place generally within a ages. Sometimes members of one ! and the members of the other ritual uld be where a Hall is traditionally wise members of both ritual groups ge. In either case, these hereditary lines whether they are drawn from related villages. If these two ritual sonal relations within a village or a naturally introduce a cleavage and the same caste. But the cleavage inciple of the two groups, exists only e ceremony. An important latent ps, to enhance inter-caste solidarity Jual the two groups are pitted against nich consists ofa Cross-section of the of their group affiliation irrespective of ritual union repeated every year butes to create inter-caste solidarity
Society.

Page 92
200 GANIANATH
Psychologically viewed the princip upon as a reflection of intra-caste ten: of expressing it. There is strong evid society-the practice of sorcery again as those of other castes) are an indicati as the pana has for its purpose the ( village against sorcery. But what our conclusion that, sociologically groups contribute to inter-caste soli
If the principle of the ritual grou social structure, it could well have e.g., it could have contributed to int however, such a principle is not fou in this culture area. But outside th at times this temporarily-introduced the social structure. Such examples at one time. Parker, writing in 1905
. . . . so strong is party feeling of jealousy betw marriage with the members of the families belong intercourse or friendly relations with them.
Here we have an example of a hype ritual contributing to the formation i.e., the formation of traditionally h already existing endogamic framewo
A related phenomenon has beer has been the thesis of a recently pu
. . . .the conflicts in one range of relationships, period of time, lead to the re-establishment of soc custom appears to exacerbate these conflicts : but destroying the wider social order.
Gluckman shows us how a cleavage structure leads to the cohesion and f in Africa. He implies that the exa exceptional but are an example of could be investigated in other s conflict-cohesion configuration is no perhaps owing to vast differences in
5. Parker (1909), 637-638. 6. Gluckman (1955), 2.

OBEYSEKERE
le of the ritual groups may be looked sion and as an institutionalized mode lence of intra-caste tension in Sinhalese 1st members of the same caste (as well on of it. In the Hall the ritual known counteracting and immunizing of the ever the psychological motivations, viewed, the principle that the ritual darity is not affected.
ps were also a part of the non-ritual produced dysfunctional consequences, ra-caste tension. As far as we know, und in the social structure of villages is culture area there is evidence that
cleavage did coalesece and penetrate were rare, but undoubtedly did occur 2, says :
een them that those of one side usually avoid ging to the other side, and in fact never have much
trophy of a structural arrangement in
of a structural arrangement beyond, ostile endogamous groups within the rk of caste.
1 studied by Gluckman in Africa and blished book. Says Gluckman :
over a wide range of society or through a longer ial cohesion. Conflicts are a part of social life and in doing so custom also restrains the conflicts from
introduced in one aspect of the social uller integration of the total structure mples from Africa are by no means a more general phenomenon which ocieties. In Sinhalese society the it as consistently found as in Africa, social structure. But when it does

Page 93
THE STRUCTURE OF A
occur, as in the Hall, it " emphasizes c ship and yet establishes cohesion in th the division is to produce a bond of u long run would have beneficial effects.
To put it in a different form, one c division into udupila (side above) and artificial kinship ties. In ordinary s (brother, sister, aunt, uncle) are exten These artificial inter-caste kinship links over, there is in Sinhalese society a castes. While it is true that interdepen. there may be factors militating against rential ordering of statuses. Indeed til of one caste against the others suggests The songs sung in the ritual of the pit,
The feuds in village from caste envy People may have cursed you with hatred
Just as the ocean's waters vanish into Makara By breaking this puna your dos (misfortune)
In situations like this it is almost exist for enhancing inter-caste solida operation of the social structure.
In Sinhalese society there are other solidarity and interdependence. Some
(a) The economic and ritual division this in itself can produce solidari (b) Economic co-operation in the
time members of diverse caste rice field. There may even be a For example, all the castes may not of the same meal. A common linguistic and racial The influence of Buddhism. TI Buddhist villages and the sharin probably with the Buddhist non level, at least), contributes to cre the principle of the two ritual g mon Buddhistic experience.
3.
7. Ibid., 109.
 
 

SINHALESE RITUAL 201
onflicts in certain ranges of relatione wider society. The function of nion among the castes which in the
ould say that the function of group 'atipila (side below) is to strengthen ocial living certain kinship terms led to include non-caste members. are strengthened in the Hall. Morestrong interdependence among the lence itself could produce solidarity, it in a caste society with its diffehe practice of sorcery by members the existence of inter-caste hostility. na explicitly recognizes this :
's (a mythical dragon) mouth will be no more.
necessary that mechanisms should city in order to ensure the proper
mechanisms for the maintenance of of the most important of these are:
of labour discussed earlier. Whether ty is open to question.
ields. During sowing and harvest may work together in the same partial suspension of status symbols. eat together in one place, though
te.
he villages under consideration are g of a common religion, combined -recognition of caste (on a doctrinal ate a sense of solidarity. In a way, roups is a manifestation of the com

Page 94
202 GANAINATH
The Village Hall is one of the mec is produced and it is an important about by the two groups is streng worship and in the culminating feast together irrespective of caste. Th with the sacred shawl (shawl-fanni anklets of the goddess. Towards th male and female, of all castes rush drink the divine water dripping f final feast, known as “The Almsg. all castes eat of the same food in th vessel (banana leaf). Rules of intr; status are temporarily suspended as partake of the consecrated repast.
Ref
GLUCKMAN, MAX (1955)--Custom and Conflict in PARKER, HENRY (1909)-Ancient Ceylon (Luzac, Lc WIRz, PAUL (1954)-Exorcism and the art of healing
8. Part of this essay is an excerpt from a M.A (1958).

OBEYSEKERE
hanisms by which inter-caste solidarity one. The sense of cohesion brought gthened in the process of communal
The community assembled worship e Kapurala fans all those assembled ng ritual) and blesses them with the e end of the ceremony young and old, into the arena with great fervour to rom the sacred anklets. And in the iving to the Gods' (Deiyanne Dane), e same place and in the same type of a-caste commensality and symbols of the community gathers together to
erences
Africa (Free Press, Glencoe). ondon).
in Ceylon (E. J. Brill, Leiden).
... thesis presented to the University of Washington.
ana
ܐ݇ܢ

Page 95
t
JUVENILE DELINQUENCY AS
CITY OF C
J. E. JAYASURYA and SUN
THE findings reported in this paper f the problem of juvenile delinquency i larger study, all juvenile delinquents : Remand Home and in all but one institu Table I gives the names of the Re the numbers interviewed. The only i Open School at Senapura which conta
TABLE I. NUMBERS INTERVIEWED FROM DIFFE
Approved Home, Maggona Woodford School, Makola Gotama Lama Niwasaya, Panadura Certified School, Hikkaduwa Certified School, Koggala Kundasale Home Borstal Institutions of Watupitiwala and N Samajeewa Home, Lunawa Jayasekara Home, Colombo Salvation Army Home, Colombo Remand Home, Koggala Remand Home, Kottawa. Remand Home, Kundasale
Interviews were at first conducted ind that the interviewees were holding 1 through fear that any important inf against them or their friends. Assur. not be the case, but the response was or five children together as a group we they completely abandoned their reserv The groups were often the natural gro
1. Under the law in Ceylon, an offender betwe quent ' and one between 16 and 21 is called a "You concept and psychologically there is not much differ and another of 16 years 6 months. In the circumstan to refer to any offender between the age of 7 at the lo
2. The interviews were conducted by Mrs. Ka. Professor Jayasuriya.

A GANG ACTIVITY IN THE OLOMBO
DARI KARIYAWASAM
irm a part of a research study into n Ceylon. In connection with the ind youthful offenders in every tion in the island were interviewed2. mand Homes and institutions, and institution that was left out was the ined very few offenders.
RENT REMAND HOMES AND INSTITUTIONS
Male Female Total.
320 - 320
26 -- 26
46 - 46
202 - 202
74. - 74
7 - 7 Negombo . . 372 Innen 372 - 31 31 9 9
- 1. 1.
13 - 13
37 - 37
8 - 8
1,105 41 1,146
ividually but it soon became clear much information back, possibly irmation divulged would be used inces were given that this would disappointing. Interviewing four s then tried, and it was found that 2 and became very communicative. lps that had been seen at work or
in the ages 7 and 16 is called a "Juvenile Delinthful Offender.” This, however, is only a legal 'nce between (say) a boy of 15 years 6 months es, the word "delinquent' is used in this paper wer end and the age of 18 at the upper end.
iyawasam on the basis of a plan provided by

Page 96
204 J. E. JAYASURIYA ANT
play in the institutions, and range groups to nine or ten children in o to establish friendly relations with
leaders, and their co-operation pro tap on the shoulder of a lad who v immediate results, and the encourag out with his full story. As the co group interviews proceeded, it be in Colombo had a pattern distinct every effort was made to study this
The two distinctive features ab are firstly the existence of clearly in the preponderance of gang activity the ecological distribution of juveni no delinquency area had been previou the writers had in an earlier study 3 in Colombo" did not appear to be 6 per cent of the cases fell into this ( on an analysis of the case records of juvenile delinquent probationers fr careful to stress the limitation of ar piled by Probation Officers, but it is realised how grievously these reco present study, juvenile delinquenc activity in 85.4 per cent of the cases had offences been committed exce
TABLE II. TYPES OF JUV
Committed offences in gangs Committed offences singly
For the whole island, however, per cent of the cases :
TABLE III. TYPES OF JUV
Committed offences in gangs Committed offences singly
3. J. E. Jayasuriya and Sundari Kariyawa Hundred Juvenile Delinquent Probationers from publication : Juvenile Probationers in Ceylon-a p

) SUNDARI KARTYAWASAM
d from four or five children in some ther groups. Special efforts were taken those children who appeared to be the ved most helpful. A leader's friendly was seen to hold information back had ement by the leader made the lad come lection of information through these acame clear that juvenile delinquency from that of the rest of Ceylon, and pattern in full detail.
but juvenile delinquency in Colombo harked delinquency areas, and secondly No earlier study had been made on le delinquency in Colombo, and hence 1sly located. In the case of gang activity, concluded that juvenile delinquency a group or gang activity . . . . and only rategory.” This conclusion was based a representative sample of one hundred om Colombo. The writers had been 1 approach based on case records Comonly after their present study that they rds were in error. According to the y in Colombo was a group or gang , and only in 14.6 per cent of the cases pt in the company of others.
ENILE OFFENDERS (COLOMBO).
Number Per cent
163 85.4, 28 14.6.
191 100.0.
gang activity was evident only in 15.1
BNILE OFFENDERs (WHOLE ISLAND).
Number Per cent
169 15.1 977 84.9
1,146 100.0
sam : " An Analysis of the Case Records of One Colombo,' in Department of Census and Statistics reliminary survey, Colombo 1957.

Page 97
2.
JUVENILE DE
TABLE IV. REGIONAL DISTRIBUTION OF
From the city of Colombo From outside Colombo
It will be seen, therefore, that gan almost wholly confined to the city the incidence of gang crime is as high sively male activity. The percentag these boys is shown in Table V.
TABLE V. ETHNIC ORIGIN OF JUV
Sinhalese Moors Ceylon Tamils Malays Indian Tamils Burghers
Delinquency Ar
The homes of the 163 juvenile offel mitted offences in gangs were found classified as follows :
TABLE VI. LOCATION OF HOMES OF Ju
Squatters' areas Slum tenement areas Single dwelling house ar.
The squatters areas consist mainly River4, the banks of the Beira Lake, and the marshes of Wanathamulla. Colombo Municipality, squatters have One striking feature is that huts in a more or less according to a uniform ty and there are no windows. The coo so that an easy outlet is provided fo are available. Water is obtained frc
4. The nothern boundary of the City of Color

LINOUENCY 205
JUVENILE GANG CRIME (WHOLE ISLAND).
Number Per cent
99.6 163 م. 6 .4
169 100.0
g activity in juvenile delinquency is of Colombo, and that in Colombo as 85.4 per cent. It is also an exclue composition by ethnic groups of
NILE GANG OFFENDERS (COLOMBO).
Per Cent 47 30
10
eas in Colombo
inders from Colombo who had comto be located in areas which can be
JVENILE GANG OFFENDERS (CoLOMBO).
Per cent 19 78 aS - 3.
of the southern bank of the Kelani the banks of the Wellawatte Canal, In these areas which belong to the : built huts out of cadjan or timber. ll these areas have been constructed pe. There is only one door for a hut, king place is very near the entrance r the smoke. No sanitary facilities m the nearby lake, canal or river
mbo.

Page 98
206 J. E. JAYASURIYA AND
except in Wanathannulla. The mor additional huts and lease them out to The whole attitude of the squatters born of a bitter grievance against th landlessness.
The slum tenement areas from whic are in Pettah, Maradana, Slave Island, Town and Kollupitiya. Some of the a room and a kitchen ; some have or only a room. In many tenements tenements have an entrance as wel serve as approaches to these tenemel these passages are so narrow that two are sometimes so long and unending one cannot easily find one's way back There is no space at all for children t with sand and water. The passages that children urinate and wash then shared by two or three families, an extent of over crowding is very Con delinquents came from tenements v One could not imagine how so man and it was evident that some of the 1 ments on the approach passages or n
Both the squatters areas and slum People belonging to many different e religions inhabit these areas. They nology, geographically and social may say with Thrasher, "Threads C alongside rivers, canals, rail-road trac are manifestly undesirable for resid thrive in the interstices between ver constitute the city's poverty belt. T from which the delinquents came wa cent of the cases, between Rs. 50/- a per cent of the cases, and over Rs. 10 chief breadwinner of the family was t cases, and in the remaining 44 per c. or the offender himself was the breac
5. W. Thrasher : The Gang, Chicago, 1947.

SUNDARI KARYAWASAM
2 aggressive of the squatters construct others on a monthly rental of Rs. 5/-. towards the law is one of contempt, e State for their economic plight and
h78 per cent of the delinquents came Kotahena, Dematagoda, Obeyasekera tenements consist of a small verandah, tly a room and a kitchen ; a few have there are no windows. Most of the 1 as an exit. Very narrow passages hts from the main road and some of persons cannot walk abreast. They with numerous branch passages that to the street from which one started. ) run about and play and experiment stink as it is in these narrow passages nselves. Some of the tenements are d some even by four families. The siderable. Nearly 12 per cent of the with more than 20 occupants in all. y could sleep inside such a small area
male occupants slept outside the tene
earby street pavements.
tenement areas are very cosmopolitan. thnic groups as well as many different are in fact, using Thrasher's termi
ly interstitial areas, of which one
yf social disintegration tend to follow ks, and business streets whose borders 2ntial purposes and permit gangs to y good residence areas.' They also he gross family income of the homes s less than Rs. 50/- a month in 23 per month and Rs. 100/- a month in 46 )0/- in 31 per cent of the cases. The he father in nearly 40 per cent of the ent a sibling, a relative, a step-parent winner, or the family was in receipt
്
এৎ

Page 99
i
JUVENILE DE
of state aid. Employment was irregu vestigation into the social and emoti group showed a preponderance of th pre-disposing children to delinquenc were parental disharmony (Burt, 6);
parental lack (Warren, 8); child-mo Bowlby, 10); erratic discipline (Gluc hostility (Gluecks, 7 and Warren, 8)- anxiety and psychological insecurity.
The Structure and A
The 163 juvenile offenders from committed offences in gangs belonge This meant that it was very rarely tha was found in an institution. There members of a gang were in the Sam only one member of a gang was f conclusion from this state of affairs is quency must be very high.
Gangs were formed according to sil mity, and social background. Boys ( to group together. These gangs wel members. Boys of the 12-15 year age of 4 to 5 members and were by far over 15 years of age generally wo1 members. Members of gangs in the l members of older gangs temporarily latter gangs consisted of adults, largely of the juvenile gangs sought membersh others. Temporary alignments with when there was a pressing need for m successful period. Very often, childre of one gang. There was, however, si between gangs quite irrespective of th C3)C
6. Cyril Burt: The Young Delinquent, Londo
7. Sheldon and Eleanor Glueck: Unraveling.
8. W. Warren : " Conduct Disorders in Chi of Delinquency Vol. 1, 1951.
9. Kate Friedlander : The Psycho-Analytical 10. John Bowlby: Forty-Four Juvenile Thieves

LINOUENCY 207
ıllar in 71 per cent of the cases. Inonal relationships within the family he factors urged by psychologists as Sy. The more important of these unintegrated family life (Gluecks, ); ther separation (Friedlander, 9 and acks, 7); parental indifference and all of them conditions productive of
Activities of Gangs
this kind of environment who had l to as many as 153 different gangs. t more than one member of a gang
was a solitary case where all four e institution, but generally speaking und in an institution. An obvious
that the extent of undetected delin
milarity of age, geographical proxi)f the 9-12 year age range tended
•e often quite large and had 15 to 20 range formed themselves into gangs
the most daring gangs. Boys of ked in small gangs of two to four ower age groups very often became Io carry out a theft. Some of the Muslims. It was evident that some lip in gangs of adults more often than adult gangs were generally sought noney after a particularly lean and unn in the same street became members ocial intercourse and communication e geographical area from which they
in, 4th Edition, 1948. Iuvenile Delinquency, New York, 1950. ldren Aged Five to Eighteen Years,' Brit. Journal
Approach to Juvenile Delinquency, London, 1947. , London, 1947.

Page 100
208 J. E. JAYASURIYA AND
Every gang had a leader who ha the gang and won the acceptance of one who showed the same interests : and dislikes. He was one in whom In the event of his being caught by could make him give his friends av deputy-leader takes over the leaders the boys in the institutions were con on and that they would be able to Personal relationships were such the enced a sense of acceptance and aff Cognition and adventure was satisfie role to play, according to his special a his role would be that of the runner boy he would play the role of the " against a victim and unsettled him member of the gang to Snatch some run away. In this way, responsibilit individual. Irrespective of the part and every effort was given its full sl
The gang, rather than the home, They carry on most of their activit the pavements, roundabouts in the ci river and the Maradana and Fort 1 together, go sea bathing and river their homes. They often buy their the pavement and sell them at very l
The main occupation of these gar they use a language and an imagery pilfering according to them is pilliar to indicate the procedure of sending harmful act. Any type of picking (sometimes heard in colloquial use in but the word is also used to denote is sambal gahanava, the word scimbalb as one Sometimes speaks of saron sāmi out of weaving mills to traders gener. enabling the taking place of a theft is d usage of the word kuttuva. In ordi possibly the act of piercing is suggesti

SUNDARI KARIYAWASAM
ld emerged from the membership of the members. The leader was often is the members and had the same likes the others could have implicit faith. the police, neither threats nor assaults vay. When the leader is caught, the hip and the gang goes on. Most of fident that their old gangs were going join them after they were released. it every member of the gang experiection, and his need for security, red. Every member of the gang had a bility or skill. If he was a fast runner, in the gang. If he was a slow, clumsy pusher, the one who knocked heavily giving an opportunity to another possession off the victim's hands and Iy was shared by giving a role to each : played, everyone was paid equally hare of praise.
is the basic social unit for these boys. ies together; they sleep together on ty, or the open spaces near the Kelani railway stations. They visit cinemas bathing together, and seldom go to food off women who cook meals on
DW rateS.
gs is thieving and in that connection peculiar to themselves. Thieving or inava, a term used in magical practice a supernatural spirit to perform some (e.g., picking a pocket) is gahanava popular descriptions of such practices), ilfering or stealing. Stealing sarongs eing perhaps a corruption of sambuva, Juva or pair of sarongs (sarongs come ally in pairs). To give a cue or a clue escribed as kuttuva denava, an unknown nary usage it means to pierce, and fe of pointing out. To lie is spoken of

Page 101
JUVENILE D
as keppagahanava, a slang usage. Cl by the victim) is referred to as havo a in other words, a wild goose chase.
something or picking a pocket they being perhaps a corruption of the "business undertaking'. When the hodda honda, which means that the g or to pass by a person is jirå måruven grahaya or giraha meaning planet
arrival on the scene of a projected th
the execution of their plans, is referre
dvd. Haniyama is a magical practice and tontuvak literally means a persc gusting. To deceive is gundu gahar some quarters to indicate a sharp pr: a common slang usage. To steal a to kill a cock-bird. Asked why th to denote a coconut, the boys expl. steal anything else, they always stole and which was their saviour from h ficing of a cock-bird in order to save a disaster is every Common, and in a saviour. To be in very high spirits i. a corruption of parala venava whic overcome by the spirit of a demon narrated in their specialised language yanatua. Etakota ekek kuttulua dena Ekek jirā māru venava. Etakotama t kota tava ekek pilli aran duvanavā.
allana kota kollo kattiyak gall älda bāna gannavá. The passage will not mal with the specialised vocabulary and land. The English rendering is as
on a coup. One gives a clue. A victim concerned). Another pushes In a second, another snatches (a purs and runs off. Another goes past (the group aim stones at him. Someho
the day.”
Thieving under any circumstance use of words associated with magica

ELINQUENCY 209 ܗ
asing (generally chasing of the culprit llanava, literally 'chasing rabbits, or
When the boys succeed in pilfering say jamak bera gatta, the word jama Sinhalese word javarama, meaning ! stolen goods are valuable, they say ravy is good. To walk past a person avd., jira being perhaps a corruption of and maruvenava is movement. The left of someone who is an obstacle to d to asonna hūniyamakāvā or tōntuvak : intended to bring harm to a person, in whose physical appearance is dislava, an expression which is used in actice. To hit is adi arinava, which is cocount is kukula maranava, literally ley used a word meaning cock-bird ained that on days when they failed to a coconut on which they could subsist unger. In magical practice the sacrihuman life from danger or impending sense therefore, the cock-bird is like a s described as parana venavā, obviously sh in magical practices means being ... The carrying out of a theft was as follows : onna itin jāmak bēraganța va. Etakota passen kattiyak yanavá. ava ekek talluvak dënavā. Tik gāna Etakota tava ekek māruvenavā. Hāvo |va. Kohoma hari api edăța jămak bără ke sense to those who are unfamiliar imagery of Colombo's juvenile gangfollows: "We are now setting out group follows. One goes past (the him so that he knocks on (the victim). e or goods) off (his pockets or hands) man) then. When he chases, another v, we bring off a successful coup for
is a hazardous task and perhaps the practices might originally have been

Page 102
210 J. E. JAYASURIYA AND
the result of a sub-conscious attemp of security. Such words also have : their absorption in a sub-culture. T allanava, chasing rabbits, with its is surely have the effect of boosting the being chased.
Types (
Though there are many variations i certain basic patterns exist. Six pat
A. JUVENILE GANGS UNDER THE INFI such types :
(i) Decentralised Gangs. The te being appropriate for these gangs, as in most respects, although an integra an adult. The large gangs generally range from 9 to 15 years, and within consisting more or less of boys of th a unit in order to carry out a theft, an well defined parts to play. These gal hood of the Maradana and Fort railw of the day. The modus operandi is eye on people and gives the clue whe (9–12 year age-group) follows behin boys of the 15-18 year age-group. one of these latter boys pushes the ma or fountain pen, sometimes with the h gives chase but is somewhat obstructe children that had followed close at another gang of the 12-15 year age by aiming stones at him. He gives u picker will have passed on his bo yards away. The latter would then yards away by another in the manner will take over. The boys later get stolen (cr money realised from the s. boys. The gangs then go their inde with cinema attendance as a regular : of money and called into action.

UNDARI KARIYAWASAM
to experience a much needed sense n esoteric kind of appeal facilitating he phrase for being given chase havo nplications of a fruitless chase does morale of the delinquent boy who is
f Gangs
l the internal structure of these gangs, terns were noticed.
UENCE OF ADULTS. There are three
rm decentralised is suggested as each of these gangs is autonomous l part of a large gang controlled by consist of 20 to 30 boys whose ages the large gang are the smaller gangs e same age. The large gang acts as d the smaller decentralised gangs have ngs operate chiefly in the neighbouray stations during the crowed hours as follows. An adult keeps a close in he sees a possible victim. A gang d him, closely followed also by two
When the opportune time comes, in and the other boy picks his pocket :lp of a hook, and runs. The victim d in his start by the gang of younger hand. As the victim gives chase, group on the roadside distracts him the chase, and in the meantime the ty to another awaiting him some make a spurt, to be relieved some of a relay race, and finally an adult :cgether and a share of the money le of stolen articles) is given to the endent ways while the money lasts, ctivity, until they are again in need

Page 103
JUVENILE DE
(ii) Centralised Gangs under the di gang works under the full control live together, and are briefed and cc given independent assignments. Dur with the adult, but one member of th The children who belong to these g or children who have run away fron
The adult leader usually has some advantageous position for directing a and maintains a gang of 12 to 20 chi fed with the remnants of the lunches h by taking them to the pictures and In the course of his visits to collect with the households and is requested boy for the household. He agrees gang to take on the job and to run a house various articles listed by the n himself in any way, satisfies the hous and later satisfies himself with the goods.
Another way in which centralisec is by making some of the boys stag other boy members of the gang an passers-by join them and in the ge innocent onlooker is picked and ther
(iii) Gangs of dope sellers under aa boys of the age range 12-15 years. from an adult leader and receive abo clothing and shelter. If any member his interests are looked after by the boys come back to the gangs even ad very large percentage of the adult lea described earlier are Muslims.
B. HoRIZONTAL GANGS.
These are gangs working indeper adults. This is the most common ty quent boys in Colombo. Very ofte are those who have graduated fro
رنا

LINQUENCY 211
rect control of an adult. This type of of an adult. The members eat and ached by the adult. They are then ing this period, contact is maintained e gang may not even meet the others. angs are generally stranded children in their homes.
: employment that places him in an ctivities. Often he is a lunch carrier ldren in his house. The children are e carries, and he wins their confidence generally looking after their welfare. lunch baskets, he becomes friendly in course of time to find a servant to try and arranges for a boy in his way after a few days taking from the nan. The man, without committing ehold by getting them a servant boy proceeds from the sale of the stolen
i gangs under adult control operate 2 a fight. Among the onlookers are d the adult leaders. Some innocent neral confusion, the pocket of some 2 is no trace of the culprit.
ults. These gangs consist of 3 to 4 They trade in dope under directions ut Rs. 5/- a day in addition to food, of the gang is caught by the Police, adult. Loyalties are strong and the iter a period of enforced absence. A ders in this kind ofgang and in those
idently without being influenced by pe of gang activity among the delinn, the boys belonging to these gangs n membership in the centralised or

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212 J. E. JAYASURIYA ANL
decentralised gangs described earlier. of age. The most common theft carr by night from houses of window rai market is found among Indian Tam pilfering. They would walk into sh the salesmen in conversation, one or
other articles off the counters and ru from rubber buying depots is a comin which would follow loaded carts. S or two would cut open a loaded bag it and one or two others would hold an Bags of copra are often interfered engage in more daring thefts. They padlocks and for entering houses thro they remove jewellery and other artic
C. MUTUAL PAIRS.
Early investigators into delinquency as a gang but the tendency amongs Mutual pairs generally belong to the 1 one of the pair is dumb or otherwise together work as a team. They res one cannot get on without the other, too, and there is a sameness even abo cries, the other too cries. Their acti from shops or houses. While one ke or house, picks up some article (often v
Mixed (
Gangs which fail to rob anything gangs and go to the Destructors on 1 pitiya. There they will collect anythi pieces of copper, iron, buckles, bottles Sometimes they pick up dead fowl, wh On days when accumulation of w. Destructor on the Nugegoda Road, of plantain trunks (teppan padinava, what they want. When they return f their original gangs.

SUNDARI KARIYAWASAM
They are generally over 12 years ied out by these gangs is the removal lings, hinges etc, for which a ready ils. Others participate in day time ops and while one or two engage two others would snatch sarongs or in away. The theft of rubber sheet hon activity. There are other gangs some would distract the carter, one the back of the cart as it goes along, other bag to collect what falls off. with in this manner. Some gangs have their own devices for opening 1gh the roof. Once entry is gained, es of value.
, like Burt 6, did not regard a pair ocial psychologists now is to do so. 2-15 year age group. Very often, physically handicapped but the two ist any separation and behave as if Usually, they get caught together, ut their emotional responses. If one vity is generally confined to stealing 'eps watch, the other enters the shop ases from houses) and both run away.
Gangs
will often get together into larger he Nugegoda Road and at Madamng that can be converted to moneyetc.-and sell them to Indian Tamils. ich finds a market among Scavengers. iter prevents their approaching the
they swim to the place with the aid
as they describe it) and pick up rom the scene, they again get back to
l

Page 105
f
JUVENTILE DEL
Sale of
The cheaper varieties of stolen goo Tamils who trade in such goods. In such as wrist watches and fountain p on the streets. There are also so-calle centres of Such goods. Many boys gav “X Stores' and said that when it was fi frequented it as it readily purchased st
Inter-gang
In most Western cities where delin exist, a kind of gang warfare between Colombo, there was no evidence o appeared to exist and operate side by
Implications of
A number of factors emerge from of juvenile delinquency in the City of
1. Juvenile delinquency appears to Colombo. They correspond to t and Shaw and McKay 11 speak housing, over crowding, unhygi disease, ethnically mixed groups adult crime-in short, by almo deterioration.
2. Juvenile delinquency in the city
activity. The children living i faction of their basic psychologic and readily seek the company o the emotional and sccial vacuu as Mays says of Liverpool, 12, the pattern of juvenile conduct h tained by the familiar system of
11. Clifford, R. Shaw and Henry D. McKay
1942.
12. J. B. Mays : " A Study of a Delinquent C 1952.
 

[NQUENCY 213
Goods
ds find a ready sale among Indian the case of more expensive articles ins, customers are sometimes found d Social Clubs which are purchasing e the names of a shop in the Pettah st established a few years ago, they olen goods.
Aggression
Juent gangs have been reported to rival gangs has been reported. In f inter-gang aggression and gangs side in perfect harmony.
fThis Study
this study regarding the problem
Colombo.
be endemic in the slum areas of he interstitial areas which Thrashers, of, and are characterised by bad 2nic living, poverty, unemployment, without stable roots in any culture, st every sign of physical and social
Df Colombo is almost wholly a gang in the above areas are denied satis:al needs in the home environment, peer groups in an endeavour to fill m in their lives. In these groups, delinquency is an accepted part of anded down by tradition and maingang alliance.' Elsewhere, the same
Juvenile Delinquency in Urban Areas, Chicago,
mmunity,' Brit. Journal of Delinquency, Vol. 3.,

Page 106
214
5.
J. E. JAYASURIYA AND
writer says 13, "The groups the stimulus, offers rewards
above all, gives to delinquent it would perish.” The pressu social, towards conformity ar. to resist and they can certainly b whose home situations are di ships within their families are
A great deal of juvenile delin as is evidenced by the fact th: as many as 153 different gang gangs only one member, ou from 2 to 20, was in an institut
Being sent to an institution is punishment for the vast majo! acts in this kind of social setting Titmuss when he says 14, "S boys not so much a manifesta is a part of the total process of with the culture of society as delinquents in Ceylon are alm procedures and are in spirit and warning 15 that " few fields ( measures are applied on such f of juvenile delinquency' is mo The chief danger in sending to mitted an act of delinquency in is that, as Bovet stresses, the me may set in motion a new cha such as insecurity, anxiety, a ultimately in a more dangerous
The rehabilitation of this kind the social psychologist, and re procedures not so much to t but more to the whole group of Slavson 16 and Bierer 17 is
J. B. Mays : Grouving up in the City, Live R. M. Titmuss in his foreword to Mays (1 L. Bovet: Psychiatric Aspects of Juvenile 1
S. R. Slavson : The Practice of Group The J. Bierer : Therapeutic Social Clubs, Lond

SUNDARI KARIYAWASAM
ets the pattern of behaviour, provides in prestige and companionship and, ife the ethical content without which res of the group, even if it be antie too powerful for most individuals e overwhelming in the case of children - turbed or whose emotional relationstrained.
Juency in Colombo goes undetected, at 163 juvenile offenders belonged to gs, and in the vast majority of these I of a possible membership ranging Ol.
no remedy and is certainly a harsh
city of boys who commit delinquent ... We cannot agree too strongly with uch behaviour is for the majority of tion of individual maladjustment but adjustment to a sub-culture in conflict a whole.” Institutions for juvenile ost completely devoid of therapeutic in practice penal institutions. Bovet's xist in which more serious coercive limsy objective evidence than in that st appropriate in the Ceylon situation.
an institution a boy who had com- ir the kind of setting we have described re fact of being labelled delinquent in of delinquency producing factors ggression, guilt, insecurity resulting
and deep seated kind of delinquency.
of delinquent is essentially a task for
quires the application of therapeutic
he individual delinquent in isolation
of which he is a member. The work very suggestive for this purpose.
rpool, 1956.
}),
Delinquency, Geneva, 1951.
rapy, New York, 1947. on, 1948.

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JUVENILE DE
It must be remembered that g; acts can often be made, by the to participate with equivalent jectS.
. Simultaneously with the appli
rehabilitate delinquent children grammes directed at the era factors in the Community as a must the delinquency sub-cul engineering, but the condition sub-culture must also be chal to combat effectively the prol city of Colombo.
 

LINQUENCY 215
angs of children taking to delinquent right socio-psychological procedures satisfaction in socially accepted pro
cation of therapeutic procedures to , there must be social welfare prodication of delinquency producing whole. In other words, not only ture be changed by psychological S that gave rise to the delinquency nged by social engineering, in order plem of juvenile delinquency in the

Page 108
REJVIE JMV ARTICLE
ORATORIANS A
The Catholic Church in
S. ARASA
THE driving force behind the expal four centuries was both economic a may be said to have been the predor and growth of European influence ir poor second, varying in the extent different stages. The intellectual and 16th Centuries had given Christianity it did not possess in the medieval ( several sections, it throve on contr( natural that each nation should have only its flag and its account books part of the history of the activities of to propagate its own brand of the ( its influence extended. While mucl literature produced on the temporal in the East, insufficient attention has Propagandists of particular denom: claims in their own favour.
Judging from a broad Asian stan attempt to conquer Asia for the doct its forms, has been a failure. There exceptions where this work has m most important of these is the Philipp Catholicism met with considerable limited success are some isolated po parts of India such as the Malabar c the coastal lands of the island of Cey with Christianity came through Cat Century. This led to the founding c with the withdrawal of the protec in 1658 when it was replaced by the of trials and innumerable difficulties.

ND PREDIKIANTS
Ceylon Under Dutch Rule
ARATNAM
lsion of Europe overseas in the past nd religious. In general, the former ninant factor at every stage in the rise 1 Asia but the latter was always not a of its effect with each power and in religious movements of the 15th and a new vigour and a dynamism which ra. Though Christendom split into oversy and competition. It was but : carried over with it to the East not but also the cross. Thus an integral f each nation in the East is its attempt christian faith in the countries where l work has been done and excellent side of the careers of these nations been paid to their religious influences. nations have made disproportionate
dpoint, it must be admitted that the rines of Christ, in one or the other of have, however, been some remarkable et with some limited success. The ines where Spanish attempt to implant : success. Other instances of this ckets of Christianity planted in some oast, the Madura coast and Goa, and on. Ceylon's first large scale contact holic missionary activity in the 16th f the Catholic Church of Ceylon and, tive hand of the Portuguese power Dutch, this Church entered a period
Though Robrecht Boudens's work,
~

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ORATORIANS AN
The Catholic Church in Ceylon under Du Rome, Catholic Book Agency, 1957 the Church faced and solved the diffic the Dutch East India Company exercis of Ceylon (1658-1796), it raises a n to the general problems connected wit Community.
Father Boudens discusses, at the out achieved by the various Catholic mis planting Christianity in Ceylon (pp. Franciscans, Jesuits, Augustinians an organised attempt, though the Franci, enjoyed the largest harvest. It is a sto embrace the faith; hundreds of churc island. But there is something lacking out the whole work. The book certa is also a great deal that it does not te missionaries come, preach, convert, b. for the kind of society they operated tried to replace, the motives for suc faith and the reasons why the new con difficulties. For the author, as for som dealt with this theme, the belief that The Truth seems to be sufficien happened. It only remains to exa where did they do it, to whom and
In order to place the spate of conve 17th Century in its proper perspecti missionary activity with Portuguese that proselytisation succeeded in the cor indigenous religions, Buddhism and F. The widespread suppression of the pu the coastline, the destruction of temples. of priests created a spiritual void amo to fill. The immense success of the m patnam has to be seen alongside the Jaffna that he had destroyed 500 Hinc In an age when there was no materia 1. C. R. Boxer, “ Christians and Spices. Portug
History Today 8(5) May 1958, p. 351.
V
 

D PREDIKANTS 217
Itch Rule (Bibliotheca Missionalis—10. ) is manifestly an account of how ulties it met with in the years when ed power over the maritime portions umber of issues which are relevant h the attempt to evangelise an Asian
set, the efforts made and the success isionary movements in the work of
30-59). All the major ordersi Dominicans-took part in this scans were the first in the field and ry of unqualified success; thousands hes are established in all parts of the ; in the narrative, as indeed throughainly tells us a great deal; but there lil us. With monotonous regularity aptise and depart. We look in vain on, the nature of the religions they h large scale acceptance of a new verts stuck to this faith amidst grave le other Christian writers who have
these missionaries were preaching t explanation for everything that mine such details as who did it, with what success.
rsions of the 16th Century and early ve one should inter-relate Catholic policy. One should bear in mind text of a rigorous suppression of the Hinduism, by the political authority. blic exercise of these religions along , shrines and images and the expulsion ng the people which something had issionaries in the Kingdom of Jaffnaboast of a Portuguese Governor of du temples in that Kingdom alone.1 il security, and the spiritual security
CSC Missionary Methods in Ceylon 1518-1658,

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218 S. ARAS
provided by the traditional religic seem to have embraced Catholicis times.
Christianity as it was presented ti to the forms of worship that they ha aspect of the question neglected by of Catholic worship was a good alt monies. The missionaries were th of adapting Christianity to Asian si de Nobile took this to an extreme Madura of presenting Christianity Again in the late 18th Century a Mysore by Abbé Dubois. Jesuits by adapting Christianity to Col frowned on by the orthodoxy in Ror missionaries from making particular work of the faith. There is evide did not look upon their new faith a tional beliefs. Baldaeus observed, valence of pagan practices amo) Portuguese. In the authoritative ( several modes of Christian worshi to make an impression and gain grou form, which Protestants consider id
Yet another factor that is worth system on missionary activity. Til was that they could only attract t towards the new faith. Tennent pc was that the fishing castes along the attracted towards Christianity. He not quite convincingly.
A charge that has pricked the cons much of the conversion of the Ceylo
Panikkar, Asia and Western Dominance (Lond Roderick Cameron, *The Abbé Dubois in ] Panikkar, op. cit, pp. 391 ff.
Baldaeus, Naewkeurige Beschryvinge van Mala
1672, pp. 182—3.
Quoted from J. E. Tennent, Christianity in C Tennent, op. cit. p. 11.

ARATNAM
ons was breaking down, many people m as some solace in those troublous
) the people was not totally dissimilar ld so far been used to and this too is an the author. The rich ceremonialism ernative to their now proscribed cereemselves following a conscious policy oil. In the early 17th Century Father and tried an ingenious experiment in
in terms of Brahmanic Hinduism. similar experiment was attempted in in China tried to combat Buddhism nfucianism.4 These were generally ne, but it did not preclude the ingenicus alterations within the broader framece to believe that the native converts s anything contradictory to their tradiin the early Dutch period, the preng the Christians left behind by the opinion of Dubois, ' If any one of the p be calculated more than any other ind in India, it is no doubt the Catholic olatry.6
2xamining is the influence of the caste le constant complaint of missionaries he lower castes in the social order ses the interesting problem of why it : coast seem to have been greatly attempts to provide an answer, though
cience of Christian missionaries is that nese was Superficial and his knowledge
on, 1953) pp. 383—4. ndia,' 'History Today 8(3), Mar. 1955, pp. 166-8.
har en Choromandel en het Eyland Ceylon, Amsterdam
eylon (London, 1850), p. 18.

Page 111
ORATORIANS AN
of Christianity very scanty. The aut of his subject in one cryptic sentence of the history of Christianity in Ceylor ination. Mass conversions, such as necessarily have been, to some extent discovered the knowledge of some C. though their zeal was out of all proport officials who took over from the Po the people with requests that they be pe practices. The statistics produced b selves. In 1634 he gives the exact figu istians in the Kingdom of Jaffnapatn the figure is placed at anything betwe There had thus been a considerable a spread literature in the national languag could not have had a deep knowledg
One cannot help feeling that the mis plication table in the reports they se converts they were making. All sor statistics are put forward in Contempora in Europe painting their work in the menon peculiar to Ceylon. It is in f missionary society of this time. 10
The bulk of Fr. Boudens’s book di Catholic Church of Ceylon faced th by a Protestant power. Intolerance testant State being the order of the day of Ceylon could expect no quarter must be admitted, however, that the intolerant of European states and, as within its boundary, its anti-Catholic in practice. As soon as the Portugu the Dutch took stern measures to root One of the prime sources of Portugues looked upon with deep suspicion. Th 1658—1687, a period which Fr. Boude of the Catholic Church, The Dark
8. Baldaeus, op. cit, p. 150.
9. Van der Meyden to Directors of V.O.C., 29 Ja voor Opperkoopman Pavileon, 31 October 1658, K(
10. Panikkar, op. cit, pp. 414-5.

O PREDIKANTS 219
hor dismisses this important aspect (p. 59). But for the keen student 1 this is a matter that requires examwere achieved at that time, must , superficial. Dutch padre Baldaeus atholics he came across very scanty, ion to their understanding.8 Dutch rtuguese in Jaffna were pestered by armitted to return to their heathen y Father Boudens speak for them|re of 72,348 as the number of Chram (p. 44). In the 18th Century an 15 and 20 thousand (p. 100, 133). postasy. In the absence of a widees on Christianity, even the literate e of Christian theology.
isionaries have been using the multint home regarding the number of ts of contradictory and conflicting ry records. Reports to the superiors
brightest colour was not a phenoact a characteristic of almost every
eals with the manner in which the e challenge of political domination of both the Catholic and the Proin Europe, the new Catholic Church from the East India Company. It
Netherlands was one of the least it had a sizeable Catholic minority
laws existed more in theory than ese were expelled from the island, out all trace of Portuguese influence. e power was the Church which was e first stage of Dutch rule in Ceylon ns designates from the point of view Ages (pp. 72-88), saw a ruthless
nuary 1662, Koloniale Archief 1124 f 20, Instructie »l. Arch. 1121, f201...

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220 S. ARAS
suppression of Catholics in Ceylon. viewed in relation to the insecurity possibility of a Portuguese attempt when, hounded by the Dutch pow them, several of the Superficial con a hard core of believers.
This challenge to the existence of duced a response in the person of th Oratorian mission. Defying the p. establishing the Kandyan Kingdo missionary saw the Church in Cey re-established the connection betwe the mainland and gave them the m to defy the Dutch and continue ti The career and achievements of Fr (pp. 89-115), who emerges, in mar establishment of the Oratorian missic not be a mere flash in the pan, but Indian missionaries, aware of Easter languages, and could easily be smug
One of the interesting features ( the conscience of the Ceylonese betw Though the latter was the established of the State behind it, the former ha the contest was, in many respects, was the result of volunteer enthusia chanelled through the State becaus any unofficial intrusion into its East stration, as befits a commercial Co. any large sum of money on any ma always lorded it over the Church mutual recriminations and conflict. always had a larger number of priests though their presence in Ceylon was In the days when Dutch persecution take advantage of the tolerant attit Catholicism and use this Kingdom in Dutch territories.
The mission that provided an un Ceylon was more adopted to Easte

ARATNAM
This anti-Catholic policy has to be felt by the Dutch in Ceylon and the at reconquest. These were the years er, without any priests to minister to
verts back-slided leaving behind only
the Catholic Church in Ceylon proe Venerable Father Joseph Vaz and his rohibitionary bans of the Dutch and m as his headquarters, this Goanese lon through its most difficult period, en them and their co-religionists on oral and material leadership necessary heir separate existence on the island. . Joseph Vaz are dealt with in detail hy ways, the hero of this work. The on in Goa ensured that his work would
would be continually carried out by 1 conditions, proficient in the national gled into Ceylon from the mainland.
of this period is the competition for veen the Catholics and the Protestants. religion having the whole machinery d several advanatages over it. In fact unequal. While the Catholic effort sm, the entire Protestant attempt was : the Company would not brook of Jern possessions. The Dutch adminimpany, was never prepared to spend issive effort to proselytise. The State and there are numerous instances of Paradoxically enough, the Catholics attending to them in the 18th Century, illegal, than the Protestants ever had. was effective, the priests were able to ude of the Kandyan Kings towards as a springboard for their activities
ailing source of recruits for work in
Cn tradition than were the Predikants
ܐ

Page 113
-
ORATORIANS A
of the Dutch. They were Indians
disguise. As contrasted with the rig were preaching a more colourful
variety never seems to have caught c to image worship and ceremonialisr from their Church. Fr. Boudens r was held in the Kandyan court betv Calvinist in the presence of King Sri attacked the use of images in Cathol with reference to Scriptures. Evide with the arguments adduced by the worship (pp. 193-4). Very few o either of the national languages and
people.
Towards the latter part of Dutch virtually ceased to be a proselytising tering to Dutch officials and free placaais lost their edge and open breat officials. In fact, if Fr. Boudens’s so penetrated even the highest rungs Predikants were trying to urge the po acts, the latter were more cautious as of the land. Yet another factor we priests by the Kings who, time and a with the Dutch on their behalf. All to acts of open defiance and public
A very interesting chapter discuss towards Catholicism (pp. 189-203). of Dutch rule, a policy of toleration maritime provinces. This was, no for he desired to use these Catholic had fallen out. This tradition of frie on by his successors ; this factor pr the Oratorian mission in Ceylon. W this facility was denied to them beca wary of Catholic activities. This is movement that was taking place in K was viewing with alarm the growt themselves in Madura were very tol Ceylon they were bending over back
 
 

ND PREDIKANTS 221
and hence could pass undetected in orous Calvinism of the Dutch they creed. Protestantism of the Dutch in in Ceylon. Their strict opposition l took away much of the attraction ecords an interesting discussion that veen Fr. Goncalvez and an unnamed Vira Narendra Singha. The Calvinist ic worship which the priest defended ntly, the King was highly taken up Catholic priest in defence of image f the Dutch Predikants could speak hence could never get down to the
rule the Protestant Church in Ceylon
Church and was content with minispurghers. Most of the anti-Catholic shes of the law were condoned by the urces are any guide, Catholicism had of Dutch officialdom. While the litical authority on to more repressive they did not want to upset the peace is the favour shown to the Catholic gain, intervened to use their influence these factors encouraged the Catholics profession of their faith.
es the policy of the Kandyan Kings
Rajasinha II started, at the beginning towards Catholic refugees from the doubt, largely from political motives s against the Dutch, with whom he andship towards Catholics was carried oved very favourable in establishing /ith the Nayakkar accession, however use the Kandyan kings became more largely due to the Buddhist revivalist andy in the mid 18th Century which h of Catholic influence. Nayakkars erant of Christian missionaries but in wards trying to placate the Buddhist

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222 S. ARASA
clergy and thus popularise their ru they were by this time sufficiently w as to dispense with the need to use K.
When in the last years of the 18t Dutch in Ceylon there is definite evi community, which, though not num Portuguese power, now consisted of over the island who had seen the faith strengthened through years of sacrifice British period Such as Emerson Tenne at the same time showing us that the with Dutch power except for the smal the work of Father Joseph Vaz and th sionaries who not only kept the faith : fresh Conquests and ensured the continu such promise in the Portuguese perio tribute to the labour of these men.
Lastly, one of the most valuable sec which seems so exhaustive that it goe and would be useful to any student of part of Asia. Helpful comments on and contemporary printed works wo bother to any future student. The unpublished letters of Fr. Joseph Vaz plotted on it all the Catholic Churches
rule.

RATNAM
ille. Fortunately for the Catholics, sell established in the maritime areas
andy as a springboard.
h Century the English replaced the dence of a virile and active Catholic erically as large as in the period of a hard core of believers scattered all through its worst days and had been and suffering. Writers of the early nt bear testimony to this fact, while Dutch church virtually disappeared | Dutch community. This is largely 2 galaxy of devoted and earnest misalive in a hostile land but also made lance of a Church which had showed d. Fr. Boudens’s work is eloquent
tions of this work is its bibliography s far beyond the scope of the work Christian missionary activity in this each series of manuscript records uld serve to save a lot of time and
Appendix includes some hitherto and two maps, one of which has in the island at the end of Portuguese
-
;ن

Page 115
BOOK R
KNOX, ROBERT., An Historical Relation S. D. Saparamadu (The Ceylon. Hist April 1957, Nos. 1 to 4, First edition M
The contradiction between the statement that this published in 1958, and the announcement that the bo (July 1956-April 1957) is explained in an editorial publication from July 1958, and that a special issue “ confounded in the introduction written by S. D. S. “ would particularly like to record by (sic) thanks to Journal.” We can only conclude that the gentlem: of this issue of Knox, but his “ editing ' is confine Needless to say, the claim that this is the first editic was published by Richard Chiswell, printer to the subjoined to The History of Ceylon by Philalethes (Ro Ryan was published in Glasgow in 1911. The preser edition, and the attempts to conceal this fact provide ness. We need only mention the suggestio falsi in th where modernising the text is concerned ... the coi with, and wah for which have been extended and to modern custom ” p. liv.). The italicised words : edition (the conjunction " and ' is original, and rep
This is surely a most ungenerous and dishonest pro the 1911 edition contained a great deal that did not these innovations are reproduced photographically Ryan at the top of each page, and his references to this kind of information regarding differences in var appended bibliography, but for obvious reasons no Thus, besides the general issue, 100 copies of the 19 the result was elegant indeed. The present edition ex photographs of Knox's tree, the Coat of Arms, the f: appeared as a folder, and the facsimile of Knox's hand title page is reduced from the 1681 folio to fit a full
Mention must be made of the unpardonable im lead to a definitive edition' including the MSS note have been ignorant of the fact that the Hakluyt Sc collaboration of the Ceylon Government Archivist definitive edition, for the event was widely publishe
Plans for a revised edition of the Historical Relati wrote to his cousin Rev. John Strype that his publish “ the only thing which will keepe my name in the Although this interleaved copy came to the British in 1925 and is now in the Christy Ethnographic sectic until recently since it was never included in the Briti its identity was being " established by ' experts identified the secret of its existence was not made k A few years ago it became generally known that ti new edition incorporating the MSS notes. Mr. Sap edition are not available in Ceylon libraries (p. viii) is Museum Library as early as 1955, but the reviewer material being worked on by museum officials was tected by some harsh provision in the Ordinance, v from students on the ground that it was being “e ordered shortly afterwards for the Government Arcl not available for inspection. In other words, two pressly for the public, have been withheld from stuc a fitsubject for the attention of the Antiquities Con
 

EVIEVVS
of Ceylon, with an introduction by orical Journal Vol. VI-July 1956 to Aay 1958. Rs. 10.)
is the “first edition' of Knox's Historical Relation ok represents Vol. 6 of the Ceylon Historical Journal note which states that the periodical will resume covering Vol. 7 is in print. Confusion is worse paramadu " of the Ceylon Civil Service,' for he Miss S. Saparamadu, editor of the Ceylon Historical an of the Ceylon Civil Service is “ editor' only d to a fifty-page introduction of doubtful value. n' of Knox is palpably false : the original edition
Royal Society, London in 1681. The text was bert Fellowes) in 1817, and a new edition by James it edition is in fact a photo litho offset from Ryan's an amusing combination of craftiness and artlesse introduction, that “ we have followed (sic) Ryan tractions yt for that, “ ye for the,' ' with for the letters i, i, u and f for F have been used according are reproduced from Ryan's preface to the 1911 laces Ryan's colon).
ocedure for one who sets out to edit a classic. For appear in the original issue of 1681, and many of in the present edition, e.g., the dates inserted by the folios of the original edition. It is precisely ious editions that one would have expected in the collation of the editions listed is even attempted. 11 edition were printed on hand-made paper, and (cludes the Bodleian autobiography (1696), Ryan's lcsimile of the title page of the 1681 edition which writing. (What goes as a facsimile of the original -page of the present edition).
plication that the present edition " will possibly s for the second edition. The editor could hardly ciety's edition is in active preparation, with the , quite independently of Mr. Saparamadu’s nond in the local newspapers.
on date as far back as 1713, in which year Knox er had given him an interleaved copy of his book, memory of the world,' for a revised edition. Museum in the 1890's it was “ discovered’ only n. Its existence was unknown to Ceylon students sh Museum general catalogue, presumably because in England, and even when it had been finally nown via any of the British Museum catalogues. he Hakluyt Society was arranging to bring out a aramadu's statement that copies of the interleaved incorrect. A copy was procured for the Colombo was not permitted to examine it then because taboo to the public ! A museum official, provas withholding an expensive photostat of a MSS dited' for publication Another photostat was nives, but the reviewer has been informed that it is copies of a MSS. in institutions maintained exients over a period of three years : This is surely lmission appointed last year.

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224
The fate of Knox's classic at the hands of suc which have appeared in the present century have of Sinhalese social life with which Knox's book account of the island ' through Puritan eyes' ( (Secord, Ludowyk), and so on, its authenticity ha until Dr. Karl Gunawardene's article, " Some c. Ceylon,' appeared in the current issue of the C that nowhere in the text does Knox mention tha that his account of Rajasimha, still more his drawi could not have been the work of Knox in view illustrations in the MSS for the second edition.
The student can only lament that even the prop against the background of Kandyan village life, th Ludowyk rightly says,
“Because Knox was ... the ordinary proc Sinhalese, for all its prodigious differences in the Kandyan Kingdom for close upon moved with the ordinary villagers of the v of residence took him ' (Robert Knox in the
Unfortunately the present edition omits the Bodlei the best evidence of Knox's mode of life in the Kal in the manner of the natives, had a beard, " got bare-foot and naked above the waist, drank arra when given European clothes and shoes after his and uneasey like as a Collar to a dog, or yoake to
It remains to point out some inaccuracies in M1
1. p. xviii. Accrareagala (spelt " Accaresgull' (cf. Alphabetical List of Sabaragamuwa Villages, Gov. Pattuva which once formed part of Handanpanc (v. Bell's Kegalle Report, pp. 2, 51, 55.)
2. There is no such place as Diyaladdhapattu uv, name for Handanpanduna. The reference can Korale (which Knox marks in his map as “ Kenag
3. It is not true that Knox' soon had two hou to the Bodleian Autobiography, Knox built his fi (“that portion which the Knoxes occupied is d suppose they mean the 'foreigner's garden'.' Mon of returning to see it, and being welcomed by hi verted into a royal store for coconuts. At Akiri of theire owne durity and darke houses,” but he bu bank of a fine fresh water river, (forgitting how I Watt).' He built a third house on a piece of la Udunuvara (the village tradition is that it was th of the Central Province, I).
4. Regarding Knox's statement, “The Count not for money, but service,' the editor commen not own all the land..” (p. xxxvii). In theory considered “ lord of the soil' and the subject has could be confiscated for various reasons, e.g. tre with the land. The fact that compensation was crown without good reason, does not invalidate th
5. The statement on p. xxxvii regarding the pe “What would appear to be another mistak in the book and his description of the Kanc devalas. This however has a simple explar II's father Senerat and revealed again only i a place in the Perahera only during the tim

cessive editors is remarkable indeed. The editions been undertaken by persons ignorant of the tradition largely deals. Although it has been discussed as an Boxer), as a literary work which influenced Defoe is never been examined even from internal evidence onsiderations on Robert Knox and his writings on Iniversity of Ceylon Review. This paper points out the had an audience with the King of Kandy, and ng, may have been fanciful. Besides, the illustrations of the ineptitude he has exhibited as an artist in his
osed Hakluyt edition is unlikely to consider the text le life which Knox himself lived and described. As
luct of a traditional culture in many ways like the from it, he was able to live so fully and completely twenty years ... Throughout his life in Ceylon he arious parts into which his several enforced changes 2 Kandyan Kingdom, xii).
an autobiography discovered in 1910 which provides ndyan kingdom. He grew his hair long to the waist a cloth and wore the country habit,' went about ck and got accustomed to betel-chewing. Indeed, escape, he found them at first “very troublesome a hog.'
'. Saparamadu's introduction to the 1958 edition :
in Knox's map) is Akiriyagala, not " Etiriyagala' ernment Press, 1926). This Village is in the Mavata luna, which latter appears in Knox's map and text
a which the editor suggests (p. xviii) is the modern only be to Deyaladahamuna Pattuva in Kinigoda oda Courle' but does not mention in his text).
ses built” in Handanpanduna (p. Xviii). According "st house in Bandarakosvatta, in Kurunagala District esignated by the natives parangi-watta-by which I thly Lit. Reg., III, 1985, p. 220). He had the pleasure s former neighbours, after the house had been conyagala (in Handanpanduna) ' they put me into one ilt himself' another house on a fine situation on the was served with my former house in Bonder Cosse ind which he purchased for 25 larins at Eladatta in Le site of the present valavva, cf. Lawrie's Gazetteer
rey being wholly His, the King Farms out his land ts: “ this of course is not correct for the King did at least, as in many feudal societies, the king was only a contingent interest in his possession which ason, or non-performance of the service associated paid in practice when land was appropriated to the le theory or Knox.
"rahara is wide of the mark, viz. 2 is that Knox makes no mention of the Tooth Relic ly Perahera is one of a ceremony to honour the four lation for the Tooth Relic was hidden by Rajasingha n the reign of Vimala Dharma Surya II. It received e of Kirti Sri Rajasingha, fifty years later.” 7ܟܗ
多

Page 117
s
In the fist place failure to mention the Tooth Relic confines the perahara to the devales not because the the Temple of the Tooth nor any Buddhist templ said, the king gave pride of place to the Temple
who brought the Upasampada ordination from Si. procession, as the editor implies, only the symboli three Gods, Pattini, Kataragama, and Alutnuvara.
With all its shortcomings, and the questionable that this edition will be a boon to students, being moderate price. The reader would have been gre words were modernised, at least in the index. H Dio, Horse Pot, Attoms, Gom Sabbi, Wanniounay, reader, and Ferguson's admirable compilation of K
LUDOwYK, E. F. C., The Footprint Unwin, 1958, 30 Sh.)
“ To discard legend, and myth, and fairy tale v sources of information about a people as to reject it from Dr. Ludowyk's Prologue to his Footprint of th which we awalited the book since the first anno attitude not often displayed by writers who make thing in these legends and myths which escape the thetic scepticism which passes for scientific detachir of a culture's past one needs more than anything of what is derisively called gullibility. Once you missed you need not gull yourself any longer; yo way as the raft in the Buddha's famous parable quot author had struck the correct note and we were sur reading it, would be amply rewarded.
There have been other writers on Ceylon who the Buddha, the kings, the warriors, the dagobas, the I could think of Parker, Burrows, Cave, Keble, Gi they have, none of them, been able to grasp the e were either too prosaic, or where they tried to be legends (Clark, Keble, and Still) which do not po in the main to the fact that none of these writers to deal with. They were literally foreign to the his greater claims to understanding the ethos of th to search for the meaning of these tales, since he h years of acquaintance with the Ceylon village wh with a tinge of disappointment : the author has 1 understanding show up occasionally in such spiri in form, they express the truth of poetry, which i (p. 39), or “ The sensibilities of the majority of m priceless possession of the world's art were made to to the sum of things’ (p. 171). But the overall ef of any other written on similar aspects of the cul recounts many stories and retails out legend after 1 however, tend to obscure the poetry of the simple
The Prologue and Chapters Two and Three are t tained the tone he proposed for himself to begin w to sustain his original role un selfconsciously, and which he refuses to come down. We would not author in his preface says that “ This book seeks monuments of old Ceylon ...' We have not bee for whose edification the author cites one learned for such support from authority unless we take it th
 

225
cannot be a mistake,” merely an omission. Knox Tooth Relic was hidden away, but because neither e had a place in it until Kirti Sri's time when, it is in the procession at the insistence of Upali Stavira ann. The Tooth Relic itself was never taken in the c casket. Knox does not mention four devales, but
The last is probably an error.
modus operandi of the editor, there is no denying , the only complete reprint of Knox available at a atly assisted if Knox's quaint rendering of Sinhalese is amuising transliteration of words Such as Potting can hardly be expected to make sense to the average nox’s vocabulary is hard to come by.
RALPH PERIS.
of the Buddha (London, Allen and
would just as much rob one of one's most valuable S art and literature as unimportant.” This statement le Buddha seems to justify fully the expectation with uncement about it. That quotation underlines an the hidden past their field. There is always somemodern mind handicapped as it is with an unsympament. To understand what is not easily understood alse a certain amount of sympathy and a good deal
have understood what you would have otherwise bu can treat all the legends and myths in the same :ed in this book (p. 55). In this sense we felt that the e that his troubles in writing this book, and ours in
had a peck or two at the vast store of legends about temples, the peaks, the rivers, and men and women. bson, Still and Hennessy, to name only a few. But lusive poetry of these unsophisticated tales. They otherwise they have succeeded only in creating new ssess the same flavour. This may be probably due really felt the pulse of the culture they were trying tap-roots. Dr. Ludowyk on the other hand, with e Sinhalese, one felt, would be just the right person as all the necessary intellectual equipment and long ere the legend still lives. But one closes the book not kept his promise. No doubt his sympathy and ted sentences as “ The legends are not only poetic s, after all, a more philosophic thing than history' ten are so hardened today that if any one single disappear, it would apparently make little difference ject of the book is not altogether different from that lture of Ceylon. Written in a very facile style, it egend interspersed with scholarly quotations which,
elief. The author has relied too much on history.
he most readable since in these the author has mainth. But he seems to have found it a difficult task has let himself rise to heights of scholarship from have made this allegation but for the fact that the to bring before the common reader the Buddhist in able to find out who the “common reader is opinion after another. There certainly is no need at the writer felt the need for reinforcing his work.

Page 118
226
In fact these quotations, some absolutely unnecessar India, on page 16), in our opinion, destroy the sim maintain. We have known Dr. Ludowyk as being of even the driest piece of information. But in t wonderful opportunity he has. His treatment of t he quotes from the Graffiti is prefaced by a stateme We do not say that some intimation concerning the the reader does not want to be stuffed at every turn writer' or “ another in the second half of the nint
To the “ common reader' too many footnotes a to verify whether a particular quotation is to be fou after all of no significance to the common reader on page. But we are tempted to make this comment b the book something of a 'learned treatise which, ac In fact, this confusion between what the common now and then throughout the book. And in const appraised here are lost in a tangle of description, ve a student reads in an article which publishes and d sculpture. One reads, for example, about the fa " Here is carved in a cavity of the rock the figure of ease), his right leg bent at the knee, the outstretchec bent back on the ground, the left foot meeting th Such descriptions may be necessary. But to bring o quite different from this kind of analysis with whi very systematically to discuss the various scholarly t poses to foist on the reader as if they were facts pr reader-the common reader-is still in the dark as art. This kind of factual analysis and ready accepta make the book heavy reading without convincing t described, whether it is the Sacred City,' 'Royal P
As main reading matter the book contains a Pro chapters Seven, Eight, Nine and part of the Epilo to the author : the Buddhist monuments of Ceylon. from the burden of precision hinted at above. Bl and simplicity with which the author originally set epic (a symbol, in our opinion, of the whole of the bring before the reader) which because of their rar The reader, whether common or specialist, will feel the patience to search for them, especially in the Pro * The Teacher ' is the most representative section of Ludowyk has gained unqualified success in piercing making the human personality assert itself. The b dha's personality is seen in the following passage : contemporary survives in the livelier colours of story lines in his character and personality come, not fro imaginative power of human beings which loves to making faculties. The great man is so often better whatt people believed that he said or did. If one w of the great, how scanty would be our garnering frc
Chapter one in our opinion is of no particular S. the drama of the life of the Buddha and His teach regarding Vedic and Brahmanic ritual, Upanishad is have been set forth to no apparent purpose. It devoted more space to the intellectual atmosphe There is nothing we could say in support of chapter
We must congratulate Ina Bandy for photograph monuments that Dr. Ludowyk proposes to discuss. are not the usual archaeological clichés : see for ex beautiful view of Gadaladeniya, not noticed before, of the village temple.

y (e.g., reference to Basham, The Wonder that was
plicity and the poetry that the author wants to thoroughly capable of exacting some poetry out his book he leaves us disappointed in spite of the he Sigiri Graffiti is a case in point. Every poem nt, of doubtful factual validity, regarding its date.
age of the poems is altogether unnecessary. But
with a jarring statement like “an eighth-century h century.'
re only a source of irritation. He does not want und at Dighanikaya II, 156 or 157. Such notes are ce he learns not to run his eye to the bottom of the ecause the resort to this kind of precision has made cording to the Preface, is not the author's intention. reader needs and learned discourse appears every 'quence the beauty and the appeal of the objects ry archaeological and too factual : the sort of thing escribes for the first time a newly-found piece of mous man-and-horse group from Isurumuniya : a man seated in the pose maha-lila-raja (sic) (kingly right arm placed negligently upon it, the left leg e right thigh. The left hand etc., etc.” (p. 118). ut the beauty of the sculpture one needs something ch the book abounds. The author then proceeds heories and interpretations, some of which he prooven. This 1s all good in its own place. But the to the beauty and the significance of the work of nce of archaeological theorising tends merely to he reader of the artistic value of whatever is being 'alace or Royal City.’
logue, an Epilogue and nine Chapters. Of these, gue alone deal with the central theme, according These chapters, unfortunately, suffer very largely at there are occasional glimpses of the sympathy to work, e.g. his statement (p. 110) regarding the particular way of life that the author attempts to ity stand out clearly enough not to be forgotten. fully rewarded by these few expressions if he has logue and the second Chapter. The latter entitled the author's original intent. In this chapter Dr. the halo of austerity surrounding the Buddha and est statement of the author’s approach to the Bud“The great figure from the past, even the great than in the sober livery of history. The strongest m the certainties of established fact, but from the lower the great with the wealth of its own imageknown to us by what he never said or did, but rere dependent on history alone for our memories m the rich fields of human achievement' (p. 38).
gnificance. If it were meant to set the stage for ng, it has failed. Too much of scholarly matter theorising and political and social forces at work would have been more to the point if the author e which was the background to the Buddha. Four, "The Emperor.'
; which very elegantly illustrate the beauty of the The most noteworthy feature is that these pictures imple figures 4, 5, 10, 11, 20, 31. Figure 28 is a which brings out very clearly the peaceful seclusion
n
i

Page 119
In spite of the fact that in respect of paper, type of production for which the publishers are well kn proof-reading is essential if the book goes into a s is unpardonable. More care should have been exel (p. 118) ; buddhalambapiti buddhalambapati (p. 17 would welcome some aid, in the form of diacritica nunciation of unfamiliar Sinhalese, Pali and Sansk
Allen and Unwin are to be congratulated on sel all too rare privilege for an author from Ceylon. common reader for whom it is really intended.
HEWITT, A. R., Guide to Resources f
Oxford and Cambridge (University of I
England has long been the Mecca of postgradu. and it is unlikely despite Official Language Acts, cu the supply of devotees for this pilgrimage will dw absence of well-equipped learned libraries admin research facilities have been perhaps among the m paucity of postgraduate research and scholarship in educational system, and an essential feature of its apathy at both official and unofficial levels. As lon materials and adequate amenities for research, pro will continue to be spent west of Suez.
The research student in England, particularly a environments, confronted with the rich and varie wildered and takes some time to find his bearings. T among a variety of sources and has to be quarried : missionary, educational and other institutions. M wealth Studies, University of London, since its fou study of Commonwealth affairs in the three princi in this handy guide. The compiler has no doubt h workers, especially those from overseas, and has aii to the location of materials for the study of the C fields of history and social sciences. The collection: departments, learned societies and institutions in classified and it is hoped that the geographical rang of the valuable material available in other parts of
The book is divided into three parts. The first after a rapid survey of the entire field, with public a. companies, the important field of Parliamentary P newspapers. Then follows a concise survey of lib geographical areas. Valuable sections on sources C gress, and a select list of bibliographies, works of part to a close. This list is particularly useful as b various forms and diverse places are elusively diffic Commonwealth bibliography of bibliographies, th purpose. The reviewer may be excused a minor almost complete absence in the lists of the admit yearbooks and sundry reference books available for which celebrates its centenary this year, has not be
Part II continues descriptions of the individual relevant information relating to the scope and sig access, hours of opening, publications, journals, e Commonwealth studies in British universities, an organisations concerned with various aspects of C. graphy is considerably enhanced by a full subject in Survey of Library Resources by Subject, pp. 50-68, individual works referred to in the text have not b

227
and format the book maintains the high standards own, we feel it necessary to point out that better cond edition : Rabula (for Rahula) in the Preface cised in the use of Pali words: what is maha-lila-raja 2)? We believe that even the common reader | marks or any other phonetic symbols, to the prorit words.
:cting this book to appear under their imprint-an Ihe price, however, puts it beyond the reach of the
SIRI GUNA SINGHE.
Ir Commonwealth Studies in London' ondon, Athlone Press, 1957. 21 Sh.)
ite students from all parts of the Commonwealth, tural renascences, and upsurges of chauvinism, that indle to any appreciable extent in the future. The istered on professional lines, and extremely poor ost important reasons for the much proclaimed Ceylon. Regarding this vital adjunct of a nation's cultural landscape, there exists the most abysmal g therefore as Asian libraries lack the basic source bationary study leaves and sabbatical study leaves
mong those arriving from underdeveloped library l assortment of libraries serving his interests, is behe material he is interested in is likely to be scattered or in the collections of academic, technical, official, (r. Hewitt, Librarian of the Institute of Commonndation, has explored the resources available for the pal centres of scholarship, and arranged his findings had long experience of the problems facing research ned to provide a systematic guide (the first, in fact) Sommonwealth, mainly, but not exclusively, in the in the libraries of universities, colleges, government London, Oxford and Cambridge are surveyed and e will be extended in a future edition, to take account England.
part, entitled ' General Survey of Resources,' deals rchives, private papers, papers of chartered and other 'apers and official publications, and periodicals and brary resources, arranged according to subjects and if information regarding theses and research in proreference and biographical dictionaries bring this ibliographical and biographical works published in ult to trace, and in the absence of a comprehensive is section may also, to some extent, fulfil the same grumble, in recording his disappointment at the :tedly small, yet important number of directories, Ceylon-even the venerable Ferguson's Directory, en considered worthy of inclusion.
libraries in London, Oxford and Cambridge. All gnificance of the collections, method of obtaining to., is included. Part III deals with facilities for d lists additional research institutions and advisory ommonwealth affairs. The value of the bibliolex, which needs to be supplemented by the Concise for its fullest exploitation. With some exceptions, en included.

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The design of the bibliography reveals much thoi ment makes for convenient and easy consultation. invaluable as an essential reference tool in univers Commonwealth affairs to the most profitable sour Mr. Hewitt has produced a book of permanent val
MENDIs, G. C., Ceylon Today and History. (Colombo, Associated News
This book, consisting mainly of broadcast talks author of the well-known Early History of Ceylon ( these publications Dr. Mendis taught at the Ceyl Papers (1956) came at the end of his university car product of research in his retirement. In view of th the somewhat heretical views expressed in the latte especially among prospective university entrants.
In Ceylon Today and Yesterday the author sets c from the beginnings up to the present day,' pendi The first seven chapters comprise sketches of the ci relations with India, and brief accounts of Portug on cultural relations with India and differences in (Chaps. 3-4) confuse "culture' with organised and painting are summarily dismissed as " handm outlandish Asian countries like Burma, Buddhism worship, there was no such fusion in Ceylon-as in practice. Even from documentary evidence one to monks to refrain from indulgence in the “ despi by means of omens, preparing charms for the dete the improper though popular practice of astrology. of living Buddhism, of peraharas and festivals, pit even in popular books such as this as dry as dust.
For Dr. Mendis the Colebrooke Report (1832)
present. Everything that went before is less imp of the history of the Sinhalese and Tamil kingdoms to the life of the people as a whole.” The argume in the projected University History of Ceylon) of after 1505, the date of the arrival of the Portugu on account of the profound changes wrought by a l; state service (rajakariya) and brought feudalism to a history as the millennia before it
- But it is hardly true that these changes came i works was formally abolished by an Order in Cou Ordinance No. 20 of 1844. Moreover, Ordinance to perform six consecutive days labour on the road payment. Since many villagers were incapable o defaulters whose detention was a headache to the p with other criminals. This backdoor revival of rã 1884. Feudalism remained in the case of private e. the selection of 1832 as a crucial date for the bifurc. It is easy to magnify the significance of events neare at the last general election as “the revolution of 195 little' is as ludicrous as the recent pronouncement to the French and Russian Revolutions. Happily, forward from 1832 to 1956.

ght and careful planning, and the resulting arrange
Within its chosen limits, this work should prove ty and other learned libraries, directing students of es for their research in historical and social studies. 1e and put all Commonwealth scholars in his debt.
H. A. I. GOONETILLEKE.
Yesterday. Main Currents of Ceylon apers of Ceylon, Ltd., 1957 Rs. 4/50)
and newspaper articles comes from the pen of the L932) and Ceylon under the British (1944). Between on University, and his edition of the Colebrooke ser, while Ceylon Today and Yesterday is largely the 2 author's standing among historians in this country, r book are likely to receive widespread currency,
ut “ to interpret the (sic) developments in Ceylon ng the advent of a “ serious ' work on these lines. vilisations of South East Asia, political and cultural uese and Dutch rule in Ceylon. The discussions cultural development between the two countries "eligion. Literature, music, architecture, sculpture aids of religion' in those times. Whereas in the became intervowen with local cults such as Naga tatement which reveals an ignorance of Buddhism cannot fail to notice the repeated royal injunctions sed sciences' of magic, exorcising devils, divining ction of thieves, making sacrifices, not to mention
Is it no wonder that those who have any experience it and other ceremonies, find the history narrated
constitutes a clear dividing line between past and ortant : the Portuguese Period is “ a continuation ' (p. 55), while Dutch rule" made little difference nt is laboured that the common practice (followed levoting as much space to the periods before and se, is unjustified. Instead, the period after 1832, tissez faire policy which saw the end of compulsory 1 end, deserves as much space in any comprehensive
in 1832. Although compulsory labour for public ncil of that year, slavery was made illegal only by No. 8 of 1848 made every male inhabitant liable S, Subject to an option of commutation by a money raising the money, the jails were crowded with rison authorities since they could hardly be classed lakariya was confirmed by Ordinances of 1861 and tates of chiefs, and of temples. In view of all this, tion of Ceylon history, is arbitrary in the extreme. our time. The description of the M.E.P. landslide 5,' before which “the river of life as a whole stirred of a politician that this event was comparable only Dr. Mendis refrains from moving his dividing line

Page 121
As its title implies, this book also deals with son on the revival of Buddhism, the rise of communali II reproduces an article on “ Causes of Communal C Review fifteen years ago. In this edifying masterpie it is portentously argued that "communalism,' ' disease is unexplained) is essentially a " middle cla nalism' and " middle class' are not defined, and th of cliches.
“Recent history has shown that the British h cóoperative and feudal into a competitive an rise of the Middle Class, but it did not develo of this class soon realised that the Governme. growing needs, and began to compete with they sought the aid of their respective comr into a communal conflict. Thus communal chief causes of conflict are econom1c.'
It is conceded that communalism exists among the apparently not so cute as to 'transform their ind this demonstrates that historical interpretation can c
But although his methods and conclusions leave n the surface of many important historical and social p lively discussion and "serious' research.
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

229
he contemporary social issues, and there are essays m, and the language problem. Of these, Chapter onflict ' which appeared in the University of Ceylon e of verbal obscurity and inconsequential reasoning a disease in the body politic ” (the nature of the is problem.' The crucial expressions, " commue argument consists of a disingenuous manipulation
:lped to change the society of Ceylon from a i commercial basis. The changes effected led to the ) into a separate community. The various sections it and other posts were insufficient to satisfy their
one another. And in order to achieve their ends hunities and transformed their individual conflicts sm is essentially a Middle Class problem and the
masses as well. But the common people are ividual conflicts into a communal conflict.' All in occasion be completely lacking 1n logical rigour.
luch to be desired, the author has at least scratched roblems and his provocative book should stimulate
RALPH PIERIS.

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The Editors regret that on accoun and pressure of work at the Univers of the Ceylon Journal of Historical a delayed. We hope to bring out Vol.
慧
The issue of Vol. I. No. 1, Janua to ensure continuity, therefore, sub subscriptions well in advance. Cheq should be made out in favour of University of Ceylon, Peradeniya.
Forthccming issues of the Journa
" Proprietary and tenurial rights
S. Perera.
* The Crewe-McCallum Reforn
“ The Sinhalese contribution t Image ” by Dr. Siri Gunesi
' A systematic bibliography of
Goonetileke.
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t of the prevailing State of Emergency
ity Press, the appearance of this issue
nd Social Studies has been somewhat
II. No. 1 early in January 1959.
ary 1958, is now exhausted. In order scribers are advised to renew their Lues, money orders and pcstal orders H. A. I. Goonetileke, The Library,
1 will include: in ancient Ceylon' by Dr. Lakshman
s' by Dr. A.J. Wilson.
o the development of the Buddha nghe.
Ceylon numismatics by H. A. I.

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