கவனிக்க: இந்த மின்னூலைத் தனிப்பட்ட வாசிப்பு, உசாத்துணைத் தேவைகளுக்கு மட்டுமே பயன்படுத்தலாம். வேறு பயன்பாடுகளுக்கு ஆசிரியரின்/பதிப்புரிமையாளரின் அனுமதி பெறப்பட வேண்டும்.
இது கூகிள் எழுத்துணரியால் தானியக்கமாக உருவாக்கப்பட்ட கோப்பு. இந்த மின்னூல் மெய்ப்புப் பார்க்கப்படவில்லை.
இந்தப் படைப்பின் நூலகப் பக்கத்தினை பார்வையிட பின்வரும் இணைப்புக்குச் செல்லவும்: The Sri Lanka Journal of the Humanities 1980

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E R S T
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C\JoURNAL he
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P E R A D E N YA
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The Sri Lanka Journal of the Huma of Peradeniya and appears twice a year publish a variety of scholarly and origir Philosophy, Literature, Language, Relig The articles will pertain mainly but r Journal is designed to reach an audienc non-specialists.
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nities, is published by the University in June and December. It aims to al articles on History, Archaeology, ion, the Arts and other related fields. ot exclusively to Sri Lanka. The e that includes both specialists and
OR
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Page 3
, ' '
TH
SRI LA JOURNAL OF T
VOLUME VI
19
C O N T
Ayutthia in the Twilight Years and its
with the V.O.C. and Sri Lanka.
K. W. Goonewardena
A Merchant Story.
Ratna Handurukande
The Administrative Organisation of the
from Sigillary Evidence.
P. V. B. Karunatillake
The horror The horror '. Conr
Rajiva Wijesimgha
Review Article :
W. M. Sirisena - Sri Lanka and South Religious and Cultural Relation c. 1500.
A. Liyanagamage
Book Review: Donna Hitz — The Triangular Pattern
L. C. D. Kulathungam

E
ANKA HE HUMANITIES
NUMBERS 1 & 2.
()
E NTS
Page
Triangular Relations
48
e Nalanda Mahāvihāra
57
ad's view of Women. . . 70
East Asia-Political, s from A.D. 1000 to
107
of Life. - 123
劃
ー三
റ്റ്വl13 LP) ("-

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Page 5
Ayutthia in the Tw.
Triangular Relations v Sri La
The reign of king Boromakot (1. considered to be a Golden Age, or at 1 material prosperity and cultural efflor achievement would have been assessed events of the next reign. It is, ho view, at least-that the previous reign to those catastrophes. Nevertheless, traditional view will be adopted, name were in this reign, or, as prince Dhani culture shone out for the last time in a
before the night set in ... "
Some light is thrown on these sc by certain documents to be found in of them are in Dutch and a few in S have been published, though little consideration of Ayutthian histor documents have come into being of the Kandyan (or Sinhalese) ruler obtain Buddhist monks from Ayutthia pada or higher ordination, and the at ences flowing from those efforts. As sea-coasts of Sri Lanka preventing t independent relationships with the c force to enlist the services of the V. O. to establish contact with Siam, with cial relations for well over a century.
This is a revised version of a paper subn Thai Studies held at New Delhi in Febr gratitude that this paper originates fro possible, in part, by a Visiting Common London, and by support from the Univer. i. 'The Shadow-Play as a Possible Origin o eth Anniversary Commemoration Publicat 2. Except for about three paragraphs in L to Sri Lanka”, Paper presented to the Se tion of Historians of Asia, Aug. 1977, p. 3. The names Ayutthia' and 'Siam’’;
much of the contemporary records, to de

light Years and its Vith the V. O. C. and Inka"
732/3 - 1758) has been traditionally 2ast a brilliant one both in regard to escence. It appears probable that its even higher but for the catastrophic wever, by no means certain -in our necessarily contributed substantially for the purposes of this essay the ly that the twilight years of Ayutthia Nivat phrased it, ... “ when Ayudhia particularly brilliant evening bloom
p-called twilight years of Ayutthia Sri Lanka, A considerable number Sinhalese. A good deal of the latter use has been made of them for any y. By and large, most of these in connection with the efforts s of the mid-eighteenth century to in order to re-establish the upasamtendant circumstances and COSeCUthe Dutch virtually controlled the the Kandyan Kingdom from having outside world, the Sinhalese had perC. (the Dutch East India Company) which the Dutch had had commerThus arose a triangular relationship
nitted to the International Conference on uary 1981. The author acknowledges with m research into Sri Lankan history made wealth Fellowship held at the S. O. A. S., sity of Peradeniya. f the Masked Play' in The Siam Society Fiftiion Vol II (Bangkok 1954), p.179.
. S. Dewaraja, “Thailand Repays Her Debt venth Conference of the International Associap. 14-16. are used interchangeably in this paper, as in note the country later styled “Thailand'.

Page 6
2 AYUT THIA IN THE TWILIC
between Ayutthia, the Dutch and of king Boromakot's reign. The re. by other documents stemming fron to the resolutions 4 taken by the
reports to the Directors of the Com aspects of the triangular relationship relating to conditions in the king
Before entering into a discussic between Ayutthia, the Dutch, and t certain aspects of the relationships t kingdom before the Sinhalese cam bered that although the Sinhales cultural relations in the centuries such relationships had been interrup up to the fourth decade of the eight had been in frequent contact with to about 1741. In fact, such inciden during a scrutiny of several of connection with Sri Lanka, sugges contacts with it in the early eighte more important than hitherto assun
During the first four decades general, the most important as well powers with which Ayutthia had to exploitation of advantageous comi
4. For these, I have had to depend large
Resolutien des Kasteels Batavia genome; after referred to as Realia,
5, of. W. M. Sirisena, Sri Lanka and So Relations from A. D. IOOO to 15co (Leic
6. In 1702 and 1703 complaints were recei
cloth that the Dutch had sent (from K.A.) of Algemeen Rijksarchief at the of 21 June 1702 the Directors (the Hee authorities to purchase ivory from Si being transported from there by other rence to Ayutthian exports of ivory tw. ral and Council (henceforth G.G. & C (henceforth SLNA) 11795 unpaginated 25,000 lbs. of gum lac from Siam, K. A shown by G.G. & C. regarding Ayut region for trade. K.A. 1608 (Bd. 1) f. 28 f. 55. Goods such as gum lac, tin, hide ted from Siam in the years 1703, 1711 K.A. 1691 (Bd,1) f.272, K.A. 1722 (Bd. The significance of the V.O.C.'s rathe and often also at Ligor until 1741 has a dt, De Gexaghebbers de Oost-Indische (Amsterdam 1944).

HT YEARS AN) ITS RELATIONS
he Sinhalese in the last two decades ords referred to above, supplemented the V. O. C., such as those relating Batavian authorities and their general pany, together help to elucidate many and also provide some information dom of Ayutthia itself.
in of the mutual relationships that arose the Sinhalese, it is necessary to look into etween the Dutch and the Ayutthian 2 into the picture. It must be remem2 and the Thai peoples had had close prior to the coming of the Europeans, ted thereafter until, as far as we know, Benth century. The Dutch, however, Ayutthia from around 1604 right down tal references as have been encountered the Company's records having some it that Dutch interest in Ayutthia and
enth century have been steadier and ed.6
of the century, the Dutch remained, in as the most formidable of the European deal. This was partly because of their mercial treaties which they had wrested
y on the three volumes Realia wijt de Secreete t in Rade van India (Hague-Batavia 1886) here
4th East Asia. Political, Religios and Cultural len 1978) especially pp. 82-104.
ved from Siam regarding the poor quality red Sri Lanka). See Koloniaal Archief (henceforth : Hague, No. 1543 f.84 and 1560 f. 167. By letter rem XVII) of the V.O.C. ordered the Batavian in as they had heard that large amounts were traders, K.A. 1560 f. 161-62. For a further refeo decades later, see Directors to Governor-Gene) 28 une 1724 in Sri Lanka National Archives
In 1702 Batavia had placed an order for 20 to
1545 f.79. In 1706, 1708 and 1710 concern was hian elephants brought to the Choromandel 5, K.A. 1641 (Bd.1)f. 219 and K.A. 1657 (Bd,1) s and skins are indicated as received or expec1714, 1717 and referred to in K.A. 1545 f.79, 1} f.383 and K.A 1764 (Bd.1)f.387 respectively. steady maintenance of a Factory at Ayutthia so to be noted See W. Wijnaendts van ResanCompagnie op hare Buiten-Comptoiren in Azie

Page 7
K. W. GOONE
from the kingdom (largely by the use partly because they maintained an inte was much more sustained than that because of the relative proximity of control over commerce passing thr consciousness of this power and atter have brought about perhaps more disa relations with Ayutthia, for the latter and fearful of the actual or potential face from this foreign power.
In this connection, it is importan with Ayutthia had what may be call ones. In regard to the former they most important commercial products ded in obtaining a legal monopoly of t Other important products in their eye of which they often had a factory at L (often transported as ballast to the Ne eenth century and before), rice (in pa supplies were disrupted or harvests Bengal or the Coromandel coast), gum inadequate supplies)" and sugar (wh production of Java Sugar in the cours were also articles generally of less impo honey and other foodstuffs. Ayutthia goods of South Asia as well as of East Dutch themselves transacting busines merchants in Ayutthia- They would, Chinese merchants in Siam, just as they merchants because in their view, the c spoiled the Company's own trade by exports and lowering Dutch profits fro: with the Dutch in bringing., amongst extent, silver from Japan, and the Ind in one of the most important of Ayut Surat and the Bengaland Coromande such as horses, spices, curios, and fire Siamese imports.o
K.A. 1545 f. 79 See eg. Realia III, p.203
9. For the articles of trade see further n. 6 a. Reys-Togten maar en door Oos -Indien, 2nd tyn, Oud en Nieuw Oost-Indien, Vol. 2 onsen Handel aldaar. (Dordrecht-Amster A History of Thailand (hereafter: Shyam:

VXVARDENA 3
of or threat of using naval power), est in dèalings with Ayutthia which of their rival Europeans, and partly their power, more especially their ough the straits of Malacca. The npts to utilise it, however, appear to dvantages than advantages in their would tend to be naturally resentful pressures and threats that it had to
t to note that Dutch interest in trade ed positive aspects as well as negative
wished to engross, if possible, the of the kingdom and, in fact, succeehe export trade in one of them, hides. s were tin (for the special collection igor), Sappan wood and other timber therlands throughout the mid-eightticularly great demand when Java
failed in the purchasing centres in lac (of which, sometimes, there were sich, remained important until the e of the eighteenth century). There Drtance such as lead, pepper, ginger, also served as an emporium for the
Asia, and, therefore, one finds the 5 in Chinese goods or with Chinese
of course, far rather have seen no frowned on the presence of Indian ompetition from both these groups pushing up the prices of Ayutthia's im its imports. The Chinese competed
other things, copper and, to a lesser ian merchants reduced Dutch profits thia's imports, namely, textiles from coasts. From time to time items arms also figured in the record of
bove and Realia, passim; Wouter Schoutens ed. (Amsterdam 1708) p.45; Francois ValenPt. 2 Sixth Book, Besch rywinge van Siam en dam MD CCXXVI, p.63; Rong Shyamananda inanda) 3rd ed. (Bangkok 1977), pp.66, 72,73,

Page 8
4. AYUT THLA IN THE TWILIC
The negative aspects of Dutch partly in trying to prevent or curb The attempts at monopolizing the objective, as was also the contro Malacca. But these aspects of the directed only against other foreign t the overseas trading activity of the A ticularly annoyed regarding Ayutthi. Coromandel region or to Bengal because the kingdom's export of tho from the sale of Sri Lankan elep chants, and its direct imports of tex men for that commodity. The stip ting the employment of even a singl of confiscation of the vessel by the D against the overseas trade of Siam as In this situation there was bound Siamese and mutual suspicions on bo
Nevertheless, despite all this, with but slight interruptions during century, as we have already note remained important enough for t Batavian authorities to devote a st correspondence, quite apart from th which has already been noted. For of consequence not only because of bring to bear on it and the trade wh because important outlets for Siam important exports- necessarily lay ir that the demand on the Indian coas
10. See n. 6 above. In Oct. 1746 we find G. to help the Dutch trade in elephants it Council (henceforth G. & C.) there fo vent elephants from being brought fro 2528 (Bd.2) f 641.
11. Shyamananda, p. 73. For mid-17th cent the Courts of Japan and Sian with a v them, and its attempts to oust the Jap Ayutthian trade, see Holden Furber R (Minneapolis 1976) (hereafter: Furber

HT YEARS AND ITS RELATIONS
commercial policy towards Siam lay the activities of other foreign traders. ingdom's exports were aimed at that I of shipping through the Straits of V.O.C's commercial policy were not raders, they were also directed against Ayutthian state itself. They were parun ships taking elephants for sale to the and bringing back Indian piecegoods; se animals reduced the V.O.C's profits hants to Coromandel or Bengal mertiles reduced Dutch profits as middleulation in the Treaty of 1664 prohibie Chinese on Ayutthian ships, on pain lutch, was undoubtedly aimed as much against Chinese commercial interests. i to be resentment on the part of the oth sides.
Ayutthia-Dutch relations continued the first four decades of the eighteenth d above. Moreover, these relations he Directors of the Company and the aparate section to Siam in their annual e implications of the other evidence the kingdom itself, the relationship was the pressures which the Dutch could nich they conducted with it, but also ese rice- one of the kingdoms most Malacca and Batavia. The fact was its for Siamese rice from Mergui was
G.8 C. informing Heeren XVII that, in order Sri Lanka, they have asked the Goverror and
any ideas as to how the Company could prem the coasts of Arakan, Pegu and Kedah, K. A.
ury V.O.C, attempts to cause ill-feeling between iew to disrupting cornmercial relations between nese and all other foreign competitors from ival Empires of Trade in the Orient 16 co- 18.co. ) p.20.

Page 9
K. W. GOONE
largely confined to years of bad harves of most of the Siamese grain exports a Dutch possessions in the so-called E: Moluccas, and, not infrequently, their direct trade with these areas was permi of their grain at Malacca or Batavia. 12
The above are some of the impo rather general nature in the commerci Before going on to some of the n Boromakot's reign, it is relevant to not India Company's factory at Ayutth Dutch correspondence). It lay severa an islet at the mouth of the Menam r and its customs houses. It consisted well as commodious warehouses. Th was usually referred to as the Opperh were good he had a sizeable establishm clerical hands, a surgeon, a few sailors indigenous) employees. This Chief w shipping of export goods and the pr called. At the same time he had to for disposal in Ayutthia. Moreover, e commissioners or ambassadors were se via the Chief had to serve not only but also as its diplomatic agent. Lappears to have had little or no access its Minister of Finance the Praklang in charge of foreign affairs. The co thus came under his supervision impression one gets from many I charge of a foreign factory had lit Minister. This fact could be su letters - which will be looked at mor Chief at the Ayutthia factory to the I mid-eighteenth century. For instar 175513 addressed to Governor Loten, Nicholas Bang by name, refers to im behalf by the Praklang (whom he u the Lord Bercquelang), it is only a discusses with at every stage, Except
12. See Realia III. p. 204 and pp. 92-96 below brought from Siam by ships of the King
13, S.L.N.A. 1/2066 unpag. See also letter
 

XV ARDENA 5
s, so that the ultimate destinations pear to have been the rice-deficit st Indies Archipelago, especially the possessions in Sri Lanka. But as no ited, Ayutthian ships had to dispose
tant factors and considerations of a all relations between the two parties. ore specific developments in King a few matters about the Dutch East ia (or Judja as it is usually called in 1 miles to the south of the capital on iver and close to the main sea-port of a spacious and impressive lodge as e Dutchman in charge of the Factory oofd or Chief, and when conditions ent to manage with a book-keeper, and guards, and several native (or as responsible for the purchase and ovisioning of all Dutch ships that order, store, and sell goods received xcept on rare occasions when special int for the purpose directly from Bataas the Company's commercial agent ike most other foreigners, this Chief to the royal court itself but only to who was also the Minister generally mmercial activities of the foreigners and control. Contrary to the European accounts, the Chief in tle direct contact even with this rmised from evidence in certain e cloesly by and by - written by the Dutch Governor in Sri Lanka in the ce, in the letter dated 3rd November t is evident that although the Chief, portant requests made on the King's sually refers to as His Excellency, h interpreter whom Bang sees and for certain monopoly rights acquired
for evidence of rice and other goods being and the Crown Prince.
of 30 Nov. 1756, S.L.N.A. 12067 unpag.

Page 10
6 AYUT THIA IN THE TWILIC
in regard to the export of hides a therefore, in no specially privileged king and his officials.
In point of fact, the Dutch ap dissatisfied with their position in Si 1730, the idea of withdrawing from this dissatisfication have generally b honest conduct of the Siamese Cour the Directors appear to have been k and carrying on commercial activitic makot, however, it appears, accordi the enthusiasm of the Directors mig
Actually, even immediately p Ayutthia and the Dutch do not appe news was received of the new Ki. decided on the 7th July 1733 not to were formally informed of the investi by the new King's arrangements rega protest. 15 The arrangements refered other foreigners) to make their purch
(or merchant-houses) that had been : These arrangements appear to have b. vexatious obstacles in the way of pro hand, the arrangement might have be and supervision of trade transactions irregularities, including evasion of sta such fraudulent practices were resort special concern shown by the Dutch planted on behalf of the court in th Company. 16 Moreover, it appears to merchants handled only the articles c have only implied a re-organisation in been known even in the mid-seventee suggested by the evidence in Nicholas indicates that many individuals were
14. Realia III, pp 203-04. For a brief momer at Ligor do not seem to have been opera 15. On these two matters see Realia III, p.26 16, Ibid 17, Shyamananda, p. 72 for the mid-17th cen

HT YEARS AND ITS RELATIONS
d probably of tin, the Dutch were, position in their dealings with the
pear, from time to time, to have been m and around 1705, and again around
there was mooted. 14. The reasons for en ascribed to the rapacious and disand its officials. Whatever the reasons, een on maintaining the Dutch presence s. After the accession of King Borong to the Company's records, as if even ht evaporate.
rior to that event relations between lar to have been cordial, because when ng's accession, the Batavian authorities write to him or his Praklang unless they ture. A year later they were annoyed rding exports and were considering a to required the Dutch (and doubtless lases of products from four merchants
appointed for the purpose by the state. een considered by the Company to be oper trading activity. On the other ten made with a view to better control by the foreigners, so as to prevent te dues and smuggling in general. That 'd to or attempted, is indicated by the in 1737 to prevent a spy from being 2 so-called lower wharehouses' of the be very likely that the four authorised f state monopoly, in which case it may the system of royal monopoly that had inth century. A basis for this view is
Bang's letters two decades later which nvolved in selling rice to foreigners,
taround 1705 the comptoirs at Ayutthia and ting.
3.
ury position.

Page 11
K. W. GOONE
subject to certain newly-imposed roya the possibility that the liberalisation o place subsequent to the 1734 arrangen
To return to the consideration c we gather that by 1738 the Dutch we they had been interested in buying frc becoming too expensive for their tra. complaining about much more serious king and his refusal or disinclination On the 26th July 1740, the Batavian : would continue in Siam even one mo promises regarding these matters; oth behind two natives to look after the part of their decision indicated, howe ted returning at some later date,
This, then, was the position in t Boromakot when the kingdom of Ka1 Buddhist monks from Siam with a vil (or higher ordination) in Sri Lanka. the new king of Kandy, Sri Vijaya inform the Governor of Dutch territo intention of sending envoys and obtai or some other place where Buddhism purest form. He inquired further as him monks could be obtained most knew of any Buddhist regions other t were unable to enlighten him more t were the closest to Sri Lanka.20 The to have considered Siam to offer the monks and decided that other places did not succeed in Siam. Accordin Dutch Governor Bruyninck (1740-17 port of the envoys whom he inten after some discussion with his Counc view of the advantages which were ex pleasing the king.
18. Letters of 3 Nov. 1755 and 30 Nov. 1756
(unpag.).
19. Realia III, p. 204
20, 'Diary of ambassador Ras Macquet' S.
21. Council Minutes, 16 June 1740, S. L. N.

WARDENA 7
regulations. 18 (There is, of course, f the rice trade might have taken nents.)
if Dutch attitudes towards Ayutthia, re finding one of the articles which om the kingdom, namely, gum lac, le. Two years later they are found
matters such as a debt owed by the to renew the contracts or treaties. authorities decided that the Company ce year only if the king made suitable herwise, it would withdraw leaving lag and the property.9 The latter ver, that in any case they contempla
the Company's relationship with king hdy sought Dutch assistance to obtain ew to re-establishing the upasampada One of the first communications of Rajasimha (1739–1747) had been to Dry in coastal Sri Lanka regarding his ning monks from Siam, Arakan, Pegu was thought to be practised in its to from which of the places named by
Basily and also whether the Dutch than those named by him. The Dutch han to say that Pegu and Arakan king and his advisers, however, appear best prospects of obtaining suitable were to be inquired from only if they gly, in June 1740 he requested the 42) to provide a vessel for the transled sending shortly. The Governor is decided to accede to the request in pected for the Company as a result of
S. L. N. A. 1/2066 and 112067 respectively
L. N. A. 112733 unpag. A. 1178 f. 365-66

Page 12
8 AYUTTHIA IN THE TWILIGH
Thus it was, that on the 20th Ayutthia as its ultimate destination, Lanka-based Dutch ship, the Consta' the end of April 1741 with a letter requesting the Batavian authorities mission to proceed on the next leg o' to the due accommodation of the r and Council, nevertheless, decided to the status of an embassy to the missi no letter from the Court addressed t consequence to the mission and its le compared with the bigger problems just about this time (May 1741) that relations with Siam appears to have of the story or what kind of story, w companions is not known, but he voyage was out of the question. So his mission by sailing to Pegu, for wh vessel, the Constantia at his disposal.
The voyage to Pegu of Doranas was wrecked on a sandbank, the lett lost and most of his companions wer other Sinhalese, he managed to reac contact with the Buddhist clergy in monks for the pasampada. But with tly letters to the Pegu and Arakan 1 at Kandy - he was unable to finalise way back to Sri Lanka. It is in present purposes to note that anoth Constantia at some point before the Doranagama after the tragedy - had Mergui, a part of Siam which the Di ade the Sinhalese from going to. Vilbagedara Muhandiram, had succi probably the Viceroy of Tenasserim behalf of the King of Siam that mor some suitable means should be foun Vilbagedara had also discussed poss routes with the Viceroy and rea
22. G. & C. to G. G. & C. 20 Feb. 1741, 23. On the above, Realia I, p. 217 ff. 24. G. & C. to G. G. & C., 2 Feb. 1742, 25. G. & C. to G. G., & C., 2 Feb. 1742, 26. Secret Council Minutes, 10 Feb. 1742,

T YEARS AND ITS RELATIONS
February 1741 a Sinhalese mission, with left Colombo for Batavia by the Sri ntia. 22. It arrived at Batavia towards from Governor Bruyninck earnestly to provide all possible assistance to the their journey to Siam. Whilst seeing nission at Batavia, Governor-General stand on ceremony by not according on, on the ground that it had brought b them. This must have been of no :ader, Doranagama Muhandiram, when
which they soon had to face. It was
news of the violent rupture of Dutch been received at Batavia. How much as made known to Doranagama and his was made to realize that the Siam he decided to achieve the objectives of
nich purpose Batavia placed the same 3.
gama ended in disaster as the Constantia ers and presents entrusted to him were e drowned.24 Luckily, along with one h the shore and ultimately establish Pegu who were ready to help with out the letter from his king - apparenrulers had also been entrusted to him any arrangements and soon made his teresting and also relevant for our er Sinhalese - perhaps he had left the shipwreck or had drifted away from apparently succeeded in getting to utch had always been trying to dissuBy whatever means, this Sinhalese, peded in contacting a Siamese Viceroy- and he had received assurances on ks could be made available, but that d for transporting them to Sri Lanka. ble means of transport and alternate shed some understanding with him.
S. L. N. A. 11 1157 unpag.
ܕܓ
S. L. N. A. 11 1158 uthpag. L. N. A. 11 1158 unpag. L. N. A. 11742 unpag.

Page 13
K. W. GOONE
Accordingly, in February 1742 the K Governor to provide a ship either for Mergui or for transport via Malacca t certain letters addressed to Arakan,
Courts) should be forwarded to thos
Whilst the latter request appeal bigger question of providing a ship sel By this time, the attitude of the Dut sing the expenses and the maritime ri Company. Moreover, they were anno at the very adverse report that Dorar the attitude of the Batavian authorit. fore decided in June 1742 to instruct as possible any request for the pro became Governor-General, we find ob forwarding of letters from the Sinhal criticism of the accommodation alrea correspondence between these rulers reasons the Dutch prevaricated and p were made for assistance. In fact, In Van Imhoff's orders, the Governor and procrastination - tried by devious necessary to first obtain a satisfacto with any particular country before ar from it.29a
This change in Dutch policy ap to a rather unaccommodating and ev Court in many matters, For instal granted in friendlier times were de cinnamon in the king's territories ar transport of elephants, through the in the southwest coast to the elephar Moreover, when the Dutch attempte lese from crossing over to the king’s : posts, the troops were driven out a the king's men. Finally, an even mol by the Court when it requested th:
27, Ibid 28. Dissawe of 3 & 4 Korales to Colombo Sep. and 2 Nov. 1742, S. L. N. A. 1/326 29. On the above, Realia I, pp. 217, 238 G. 29. a S. L. Ν. Α. 1/90 f.78.

WARDENA. 9
indyan Court requested the Dutch a direct voyage from Sri Lanka to o Ayutthia.27. It also requested that Pegu and Siam (apparently to the 2 respective places.28
is to have been complied with, the ems to have been referred to Batavia. ch had changed. They were Stressks involved in these voyages to the yed and, apparently, also embarrassed agama had made to the king regarding es towards his mission. It was therethe Governor to decline as politely vision of a ship. After Van Imhoff bjections raised in 1744 even to the ese court to other kingdoms and a dy made - on the ground that such could not be trusted 29 For these layed for time when further requests January 1744, before the receipt of had - as a strategem of prevarication s means to sell the idea that it was pry response through correspondence ly envoys were sent to fetch monks
pears to have contributed very much en hostile attitude on the part of the nce, facilities which had been readily nied in regard to the collection of ld so also were the facilities for the king's lands, from Dutch possessions it market in the north of the island. d to prevent certain disaffected Sinhaterritory by establishing small border nd the watchposts were destroyed by te significant danger signal was given ut if the Dutch were unable to trans
Dissawe-letters received in Colombo 15 1 unpag. G. & C. to XVII K. A, 2506 (Bd.3) f.994.

Page 14
10 AYUTTHIA IN THE TWILIC
port its envoys to Pegu for fetching at least transport them to Madras, Pegu with the aid of the English.30
The point was taken by Gov. Council. In September 1745 they g Van Gollenesse to the effect that if refusal, the king would turn to the rising him, but also ordering him to the Court to fetch monks from Peg by a Company's vessel via Batavia, t more feasible, as the Batavian auth hire some Hindu or Muslim vessel a Pegu because every year in times of p navigate to Pegu. The Batavian au all the more happily because since 174 rest in Pegu and had already told the whether there might be some worths pany in Pegu. In fact, one wonders for Doranagama’s voyage towards Peg tages there in mind. There is no do tions were meant not only to placate adopt a more favourable attitude tow advantages they could obtain in Pegu Batavia repeating the instructions of
Meanwhile, the receipt of posit Kandyan envoys to Pegu, presente Gollenesse in Colombo. He had hit off the Court's requests on the grou1 state of war and turmoil. In his corr of 1745 and early 1746, therefore Batavia and said that he had been as envoys to Pegu if meanwhile the wars not, to send them on to Batavia fror or to some other country where Bud emphasised by the Court.
The courtiers of the King sent : in Pegu was only a fabrication of the pected that the alleged Batavian inst
30. On the above. G. G. &3°C. to Gov. van
1/2227 unpag.
31. Ibid
32. On the above, Realia III, p. 39

HT YEARS AND ITS RELATIONS
monks for the upasambada they should from where the envoys could get to
rnor - General Van Imhoff and his ave secret instructions to Governor he thought that by persistent Dutch English, they were not only authoprovide the necessary facilities to 1. If it preferred to send its envoys hat was to be granted, but it appeared orities informed Van Gollenesse, to Nagapatnam for a direct voyage to eace those people were accustomed to thorities could give those instructions 4 at least they had evinced a new inte: Governor of Nagapatnam to find out while profit or advantage for the Comwhether in 1741 too, they had arranged gu with their own commercial advanubt, however, that their new instructhe king and thereby induce him to ards them; but also to see what further itself; because even in 1746 we find 1744 to the Nagapatnam government.
ive orders to provide transport for d some problems to Governor Van her to been prevaricating and putting ld that Pegu was all the time in a munications to the Court at the close
he distorted the instructions from Ked to provide transport to the king's
in that kingdom had ceased and, if where they could be sent to Siam ihism was practised in the pure form
reply saying that the story about war Governor himself and that they sus uctions were also a similar concotion,
Gollenesse, 24 Sep. 1745 (Secret), S. L. N. A

Page 15
ܬܔܼ
K. W. GOONE
and further that no envoys would be received prior information regarding t hism in the country projected for the 1
Thereupon Van Goller esse addır. exceedingly grieved by the answer, expressed such disbelief in the truthful
all the more because he was second to
His Majesty. He added that since he Court had been caused through incorr men, he would try to convince the C. his unchanging loyalty and respect. F. whom he was now sending to the Kin too long a time to achieve the objectiv trying to obtain prior information abc state of Buddhism in it, whereas succe were to be sent to Batavia in March in Such other country, where Buddhism
Despite all these explanations an King and his chiefs were not easily col ambassadors to Batavia to proceed fro1 kingdom in order to fetch the requi Dutch themselves had - not so long age first obtaining a satisfactory response The exaggerated notions of the time t Governor tried to instill in the Court the Court all the more wary. For i ambassador) was made to say that it King’s letter to Batavia, a further year year to receive an answer and hand it would take a further two or three yea to Ayutthia and bring back Siamese n Doranagama and Vilbagedara, the Col exaggeration of the highest degree. It taking the Governor's advice and pers from Pegu and Arakan. When it beg Van Gollenesse wrote on 13th Octobe from reliable sources that the turmoil
33. Gov. to King 19 Jan 1746; Instructions
S. L. N. A 113335 unpag. One cannot he were forcing the Governor to virtually ea the eyes of the Court, therefore, must has
34. Court Ministers to Gov. 25 Sep. 1746,
Minister, 13 Oct. 1746, S. L. N. A. 1/33 on the extent to which war and turmoil : also for what kind of reasons-only on pa and on how much history has been uncri

WARDENA 11.
sent to Batavia, unless the Court he kingdom and the state of Buddmission.
essed the King saying he had been because the Court had never before liness of a Governor of the Company, none in his respect and loyalty to believed that the displeasure of the ect reports of some evil - intentioned ourt of his innocence ultimately by He also stated that, as the ambassador g would explain, it would take far ye of the Court if there was delay in put any prospective country and the ss would be quicker if the envoys ext to proceed thence to Siam or was practised in the desired manner.
d protestations of good faith, the nvinced that they should send their In there to Ayutthia or to some other red monks, particularly because the - impressed on them the necessity of before despatching any such envoys. aken for communications which the through his envoy must have made nstance, Van Minnen (the Dutch would take one year to take the to send it to Siam, yet another over in Kandy and thereafter it rs for the King's ambassadors to get monks. From the earlier accounts of urt knew that all this was deliberate , therefore, tried its best to avoid isted in its attempts to obtain monks an to emphasize more on Arakan, er 1746 to say that he had just heard
there was worse than in Pegu 14
for ambassador van Minnen, 18 Jan. 1746, :lp noticing how often shifts in Dutch policy this own words, and that his credibility in ve been pretty low. S. L. N. A. 1/3263 unpag; Gov. to Chief 35. It is instructive to ponder for a moment are sometimes created in Asian kingdoms-and per, in the records of European Companies; tically built out of such creations.

Page 16
12 AYUTTHIA IN THE TWILIGE
With that the resistance of Governor writing on the 21st No expressing his unbounded joy to he: Siam via Batavia.35 To a series of Governor got one of his chief o answers and himself wrote supporti told the Ministers that the Holland tised in Siam because they had been Further, he could personally assure and practised was the very same on went from Siam to Pegu. He knew in charge of the Company's interest the Dutch had received information that one could fetch monks from positively; since, however, the Go had suggested the idea of procuring undoubtedly be quite certain. Va statements of Arnouts, stressed the that existed between the V. O. C. a doubt that Van Imhoff would be al from Kandy.36
Although it has been assumed for monks because the Court was p and advice given by Arnouts, we h taken well before the date of Arnol 1742 Vilbagedara had indicated the It is relevant also to note that Arnc given to it by Van Gollenesse, does Dutch factory at Ayutthia in the w Indeed there is no mention at all ir any of the factories or comtpoirs of regard to the above replies of Imhoff had not originated the idea the relations between the Company means as friendly as claimed by the
35. Gov. to Court Ministers, 21 Nov. 1746
36, Arnouts to Dissawe of 3 3 4 Korales,
16 Dee 1746, S. L. N. A. 113335 unpag
37. L. S. Dewaraja, The Kandyan Kingdom
Dewaraja 'Thailand repays her debt between the two countries from the presented to the Seventh Conference o Asia, Bangkok, August 1977) p. 9.
38. See work cited in n. 6 above.

HT YEARS AND ITS RELATIONS
the Court ended, for we find the vember 1746 to the Ministers of Court ar that it had agreed to send envoys to questions from these Ministers, the fficers, Abraham Arnouts, to provide ng what Arnouts had said. Arnouts ars knew what kind of religion was pracL trading there for a very long time. them that the religion that was taught e as in Pegu, and that often monks all this because he had been the Chief is in that kingdom. As to whether from the ruler of Siam to the effect there, that, he was unable to say vernor - General Van Imhoff himself monks from that country, it must an Gollenesse, whilst confirming the fact that because of the friendship ind the king of Siam there was no ble to obtain monks for the envoys
that an embassy was sent to Ayutthia ersuaded by the personal knowledge lave seen that the decision had been uts' letter, and also that as early as possibilities relating to that kingdom. puts, despite his claim and the support not figure as Chief in charge of the "ell - known work of Van Resandt.38 that work of his name in relation to the V. O. C. We may also note, in Arnouts and Van Gollenesse, that Van ascribed to him, and that at this time and the Kingdom of Siam were by no Governor.
5, S. L. N. A. 113335 unpag. [5 Dec. 1746, Gov. to Dissawe of 3 & 4 Korales,
I7O7-I76o. (Colombo 1972) pp.89-90 ard L. S. to Sri Lanka: A study of the cultural contact fifteenth to the eighteenth centuries', paper If the International Association of Historians of

Page 17
一耆
K. W. GOONEX
Fortunately for the Dutch, the C and it not only adopted a friendlier a before, but also proceeded to make sy to Siam. It was dispatched with requ King Sri Vijaya Rajasimha in the first It ultimately sailed on the 3rd Februa The three ambassadors and their retir 17th March and were “received with 1 (ambassadors) of other rulers in these 3rd May 1747 from Governor-Gener Dutch Government in Sri Lanka, thes the turn of the monsoon to proceed t
What really happened around th effort to unravel. The letters sent by Heeren XVII, or Directors of the V. C given by Van Gollenesse provide us wi accepted version of events. Accordi1 were given all possible help by Batavia accomplishing their objective of obt pretty promises' from the Siamese C required monks provided that they rei the new king, (because that letter suffice) along with what should necess be understood, acording to the usual cient presents''. In addition, these l which is not part of traditional k Batavia letter of 29th September 1747 1 ambassador, Wilbagedara by name, wi two, Meedeniya and Doranagama sta outcome of their colleague's efforts.'
On 25th October 1747, Van Gol news to ambassador Jan Bauert who that as it was likely to give rise to val ministers, he must say that he co bringing all this news had arrived d Thereafter, in the instructions of 4th van Zoelen who was sent to convey cc Rajasimha to the new king, he was in
39. C. R. O. India Office Records, Mackenzie 40. S. L. N. A 11994 unpag. 41. For a repetition of much of this version
(and at the same pages). 42." For these letters, K. A. 2061 (Bd.2) f.348

KVARDENA 13
ourt was not aware of these facts ttitude towards the Company than beedy arrangements for the embassy isite letters and presents from the half of January 1747 to Colombo. ry by a Dutch vessel for Batavia uue disembarked at Batavia on the more (marks of) distinction than parts.’9 According to the letter of all Van Imhoff and his council to the e ambassadors were yet waiting for O Siam.40
is time, and later, requires much
Van Imhoff and his Council to the ). C., and some of the information th much on the lines of the generally ng to this the Sinhalese ambassadors a. They however, returned without aining Siamese monks, but with ourt that they would be given the turned with another letter from il of the deceased could no longer sarily accompany it, by which is to manner of Eastern nations, suffiatters also give some information (nowledge. Thus according to the to the XVII only the third-ranking ent over to Ayutthia, and the other yed behind at Batavia to awalit the
lenesse wrote a letter giving this was on his way to Kandy, and said ious questions from the Kandyan uld give no replies because the ship uring his absence from Colombo. December 1747 to Ambassador Jacob indolences on the death of Sri Vijaya structed to tell the courtiers that the
Collection, Private, No 31 (Realia...) p. 89
see the book and essay cited in n. 37 above
und K. A. 2575 (Bd. 1) f.63 respectively.
翡

Page 18
14 AYUTTHLA IN THE TWiLC
three Sinhalese ambassadors who ha for Ayutthia, had changed their mit and only the third had gone there a or special envoy. If he was asked v state that although he had been in anything for certain; but that he ha a single ambassador would be adequ and another rumour to the effect th gone ahead to see in advance wheth to come over to Sri Lanka. Three
given more or less the same instruct subject and the reasons for the delay
It is apparent from all this that about it, in October 1747, Van Gol quiet at the Kandyan Court over th dors after their arrival in Batavia, bound to arise in regard to the com no doubt that the new arrangement the Court and Van Gollenesse knew by the ambassadors by the same Gollenesse in October from the thrown no light on the problem, be contents' before forwarding it to Cc seen - to try to meet the queries expt if the decision to send only the third had been taken by the ambassadors t Gollenesse to be in such a flurry abc
When, in the light of all this w shortly after the arrival of the Sinha find that Governor — General Van In played a much bigger role in that de generally indicate,
On the 21st of April 1747 they the King of Siam to the King of Kan as they said, to see whether there we monks.45 Although they mentioned dors in Batavia as a pretext for this of diplomatic etiquette, not to speak officials who resented the least breac
43, All the above instructions are in S. L. 44. See letter of Van Gollenesse of 25 Oct. 45. C. R. O. India Office Records, Mackenz
SS

HT YEARS AND ITS RELATIONS
d been on the point of leaving Batavia ld, just a few days prior to departure, long with the Company's commissiant, hy that had been so done, he was to Batavia at that time he could not say d heard one rumour saying that possibly ate to bring those monks to Batavia ; at the third ambassador alone had :r any Buddhist monks would be willing months later ambassador Spiering was tions for answering any queries on this
in the return of the mission."
t right from the time he first heard lenesse felt the need to still any dise arrangements made by the ambassa
and the consequent delay that was pletion of the mission. There is also s had been completely unexpected by 7 about it. Moreover, the letter sent
ship which brought letters to Van Batavian authorities appears to have cause Van Gollenesse who had seen its yurt, felt compelled-as wehave already acted from the Kandyan ministers. But amongst their colleagues to Ayutthia hemselves, there was no need for Van out this matter.
e look at what took place in Batavia lese ambassadors in March 1747, we hhoff and his colleagues appear to have relopment than their ordinary letters
decided to open a letter addressed by dy and to get it translated in order, S anything in it relating to Buddhist the presence of the Sinhalese ambassaaction, it was an extraordinary breach of ordinary morality, and that, by h by others of what they considered
7. A. 1 / 3336 unpag. 1747 to Bauert for some of its contents. e Collection, Private, No 31 Realiu. p. 13
אחר

Page 19
K. W. GOONEW
to be normal civilized practice. The been in response to a letter from the quest for monks for the upasām pada.
contents were divulged to the Sinhales episode must have been secret as a seri with two kingdoms, had been commit
At about the same time a letter x been received at Batavia.46 There is in the person to whom it was addressed. must have been addressed to the chief in in Sri Lanka and Siam to have been fo by the king and for his chief minister a respective counterparts in the foreign was immediately after reading that lett passage to the third - ranking Sinhalese via Malacca. On perusal of that lette: for the upasampada must have appeare wise, all three ambassadors should decisions taken on that same day, th been taken. They were to the effect f special envoy who was being sent alon; to Ayutthia was to look around there them and, second, that the Governor around Tenasserim and in other places
It appears certain that the decisic ambassadors to Ayutthia was a result nor - General's Council. In fact, the Kandyan diplomatic mission to that commissiant Gerrijit Fek, entrusted w the upasambada and provided with a s Lankan ambassador, Vilbagediara, goin was provided with a document for his These documents were considered and the Council on the 23rd May 1747 an other Sinhalese of lower rank) left Malacca by the Dutch ship 's Heeren. A
46. Realia 1, p. 217
47. Ibid.
48. Ibid. 49. G. G. & C. to XVII, 29 Sep. 1747 K. A. 2
gedara, but it is certain, from subsequent
 

KVARDENA 15
Ayutthian ruler's letter must have Kandyan King relating to the latter's But there is no indication that its e ambassadors. Obviously, the entire ous offence, liable to cause a rupture
ted.
written by ten Siarnese monks had o indication of its contents, nor of It is very likely, however, that it honk in Kandy, as we find the practice r simultaneous letters to be addressed s well as the chief monk to their country. However that may be, it er that it was decided to provide ambassador to proceed to Ayutthia r the prospects of obtaining monks d uncertain. If it had been otherhave been sent; also certain other e 16th May 1747 would not have irstly that the Dutch commissiant or g with the third Kandyan ambassador for Buddhist monks and try to obtain of Malacca too should do the same
47
b
pn to send only one of the Sinhalese of secret deliberations in the GoverCouncil had virtually taken over the
kingdom, for not only was their 7ith the task of procuring monks for et of secret instructions, even the Sri g with him (for the same purpose), guidance by this same Council.98
approved in the secret meeting of di Fek and Vilbagedara (with two : shortly thereafter for Ayutthia via trendskerke. 19
575 (Bd. 1) f. 63. This refers only to Viiba.
information, that Fek accompanied him.

Page 20
16 AYUT THEA. IN THE TWILIC
We fortunately possess certain National Archives relating to the p found in extracts from three of Fek There is startling information in th: 16th November 1747 addressed to C He says that on arrival in Siam (or he pretended to the authorities that fetch the monks and their retinue w sent from Siam to Batavia via Mala the purpose, one for the monks and therefore, requested that they be c could make their further represental of the Praklang. At this point, it is and suspicions that arise from th shortly and for the present, some of Fek will be noted.
As requested by him, Fek and conducted up the river and apparent lodge. There was no Opperhoofd or that he disclosed matters regarding t had brought with him, to the Wareh the 3rd November, by prior appoint had a formal audience with the Prak satisfactory, according to Fek. Som companions, had been secretly questi lang or his agent. One question rela had brought with them to indicate for without such letters, they were ti be fruitless. They had replied that from the Chief Monk of Kandy to t from the Chief Minister of the coun says that this reply had caused g promised. (At what points, if any, determine.)
In view of this satisfactory stat * to put more horses to the wagon w Accordingly, he obtained a second a resent of about eight-hundred rix so that he could hand over the silv jug presented by Your Excellency for washing his feet), a present of cl
50. All these are in S. L. N. A. 112227 unp. 51. ** • • silver Siams beschreeve Lampeth -

SHT YEARS AND ITS RELATIONS
valuable information in the Sri Lanka rogress of this mission. They are to be s letters to the Batavian authorities. 50 : extracts from his first letter dated Sovernof - General Van Imhoff alone. the roadstead of Ayutthia apparently), the Sinhalese enaissaries had come to ho had been promised by the letter sca. They had brought two ships for one for the emissaries themselves. He, pnducted towards the city so that they ions to the King through the medium 5 necessary to remark that the doubts le above statements will be taken up the further developments, as given by
the Sinhalese emissaries were speedily tly left at the V. O. C's mansion or Chief in charge there because Fek says he letters, presents, and textiles that he house - Keepers of the Company. On ment Fek and the Sinhalese emissaries lang, which turned out to be mutually e time later Vilbagedara and his two oned on various matters by the Prakated to what letters of credential they the genuineness of their commission, old, their solicitation for monks would they had brought with them a letter he Chief Monk of Siam, and another try to the Chief Minister of Siam. Fek treat satisfaction and monks had been he himself was present is difficult to
e of affairs, Fek says that he decided hich had already begun to roll along'. udience with the Praklang by making a -dollars, mostly out of his own pocket, er Siam - depicted 5 wash - basin and for the king (for use by His Majesty oths etc. for the Crown Prince and
ag.

Page 21
K. W. GOONE
another on behalf of the Company to trade'. But just at this stage, the Com iculties. He says that although it had brought for the Chief Monk by the S the following day by that hierarch, he the Praklang, “ according to the intrig the Chief Monk was ill and that, th to be received by the Praklang himse letter, was in the nature of a lesson in was the custom amongst all peoples handed over to kings - Van Imhoff, w from chief ministers to chief ministers, to townsmen and from peasaints to pe position on the part of the chief mon second in rankl; but that he would no of the Praklang.
Apparently the decision was not give a Machiavellian interpretation of “ the promise and the hope which the Sinhalese emissaries at first had been c presents and, thereafter, to refuse the manner of frivolous evasions.' He any presents, then that would also ha refuse the monks but also the trade fo
There are, of course, other inter. of the most obvious would be somethi noticed how Fek had pretended at firs the Sinhalese emissaries to obtain the :
Siamese, and how under this prete Ayutthian Chief Minister must also h goods that the Dutch had brought for explanation for the bringing of two D at the very outset. His suspicions mu mation obtained from Vilbagedara an( tioning them in the absence of Fek. T knew nothing about the Ayutthian ki. ruler and sent about the same time as the news that the principal Sinhalese a to stay behind in Batavia keeping bac Sinhalese king to the Ayutthian mona the more significant information elj
 

WARDENA 17
the Praklang for obtaining a free missiani began to come up against diff. previously been agreed that the letter inhalese envoys would be accepted was now told at the audience with uing manner of the Siamese', that arefore, that letter too would have lf. Fek's reply, as indicated in his diplomatic etiquette. He said that it
that letters from kings should be e saw earlier, did not belive in that - from priests to priests from townsmen asants; and, therefore, in case of indisk it could be handed over to the Dne the less submit to the decision
favourable, because Fek goes on to the Praklang's actions. He says that Praklang had given to hirin and the inly with a view to getting hold of the requests, in the old manner, using all
says that in case he had not given Eve served as a pretext to not only Dr this year.
pretations that could be given and one ng like the following: The Praklang st that he had come merely to assist monks that had been promised by the
xt he had got up to Ayutthia. The ave received information about the sale, thus providing a more credible utch ships than the tale spun by Fek st have been confirmed by the inforl the other two Sinhalese by quesThe fact that probably the Sinhalese ng's letter addressed to the Kandyan the letter from the ten monks, and mbassadors had been prevailed upon k the letter and presents from the tch these would have been some of cited by the Praklang. If anything

Page 22
18 AYUTTHIA. IN THE TWILIG
further was required to make him regard to the Kandyan mission, it mu sure, at the second audience, of the of Batavia.
We can now see why a categoria for higher ordination purposes in Kar to the Kandyan ambassadors, and whi of their number to scout around fic virtually under the wings of a Du presents for the Ayutthian monarch. fall into place, and so does Van G doubts and disquiet of the Kandyan c Enission to Ayutthia was faring.
The Dutch had decided to use t Taission seeking monks for the upasa old trading position in Siam without If all three Sinhalese ambassadors, experienced second ambassador, Dors with them the royal letter and preser the Dutch would have had no place i played far too subsidiary a role to pu much success.
How much the Company hoped and subverting the Kandyan mission ( parious State of their relations with. A after also by seeing what hopes and an improvement in those relations.
On the first point we may note : the Dutch and Siamese at Ayutthia ea nature, perhaps even more serious th mation from Fek's further narrative suggests that the Dutch sailors had go monks. With this incident the Com both comptoirs in Siam —Ayutthia an of men to look after its effects at Ayu received at Batavia from both the complain against the Dutch or to try by Ayutthia, we do not know), the indicated either arrogance or resent
52, See W. Blankwaardt, ''Notes on the Re Siam Society-Selected Articles from the Si

HT YEARS AND ITS RELATIONS
doubt the good faith of the Dutch in st have been provided by Fek's disclocommercial and diplomatic objectives
sal offer of providing Ayutthian monks dy, had apparently not been divulged y they were prevailed upon to send one r monks in Ayutthia - and that too itch diplomat, and with no letters or
Most of the actions of Batavia now ollenesse's frantic concern to allay the ourt regarding the way in which its
he pretext of supporting a Kandyan npada in order to re-establish their embarassment and any loss of face.
including especially the spirited and nagana, had gone to Ayutthia taking its to the Ayutthian monarch, then in the mission; or, at most would have sh through their own interests with
to achieve by virtually undermining ran be gauged by noting first of all the yutthia alound May 1747, and thereabitions they then entertained by an
at the cutset that the clash between rly in 1741 had been of a pretty serious an hitherto suspected, because infor(which we shall presently consider) Ine berserk attacking even Buddhist pany withdrew its establishments at i Ligor - only leaving behind a couple tthia. When in Jurie 1741 letters were King and the Praklang, (whether to o placate them for any action taken attitude of the Batavian government ment; for, it decided to open them
lations between Holland and Siam', in The m Society Journal Vol.VII (Bangkok 1959)p. 28

Page 23
K. W. GOONEX
without any of the customary ceremoni have carried on some trade with Ayutt ships annually.53 In fact as late as 27t continue the trade in that manner for a was too premature to consider renewin more, although in 1740 the Dutch had by the king, either it had been paid sub foundation, because when they ultima relations, we find them discussing the owed to the king,54. This brings us to Sinhalese embassy bound for Ayutthi of re-establishing friendlier relations that mission and its objectives.
Having decided to manipulate th Imhoff and his Council took a number 1747. The first was to settle the disp pany to the King of Siam. A sum of king for Some 1076 textile items du recovered for the V. C. C. from the es named Willem de Ghij, who was h Decisions were also taken regarding the Ayutthia and the relevent instructions who was being sent there. The impor can also be gauged from the informat already seen. At the same session re-establish the comptoir at Ligor. M. also see the importance to the Compal their trading activity in certain areas o see from the decision to resume the tra had apparently been given up wher more that at Ligor, had been withdraw were the money - spinner for the Comy exchanged in this region only for gold money. 54
Having considered the kind of st been playing for when they decided t bound for Ayutthia to their own adv further reports regarding his ostens obtaining of trading rights for the Coi
53. Ibid. The warehouse-keepers mentioned
of a collecting - centre for goods.
54. Realia, III, pp.203-04
54a. Ibid p.204

KVARDENA 19
al. Nevertheless, Batavia appears to hia in subsequent years by sending h June 1746 the decisions had been to nother year or two, and also that it g the treatise with the king. Furtherbeen complaining about a debt owed sequently, or the claim was without tely decided to re-establish friendly payment only of a debt which they the point when the arrival of the a provided ther with an opportunity with that kingdom by manipulating
at mission, Governor - General Van of secret decisions on the 12th May ute over the debt owed by the Comabout 3000 guilders was to paid to the 2 to him, that money being in turn state of the late Opperhoofd at Ayutthia eld directly responsible for the debt. 2 manner of conducting the trade at that should be given to the commissiant tance of this trade for the V. C. C. ion in Fek's letter which we have
a preliminary decision was taken to oreover, from these resolutions we ny of the connection with Siam for utside that kingdom too. This we ade along the Malayan coast which in the comptoir at Ayutthia, and still wn. In this area too Indian textiles pany as it is said that textiles must be (from the mines of the region) or for
akes that the Batavian authorities had o manipulate the Sinhalese embassy antage, we can now consider Fek's ble dual mission in Ayutthia — the mpany and monks for the Kandyan
by Fek in 1747 suggest also the maintenance

Page 24
20 AYUTTHIA IN THE TWILIGH
king. The next report (also in th November was dated 28th Decemi almost exclusively with the question as a time - tested truth that there wal ministers did more light-heartedly th Honourable Company and its servant mate response to his request for t When he pointed out that in their ow tnonks if the Sinhalese themselves car details of the letter opened at Batavia monks, - then the Ayutthians replied they had meant that the Sinhalese sh King of Kandy and not with the C. because the Company's men did noth monks and in fact in 1741 they hac wounded one of them. Apart from ships be running above the heads (t would be killing fish, poultry and pigs
ffensive to their religious beliefs. A able to make the voyage in a fitting m. by the Ayutthians.
We thus see the impact of sor Ayutthians and also a portrayal of the would have had to face normally on t dered them to be paltry pretexts. Ne those problems by sailing with the mo even direct from Mergui to Sri Lanka due to sail for the Coromandel coast in avail. Fek concluded thereby that no means from the Ayutthians. From th it is evident that they had conceived faith of the Dutch and Fek himself giv Ayutthians are “a people who will no ad feel it.’
Finally, we come to the extract granted to Vilbagedera and his two co the 27th January 1748. After a spec apparently in honour of them, the Sin Ayutthia. At that audience, the Prak the extract does not specifically men behalf of the King that if their king Ceylon, without any Europeans, but wi

T YEARS AND ITS RELATIONS
e form of a letter) after that of 16th er 1747. The extracts from it dea yf obtaining monks. Fek puts forward no matter which the king and his an that of misleading or deceiving the s, and, he says that the Court's ultihonks was an example of that axiom. in letter they had promised to provide he and requested it - here we get more either that of the king or of the ten to the following effect: that by that ould come with a ship and crew of the ompany’s ships and men. This wag ave enough respect for their (Siamese) assaulted several monks and fatally that, the Dutch crew would in their that is the cabins of the monks, and in their presence, things which were s a result those monks would not be anner. These were the reasons given
ne of the happenings of 1741 on the real difficulties the Buddhist monks the Dutch ships. Fek, however, consivertheless, he offered to eliminate all nks in a Siamese vessel to Batavia, or by a royal Ayutthian vessel that was the consing February; but all to no monks could be obtained by friendly a reaction of the Siamese authorities
the most serious distrust of the good as a hint of this when he says that the t believe anything unless they cari see
s dealing with the farewell audience Ipanions. The relevant letter is dated all evening's entertainment provided talese were given leave to depart from ang - it must have been he, although ion him, - “assured the Sinhalese on were to send a vessel directly from sh a distinguished embassy and proper
ྋ

Page 25
ア*ܓܡܓܠ`
ܐܸܕܝܘܼ ̄
K. W. GOONE
letters of credential,55 as had happene hians would refuse no monks.' The et is noteworthy. It suggests that the ii. colleagues in the affairs of the Sinhales its manipulation to suit the Company's as well as resented, by the Siamese Cou embassy and proper letters of credent the Batavian authorities because, undo. the embassy, Meedeniya Mohottiar an both been left behind at Batavia along Sri Vijaya Rajasimha for the ruler c Lankan embassies received in ancien of historical interest. Regarding this noted that whilst Fek discounted the P. he noted that the Sinhalese gave full ct that the promises could not be kept - a because the Sinhalese had no ships oft fulfill one of the essential conditions other hand, the Sinhalese probably s much more than a concerin to see tha meddle with any future embassy.
It may be recalled at this junctur and his Council had given a very br Company of the Sinhalese embassy to account we notice that the reference t (noted above) is given a peculiar and Council. The relevant portion ( reads:... with another letter from t the deceased could no longer suffice) accompany it, by which is to be under of Eastern nations, sufficient presents. have added several new elements of th
One is that a letter from the ne deceased king no longer sufficed.57 appear to have attempted to pass off caused serious misunderstanding of th and of the true reasons for the failure came to be that King Boromakot, on
55. “• • - een gedistingueerde ambassade en go
56. See above, p. 66
57. This idea is emphasized even more-and
the Court of Siam-in the ordinary lett in S. L. N. A. 11996 unpag.
 

XV ARDENA 21
d in former times, then they Ayuttmphasis on the exclusion of Europeans termeddling of Van Imhoff and his : embassy destined for Ayutthia, and interests, had come to be suspected, rt. The references to a distiguished ial also point to the damage done by ibtedly at their instance, the leader of d the next in rank, Doranagama had with the royal letter arid presents of f Ayutthia. The recollection of Sri t days may also be noted as a matter etter of 27th January, it remains to be raklang's promises as being in sincere, edence to them, Fek's argument was nd that it must have been so intendedheir own and thus would be unable to laid down by the Praklarg. On the aw in the Praklang's stipulation not t the Dutch were in no position to
ethat Governor-General Van Imhoff ief accourt to the Directors of the Ayutthia. 56 When we look at that o letters of credential in Fek's letter elaboration by Governor-General f this General Letter to the Directors he new king (because that letterl of along with what should necessarily stood, according to the usual manner Thus van Inhoff and his Council heir own to Fek's report.
w king was necessary as that of the This fabrication, which the Dutch as the truth even in Sri Lanka, has Le attitude of the Ayutthian Court of the mission. The accepted view receipt of the news of the death of
: de credentiale . . .''
his time as if it had indeed emanated from st from Batavia to Colombo on 31 July 1748

Page 26
22 AYUTTHIA IN THE TWILIGE
King Sri Vijaya Rajasimha, did not as he was not sure about the att Buddhism.58 But one near-contemp Vastuva sets out to a large exte when the Sinhalese ambassadors re. the intention of going back with the and his presents so as to hand them obtain monks, they were informed ders who further told them that it to Kandy without informing their is to be found in a Batavian leti The other fabrication of the Batav the Ayutthian Court had required letter there should be what should Batavia says meant nothing else bu further “Orientalism' by suggest manner of Eastern nations.
These concoctions are significar at least, are meant to serve - as mask of the mission. Second, if believe serious misunderstandings between and also mislead the Directors of th reflect attitudes and ideas relating sedulously propagated by the Compa Europeans in general, in relation to 1 self-delusion and the idées fixes that and the resulting inability utimately and actions of Asian governments Last, but not least, all this should extent to which our understanding o so much as it is on European rec necessarily be vitiated and far from a the nature of the documents enable Story.
The official” confirmation, as blished regarding the manipulation a by Van Imhoff and his council is to
58. See n 41 above; Kotagama Wachissara.
1960) pp. 139, 181.
59. Annexure to Vimamu Vastu Prakarana Pemananda (Colombo 1926) p.241.
60. For indication of ideas and attitudes in the formation of such stereotypes, see 55-73; and Leon Poliakov, The Aryan in Europe, Transl. by Edmund Howard

T YEARS AND ITS RELATIONS
agree to send any monks to Sri Lanka tude of the new monarch towards orary work the Sasanopa kara Samgraha it the correct position. It says that urned from Ayutthia to Batavia with royal letter of Sri Vijaya Rajasimha over to the Ayutthian monarch and of their King's death by the Hollanwas not proper to take any monks new king,59 The confirmation of this er which we shall consider presently, ian authorities was to the effect that
that along with the Kandyan king's necessarily accompany it." and which ut “sufficient presents.” They add a ng that this was the usual grasping
it in many ways. First they serve-or, s to hide the real reasons for the failure d in, they could mislead and cause the two Asian countries concerned, Le Company themselves. Third, they to Asian rulers which were being ny's employees, and, one could say, by non-European countries.60 Fourth, the result from such frequent fabrications to appraise and understand the policies and peoples, have also to be noted.
make us ponder on the tremendous the history of Asian countries, based ords taken at their face value, must scurate-except where the volume and us to unravel the other side of the
t were, of much of What ve have estaind subversion of the Kandyan mission pe found in their secret letter of 2nd
Saranamkara Sangharaja Samaya (Colombo
of Gannmulle Rat na pala, Ed. by Vatuvatte
he European background itself which fostered Edward W. Said, Orientalism (London 1978) syth, A History of Racist and Nationalist ideas Lond. 1974), pp. 142-82.
ܗܐ ܒܓܗܐ¬

Page 27
K. W. GOONE
August 1748 to Governor Van GC suggesting that the ambassadors then person amongst thern to Ayutthia, th deemed that to be the best (method) : of achieving the prime objective of the Buddhist monks, could be ascertained part of it-in which they had sold th can be gauged from the continuation
that the above was the best arrangem the embassy by proceeding on an unc bad outcome.” They go on to say the had conducted his inquiry satisfact Company at every stage. He had s reported that monks had been promis the appropriatel appurtenances. He elaboration by saying that it really embassy and more ample presents' wo which according to information appe been brought by them for the Cover occasion to return soon to this que confirmation of one other important
This relates to the requirem That this was not a requirement laid well-contrived spanner in the works t and his Council appears from their ov
“Therefore, we, taking into ac the fact that the previous emba appears thereby to have somew send back the second and third
any ceremony - from here to C the present king.'62
The first ambassador, Meedeniy keep behind some semblance of a missi recall hira and thus put an end to til Inonks. Van Imhoff and his Council the king sending fresh ambassadors atteriopted to convince Doranagama an sent back to Sri Lanka, about the ver" prestigious embassy. They particular
61. S Լ. N. A. 112227 unpag. Van Gollenes Kandyan Court (see pp. 62-65 above) will 62,玩记。

XV ARDENA 23
lenesse,61. Whilst still more or less selves despatched the third-ranking by say: “and we have also ourselves so that the possibility or impossibility ir journey, namely that) of obtaining in advance.” The way--or at least is idea to the Sinhalese ambassadors of this argument. It is to the effect int so as “not to risk the prestige of Ertain footing towards a fruitless and it the third ambassador referred to orily with the full support of the ubsequently returned to Batavia and ed in Siam if they were fetched with re, once again, they provide their own
means that “a more distinguished uld have to be brought than these, at to be as poor as those which had nor-General.’ Whilst we shall have stion of presents, we might note the conclusion that we had arrived at.
2nt of a letter from the new king. down by the Ayutthian ruler but a hrown at the embassy by Van Imhoff wn words in this letter:
count the death of their master and ssy (ie: the one under consideration hat lapsed, have thought it best to
of those ambassadors - but without bylon, to ask for further orders from
a, was to remain at Batavia so as to on, until such time as the king should he nission and the idea of obtaining had also thought of the possibility of
to make another attempt and had di Vilbagedara, before the letter were y poor prospects before even a more y tried to impress upon then the
se’s frantic efforts to still any disquiet at the
now become meaningful.

Page 28
24 AYUTTHIA, IN THE TWILIG
utter reluctance - so they alleged-oft journey, particularly a sea voyage, and by the Ayutthians simply because mo Doranagama who referred to his own He maintained that the difficulties of by transporting the monks directly
north-east of Sri Lanka) and that mo for transporting from Mergui, quite also be obtained in loco along the Mei
Doranagama was so confident at the Batavian authorities sounded a letter to Governor Van Gollenesse ti gama's ideas from the Kandyan Court be rejected. First of all, they said tha Mergui without tunning the danger c is the French, with whom the Dutch that the French squadron involved in the region around Mergui for shelter Moreover, the ships and crew were services by the Company. They beli send the mission to Mergui with a vic at Ayutthia, but since Merguibelong mission would be unsuccessful unl Ayutthia itself. Van Gollenesse was Kandy could be rejected by him on ti to be impossible to deflect them from from Ayutthia, then they should be embassy via Batavia. This would c Company because there was usually r in the ships sailing both from Sri Lan to Ayutthia. On the other hand, requisite monks at Ayutthia, they cot and find sea-transport from there to Lanka.
Having said all that, they autho the Kandyan presents for Ayutthia some items from the Company's store such value as to be very pleasing to th be quite equivalent to the value of V. O. C. Needless to say, this see success of a future Kandyan mission t context. We have already seen how and subverted to serve V. O. C. p.

IT YEARS AND ITS RELATIONS
e Ayutthian monks to make such along that various pretexts had been made nks could not be made available. But experiences in 1741 was not impressed. a long sea voyage could be eliminated from Mergui to Trincomalee (in the nks could be obtained from Ayutthia
apart from the fact that they could gui coast.
ld specific about the possibilities, that special note of warning in that same b expect a proposal based on Doranaand explained how and why it should it no V. O. C. ship could be sent to if an encounter with the enemy (that vere by now at war). They pointed out Coromandel operations often sailed to during the period of adverse weather. badly needed at this time for other eved that the Court would prefer to aw to saving on a present to the Court ged to that kingdom, any diplomatic ess the approach was first made to i told that the expected request from hose grounds. If, however, it proved their determination to obtain monks persuaded to do so by sending an :ause the least inconvenience to the hore than ample space for the purpose ka to Batavia as well as from Batavia
once the ambassadors obtained the ild go with them coverland to Mergui rincomalee or some other port in Sri
rised the Governor, in case he felt that appeared to be too meagre, to supply s also. They were however, to be of e Kandyan Court, but would yet not
the friendship of the Court for the ning generosity and concern for the b Siam has to be placed in its proper he 1747 mission had been manipulated rposes. Moreover, Governor-General

Page 29
蕙
K. W. GOONEW
and Council had no real idea about th that had been brought by that miss merely concluded that according to inf it is not said - those presents appearedt brought for the Governor-General ' S Court of Siam and Batavia was only a presents for the Court must necessarily to the Governor-General, quite apart fr ral must have been rated far lower for is relevant also to keep in mind the fac nor - General to have underestimated t as that appears to have been the stand regard to presents received publicly - pi the Directors take them over for the (or leave only the trifles) to the actual
There is a final point of the grea relevance to what we have been discuss August 1748 to Van Gollenesse. The follows:
*... for, in case we cannot really away from the idea of fetching monks), which, however, shot possible, since it is apparent ti unfinished, the Court will conti. otherwise in regard to our interes
In view of this clear formulation of th Van Imhoff and his Council, (and, already been noted) we can now be a only manipulated the Sinhalese em furtherance of Dutch interests relating had worked assiduously towards the c
Meanwhile, of the two ambassa Vilbagedara survived the voyage. Ti after served to dispel the fears of the gamas ideas regarding a direct voy bringing Ayutthian monks might be t
63. For evidence having a bearing on this que
March 1749 (Secret) and Same to Same un pag.
64. S. L. N. A. 112227 unpag.

VARDENA 25
he nature or the value of the presents on to Batavia for Ayutthia. They ormation - from whom or from where D be 'as poor as those which had been Eince the embassy was meant for the point of transit, it is certain that the have been more valuable than those om the fact that the Governor-Genethis purpose than the king of Siam. It it that it was natural for the Gover he value of presents received by him, ard practice of V.O.C officials with tivate ones were never disclosed - lest Company and assign a token amount
recipient.63.
test importance (and of the greatest sing) in that same secret letter of 2nd relevant section of the letter reads as
divert those people the Sinhalese of those foreigners, ie: the Ayutthian ld be made as long-drawn-out as hat as long as this history remains nue to be rather more tractable than its on Ceylon....'
e Machiavellian policy advocated by of course, in the light of what has absolutely certain that they had not bassy to Ayutthia of 1747 for the to that kingdom, but also that they omplete failure of that mission.
tdors returning to Sri Lanka, only he first reports from the Court thereBatavian Government that Doranarage from Sri Lanka to Mergui for liken up by the Court. In the same
stion, see Van Gollenesse to G. G. &? C. 31 29 July 1749 (Secret) in S. L. N. A. 112227

Page 30
26 AYUTTHIA IN THE TWILIC
secret letter of 31st December 17486.5 news, Van Gollenesse also promise best to direct matters according to t
Hardly was the ink dry on
Kandyan demands that the next miss direct to Mergui. Although he s turring them away from that idea, h he could not shake them off from th their ambassadors should be transpo out touching at Batavia. In reply t (apparently regarding the exclusion c the Sinhalese ministers had claimed t that had been recommended to th Futhermore, according to that plaint in Ayutthia would be provided with
Mergui, from where they could obta.
In this secret letter to Batavia ( above information), Van Gollenesse promise the Kandyan ministers to en and Council for transport for the August and for the timely despatch ( (with the presents that were in his cl of those ambassadors The Governi whatever instructions he received frc
Van Imhoff and his Council st 29th July 174968 that the Governor' grant the request for a ship that ye. following year, 1750. In the meat Meedeniya ahead to Malacca to awaii They also informed Van Gollenesse was used for the voyage to Ayutthia of Siamese Sappan wood, since anothe fetch the ambassadors and any mon
Whether the readiness to help t by this time become genuine or inc there were factors operating which even more necessary than before. F
65,五b记。 -
66. All this seems to indicate a fair underst played by the Batavian authorities regai
67. S. L N. A. 112227 un pag.
68、Ibia.

HT YEARS AND ITS RELATIONS
in which he conveyed that re-assuring d his superiors that he would try his ne plan Suggested from Batavia.
that letter when he faced insistent ion to Ayutthia should be transported ucceeded, after very great efforts, in e had to ruefully admit to Batavia that heir further proposal, which was that rted via Malacca direct to Siam, withO objections raised by Van Gollenesse of Batavia from the projected itinerary) that the route they proposed was one nem by the King of Siam himself.66 he Sinhalese anbassadors on arrival requisite monks and sent over land to in passage to Trincomalee.
of 31st March 174967 (which gives the says that he was ultimately forced to nphatically request Governor-General Sinhalese ambassadors in the coming of Meedeniya from Batavia to Malacca harge) so as to await the arrival there or concluded that he would abide by 'rm, Batavía.
ated in their reply by secret letter of s letter had been received too late to ir, but that it could be granted the time, they would send ambassador : the arrival of the other ambassadors. that they expected that any ship that should return to Batavia with a lading :r V. O. C. vessel could be assigned to ks with them from Mergui.
he Court expressed in this letter had t, it is difficult to say. But by ther made good relations with the Court or instance, in the course of 1748 the
inding of the Machiavellian role that had been ding the 1747 embassy.

Page 31
d
K. W. GOONE
threat from the French in the East Dutch and Batavia had ordered Vai support in case of any French appeara had reported success in that endeavou Europe during the course of the year b did that news take time to reach the t Dutch continued in suspicion of Kandyan Court mixed friendliness wi aggressiveneses. Thus we find Van In October 1749 approving the fact tha Kandyan trainisters by way of remonst part could well cause our enthusiasm to weaken'71. But neither this hint a protests were of any avail. By April 1, and wrote to Batavia saying72 that a fi: friendly gestures and presents, and aski what to do in the circumstances. Council were preoccupied with serio were in no position to advocate, muc in Sri Lanka. The time was propitic the Kandyan Court in its attempts t restoration of the upaSampada.
On the first of August 1750 fiv. entourage left for Ayutthia via Malac As Meedeniya had died many months custody had thereafter been sent bac an entirely new embassy, with the exp ambassadors. Trustworthy details rel are known (largely from traditional sc been examined and published, 5 no dis point onwards, therefore, we need not quately utilised information, or what sequence of significant events or by matters relevant to the purposes of thi
69. Secret letter of 22 Oct. 1748, S. L. N. A. 1 70. It was only early in 1750 that Van Coller
letter of 27 Feb. 1750, S. L. N. A. 112227 71. G. G. 3C. to G., 17 Oct. 1749 (Secret), S. 72. 30 April 1750 (Secret) 112227. 73. cf D, G. E. Hall, A History of South-East , 74. G. G. & C. to G. & C., 17 Oct. 1749, S L.
75. For relevant literature, see P. E. E. Fernar
sent to Sian in 1750, Ceylon Journal of H Vol. 2 No. 1 (Ian 1959) pp. 37-83; Kota Sanaya (Colombo 1960); and in 37 above to Ceylon in the 18th Century' Journal of

XVARDENA 27
I had become more alarming to the h Golleinesse to canvass the King's ace on the island and the Governor r,69 Although peace was restored in etween France and Holland, not only wo parties in the East, but also the French intentions. Moreover, the th firmness, and at times even with hhoff and his Council on the 17th of t Van Gollenesse had informed the trance that such conduct on their for the providing of Buddhist priests und expostulation nor even Strong 750 Van Golleness was in a quandary rm attitude has achieved as little as ing for advice since he did not know By this time Van Imhoff and his us warfare in Java itself aid they h less Support, an aggressive policy bus for genuine Dutch assistance to to obtain Ayutthian monks for the
e Sinhalese ambassadors with their ca by the Dutch ship the Wiltrijk. prior to that and the presents in his ck to Kandy from Batavia,74 this was erienced Vilbagedara as one of the lating to the progress of this mission purces), and in so far as these have cussion is required here. From this e only what may be new or inademay be required for indicating the way of correcting inaccuracies - on is es Say.
| 2227 unpag. esse received news of a definitive peace. See
1123g
L. N. A. 11997 unpag
Asia, 2nd ed, (Lond. 1964) pp.313-14.
N. A. 11997 unpag. do, “An Account of the Kandyan Mission istorical and Social Stadies hereafter (CJHSS) gama Vachissara, Saranan kara Sungharaja ; also, O. Frankfurter, “Siamese Missicns * the Siam Society, Voli iv pt.1 (1907) pp. 23-25

Page 32
28 AYUTTHIA IN THE TWILI (
We have seen that right from Ayutthia had been religious and t Hollanders to convey messages information and, finally, to convey Ayutthia. The Dutch responded -o call for assistance with the definit ruler and securing advantages fo authorities had been frequently refe the Company had been undergoing the cue was taken by the Governor August 1752 Loten, who had succe specifically instructed by the Bata trouble and expenses undergone on opportunities arose in his dealings v
Whilst the Dutch were stressi difficult and expensive services sole interests, they were actively utilisi trading interests in Siam. We saw had informed Van Gollenesse that a with a lading of sappanwood to commerce, rice, became even more i at the expense of sappanwood, beca as ballast. The rice was required Company's establishments in Sri Lar been Bengal, even more the Coroma itself. But a series of famines an coupled with dearer prices had virt areas and during that same period obtain supplies for itself and its poss of the so-called Third Javanese War its aftermath). As Governor-Gener 1759) to the Directors, they had b. some time past to look towards A1 necessary article of food.”78
This increase in the rice trac due course), is of some significance during this period; particularly bec other Europeans, such as the Engl. well as many Indian traders and per
76. S. L N. A. 1/1000 un pag. See also C
(Bd 3) f. 638-39. -
77. See p. 79 above.
78. K. A., 2832 (Bd.1) f,50-51.

HT YEARS AND ITS RELATIONS
the beginning the Sinhalese interest in hey sought the instrumentality of the etween the two kingdoms, to gather lmbassadors to, and fetch monks from, : sometimes seemed to respond - to this 2 objective of placating the Kandyan r themselves. In fact, the Batavian rring to the trouble and expenses that in giving this assistance and doubtless at Colombo. By their letter of 21st eded to the Governorship in 1751, was vian authorities to expatiate on the
the King's behalf, whenever appropriate fith the Court.76
ing the fact that they were providing y in order to help the King's religious ng every such service to pursue their 777 how Van Imhoff and his Council ny ship sent to Ayutthia should return Batavia. Very soon another item of important, although that was not quite use this wood could usually be loaded more especially for supplying the hka. The usual sources of supply had indel Coast region, and, of course, Java d political turbulence in the 1750's lally ruled out supplies from the Indian :ven Batavia was in severe straits to sessions in the archipelago on account of Succession from 1749 to 1757 (and all and Council explained later on (in een forced by these circumstances for akan and Siam for “purchase of that
le (examples of which will be given in for the economic history of Ayutthia ause it is reasonable to presume that ish, the French and the Portuguese, as haps others on the Malaysian Coast,
E. G. & C. to XVII, 30 Dec. 1752 K. A. 2684.

Page 33
K. W. GOONE
also increased their commercial deali shortfalls and disruptions in rice s simply because Ayutthian rice price more competitive. (We may also rec: of the Batavian government relating t Mergui region.). All this would p commercial activities - particularly in latter part of King Boromakot's reign strength and flexibility in the kingdo able to orientate itself to meet increa increase in the trade with the Dutch in contradicting the view that comm diminishing throughout the eighteenth
We can obtain some idea of the 1750's-apart from certain other info of ambassadors and monks between Kandy, as well as froin certain ex Dutch Opperhoofd30 or Chief at Ayutt from certain other V.O.C. records.
The Sinhalese ambassadors who had had to tarry till the end of 1750 : weather and perhaps also shortcom ship's officers. When the ship ultima the Governor of that place gave f relating to Batavia’s requirements o appears that shortly after arrival : spring of 1751, the Wiltrijk disembark and left for Batavia with the required mention that Cin their approach ti encountered another Dutch ship ther
As is well-known, the Sinhalese makot, who is known in the Sinha only made arrangements to send his c upaSampada along with the Sinhalese a
79, eg. Shyamaranda, p. 84. 80. Bang appears to have held a lesser rank f
fifties. 81, G. & C. in Malacca to G. & C. in Color 82. P. E. Pieris (Transl.) ''An Account of Kii
(1750 A. D.) in Journal of the Ceylon JCBRAS) Vol. XVIII No. 54 (1903), p.22 as to gain some idea of Dutch trade with 83, and in some Ayutthian letters to Kandy

WARDENA 29
ings with Ayutthia on account of the upplies from their usual sources or shad, in the circumstances, become all in this connection the statement b French squadrons wintering in the bint to a considerable increase in relation to rice exports - during the It would also indicate a significant m's agricultural sector, in that it was sed export demands. Moreover, an during this period is of significance ercial relations with them had been
century.
: Dutch trade with Ayutthia in the rmation-by following the movements that Kingdom and the Kingdom of tant letters from Nicholas Bang, the thia, together with the information
had left for Ayutthia by the Wiltrijk. at Malacca on account of inclement ings in seamanship on the part of the tely left a second time from Malacca, urther instructions to the officers sappanwood from Siam,81 and it ut the roadstead of Ayutthia in the ed the embassy personnel and goods
cargo. The Sinhalese ambassadors D the Ayutthian roadstead, they had
82
embassy was successful. King Borolese records as King Dharmika,83 not wn ambassadors and monks for the mbassadors, but also provided a ship
pr some time in the late forties and very early
nbo, 10 Dec. 1750, S. L. N. Al 112064 unpag.
g Kitti Sri's Embassy to Siam in 1672 Saka
Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society (hereafter These casual references to ships are noted so Ayutthia.
oo. See below pp. 89 and 91

Page 34
30 AYUTTHIA IN THE TWILIG
to convey the monks, his ambassadol Vilbagedara. The other envoys left
had been sent for the purpose as we rice for Colombo,84. The royal vess voyage and after some repairs at Lig Inonks and the ambassadors. A seri loss of several of his ships, made it quick arrangements for another sui It was then that Vilbagedara made a owned a newly-built ship (one ow Opperhoofd Bang himself),85 to hireth with a view to taking another ship
Wilbagedara and his companions, or passage to Sri Lanka by the V. O. C.
Meanwhile, the Sinhalese amb proceeded ahead of the royal ship, Growing anxious about the delay t Ayutthia by a sloop at Malacca whi Some time later they received instru them to proceed ahead to Sri Lank Colombo soline time before the arri Before proceeding further, however, presence at Malacca of a sloop tradii ship of a trading vessel by two Dutchi ers being the Opperhoofd himself. The other Dutch vessels which we have c the importance of trade with Ayutth vided by orders which had been sent 1750 instructing him to hire ships if time to take in goods from the king
The Oostkappel by which Vilbag to Trincomalee, had arrived there ea the monks had been conducted to C honour. Their subsequent labours i. instructing Sinhalese monks and lay: appreciated that the Ayutthian am early the following year. Moreover, thanks for the part they had played
84. Council Minutes (Colombo) 30 May 17 85. P. E. E. Fernando, 'An Account - . : 17 86. P. E. Pieris, “An Account . . . (1750 A. 87. Realia III, p.204

HT YEARS AND ITS RELATIONS
S and one of the Kandyan ambassadors, by a Dutch ship, the Tulpenberg which ll as, doubtless, for taking a lading of :l, however, sprang several leaks on the }r it had to return to Ayutthia with the es of ensuing calamities, including the difficult for King Dharmika to make able ship for the voyage to Sri Lanka. rrangements with two Dutchmen who ner, it is significant to note, was the at vessel to make the voyage to Batavia, from there to Sri Lanka. Ultimately arrival at Batavia, were provided safe
ship, the Oostkappel, in March 1753.
assadors on the Tulpeinberg which had had tarried at Malacca for that ship. hey had sent a message to the city of lich was engaged in trade with Siam.86 ctions in the name of the King asking a. This was done, and they reached val of the Oostkappel at Trincomalee.
we may note the significance of the ng regularly to Ayutthia and the ownernen at Ayutthia itself, one of the ownse, together with the movements of the hanced upon, give some further idea of ia at this time. A further clue is proto Bang from Batavia as early as July the company's ships failed to arrive in oria. 87
(edara and the monks had been brought tly in May of 1753. Shortly afterwards, ourt, and received there, with great restoring the higher ordination and in hen were so satisfactory and so greatly passadors could happily return home the Dutch received great kudos and in enabling these nonks to be brought
53 S. L. N. A. 114 unpag. 50', C.JHSS Vol. 2 No. 1 p. 72 D.) in JCBRAS Vol. XVIII No. 54 p.36

Page 35
K. W. GOONE
and for their conduct both at sea and whole and the monks in particular. the Company went up tremendous in the latter various problems would credit in due course). The skippers a the Oostkappel, and the Opperhoofd at courtesy and consideration that there Sinhalese as well as the Ayutthians. Upali Maha Thera wrote a special let to Lotten on the 11th March 1754.88 ruler Kirti Sri Rajasimha to the Govel General Van Gollenesse (the former Loten in recognition of the Company and the Batavian authorities departed ledged their extraordinary nature and counter-presents.99
In February 1754 the Ayutthi Colombo by some high - ranking Kan home. Apart from other presents, th the King three tusked elephants in to Loten they wished to dispose of then own country, and he therefore m animals" value to the ambassadors, wł Ayutthia by the ship Amstelveen whic trade.90
Meanwhile, we know from Bang V. O. C. trade with the kingdom had the Sloterdijk 1,320,000 pounds of ric Sappanwood as ballast. In 1754 apart the Leijden in which Bang shipped to of what he describes as “ordinary rice June 1755 Batavia had sent the ship t Colombo, and Bang despatched 1, 293 lbs towards the ship's rations. On t to Governor Loten and Council by le could have shipped much more if onl been such an evil-natured fellow whic account thus depriving the Company must have been another side to this s
88. S. L. N. A 113264 unpag, For Loten's re 89. G. G. & C. to XVII, 31 Dec. 1754, K. A.
90. G. G. & C. to XVII, Ibid. f.636, Memoi
(hereafter, Loten's Memoir) Transl. by

WARDENA
3
on land towards the mission as a There is no doubt that the credit of y both in Siam and in Kandy (though ead to a diminution of much of that ind officers of Bang's ship as well as of Trincomalee had behaved with such was special praise for them from the The chief Siamese monk, the Rev. er of appreciation of all those persons The presents sent by the Sinhalese nor-General Mossel, and the Director
Governor) as well as to Governor 's services were so valuable, that Loten from the usual practice and acknowtook particular pains in regard to the
an ambassadors were conducted to iyan officials to enable them to return nese ambassadors had received from ken of royal esteem. But acording to as elephants were not lacking in their ide a fine bargain by paying half the Lo were ultimately given transport to sh had been assigned for the Siam
's letter of 6th November 1753 that been continuing. He had shipped in 2 for Colombo and 110,000 pounds of from the Amstelveen there had arrived Loten's Government 1,219,845 lbs. and 50,000 lbs. of sappanwood. In he Elsavout for another shipment for ,600 lbs. of rice and a further 39,600 his occasion, however, he complained tter of 3rd November 1755 that he y the skipper, one Dirk Stijne, had not
had loaded some rice on his own of further ship's space. That there tory is indicated by the fact that, (as
ply see S. L. N. A. 5. f6, 19115. 2719 (Bd. 2) f.634-35
of Joan Gideon Loten for his Successor, 1757 . Reimers (Colombo 1935) p. 58.

Page 36
32 AYUTTHIA IN THE TWILIG
Bang himself reported), the skip usual manner, the bill of lading and on behalf of the vessel.91
In the last-mentioned letter (c that he had had to face certain ot
word requesting on behalf of his Ki officials should be provided with pa Els vout. According to the form th; the V. O. C., he says that he tried st that idea by pointing out the heavy on each voyage to Sri Lanka and ba when, finally, he had been asked wh to maintain friendship with the King of Kandy. He adds that a few
informed him on behalf of the Prak some presents, all gold work, should sending to the Dutch Governor in
Charge at Trincomalee, and that bot the Court of Kandy. We know fro. Adigar in Kandy that certain other
another ship to the Governor - Gene Ayutthian counterparts to the Kand granted in connection with the 175
Yet another problem which Ba he should translate into Dutch, with preter, a letter written in Siamese in he says he tried to avoid, putting fo1 better to get it translated into Portu were Portuguese- and Tamil-speaki knew the Siamese language through told, so he says, that the Praklangh
others. So he had to do it as besta lated the main points, leaving out th as possible. Finally, the Praklang should write to the Dutch Governo, receive the Siamese, more especially they should receive orders to go course, gave the necessary assurance
91. For Bang's letters to G. & C., see S.
Elsavout from Batavia, see G.G. &C. 92. See H. W. Codrington, “A Letter fro Pt. III No. 99 (1945) pp 98-99. The Pral

HT YEARS AND ITS RELATIONS
per had refused to countersign, in the the accounts relating to Bang's expenses
of 3rd November 1755), Bang indicates her problems. The Praklang had sent
ng that some monks and three high ssage to the Kingdom of Kandy on the at was apparently expected of him by averal times to talk the Siamese out of expenses that the V. O. C. had to incur ck. But he says that he had to agree ether the Company no longer desired gdom of Ayutthia as well as with that
days later the interpreter came and ang that His Majesty had ordered that be made ready by that Minister for Sri Lanka and the Dutch Officer - in - h these officials should receive them at in a letter of the Praklang to the First very valuable presents were sent by ral at Batavia.92. Thus these were the lyan presents to various Dutch officials
1 - 53 mission.
ng says he next faced was a request that 1 the assistance of the Ayutthian interthe name of the Praklang. This too ward the argument that it would be guese or even into Tamil because there ng people resident in Ayutthia who ly – unlike him, apparently. But he was ad more confidence in him than in the
she could and he says that he transLe unnecessary circumlocutions as much lad sent word to him requesting that he in Sri Lanka requesting the latter to the monks, courteously and well until
up to the Kandyan Court. Bang, of
S.
... N. A. 112064 and 112065. For the dispatch of to XVII, 30 Dec. 1755, K.A. 2738 (Bd.2) f.599. in the Court of Siam' in JCBRAS Vol XXXVI lang’s letter is dated 25 Oct. 1755.
ܢܥ

Page 37
K. W. GOONEW
The Els wout left Ayutthia on the of rice as well as with the Ayutthian m the presents mentioned above. But wrecked off Arunagama (modern Arug shore, The ambassadors and the majo the crew were able to save themselves, dyan King's subjects on shore. About adequate for our present purposes to n Kandy and that the monks helped to si the monks of the first mission and th home after some time. We may also : his Council were lamenting the los; Els wout had been specially and speci Batavian authorities, those authoriti Governor to impress on the King of “were incurring year in and year ou addition to all this, only recently they one of their costly ships, the Elswout, Sian for the service of His Majesty doctrine.'94 This once again provides of diplomacy that was being practised to the need not to take, without prope ments in the V.O.C.'s correspondence
The next movement between Sri ambassadors who had come on the several of the monks from both missi Kirti Sri assigned three Sinhalese an his request Governor Loten provided th March 1756 the entire party left C Batavia 95 and we find that they comple
Ayutthia too by the same ship. From of 30th November 175696 we know that the 12th July after a voyage of about a after the Sinhalese arnbassadors had hai August they had been conducted to his until the time of their departure they c was sending Loten the account of t
behalf.
93. Loten & C. to Director Jan de Roth &
unpag94. As reported in G. G. & C. to XVII. K. A. 95. Loten's Memoir, p.58 96. S. L. N. A. 112067 unpag.

XVARDENA 33
15th November 1755 with its cargo onks and ambassadors together with on the 9th January 1756, it was am) within sight of the Sri Lankan rity of the monks and almost all apparently with the aid of the Kanthese monks and ambassadors, it is ote that they were conducted up to upport and supplement the work of (at the ambassadors duly returned note that while Governor Loten and s of the rice,9 to bring which the ifically despatched to Siam by the es themselves were instructing the Kandy the expenses that the Dutch It to please his Majesty, whereby in 7 had had to suffer the heavy loss of which they had sent last year to for fetching priests of the Buddhist an illuminating example of the type at times by the Company and points r verification, certain types of stateat their face value.
Lanka and Ayutthia arose when the
second mission from Siam as well as ons wished to return home. King bassadors to accompany them and at he necessary transport. On the 25th olombo in the ship Akerendam for ted the second leg of the journey to
a letter of Nicholas Bang to Loten the Akerendam reached Ayutthia on month from Batavia. He says that d audience with the king on the 1st factory by Ayutthian officials so that ould reside there. He adds that he he expenses incurred by him on their
C. at Surat, 12 Feb. 1756, S.L.N.A. 1/2115
2759 (Bd.2) f 508.

Page 38
34 AYUTTHIA IN THE TWIL
It appears further from this le Ayutthia by the Governor-Gener: of transporting a lading of rice to : and that closer gn its heels the sh from Batavia for the same purpose
This particular year, howeve prepared to sell any rice to the Co. from Bang. The action was very because we know from Bang’s lette tions in favour of three Dutchmen ting much of the permitted quotas Fifty coyangs97 was to be allowed fo fifty coyangs for that of the Dutch free of the duty. The skipper of th nant Cornelis van der Stam was tc the duty and a further 150 coyangs These three persons were accorded special favour because they had Ayutthian missions to Sri Lanka. ambassadors had eulogised Van de understanding he had shown, par that King Dharmika, accordingly given to him with the remark that and an outsider, yet, he is possesse religion of the Buddha.'98 As to sale of rice to the V. O. C. itself, v.
Faced with the above situatio ships to his lodge in the Dutch fact to load private goods on a Compal Starn should obtain the rice in his and transfer it to the Company. proposal saying that the purchase c and that he should, therefore, pay if, however, when he arrived in Co wished to have the rice, he would t month's time we find that he had b. views. In reply to the latter's ques not yet received the license to gett that he had made arrangements
97. From Bang's letters it appears that a
pound being 0,494 Kg.)
98. As related in “Letter from the Cor
Cornmander-in-Chief of the King of Ceylon Historical Manuscripts Commi

IGHT YEARS AND ITS RELATIONS
Etter that the Akerendam had been sent to al and his Council also for the purpose the Dutch establishments in Sri Lanka, ip Leckerland had also been despatched
r, the Ayutthian authorities were not mpany. That at least is what we gather probably not due to any shortage of rice, r that the King had made certain excepand that too with concessions exempfrom the payment of export duties. r the account of Governor Lotten and Chief at Trincomalee, both quotas being Le Akerendam itself, the Captain-Lieutebe allowed a similar quantity free of subject to the payment of that duty. such privileged treatment as a mark of been helpful in various ways to the In fact, we know that the Sinhalese er Stam for the great consideration and ticularly in regard to the monks, and l, had caused valuable presents to be though he is a Hollander by birth, d of a mind which takes delight in the why the King sefused to permit any we shall consider later on.
n, Bang summoned the officers of both ory and declared that it was not proper hy vessel and that, therefore, Van der own name out of the Company's funds Van der Stam was not agreeable to this of rice had been permitted only to him for it and take it over on his own behalf; lombo and found that the Company hen dispose of it accordingly. But in a been more or less won over to Bang's itions, Van der Stam replied that he had he rice measured for taking it over, but
with various persons to obtain the rice
Siamese coyang was 2,640 Dutch pounds (a Dutch
hmander-in-Chief of the King of Siam to the Kandy, 15 Oct. 1756’ in Second Report of the ssion (Colombo 1935) p.61

Page 39
K. W. GCONEW
from them; that, furthermore, he re Company, but that he was afraid that it with any rice if they heard that it was b and that, therefore, as soon he received to Bang and fetch the cash for its paym
When matters were in that state, trous flood whereby, Bang says, “the must have occurred around October 17 suppliers were unable to mill the paddy 200 coyangs could be obtained. Anoth rice also went up considerably. Whet skipper Van der Stam informed him is
There remained the problem of th found that no measures that he could succeed because the King had absolutil Company, Bang decided to ship on it t been loaded the previous year, 1755, in had later been unloaded and stored in had been discovered that the ship was rice, he mentions having shipped 5 Leckerland. It remains to be noted Leckerland arrived safely in Sri Lankair bringing back with it the three Kandya
The next Dutch document, releva across is Bang's letter of 15th Decembe new Governor of the Dutch establish probably one of the last public acts Boromakot. This was the despatch o to Sri Lanka along with their retinue Kandy. King Boromakot had ordered a letter to the Dutch Governor in Sri all facilities so that the mission could as speedily as possible. According incorporated that request in his letter Labienenburg, which apparently provi Though it has not been possible to ga. third mission of monks from Ayutthi
99. Jan Schreuder (new Governor at Colombo
S. L. N. A. 1 | 2116 unpag.
100, except that the ship reached Sri Lanka at
an endorsement in the aforesaid letter of

ARDENA 35
ally wished to give that grain to the he Siamese would not supply him eing purchased for the Company,
the rice, he would come in secret
1○賞ht.
there occurred a sudden and disasentire land was flooded.' (This '56.) One result of it was that the , and consequently not more than er result was that the price of the der it went up as high as Bang says quite another question .
e Leckerland, When, as he says, he think of, including bribery, would ey fordidden any exports to the he 337 coyangs of rice which had
the ship the Appelboom, but which the harbour storehouses when it leaking badly. In addition to the ),000 lbs. of Sappanwood on the
that both the Akerendam and the mid-February of 1757, the former in ambassadors and their retinue.99
unt to Our purposes that we corne r 1757 addressed to Schreuder, the ments in Sri Lanka. It relates to of importance performed by King if a third group of Buddhist monks 2 and presents for the Court of the Praklang to ask Bang to send Lanka requesting him to provide
get to Kandy from Dutch territory ly, the Dutch Chief at Ayutthia referred to above, sent by the ship ded the transport for this mission. ther more details regarding it, 100 this a is of significance for the relations
) & C. to G. & C. at Malacca, 14 June 1757
the end of August 1758 as established from Bang's in S. L. N. A. 112068 unpag.

Page 40
36 AYUTTHIA IN THE TWILIG
between the two kingdoms and f hitherto only two religious missic makot's reign have been noticed, ap mission headed by Prince Teppig relevant to our discussion).
Before concluding this paper i matters that had not been taken u noted) so as not to lose the thread
Stage.
The prosperity of the Kingdo disposal in King Boromakot's re. accounts of the Sri Lankan envoys the general impression gathered noted, 10 a more concrete idea could particulars relating to the offerings Relic at Kandy, and to some of th Governor-General at Batavia. Acco (styled, incidentally, as Commander the great King Dharmmaka' to the (likewise referred to as Commander Tooth Relic consisted of a gold can is about 33 lbs. avoirdupois) and a set with gems and about 13 cubits (over 8 lbs. avoirdupois) and three gems. It is relevant to note that til haye been made of the gold found prayer for the attainment of Bodhi of gold mines in contemporary Siam Prince had also sent a golden canop to the Relic. The Governor-Gener, shaped like a lotus, a gold watergold “receptacles' (karandu), a gold another weapon of gold, a gold bet to hold all these presents. The Gc articles of similar variety and value some ten gold-worked articles of a
101. See Shyamananda, p. 90.
102. L. S. Dewaraja, 'Thailand Repays . . .
γρηcρ of ASία p. 14.
103. dated 25 Oct. 1755 in “A Letter from
torn JCBRAS XXXVI. Pt. III No. 99 presents to the G. G. with the preser G. G. van Imhoff in 1747.

HT YEARS AND ITS RELATIONS
or Sri Lankan religious history, because ins from Ayutthia during King Boroart, of course, from the bogus religious it 101 in the next reign (which is not
it will be useful to take a look at sorne p for discussion earlier (or only briefly of the discussion too much at that
pm of Ayutthia and the riches at its gn can be surmised, inter alia, from the given on their return home. Although from such accounts has been recently 1 perhaps be obtained by noting some sent by the King in 1755 to the Tooth he presents sent at the same time to the rding to the letter 10 from the Praklang -in-Chief of Siam) sent on orders of First Adigar or Chief Minister of Kandy -in-Chief), the offerings sent for the opy weighing over 275 kalandas (which gold mandapaya or miniature pavilion in height and weighing 658 kalandas cloths made of gold thread set with he canopy and the pavilion are said to under the earth by the merit acquired by . . . .' thus indicating the exploitation It may also be noted that the Crown y and three flowers of gold as offerings all had been gifted with a gold plate zontainer, a gold Cup, a gold tray, two oil-container, a gold-worked knife and Bl-tray and, finally, one large gold tray overnor of Colombo had also been sent and the Dutch Chief at Trincomalee pparently somewhat lesser value.
to the eighteenth centuries,' in Seventh Confe
the Court of Siam' transl. by H. W. Codring1945) pp.97-99. It is instructive to compare the ts sent for presentation to king Boromakot by
সম্পর্ক,

Page 41
K. W. GOON
It is pertinent to note that t being made and expensive religious ar under the shadow of great losses and some effects of the great flood of 175 Siamese monks had been forced to ret had proved to be unsuited for the vo despite his own disappointment at th heartened Vilbagedara saying that he the voyage. Shortly after that, h kingdom. News was received that o napattanam (Madras) with a valuabl wrecked in a storm and that only 7 o' in a boat. Close on its heels came t all royal vessels, (as the context sugg of Mergui had been wrenched off the open sea. As if all that were not enc few days later.
Vilbagedara says that at this how he could consider sending monk cumstances. The Sinhalese envoy's r in great distress at the misfortunes th tainty of the future, grief and dea sorrow' and that His Majesty should, spread the knowledge of the one thi doctrine of the Buddha. He buttress the power and glory of the Sri Lanka were to be sent, King Boromakot's was happy to think that he had won attitude towards the recent misfortun concern for the successful conclusion
The death of the Crown Prince, for some comment. The accounts of prince had been closely associated wit Vilbagedara's account suggests that B death of this prince, and, furthermor death was due to anything but natur, tances and the fact that according to t contemporary – the Crown Prince's d and not in April 1756 as the accepted under rather disreputable circumstan
104. See JCBRAS Vol. XVIII No. 54 pp. 43-4 105. Ibid. Of. W. A. R. Wood A History of 1781 . . . (Bangkok c 1924) p. 237; Shya

EWARDENA 37
hese and other lavish offerings were ld cultural missions were being sent tragedies. (We have already noted 5). In 1752 after Vilbagedara and the turn to Ayutthia when the royal ship yage to Sri Lanka, King Boromakot, Le turn of events, encouraged the diswould make further arrangements for owever, greater disasters befell the he of the King's ships bound for Sin2 cargo, including elephants, had been r 8 of the crew had managed to escape he information that four other ships, ests) riding at anchor in the harbour ir moorings in a storm and lost in the Dugh, the Crown Prince died only a
point the King had sent word asking is from his kingdom under such cirEply was to the effect that he too was at had occurred, but “that the uncerth are nothing new in our world of therefore, hasten to fulfill his desire to ng that was beyond uncertainty, the ed his arguments further by extolling h ruler to whose kingdom the monks response was such that Vilbage dara over the King to a more philosophic es, and, thereby, to a more favourable
of his mission. 104
referred to a short while earlier, calls the Kandyan envoys indicate that this h the King's activities and, in particular oromakot was greatly affected by the , there is nothing there to indicate that a causes. In view of these circumshe evidence of Vilbagedara - which was eath occurred in the latter part of 1752 | view indicates, that view of his death ces seems to require re-examination. 105
4; CJHSS Vol. 2 No. 1 pp. 40-41. Siam From the Earliest Tirties to the Year A. D. mananda, p. 89.

Page 42
38 AYUTTHIA IN THE TWILIG
Several of our documents also well as the administration, of King besides indicating bais graciousness, li piety of this ruler. The letter from Kandy serves to support that view cloths sent as offerings for the Tooth with gold thread set with gems b Dharmmaka.”106
From the evidence of our docu had assigned much important day to and other oficials under them. He di granting personal audience to every ambassador. Our evidence tends als the European records that it was ea court circles and that the Dutch Fact with the highest officials in the kingd siant Fek and Vilbagedara himself h 1747/48 and that too, apparently b primarily involved in the Sinhalese m even claims that he had had to sp As for the Opperhoofd Bang, we notic interpreter or some other minor of In 1752 the Sinhalese ambassadors ob because they had come with proper and during their embassy they also officials.
Although the Praklang and oth important powers and functions, it is be kept informed of all important ir such matters undoubtedly rested with had to be informed regarding the mis monks to Sri Lanka, and his ord further action. Similarly, the loss of coast and four other vessels in Merg overseas trading activity of the state of the Ayutthian ruler, 107
In point of fact, the King’s inti have been great and merits some furt however, it is useful to keep in mind decisions, but even general policy m.
106. See n. 103 above 107. On the above see CJHSS Vol. 2 No. 1

HT YEARS AND ITS RELATIONS
shed some light on the personality, as Boromakot. The Sinhalese accounts, berality and humanity, underline the the Prakang to the Chief Minister at still further. For instance, the three
Relic in Kandy are described as “made y the royal hand of the great king
ments it is also apparent that the King day state activity to his chief ministers d not debase the aura of kingship by oreigner who came with the name of o to dispel the view emanating from sy to get to know what happened in ors were almost on terms of familiarity om. We have seen how the Commishad audience only with the Praklang in ecause Fek had given a show of being ission seeking Ayutthian monks Fek end money to obtain an interview. 2e that his direct dealings are with an ficials rather than with the Praklang. tained audience with the monarch only letters from King Kirti Sri Rajasimha, had contacts with many of the highest
er principal officials had been delegated apparent that King Boromakot had to atters and ultimate decisions regarding in him. Ti hus it was that the king had hap near Ligor to the ship transporting brs had had to be awaited regarding
a royal trading vessel off the Indian qui had all been reported to him as the appears to have been a vital concern
rest in economic activity appears to her consideration. At the same time, the fact that not only many specific st have been arrived at on the basis of
3.57任。

Page 43
K. W. GOONEW,
information, and even the advice, recei several decisions which we come across informed action on his part, whatever t
We have already noted quite earl Boromakot appears to have prohibited goods except from four merchants appc 1754, Bang had reported that the King', buy rice unless he paid the customary exp then the Company might have been exen This sudden action of the Court was in taken on receipt of news of the arrest, a vessel a month or more earlier. In fact, had themselves been perturbed at this a for Maritime and Commercial Affairs b they had resolved in Council that in ful without their foreknowledge. 108 Then hibiting the supply of any rice to the at least, in retaliation for the arrest a supercargo of one of his ships for allege illegal transport of eight Batavians. 109
Whatever may have been the mot Opperhoofd's evidence, taken at its face could not be subverted by bribing the P This could also perhaps be taken as an it authority even in the last years of his r. officials of the king were not involved: only with the lesser officials and the su that even in such cases, business was co, firm manner. We have seen that the n have been considerable and not confin chant-houses. Van der Stam had had his rice supplies in 1756 and he had tol very until he had received the letter C alone would enable him to obtain supy
On the question of trade, anothe evidence that contradicts the general decline in Dutch (and other European beginning of the 18th century, and in
108. (Secret Resolution of) 20 Aug. 1754, Reali 109. Secret Resolutioris of 26-29 Aug. 1755, Ibi 110. Bang to Loten & C , 30 Nov 1756 S. L. N.

"ARDENA 39
ved from his Officials. The nature of I would preclude arbitrary and unhe generally accepted view might be.
7 in this essay how and why King foreign traders from buying certain inted for the purpose. In October s officials would not permit him to ort duties. It would appear that until pted from the payment of such duties. all probability a retaliatory action t Batavia, of the captain of a royal the Governor General and Council ction taken by their Commissioner ecause of possible repercussions and ture no such action should be taken again, the King’s action in 1756 pro
V.O.C. had probably been, partly ind imprisonment at Batavia of the di responsibility for the abduction or
ivation for the King's orders, the value, indicates that these orders rakiang or by other corrupt practices. hdex to the effectiveness of the king's ille. In fact, even where the higher and the dealings of the Dutch were ppliers, the impression one gets is ducted in an orderly and, if need be, umber of rice suppliers appears to ed to four big merchants or merto contract with several persons for i Bang that he could not take deliif authority (permissie brief) which plies... 110
important point to emphasise is the y held view that there was a steady ) trade with the kingdom from the ieed that the trade appeared to be
III p. 309 枋p.204 A 12067 unpag

Page 44
40 AYUTTHIA IN THE TWILIC
of little importance. We have not from the ships of the V.O.C., there non-officials and even officials of tk: encountered by the Sinhalese env evidence and a resolution of 10 July adds to that evidence by pointing t at Ligor too. 11 Moreover, the positi for the products of South and We Asia is apparent from the descript Sinhalese envoys encountered in the Apart from the Europeans, consis French, Spaniards and Danes, the Javanese, Malaccains and Pattanis as one hand and an amorphous gro groups of South Indians, two Indian Delhi and Surat, on the other113. W Bangs reference to Portuguese – and glimpses of the activities of the ric glimpses of which will be given belc activity of the kingdom.
There is a curious fact often as appears to have led to somewhat mi The fact that many of the ships' ca. several of them Englishmen, led som the role of foreigners, more particul gation. For instance, Nunn would merchant adventurer who saved the nal attitudes to commerce and obscurity of a veiled Eastern exister self a respected Thai academic, app view and suggests that it may have 1 to the Thais. 115 This, despite the navigators had been frequenting . the arrival of the Europeans. Some kingdom and joined its merchant r
111. e.g. W. Nunn “Some Notes upon the d Siam Society, Selected Articles from til: p.220; John F. Cady, Soil theast Asia : p. 279; Shyamananda, p.84. 112. Realia III p. 204 113. JCBRAS Vol. XVIII No.54 p.24 114. W. Nunn “Some Notes upon . . Sia
Vol III p.226. 115. Shyamananda, p75. But this same auth voyages of Siamese ships to Japan, arc

HT YEARS AND ITS RELATIONS
iced evidence to indicate that apart
were private Dutch ships belonging to Le Company. Bang's ship and the sloop oys at Malacca provide part of this 1752 taken by the Batavian authorities b the presence of private Dutch traders on of Ayutthia as an emporium of trade st Asia as well as East and Southeast ion of the numerous peoples whom the : palace grounds of Ayutthia in 1751. sting of Portuguese, Dutch, English, Envoys mention having seen Chinese, well as men from Ava and Pegu on the up described as Moors as well as two mendicant-type groups and men from 'e may also recall in this connection | Tamil-speaking people. The occasional Dyal Ayutthian merchant fleet (further Dw) also testify to the great commercial
sociated with the royal ships which isdirected speculations or assumptions. ptains happened to be foreigners and he writers to misconceive and exaggerate arly of Europeans, in Ayutthian navihave us believe that it was the European : Ayutthians from despotic and irratioenabled them to emerge from “the ce.’114 Even a more recent writer, himears to have been influenced by this been the English who taught navigation
fact that Chinese, Indian and Arab Ayutthian ports both before and after
of them had even settled down in the marine, which operated ships to various
Levelopment of the commerce of Siam' in The te Siam Society Journal Vol. III (Baringkok 1959) Its Historical Development (McGraw Hill 1964)
m’ in The Siam Society Selected Articles . . . .
or had earlier noted(p.66) the highly significant und the third decade of the 17th century.

Page 45
K. W. GOONE
parts of Southeast Asia and even acro more siginificant is the fact that the r during earlier periods of its history, p. could not have been achieved or main vessels, and still more significant coul in the 17th century though they oper
The real role of European sea-ca has to be sought not so much in the navigators, but in the fact of coercive in key areas of the Indian Ocean. On chants had often had to resort to sh flying European flags 116-particularly t nations — which in the mid-18th ce French and the Dutch. Where, as in in commerce did not wish to comprom: the protection of a foreign flag, his sh tection by obtaining passes of navigati and enhance that protection by empl ships' officers) subjects of a powerfull might even enable those ships to ti passes, though at some risk. Such cap potential backing, of their nationalit trifled with by the agents of any Eurc regard to an Asian skipper. In fact, t receive the greatest consideration pos: over, such European skippers would a affinity and greater linguistic and successfully with officials of another
116. See K. N. Chadhuri, The Trading World 1660-176o (New Delhi, London 1978) p. 1 of Bengal shipping merchandise in vesse any Dutch embargo. For an examp subcontinett using this device, see K. A having been despatched to Bengal “by t
117. As examples, we could note the follow the items regarding which the Dutch at in the Sri Lankan waters. In 1703 a v. found to have 21 undeclared packs of Cominandeur at Cochin stated that it Choromandel via Sri Lanka. Though move to confiscate the cloths, Gover. appears to have been the fact that the s (K. A. 1500 f.1404). The second exam relates to another article of contrab: caught with cinnamon in them. In the according to K.A. 1605-f.191) commanded that the Dutch did was to make a futil a Bengal vessel called Lechima Vars the crew-members who were held resp punished, though the Dutch officials penalty. The lesson to be noted from th fact that the strength of Mughal lain Dutch to restore the confiscated goods.

WARDENA 4.
iss the Bay of Bengal. Perhaps, even ather far-flung conquests of Ayutthia articularly along the Malay Peninsula, tained without the aid of ocean-going d be the long voyages to Japan early ated only for a few years.
ptains in Ayutthian trading vessels lack of Ayutthian or non-European : European political and naval power account of this reason, Asian meripping their merchandise in vessels those of the more powerful maritime ntury were those of the English, the the case of Ayutthia, a ruler engaged ise his sovereignty too much by seeking ips could ensure some degree of proon from the relevant European power oying as Captains (or other principal European nation. This latter expedient rade in certain areas not covered by tains, because of the prestige, and the ty would not usually be harassed or opean power in Asia so readily as in hey and, therefore, their ships would sible under the circumstances. Morealso have the advantage of cultural other knowledge, for dealing more European nation.
of Asia and the English East India Company 19. Chaudhri's example relates to inerchants els flying Europeain flags in order to avoid le of merchants Cn the Other side of the A. 1500 f. 1404 for news of 8 ships of Surat he Moors, under English flags.'
ring: Cotton piece-goods constituted one of tempted to exercise strict monopoly rights essel belonging to a Muslim merchant was Surat cloth when its pass from the Dutch was sailing without any goods, for southern the Dutch fiscal officer at Colombo made a or and Council did not permit it. The reason hip was being navigated by an Englishman ple is perhaps even more instructive, and it and, cinnannon. In 1705/06 two ships were base of an English sloop (Den Vliegemden. Tijd, by an Englishman named William Cawley all e complaint to Madras. But in the case of all goods were not only confiscated, but onsible for the smuggling were corporally
declared that they had deserved the death is contrasting tre atment is not er ased by the d-power in Bengal ultimately forced the
K. A. 1608 (Bd. 1)f. 288.

Page 46
42 AYUTTHIA IN THE TWILIGH
Under these conditions it was in overseas trade should tend to hav some other ship's officers). That the was also to be expected in view o special circumstances confronting Sia nations, the Dutch had maintained Ayutthia. At the same time, their ef hian commerce and frequent dua Conflict, had made them Out to be ti the kingdom. The situation was ag hindering, or even totally preventing and from parts of the Malay Peninst trade in Ayutthia. 118. In addition, the in the trade in elephants with India. poly for its elephant exports from Sri more strict than the English and oth regulatinns (and their enforcement) service under any other nation'. In Ayutthia to look for skippers for its were active in the so-called country had begun to eclipse that of the Dutc ation must have been the fact that A at the English possession of Madras, fi of the much-valued Coromandel clot Ayutthia. Thus although the English not servants of the English East In good measure of backing from the C they were compatriots but also becau arising from the Ayutthian trade.
In the way in which the Dutch : Ayutthian vessel involved in the ill Batavia in August 1755 there appears tance to take firm action against an E repercussions not only at the Siarnese English Company. The original deci been to hold the captain of the vessel gal action. But the ultimate decision
118. Some clear evidence of this is furnishe the year after King Borornakot's death. That of 16th March says that the Kin send a vessel to johore and Siam (Real any navigation via Malacca towards III, p. 204). 119. See XVII to G.G, Տ. C, 24 july 1704, H
at the Hague.

T YEARS AND ITS RELATIONS
latural that Ayutthian vessels engaged e European skippers (or may be even e were, for the most part, Englishmen certain historical developments and mese commerce. Of all the European the steadiest contact and trade with orts to monopolise aspects of Ayuttrels leading, sometimes, to serious he biggest potential maritime threat to gravated by the Dutch at Malacca, trading vessels from the Indian coasts tla as well as from China, coming to V.O.C. and Ayutthia were active rivals
the V.O.C. being keen on a mono
Lanka. Moreover, the Dutch were er European nations with regard to prohibiting their nationals from taking these circumstances, it was natural for ships from among the English, who rade, and whose prestige as a nation sh. Another potent factor in the situyutthian elephants found their market rom where in return a certain amount h is likely to have been obtained for employed on Ayutthian ships were dia Company, they must have had a 'ompany's officials not only because se there were certain tangible benefits
authorities handled the problem of the legal removal of eight persons from to be some indication of their relucInglish skipper through fear of possible
Court but also perhaps with the sion of the Batavian authorities had , George Pant, responsible for the illewas to consider the supercargo (who
by the Batavian resolutions taken in 1759, Their inplications are valid for his reign too). g of Palembang may be granted a pass to a II p. 19); and that of 1st May says that India will in no way be permitted (Realia
pge Regeering 517 f 60 in Algemeen Rijksarchief

Page 47
டி.
K. W. GOON
was apparently not an European, as h. to keep him under arrest, and to fram captain, Pant, the decision was merel hia to request the Siamese authorities legal action. It may be surmised that
avoid the problem altogether if th granted, part of the onus for Dutch ac Court. 120
From much of the foregoing its relating to trade that arose in king B. Dutch did not really arise on account arbitrary actions. Regulations to conc did not mean the creation of an unint grossing of all trade, as generally assun an attempt to obtain the most favou and its people, according to the unde: The evidence relating to the extensive kingdom suggest that the policies pur:
Given the nature of Dutch inc righteous and arrogant attitudes displa powers - towards Asian rulers and pec blame for what the V.O.C. considers trade, laid at the door of the Ayutth already seen how unscrupulousy Gc Council) subverted the purposes of th in order to further Dutch objectives. true policies and actions are laid bare one gets at first sight from the V.O.C organization pursuing honest profit, f by the arbitrary, irrational, dishones rulers and officials. The impression ti one wonders how any significant com: such a kingdom, let alone create the Sinhalese envoys almost without word
It is the 'Orientalism” which Sa Asia' at a somewhat later date that C 18th century European reportage rela
120. Realia III, p. 204, Sea also r. 117 abov
121. Said, op. cit p. 259 refers to the Orie inental incapacity for trade, coininheric precisely the type of assertion that we under review.

EWARDENA 43
is name is not given) more culpable, he charges against him. As regards the y to get the Dutch Resident in Ayuttto hand him over to the Dutch for by making such a request they could e request was refused, and if it was ction could be placed on the Ayutthian
hould be apparent that the problems bromakot's reign between him and the of his or his officials' irrational or luct the foreign trade of the kingdom telligent royal monopoly or the enned, but rather it appears to have been rable trading terms for the kingdom rstanding of the king and his officials. : trade and the great prosperity of the sued had been beneficial.
nopoly policies and the rather selfayed - in common with other European ople, it is not surprising to find all the 2d to be unsatisfactory conditions of hian King and his officials. We have vernor-General Van Imhoff (and his he Kandyan mission to Siam in 1747 But except on rare occasions when the in secret letters, the general impression 2. records is that of a great mercantile rustrated and harassed at every turn t and corrupt actions of indigenous hus created is so overwhelming that mercial activity could even survive in : kind of prosperity which left the is to describe it.
id 121 illustrates in relation to Islamic ine generally encounters in 17th and ting to the Ayutthian Kingdom (and
'순.
rutalists” assertion of “the Oriental’s fundae, and economic rationality’, and that is
encounter in the reportage of the period
歌

Page 48
44 AYUTTHIA IN THE TWILIGE
indeed other Asian kingdoms too). C Orientalism in the 20th century whic in respect of 18th century Ayutthia:
““ . . . commercial intercourse ur increasingly difficult. The suspi outweighed the court's interest ries.” 122
We have already noted somethi and that it did not cover all articles tercourse appears to have increased of European traders, it could notha phobia; because, throughout the p evidence of warm welcome to Europe their affairs relating to the kingdor manner in which throughout Thai hi (who seemed to be deserving) have position and even into the ranks to the xenophobia of European op or non-Christian. Where European it was often for very good reasons, as
As for the Court's alleged inter to assess from the data of our docum the only occasions when we find men kot's reign, they relate to textiles. W Company owed the King some 1076 provided by a Batavian resolution of ded to supply only a fourth part of t too provided the Company could ob on it. Incidentally, the decision to st might imply a shortage of supplies Siamese re-exports along the Malayan for the Dutch. However that may be Ayutthian demand was for textiles at the interest was not primarily in luxu to the very early 18th century whic the bulk of the textiles was not of an note in this connection that the Orie ruler should appear to be a despot w, ruthless exploitation of his subjects.
122. op. cit, p. 279 123. Realia III, p. 204 124. See n. 6 above

HT YEARS AND ITS RELATIONS
Dn that basis is built up the persisting ch enables a Cady, for example, to say
der the royal monopoly was becoming cion of European traders in particular : in either bribes or imported luxu
ng of the nature of the royal monopoly of trade and also that commercial induring this reign. As for the suspicion ve been the result of irrational xenoeriods of European contact, there is an traders as long as they conducted m with honesty, and peacefully. The istory foreigners of every hue or religion been admitted to very high official of nobility, stands in stark contrast binion at the time towards non-white traders appear to have been suspected,
we have already noted.
est in imported luxuries, it is difficult ents, how important that was. But on tion of Ayutthian imports in Boroma'e have already seen how in 1747 the textile items. The second reference is 8th April 175517 whereby it was decihe cloths ordered by the King and that tain at least 20 to 25 per cent, profits upply only a quarter of the demand at Batavia or more likely a fear lest coasts might spoil the markets there we notice that in both instances the hd the quantities involved suggest that iry cloths. In fact, the evidence relating h we have cited above indicates that ly luxury nature. Finally, we have to entalist image required that the Asian allowing in unsatiated luxury based on

Page 49
K. W. GOONEW
On the allegation of bribery (an there appears to be frequent reference ments, and it was a regular charge in rulers and their officials. There is no c the East and in the West, there must corruption in the Ayutthian kingdom, all other rulers must have enjoyed cert is always the question of the extent to the evidence at our disposal does not n aspect. On the other hand, however, veracity of many, if not most, of the levelled at the King and his officials in have to note that dishonest practices w life of V.O.C. employees and defraudin least of those practices. 125 In fact, to clai never been given to Asian rulers or easiest frauds to practise on the Compa
We have already seen from the ev Bang, the Chief of the Dutch comptoi private trading vessel. That was an obv regulations against private trade by its think that or instance, the rice that w ships might have been available for his so far as the official records went, Bang in the ship, it being described by Gove. of December 1753 to the Directors as who was not in the employ of the Con.
The credit-worthiness of the Eurc and corruption in Ayutthia can also be Sinhalese envoys. In their reports, t necessity to bribe anyone. On the co the largesse of the king's officials - doub were lavish food provisions and sumptu were also presented with many articles and monks. That was not all. Very su in ticals to well over 600 rix-dollars) h utilisation as they pleased.126 This ini claim made by the Dutch envoy Fek w over 800 rix-dollars merely to obtain an:
125. For a valuable and sparkling discussion c Seaborne Empire I 6oo - I 8oo (Pelicara Boc
125a. K. A. 2700 (Bd. 2) f 525
126. CJHSS, Vol. 2 (1959) pp. 59-83

"ടി ജം பிரிவு
7 ARDENA 45°s
d corruption) put forward by Cady, to it in the Dutch Company's docuEuropean records against all Asian loubt that like in all states, both in have been the evils of bribery and just as much as King Boromakot like air luxuries of kingship. But there which these things are carried, and nake possible an examination of that there is good reason to doubt the charges of bribery and corruption these records. In that connection, we ere part and parcel of the day to day g their own paymaster was not the m reimbursement of bribes that had officials must have been one of the
ny.
idence of Vilbagedara how Nicholas r at Ayutthia was a joint owner of a ious contravention of the Company's employees. It also gives us room to as not available for the Company's own vessel. Moreover, we find that, had successfully masked his interest rnor-General and Council in a letter
a vessel belonging to a Dutchman pany.125a
bpean complaints regarding bribery : tested against the experience of the here is not the slightest hint of any intrary, they were overwhelmed by otless on royal instructions. Not only lous repasts provided for them, they to serve them as offerings to temples bstanial sums of money (amounting lad also been presented to them for formation is quite a contrast to the ho said that he had had to disburse audience with the Praklang and, what
if this subject, see C. R. Boxer. The Dutch oks 1973) pp. 225-30.

Page 50
46 AYUTTHIA IN THE TWILIG
is more, we saw that Fek made it money had been spent out of his o Company's funds entrusted to him. ment for doubting the veracity of : the Ayutthian state.
On the other hand, if there
truth in the complaints, there is a c. been created very much by the Cot any propensity on the part of its ei rupt practices, the V.O.C. authorit. nates to engage in all manner of u. seen, for example, in regard to the forty years earlier, also in relation t ve find Governor-General and Co. trive by covert methods the re-estab and Ligor. 127
Unless we note this kind of it tions we are left with an entirely f: as that of King Boromakot's - puzz traditional accounts of a Golden A. great peace and prosperty, on the o picting rampant bribery and corrupt and utter irrationality in economic clinch our arguments as it were, it i rare outbursts on the part of the patience exhausted and their hopes honesty and ineficiency of their em pany's dealings in Asia with an extt the sordid truths about their emplo but had tried to live with - probab profits would yet be satisfactory ent
The observations of the Direct particularly relevant to Ayutthia in occur in the section on Siam in t Governor-General and Council at E
127. Secret Resolution of 6th April 1706,
from the highest authority, and r Heer en XVII to G. G. & C. in letter were sold to the Kandyans surreptiti consent. (Hoge Regeering 517 f.92 i
128. S. L. N. A. 1813 unpag.
 

IT YEARS AND ITS RELATIONS
a point to mention that most of that wn pocket and thus not out of the All this evidence strengthens the argumuch of the complaints made against
happened to be even some element of se for considering that situation to have npany itself. This is because apart from Imployees to involve themselves in cores themselves encouraged their subordiderhand activities, as we have already mission entrusted to Fek in 1747. Some o Siam (but before Boromakot's reign) ancil instructing another envoy to con»lishment of the comptoirs at Ayutthia
formation and examine their implica alse and puzzling picture of a reign such ling, because it is difficult to reconcile ge supported by outside testimony of ine hand, with European records deon, arbitary andrapacious adminstration affairs, on the other. Fortunately, to s possible to adduce one of those all too
Directors of the V.O.C., when, their of high profits frustrated by the disployees, they review some of the Comacrclinary dispassionateness and reveal yees' conduct which they had discovered ly in the vain hope that the Company's ough.
lors (Heeren XVII) of the Company are
the time of King Boromakot as they heir letter of 25th August 1740 to the atavia. 128 On account of their impor
Realia III, p. 203. For an example emanating elating to Sri Lanka, see the instructions of of 17 July 1722 asking thern to see that textiles busly, if it could not be done with the King's n Algemeen Rijksarchief.)

Page 51
K. W. GOONE
tance and significance for our discussi below in extenso:
'The complaints of the servants winneschuijkhijt of the native rule then it is the Berquilang or th one could believe them one ough give up the navigation and com and other comptoirs of the East, so; as one has already been force that when one sees what our do, on their part— how on Sui helped themselves with salt mea. and grooves, croos taking away salt from the natives, and putt have to measure it out; how in kingdom of Siam itself, false many other such tricks, which knowledge) have been enumerat one sees all this, one could we the problems and disputes ha servants themselves,
We should like to have suc a case the Europeans would h; reactions, and whether by this r not necessarily lose all honou however intractable they may b the Company's servants have in of all the quarrels and troubles laid at the door of the said Princ

WARİDENA 47
Dn the relevant paragraphs are given
of the Company over the rapacity irs - and if it is not the ruler himself, e Governor-are so manifold that if triot to hesitate at all to completely merce with Siam and Japan, Persia
(Indien) where also it happens to be d to do with Mocha. But as against saintly servants of the Company also matra only a few years ago they have sures provided with double bottoms the upper bottorn when they receive ing it back when they themselves} arious patts of the East, and in this weights have been used, apart from (in so far as they have come to our ed in more detail... elsewhere when ll imagine and believe that most of ve been caused by the Company's
h persons just asked whether in such ave been better or milder in their manner of conduct the Company must ir and respect amongst those Princes, e depicted to be; and whether, indeed, ot, from time to tirie, been the cause which one has so often in the letters
eg'?'.

Page 52
A Merch
** Good people, whose passio off with the water of compassion, a as they would dry grass, to exting world: but those whose minds clin
It is in illustration of this th sea-faring merchant, the Sarthavahasecond tale occurring on folios 14a muccaya (Ms. Add. 1598) preserved i The story is also found on folios 1 (Ms. No. 139) kept in the Tokyo of this text indicates that it is the th similarly described as the thirty-sixt contained on folios 199b. 205b of University in Japan, reference to v Otani tanken taish orai: Bonban butter tion: Materials for Buddhist literat Jatakamalaprakriya of the National. A under the German-Nepalese manus the Sarthavaha-jataka described aga 9b 94a. The text of the story hereafter referred to as A, B, C, an for a few variants. Written in a mix
jarat mania sarirakany api tyajanti santo na ca limiam, arasah kerajalaksalitadahamatsara jagadvipatti valanolaSantaye (Sarthawaha 2. C. Bendall, Catalogue of the Buddhist S Cambridge, Cambridge 1838, pp 134 — 5 It was similarly noted under story no. 1 in The Avada nasi rasanticcaya by Ratna
and Cultural Volume I, edited by Perala the colophon of the preceding story, the
Sarhtc., taha - jaitaka was missing in the r collection could not be identified,
3. S. Matsunami, A Catalogue of the Sansk Tokyo 1965 pp 58,229. Matsunami giv enumeration of the titles of the collecti
4. iti Sri, atakam zilziyz7 n. Sārt havahajā takam 5. iti Sārtha vahajatakam șattrinsattamam - 6. Choajia. Kodaigo bunken. Seiliki bank
Asian languages of the old ages. Seiiki 7. iti Šījātakarnālāşūm, Sārthau'7ħajātakam
The variants from this manuscript were
 

ant Story
for their bodies has been washed andon even (these) wretched bodies ish the flaming misfortunes of the y, do not.”
'matic statement that the story of a zitaka, is related. This Jataka is the 22a of the so-called Avadanasarasathe Cambridge University Library. 1a- 176a of the Jatakamalavadanasutra University Libraryo The colophon rty-sixth story of a Jatakamala. It is story in the colophon of the text i manuscript kept in the Ryukoku 7hich is made by Ariyoshi Sanada in shiro (results of the Otant expediure in the Sanskrit language)°. The rchives, Kathmandu, filmed as B 9713 script preservation project, contains in as a thirty-sixth story, on folios contained in these four manuscripts d D respectively, is the same except (ture of ornate prose and verse, the
- jataka vs. 1)
anskrit Manuscripts in the University Library, ; Bendall lists the jataka as the first tale here in a brief summary of the contents of this ms. Handurukande in Studies in Indo-Asian Art Ratnam, April 1972. Folio No 13 containing Riccak4 = jataka, and the beginning of the
Lanuscript. Consequently the first story of the
it Manuscripts in the Tokyo University Library.
es a wrong name, Arthavaha - jataka, in his η on p. 229.
9. ܓ ܗ Scottrimsattam am Samāptam,
Kenkyu daiyon (Literature on the Central Studies pertaining to Culture) Nr. 4. 1961. 8¤tyi: kattainani Simpton ent to me by Prof. Michael Hahn

Page 53
RATNA HANDI
Sārthavā ha-jātaka contains Sixty-one
of the story occurs on folios 21a-27a No. 429) kept in the Tokyo Univ Sarthavahajanmavadanaparivata consist in this paper, forms the fourth chap Sarthaudha story is presented as being King Asoka. Verses 2-59 of the Sarth quoted in E, the avadanamala text.
notably from those of A, B, C and named in any of the manuscripts. TI of the Saptakumarikavadana, being th been suggested by Michael Hahn in his two authors in the succession of Air Occasional Paper Series I Tokyo, The R
The full text of the Sārthavāha-jā the present writer to form a part translation of the first five stories Sambhadrāvadānamala version will b following abstract of the Sartha vaha sto
Though the Blessed One, as a power to attract the splendour of weal of the equipment of merit he had means of abundant wealth, (He) we by voyaging merchants travelling in affording protection from distress to th
Then the merchants gradually rows of crevices, fearful with croon scattered on account of its shelter moment, whether because of their d the course of nature would have it than it would during the age of c
9. Matsunami, op. Cit, pp. 152, 236 10. My thanks are due to Professors J.W. de
for suggestions relating to the text and ti 11. Bodhisatvabhatah kila, bhagavām . . . Saញ្ជា
nāpidravinavibhāityākarsangprabhuh prabh jagadwiyasanaparit τα η αναίνα saញ្ជាketapacពិrc 12. atļāvagādhāh paya sā midhānam
velacalopaghinaviširina phenasលិntalekhan vanilah. kmen (xs. 2)
* Sic E. BCD gambhi, verse missing i

)RUKAN DE 49
verses. A fully metrical version of the smabhadravadanamala (Ms. 2rsity Library. This version, the ng of 164 verses, referred to as E er of the avadamamålå. Here, the related by the Elder Upagupta to avaha text of A, B, C and D are The variant readings of E differ D. The author of the text is not he possibility of Gopadatta. author e author of this legend as well, has paper on Haribhatta, and Gopadatta, yasūra (Studia Philologica Buddhica, eiyukai Library 1977, p. 16).
taka is currently being prepared by of a proposed edition and an English of the Avadanasarasamuccaya. The e appended to this edition. The ry is based on this edition.'
bodhisattva, ... had, furthermore, the th by merely wishing for it, because accumulated, and was endowed with nt to the great ocean, accompanied agreement, with the sole intention of ose who had taken to the seas. 11
entered the ocean, which had long diles, and an edge bright with foam, being shaken by the tide. 12. In a eeds dreadful at their ripening, or as I, the sea became even more violent lestruction, seizing their hearts (with
Jong, Michael Hahn and Ranjini Obeysekere anslation quoted in this article.
pacitapaya-Babhārataya cabhiprāyamātre4បដែopakado “pi San kevalam wadadh igata
sāmy ātrika par ivrto mahāsam dram upajagām

Page 54
50 云、王奚]
fright). Seeing that ocean, which with the sun, the moon and the sta cleft asunder by the force of the wi heart, were full of anxiety indeed, b Their faces bereft of lustre, they pa went deep into the ocean, which w Looking up at the Bodhisatta'a, they ring in a sad voice. 16 ''You are out O Most Honourable One, Save us, danger, like a father showing comp; to delay now, O Lord. This ship ieces. O Heroic One, these large fruits, dart to and fro on all sides.'
Then that Great Being spoke do not live with the dead. This in
fore, may you good sirs cross the oc to my dead body.20 if I do not use
13. tatkarnabhir p៨ថ្ងៃបើរាងដេរ៉ូ
sabāta to tām bumid hih kanema paryadadino hday! បញ្ហា saņvarta kā lādi kādā runo bhūt (Us. 3) 14. anilabdavibhakti: ೯CTಡ್ರಗ್ಸ, mabha iala, ខ្មែរ Sük:៤ccរា tam udadhin avalokya prāgas mehc krp៤ckmansaste scoបd cod ឆែ្កសី 15 jalanidhin αναξάάhάs te kdb
musita yadainc sobhá bodhistoc fictin 16+ y - &gadgada din ikintişğs
tam bodhiszttvan sanadiksamanah (u:
7
Þteva. Þvítrar aftuke mi (7r:Arias tan no bhayan mytyuka rodorasthan ymoc៤ysm p៤៨រាcyclScted បon ពន្លេវ៉ា ផ្លាស់ពីណា វៀ៨៤៤by៨ { 18. ៤យ៉t រាសីth m៨ yyate *}}} vibirya te naar iyam ambultātā Sparamty_d S៨រាt60 នៅឆ្នាំថ្ងៃ piram osta guiño; alpha latraktea locanahi (us19. Аtha sa mahatma . . tam sahäубn as: 2O. matema sardham ng asatiti sa garith
prasiddhir esăm iy, în eva မုံ့မ်ားႏွစ္သ၉၇:;* ατο ηαη.ίίξτίνα អាធ្រា kateva raign 電g?リ SリG 'imbandhin ៩៤៨៤st៨៨
* Ae ayatam BC ovatin

ANT STORY
swallowed as it were the sky along s, with its waves as high as mountains, lds, they, one and aii, miserable at cause of the danger to their lives.4 i obeisance to the Bodhisattva, as they is fearful, affording no protection. poke to hirm in this mariner, stamme
refuge from misfortune. Therefore who lie in the belly of Death, from ssion to his soils.' It is not right eaten by the water will crumble to
ish, their eyes as red as polished guija S
consoling those friends. 19 “Oceans teed is ever known of thern. There2an, so hard to cross, taking recourse this body to gain virtue of this sort,
gain" diran log
(vs. 7) η αιμ
mh {s. Q αd)
... Io cd)
τ9) ຂຶກກ CBTC)
vs 20)

Page 55
RA NA HANDU
which yields incomparable happiness, o and feeble, so like a bubble in the ocear
Then those people. . . worshipped limbs (laid prostrate), embracing his fel us would readily go to death right here unable to do this ignoble deed (of letti wealth or life here, seeing the destructi very rare to find? Therefore, C Stron rashiness.”24
Then the Bodhisattva spoke as foll sprinking them with the arabrosial contentiment.25 “If you have any | affection towards me, then it is not an act of virtue that has fane as its c from this ocean so hard to cross, how c of sars 1ra (existetice)?“ After using m of protecting you sirs, I shall certai cannot be broken asunder, cut up or c.
21. evaziji vid he ya di na kāyam Tha PYαyoksyo
þvyāgame nirupainiāna sukhānubandhe ko 'tho muna parihyte na kadevarena
Lithgtambunidh ibądbudad urbalena”* (ys
** miss. Odhivyaridco 22 - A that te purvisās - - - ៤ 警nahā&att@am ・・・
Sយparsey pr៤៨my c_Savកំg៤ ity 23 kmam nidhamam a trativa sarve vayam mah
- y - ബ ya sydain o na tua sakyama, hi, kartau yn etiaid Crici? *ABC kim(In a traiva midhana in Sc 24 evām vidlasy: vyasariāni drstvā
s sa hirduisesa sya sidur labhasya þrā vir dihanc ir vā kinn ihāsti krityam tat siha said varaya dhraceitah (vs. 33) 25 · Atha bodhisattyth · · Scamainesydrus
26. sau hădavirambhaniratyayă vo
yady asti kā cin mayi cίίταυτttih na kartun at hanti tato bhavanto dhe t'ma syc kity abharanasya បgnd (υ».
- - - - - - 27 - yadi nābhyuddayriysāmi yumān asmād duri
katam tā ray isāmi lokam samsāra sāga
 

RUKANDE 5
what use is this carcass, shunned whirled by the wind?'
that Great Being with all their it, and spoke as follows.22 All of in the great ocean, but we are Ing you die). 23 What is the use of in of an excellent friend like this, g-minded One, refrain from this
bws, pacifying those friends as if waters of compassion mixed with eeling of faultless friendship and ight that you sirs should obstruct frnament.26 If I do not rescue you an I save the world from the ocean y body to bring about the happiness aly gain a body of virtue, which arried away, imperishable, un SCarred
27)
pádd:yoh. ευαdaη. odladha *
yaka 12 (US, 32) 17riya, equai, midi:hodal dh d 4.
ang airity abranoit.
go)
台törö it (vs. 44)

Page 56
52 A MERC
and unsurpassed.^3 Sirs, Setting a body, as you would a raft; clinging (any) direction, led by the speed of yourselves with leaves, roots, fruits, friendship towards one another, dep and contemplating the nature of actions.' The Bodhisattva spoke th a moment.29
Though restrained by a hundr the corners of their eyes, the Righte body, distressed as he was by the mi
The Bodhisattava, the Great Beir peace for all beings, in this manner.
“May I, through this virtuc immersed in the ocean of existence, death as a sea-monster, conceit as t and anger as a creeping serpent, w shaken by the wind of sorrow.'
Having thus made an unshakab as iron, gave up concern for his own through a hundred good deeds, and
28. bhavat paritāņa maye sukhodaye
miyojya, kdy៤p" niyatಡ 1 mayapsyate abhedyam cacchedyam Cahāryam avyayar avrarqan? ( iss. kaтат **D ottamam 29. Gatawiklas a bhavanto madiyan
iyonyasanasaktikaya varivega vašena yé pārņa mālaphalajala dibh ir yapayantal katavalimbino lokasUabhavan ανεks. agamayata. Ity uktiva bodhisattvo muhi
30. nivāryamárno ’pi Šatalih suhgdbhir
bpmbuបsyndivilocanontai sadhuh* svadehasrayanim ៤pekm ταιναία okcyanopalapah (vs. 49)
*miss. sadhu 31 - Bodhisattvo ’pi rnahāsattva iti pranidhi
šā taye Sarvāsatvārāma 32 - mohaavarte mardamakare mcndpទី៤ £ႏွစ္သက္႕itoye madanakaluse krodha samsarț magnam lokan punyādašmādaham ašaranam kritsnam

ANT STORY
de confusion, lay hold of my dead o one another, arrive at a spot in he water or by the wind; supporting water and such like, unfailing in your nding on deeds done by yourselves, he world, await the result of your s and remained closely attentive for
d friends, with tears streaming from ius One gave up concern for his own fortunes of the people.
g, strengthened his vow to (achieve) 1.
us deed, rescue all helpless beings which has delusion as its whirpool, he stones in it, desire as its water, hich is turbid with passion, and is
le vow, he whose mind was as firm body, though it had been acquired delighted in mind, he split open his
4's.47)
- - s - dgataprānam saframplavam ivālambyam na vātiena tā digbhāgena thalām pagamya, parasparam a vipan nasauhirdah karmasya= = < * - ܒ ܢ - mānā vinītavivādašoka daimyāh kāryāvsalanam rtam ekagrama no babhuva.
n upahrmhayam asa
arbhe
ia lorpe
tā vadhite uttarayeyam (vs. 52)

Page 57
RATNA HANDU
own belly with a knife, in order to res by their pains and sorrows.33 Then w the gods, the vidyadharas, the yaksas beautiful and charming body, full of v
That body of that Lord, pleasi colour like polished gold, lay radiant : goddess of fortune. Then they, the through the shedding of tears, clung t and by taking resort to the strength o with its circles of waves struck by the
Thus did that Blessed One, whi compassion, do what was very hard to world. Therefore, make your mind kinsman of the world, the victorious helping all beings.37
The Sartha vāha story outlined ab story said to have been related by the five Bhadravargikas Bhadravargiya mo jatakan), recorded in the Mahaustu A is as follows. The monks spoke to th
33 gບເກ k. pranidhim aclame sädrisāra,5thị tyaktapeksah sucaritaša toparite opi svadeh nistricipamadium bpym SCt, 5ಿತಣ್ಣ šokārtivyathitahrda Sah pnnam tåዥ 34 - αεhα εμξγμυίγe girah Subhah
suravidyadharayaksaraksasán iti citramanoharaširaiyah patitas tasya opadhi (υς.54) 35 laksnya sama-labdham iva prakaman
pταιηγείαεατή καταcαντινατηαη: Samudgatapanam api prasannar raraiiia tat tasy a vibhoh: Sαγίγαrη (υς. 58) 36 - a lambya plakam iva te 'tha taccharitan baspambuuyati karapatalantanetrah makara karaksātormica kruņi tasyait'a praņidhibalārasāt Sαrηνιdγαη (υς. 37 tad evam atidus karċini bhagavan asa u bh ckāra jagatā krpāptrigatāma lādi:ās: prasadaiyata tatra mamasam ato jagad banc Samagrabhuvanopakarakaranaikavire jine
38. Le Mahavastu, Texte Sanscrit publie po ctions et d'un commentaire, par E. Sena
pp. 353-356

RUKANDE 53
Due living beings, his heart perturbed ere heard the auspicious words of und the raksasas as follows. “His irtue, is destroyed.'34
ng though bereft of life, lovely in is though held with delight by the : corners of whose eyes were red his body as they would to a raft, his vow alone, crossed that ocean claws of sea-monsters, 36
ose pure thoughts were filled with
be done, for the well-being of the is serene with regard to him, the one, the unique hero, engaged in
ove deserves comparison with the Blessed One with reference to the nks (paickānām bhadra vairgiakānam, Jadana,38 the bare content of which e Blessed One and made a statement
ratnna,
e
kaksim
anaya (as 5:3)
59)
taye
have (US 6e)
ir la premiere foi Set accompagne dintrodut, Tome troisieme, Paris, MÁID CCC XCV III,

Page 58
54 A. MAE RC
obviously in admiration, about t Bhadravargiya monks, who were foll existence (samsara) and establishing nirvana. The Blessed One said that the five Bhadravargika monks, but had sacrificed himself and saved the when they were helpless, their ship were curious to hear of that other ir past Story.
in the past, some merchants w to earn wealth. Their ship, attacke wrecked. The merchants Swam for rear the leader, who himself was ke it occurred to the leader that they w in that manner. He realised that de Then, recalling an old saying that th dead body’ (3rutam ca me inahasa prativasati), he decided to sacrifice h He asked the five merchants to cling with a knife, which he happened to the merchants laying hold of it, reach night. The great earth trembled at The devas, nāgas, yaksas and the a happening in the great ocean. The responded by reporting the incident doers of that which is difficult to beings' (duskarakaraka bodhisattva (h.
The prose section of the Ma followed by a set of fifteen ver, story ends with the Blessed One ide as himself and the five merchants, gika monks.
Rajendralala Mitra gives a syn in a manuscript of the Mahavastu of Bengal, Calcutta, which differ edition in matters of detail only,
The Bhikshus enquired how it antecedents, who were the follow ili-disposed to the Lord's creed, indication of very great sagacity i
39. The Sanskrit Buddhist Literature of Net

HANT STORY
e incident of his rescuing the five owers of heretics, from the ocean of them in the safe land (ksemasthala) of t was not only then that he rescued that on a previous occasion too, he m from (being drowned in) the ocean, being wrecked at sea. As the morks stance, the Blessed One related the
2nt out to the great ocean, by ship, d by a monstrous fish (makara) was sometime. There were five nerchants eping afloat by swimming. However, ould not be able to cross the ocean ath was imminent for all of thern. e ocean does not spend a night with a mudro mrtakunapena sārdharp rātrin na imself and save the five merchants. to his body, and then he cut his neck have with him. The dead body, with hed the shore in the course of the this time and there was a big noise suras made inquiries as to what was deity presiding over the great ocean and exclaiming that the 'Bodhisattvas, be done, are bent upon helping all
sarvas atvānām angrahapravrtā.)
hdvastu, giving the above account, is ses bearing the same content. The sntifying the leader of the nerchants who were saved, as the five Bhadravar
opsis of the same Jataka, as occuring
Avadana kept in the Asiatic Society
from the version given in Senart's
I duote Mitra :
was that the five men of respectable ters of Tirthikas and were therefore vere so easily converted. It was an in the Lord that he made them his
al, Rajendralala Mitra, Calcutta 1882, p. 159

Page 59
星
RATNA HAND
staunchest adherents first of all. In they were cast into the sea together of the merchantmen. They were all
the faintest hope of being wafted to the captain, whom they all implored with the rest, the captain happened t sea never drow is a corpse. He inst hold of him, which they did. He di his breast. With his dead body, the
The most notable difference bet Mahavastal version is the absence of t to the narration of the story in the fo identification of characters at the end in which the version of the Mahavas in the manuscript, the cor:tent of, wł which interest us in relation to the S The leader of the merchants decides accord in A, while the merchants im as they do in the Sarthadha-Jataka of the merchants cuts his neck with Svagalakan vikariam), while he plung mode of killing himself adopted by th
Jataka, is that of splitting his own
bamadamand paym dd kk} is nowhere mentioned as five in th presumably a figure given here to d to in verse 49. It is probable that referred to many merchants being sav redactors of the Mahavastii limited purpose in introducing the story ir
It may be noted here that th the story also describes the circumsta story, which description is substanti Mahavastu versions. The Sambhadr the form of a dialogue between Ki Upagupta. Asoka pays obeisance to established the five Badravargiya m to enlightenment, even though they and requests him to relate the stol Arhat Upagupta declares that the Buc holding false views in the good doct proceeds to narrate the sārtha vaha s of characters occurs in verse 161.

}URUKANDE 55
one of their previous existences, with the Lord, who was the captain floating on the raging surge without irm land. On a sudden they found to save them. Equally distressed o remember an old saying, that the antly commanded thern to lay fast rew out a knife and plunged it in y all were thrown upon the shore.'
veen the Sārthaltā ha-jātaka and the the niddinkatha, the incident leading rmer, and of course, the consequent of the story. The points of detail still in Senart's edition (A), and that ich is reported by Mitra (B) differ, Sarthavaha-Jaitaka are as follows. 1) to save the mercharts on his own plore the leader to save them in B, as well (vss, 11-19. 2) The leader in a knife in A (sarthacahena Sastrend es his knife in his breast in B. The e hero of our text, the Sartha vahabelly with a knife (53c. nistrim's ena The number of merchants saved Le Sarthavaha-Jataka. A hundred, enote a large number, are referred the original version of the legend red by the Bodhisattva, and that the the number to five to suit their 1 a particular context.
e Sambhadravadanamala version of ince leading to the narration of the ally the same as that given in the i tadanamala presents the story in ng Asoka and his teacher, the Elder Upagupta, states that the Buddha onks in the good doctrine leading
were heretics holding false views, ty for his benefit (vss. 1-6). The dha had indeed established heretics rine even in the past (vss. 7-8) and tory (vss. 9ff). The identification

Page 60
56 A MERC
Our sartha vaha story is referir Jataka Stava of Jianayas as, a work of which has been printed by H. W. of which, along with the text h D. R. Shackleton Bailey. 4 I quote S. of the relevant stanza.
Samrambhat phaninan phanahat payur yan maka tral chatavil
premmā kāyamahā plavena bhavai ta karmatišayena tema nikhila
Because for love you brough the great ship that was your body, C by hosts of monsters, garlanded wit hood-blows of the hooded ones i. eminent karma all mankind has bec
The Khotanese Jatakastava, b the Sanskrit but differing largely the sartha vaha story. Story No. 25 to the shipwrecked merchants a as is clear from the strophes beari Dresden's English translation of v
In the ocean separated by the merchants were helpless. In up your life. They clung upon
You feared lest the merchant on their part reached their homes; a went alone to the other world f being, homage to you and again hon
40. The Jātaka-stava of Jiřiāna ya Scis by H.
Studies, Vol IX, 1937:39, pp. 851.859 41. The Jatakastava, of JFicinayasas, D, R, S
Weller, Leipzig 1954, pp. 22-30 42. H, W. Bailey op, cit, p, 851 43. The Jittkastova, or 'Praise of of the Bt se) text, English translation, Gramma Transaction 2 of the American Philos Philadelphia 2955 44. Dresden (ibid. p. 449) notes that a c
No. 67 (I: 245-257)
 

ANT STORY
bd to in the thirteenth stanza of the consisting of twenty stanzas, the text 7. Bailey,40 and an English translation as been published subsequently by hackleton Bailey's text and translation
icalād bhimormimālād apām ulitat paryastananaka narah. α tiran tam apaditas lokāh kalatrikrțāh
the shipwrecked men to shore by ut of the ocean which was coinvulsed h dreadful waves, and shaken by the in their fury, therefore by that preome your consort.'
elonging to the same literary type as in content,42 also makes reference to in the Khotanese Jataka Stava relating ppears to be a parallel to our story, ng numbers 91 and 92 in the text, which II, quote here.“3
mountain peaks, with broken ship, compassion for their sake, you gave you and escaped to the shore.
s should perish in the water. They 11 their pains were dispelled. You or their security. Therefore, O good nage.***
R. Handurukande
XV. Bailey, Bulletin of the School of Oriental
hackleton Bailey, Asiatica Festschrift Friedrich
ddha's Former Births. Indo-Scythin (Khotaneical Notes and glossaries. Mark J. Dresden, phical Society, New Series, Vol. 55, Part 5
Cse Chinese parallel is to be found in CCC

Page 61
The Administrat of the Nalanda M.
Sigillary
The Great Monastery of Naland a few decades ago, was a major seat eastern India; some present scholars University of Nalanda”. Detailed architecture, iconography, epigraphy a remains of the institution brought to Much has also been written about the of the Great Monastery. Yet, the ad has hardly received reasonable atten passing references and remarks based famous Chinese travellers, Hiuen-Tsar
Apart from the educational a Nalanda had no less an important a pi tution. From time to time Nalanda economic assets such as land, houses, Hiuen-Tsang reports that when he Nalanda had no less than one hundre I - tsing's time the number had risen had a large labour force in its service. ding of the functions and services of t its place in history, it is essential to s ment administered its internal affa managed the property in its possessior
In the present study we can mak Tsang and I-tsing, the two Chinese tra stay in India at Nalanda, where the Vinaya and copying and collecting have left invaluable information on N.
1. H. D. Sankalia, The University of Naland 2. A. Ghosh, A, Guide to Ndinda, Third and its Epigraphic Material, Memoirs of and Sankalia, op. cit, 3 . Hiuen-Tsang visited India in the first I - tsing was there from A. D. 671-695 4. S. Beal, Life of Hiuen-Tsang by the Shan 5. J. Takakusu, A Record of the Buddhist
Archipelago by I - tsing, Oxford, 1896, p.

ve Organization a havihara from Evidence
a, the ruins of which were unearthed flearning in early medival times in do not even hesitate to call it the studies have been carried out on hd many other aspects of the physical light by archaeological excavations. educational and religious functions ministrative organization of Nālanda tion from scholars except for a few mainly on the accounts of the two g and I-tsing.
ind religious functions it performed, art to play as a major economic instiwas endowed with a wide variety of money and livestock. For instance, was a resident of the monastery, di villages under its control, 4 and in to about two hundred. Nalanda also Hence, for a complete understanhe institution and also to evaluate tudy the way in which the establishrs as well as the way in which it
様。
elimited use of the records of Hiuenvellers who spent a good part of their were engaged in learning Buddhist Buddhist Scriptures. Although they landa in their memoirs, their evidence
, second revised edition, Delhi, 1972, edition, Delhi, 1950, H. Sastri, Nālanda the Archaeological Survey of India, 66, 1942,
half of the seventh century A. D., And
αη Ηλίευί ίί 1911, pp. 112 - 113.
teligion as Practised in India and the Malay
65.

Page 62
58 THE ADMINISTRA
is largely limited to the daily function and religious activities, and is her organizational aspect of the administ
However, a large number of provide valuable data for the study aspects of which are not made clea: seals have been used by many religio only Nalanda has yielded such a lai taining valuable information. Most and sealings have been deciphered at more careful reading and re-interpret that can be gathered from the seals ( of certain terrns used in the seal-lege the evidence of the Seals and sealings of providing an acceptable chron contain no dates or other informati chronology, the only justifiable me well known, paleography has its own ning chỉonology. Hence, placing th sealings in a proper chronological orc one can only resort to a rough sch majority of the seals and sealings grounds to the eighth century onwar to the sixth or seventh century A.D. data in a precise chronological order i should take the shape of a gerneral di
Among all the religious groups Sangha that seems to have been the fi order based on permanent residence.
did not have permanent dwellings the code of dicipline, i.e. the Vinaya,
permanent form of residential life, nes purpose of administering the affairs of aspect of monastic life were discused a duties of every resident monk and his were also laid down.10 The decisions
6. Here the term sealings is used to means 7. For a discussion on this natter see K. K.
Lucknow, 1972, pp. 136 ff. 8. The Monastery no. 9 at Nalandia alone ninety seals, Memoirs of the Archoeologi 66, 1942. pp. 1 — 136. 9. Thaplyal, op. cit., pp. 213 and M*A*S* 1

TIVE CRGANIZATION
s of the monastery and its educational ce of limited value for a study of the ation.
teals and sealings found at Naanda of monastic administration, certain by the Chinese travellers. Though as institutions in contemporary India ge number of Seals and sealings conof the legends on the Nalanda seals di translated, but some of them need ation, as the value of the information epends largely upon the interpretation lds. However, any attempt at using is beset with the formidable problem blogy for the material. As the seals on that could help determine their thod would be paleographical. As is limitations as a method of determie material obtained from the seals and ber would be extremely difficult, and eine of dating. However, the large could be assigned on paleographical ds; and only a few may be assigned 9 Since it is difficult to arrange out t is unavoidable that the present study scussion on the subject,
in ancient India it was the Buddhist St to energe as an organized religious Even at the time when the saigha
monks were governed by an accepted With the gradual change to a more y Vinaya rules were laid down for the the monasteries. Rules governing every t their meeting; at the same time, the obligations towards the community pertaining to the administration of a
sal impressions as distinct for in Original Seals. ... Thaplyal, Studies in Ancient Indian Seals,
has yielded no less than six hundred and Cal Survey of India (henceforth M. A.S.I.),
66, p. sc.

Page 63
P. V. B. KARUN
particular monastery were taken by th of resident monks, and thus the manag was the responsibility of the whole coi
The original concept that autho whole was still the basis of the administ at the time when Nalanda was a flou the concept of private property held been well established by then, any pt: generally considered to be the cornrnor quarters. In practice, however, each authority over its property. When Nalaínda monastery, the assern bly of m incumbent that Hiuen-Tsang would be by priests and all appliances of reli I-tsing, 13 making a direct reference to A gift to the church, whether a field o' is understood to be given for the clothi the church can make use of the benefa long as it carries out the original inte that the ultimate authority over mo community of monks resident in the it
As such, all the major decisions tion and the management of propert congregation. The Assembly met in ses: to decide the affairs of the monastery. mission to stay at Nalanda for sometin which announced its approval through Assembly that arranged the albosatha a. tery. 16 (-tsingll states that at Naland: rooms and servants to resident monks. the dead monks was also carried out b saigha decided what items among the restored to the common property of th be divided among those present.8
10. S. Dutt. Early Buddhist Monachism, Lor
11. Ibid., pp. 146 ff.
12. S. Beal, Life of Hiuen-Tsang by the Shar
13. J. Takakusu, A Record of the Buddhist Re Archipelago, by I- tsing. Oxford, 1896, p.
14 - S. Beal, op. cit, p. 106.
15. Ibid.
16 - I - tsing, op. cit, p. 63 and pp. 147 - 149.
17. Ibid., p. 64.
18. Ibid., pp. 189-191.
 

LATILLAKA, 59
e assembly of the entire community gement of the affairs of a monastery mmunity of monks living there.
rity was vested in the Saigha as a rative organization of the monasteries fishing Buddhist centre. Although by individual monks seems to have operty donated to a monastery was property of the monks of the four individual inonastery had ultimate Hiuen-Tsang was admitted to the onks announced through the deputy entitled to use fall commodities used gion in common with the rest'.2 the property of the saigha, writes: r a house or some insignificant thing, ng and food of the priests (sic). Thus ctions as it likes without any fault, as ntion of the giver, Thus it is clear nastic property was vested in the 18tວດ.
concerning the internal administray was taken at the assern bly of the sions, presided over by a senior monk, *4 When Hiuen-Tsang sought perne, his wish was put to the Assembly the deputy incumbent. It was the nd other caremonies of the monas, it was the Assembly that assigned
The disposal of the belongings of y the Assembly. At this meeting the belongings of the deceased should be Le community and what items should
ldon, 1924, pp. 98 ff.
1 am Huu2ui — li, London, 1911, p. 106. ligion as Practised in India and the Malay ქp, 193 — 194.

Page 64
60 THE ADMINISTRA
Another important function c the income from monastic property in Indian monasteries the produce o arising from trees and fruits were di resident monks.19 Most probably th ceremony, for according to I-tsing laymen presented gifts or the Sangha all kinds of gifts before the assem at Nalanda bear the legend Sri Na sanghasya', which may be translat Venerable Bhiksus of the Four As these seals refer to the entire c. evident that they were used to signi
One of the seals refers to a not bears the legend (Nalanda) yam S. ma (ma)ha-bhiksu sanghaya.o The le the saigha of the Four Quarters in Sri Sakraditya, at Nalanda”. Obviot teries or viharas of this kind on the Tsang refers to six such viharas erec The Nalanda Copper Plate24 of Dev. by Balaputradeva, the King of Sumat tions have brought to light the St Nalandâ.23 The existence of a sepat of monks of one of the monastic strongly suggests that individual mo looked after some of their own inter tion is supported by a statement in I Nalanda, in certain instances, the monasteries as it was not convenie every time a need arose. 26 It wou Assembly to carry out every functi large monastic complex of the dime monks and lay students as well as a
19. Ibid., P. 193. 20. Ibid., p. 87.
21. M.A.S.I. 6d, 1942, pp. 39.40. The m worth noting. This shows that, all monasteries had long been establish Sangha of the four quatters was still a 22 - M. A.S.I. 66, 1942, p. 38, no. S.I. 848. 23 - S. Beal, op. cit., pp. 110-111. 24 - Epigraphia lindica, XVII, 1923 24, p. 3, 25. D. Mitra, Buddhist Monuments, Calcu 26 - I - tsing, op, cit, p. 154.

TIVE ORGANIZATION
f the Assembly was the distribution of annong its inmates. I-tsing says that the farms and gardens and the profits tributed annually in shares among the is was done at the end of the kathina himself, on the pavarana day, either the itself distributed them, having brought bly. The majority of the seals found andă-mahă vihăra – caturdisiăryabhiksu'd as "(The seal) of the saigha of Duarters at the Naland a mahia'ihara'. ommunity of monks at Nalanda, it is fy the authority of the Assembly.
lastery within the mahavihara; this seal i Sakraditya-kaita-(vi)haire-caturdisi-arya gend may be translated as (The seal) of the monastery caused to be built by usly, there were several other monaspremises of the mahavihara. Hiuented by various kings from time to time. pala refers to another monastery built ra. In fact, the archaeological excavaauctures of seven large monasteries at late seal referring to the congregation
institutions within the mahavihara, nasteries had their own assemblies that nal administrative affairs. This assump-tsing's account, according to which at monks assembled in their individual nt for all the monks to get together ld not have been an easy task for the on involving the administration of a isions of Nalanda having thousands of large number of servants. Hence, the
ention of the Sahgha of the Four quarters' is hough in practice the authority of individual :d, in theroy at least, the original idea of the V6,
2, Il. 37 - 33. ta, 1971, p. 87.

Page 65
P. V. B. KARUN
growth of monastic institutions into a huge resources would have paved the ministration under the control of the C
Further evidence from seals sugges the administrative machinery at Naland functions had been kept under the surp One of the seals carries the legend SriSangha sya.' This may may be rendere engaged in the repository of robes'. Th one of the objectives of most of the Sangha. From I-tsing we learn that in monks were supplied out of the com: kosthika on the seal suggest the existence maintained for the storage of robes ar under the Supervision of a group of mo ponsible for the procurement and thi resident monks.
Another seal has the inscription bhiksinain.” The term na wakarma is recording donations to religious institt occurs in the sense of construction of r existing ones. However, it is not clea na Uakarma in this instance. As the wo preliminary', it could be suggested the repairs and construction work. On th the alternative meaning of a community in the Sri Lankan context, e.g. Selanta interpreted by Monier Williams31 as til assembly'. According to D.C. Sircar, A.D.) of Valabhi, uses varika in the sen In south Indian inscriptions it is used t known as variyam, which mostly consis villagers. In early Buddhist literatur the assembly to look after various mona
27. M.A.S.I., 66, 1942, p. 40, seal no. 9 R 15 28 - 1 - tsing, op. cit, p- 193. 29. M.A.S.I., 66 1942, p. 37, seal no. S.I. 1005 30. See for instance, Epigraphica, Indica, IV, 1 31. M. Williama, Sanskrit – English Dictionary 32. Epigraphia Indica, XXX: 1953-4, p. 179,
Glossary, Delhi, 1966, p. 364. 33 · Epigraphia Iridica, XXIII, 1935–36, pp. 2 34. Cf. paniya – tarika, etc.; for more exaII early Buddhist and Sri Lankan evidences
Monasticism and Economic Interest in E pр, 121 = 122.

ATTILLAKE 6.
ge educational establishments with Vay for a decentralized form of adeneral Assembly.
s that, for the proper functioning of , at least some of the administrative arvision of select groups of monks, Nalanda-civara-kostikayacarya-bhiksulas (The seael) of the bhiksu Saigha : provision of robes for monks was indowments made to the Buddhist Indian monasteries the robes for the non funds. The expression civaraof a repository or a store specially d it seems that this store was kept nks. Probably this group was res: distribution of robes among the
Siri. Nalanda-mula-navakarma varikafound in a number of inscriptions utions; in these records, this terms new buildings or repair work to the r what was precisely meant by mula d mula may mean basic', 'main' or it it meant the basic or preliminary other hand mild could also have
of monks living together, as seen ranulla. The term varika has been he chief person in a court or an the Charter of Visnuserna (c. 605Se of a government or local official. o denote a member of the committee zed of elected representatives of the 2, the monks who were elected by stic affairs are referred to as arikas.34
S. 4, 40. 96 – 7, pp. 247 – 251, vv. 12ff.
1889, p.538。3v. L.7; and D. C. Sirear, Indian Epigraphical
- 28.
ples and a discussion see infra, pp. 89; for e R.A.L.H. Gunawardena Robe and Plough rly Mediaeval Sri Lanka, Arizona, 1979,

Page 66
62. THE ADMINISTR
It is important to note that in this Indian variyams, those who bore thi to serve for a specific period. And is apparently derived, has the meani it is possible that arika originally serve in turn. Thus, on the strer assumed that the nayakarma varika-t monks elected by the community to repair work of the establishinent.
Two other seals from Naland Catarbhagavad (a) Sឈ្មោះវ៉-ង្វែងនៃ Dharrnapiladeve gardhakutë-vasika-bi committee of monks in charge of th Probably they supervised the affairs four previous-Buddhas were kept fo inscription On the Second seal has t monks living at the Dharmapaladev: is some difficulty in accepting this where the Buddha images are kept, too, were residing there. Neverthe amend the phrase vasika-bhiksu in and translate it as the committee of deva gandhakti. Such a reading v word vaika actually occurs in a sin bears the legend Sri-Nalanda (yam, (narh)39 This may be translated as in charge of the Baladitya gandhak:
Another Seal refers to a group bhiksu at Nalanda.40 Although the cult to explain the precise meaning Sama was used to emphasize the equ mittee exercised over the affairs of which was an important phenomen of the time.
35. M. Williama, op. cit., p, 943, s. v.
36. M , A.S.İ., 66, 1942, p, 38, seal nç, S
of the inscription.
37 • Ibid., p. 43, seal no. S. I. 730 (PI. IV.
38. Gandha kati was originally used to
any shrine - room where a statue of th gandhakati. Of, G. P. Malalasekara,
(Vol. I), p. 745.
39 - M - A - S - i., 66, 1942, p. 138, seal rino,
corrected reading:
40. Ibid., p. 39, seal no S. 9, R. 91.
 

ATIVE ORGANIZATION
intance, and also in the case of South 2 title of varika were elected by others as the work qara, from which varika ng “tern', choice”, or appointment, '35 meant a person elected to an office to gth of this interpretation, it may be hiksu was a group or a committee of be in charge of the construction and
bear the inscriptions Si-Nalandayan ina (in };o and Sri-Na (for Nalanda) iksината.” The first seal refers to a e seat (shrine) of the Four Buddhas. of the shrine where the images of the ir worship. The published text of the o be translated as (The seal) of the gandhakuti at Nalanda'. But there reading. As gandhakti is a shrine 8 it is hard to believe that monks, less, this problem can be solved if we the published text to varika-bhiksa, monks in charge of the Dharmapalawould not be unwarranted, for the nilar context on another seal which )-Balāditya (gandhakudi(ui)-varika-bhiks
(The seal) of the committee of monks
a 9 琵′。
of monks called Saitraka-samalarika meaning of varika is clear, it is diffiof sama — varika. Perhaps the prefix all powers the members of the comthe satra or the free - feeding house, yn of all major religious establishments
I. 919, also see note 3 for corrected reading
b).
mean the residence of the Buddha but later on
he Buddha was kept came to be known as a Dictionary of Páli Prape? Names, Lo Indon, 1937
S. I. 675 (PI. III. a); see ibid., note 4 for the

Page 67
P. V. B. KARUN
The basic functions represented b mittees of monks, as revealed by thi reminds us of somewhat similar titles Cullavagga of the Vinayapitalia, where administration is found. It describes to be in charge of certain basic functic arose. Monks were appointed for post lator of lodgings), civarabhajakat (dist (distributor of food), appamattavisajja navakanmika' (monk in charge of new
The practice of appointing mon would have developed to cover variot. when the Saigha began to adopt a ri attested to by the references to mor (overseer of stores), bhattuddesaka (d Certain texts associated with Northern as paniyavarikai (monk in charge of dr in charge of vessels or utensils) and gardens.) 48
How the original practice of appo monastic functions developed in to a kept under the supervision of groups o However, the committee system was nic affairs. For instance, the Cullavagga' avoiding lengthy discussion in resolvi saingha. Besides, the very corporate natu itself, must have paved the way for th of monks with some monastic affairs. institutions and the resulting increase become difficult for individual monk congregation. Hence, appointing comr such affairs would have been an appro nistration, Nalanda is the only mona range of seals and sealings representing
41 - Cullavagga, of the Vinayapitaka, IV, 4, 3 42. Ibid., VI, 21.
43. Ibid
44. Ibid.
45. Ibid. VI, 5, 2. 46 Culla uagga (tr.) I. B. Horner, London, 15 47. Divyavadana, (ed. & tr.) E. B. Cowell an
48. For a discussion on these terms see H. Ke
i896, pp 83 — 83.
49 Vinayapitaka, (Oldenberg ed.) II, (Callavi

ÁTILLAKA 63
y titles of the groups or the com: above mentioned Nalanda seals, and functions mentioned in the the rudimentary form of monastic how certain monks were appointed ns of monastic life when the need s such as senasanapaiapakai (regutributor of robes), khadyakacaraka'. ka' (distributor of trifles) and also buildings and repairs).
(S to carry out essential functions is other activities of monastic life hore settled life in avasas. This is lastic officials such as bhandagarika istributor of rations) and others.46 Buddhism mention other posts such inking water), bhajanaaarika (monk brisndac(varika (monk in charge of
inting monks to carry out different system in which such affairs were r committees of monks is not clear.
st completely unknown in monsatic recommends it as an effective way of ng disciplinary matters among the re of the constitution of the sangha e practice of entrusting committees With the expansion of monastic in their functions, it would have to attend to the needs of a large hittees of monks to be in charge of priate system for an efficient admistic site that has yielded such a wide different monastic institutions. It
52, p. 248.
R. A. Neil, Cambridge, 1886, pp. 34ff. n, Manual of Indian Buddhism, Strassburgh,
gga), pp. 95—97.
翡
t
.ா?

Page 68
64 THE ADMINISTRA
is however, difficult to believe that at Nalanda; probably other large m responsibilities, too, had to devises tive machinery.
Thought it is reasonable to asst had an internal administration basec any evidence to ascertain precisely what the duties and responsibilities ever, be said with certainty that the no positive evidence is forthcomi appointment.
Very little is also known abou dividuals involved in monastic adm Chinese travellers it becomes clear contemporary India were under the referred to as Sthaviras.50 The Gohs the middle of the sixth century A.D from Nagarahara, was chosen by th in other monasteries too, the chief is monks. Yet, it is not known w community of resident monks or on Hiuen-Tsang observed that Satyab was very learned and, among the (Satyabodhi) alone was conversant v From I-tsing we learn that monastery near Nalanda, too was a Thus it is clear that attainment in st qualification for monks to be elevate Nalanda, that served as centres of ec
It may be assumed that, the ch ding to Takakusu who translated institution and at places like Naland actual practice it seems that it was t responsible for the conduct and the ( of the institution. Both Hiuen-Tsar
50. S. Beal, Life of Hiuen-Tsang, pp. 69, 51 Nagarahara was a major Buddhist cer Hiuen-tsang, T. Waters, On Yuan ( pp. 182ff. 52. Indian Antiquary, XVII, 1888, p.
Samgha, - sthiteryah sthitah. 53. S. Beal, (tr.) Si -- Yu — Ki Buddhist Rece
India, London, 1881, pp. 110— 111. 54, J, Takakusu A Record of Buddhist the F
 

ATIVE ORGANIZATION
such a committee system was unique Onasteries with similar administrative Ome form of decentralized administra
time that larger monasteries like Nalanda i on a committee system, there is hardly
how these committees functioned or of their members were. It can, howse committees consisted of monks, but ng as to the method or the terms of
It the other institutions, offices or inministrations. From the records of the that most of the larger monasteries in
abbotship of senior monks sometimes rawan Inscription, which is datable to , shows that Viradeva, a learned monk he sangha to govern Nalanda. 52 Probably incumbents were chosen by the resident hether this was done by the whole ly by those who were fully ordained. Odhi, the head of Nalanda at his time, thousands of monks living there, he with all sections of the Sastras and sutras. ianacandra, the head of the Tilada man of great wisdom and scholarship. cholarship was considered an essential 'd to the headship of at least places like lucation.
hief incumbent or the director, accor
I-tsing's work, was the head of the a, his main concern was education. In he deputy incumbent who was chiefly overall supervision of most of the affairs ng and I-tsing refer to administrative
106 and 158.
tre in north-western India by the time of Chwang's Travels in India, London, 1904/5, I,
310, 1, 11; Nālanda — pa ripāla māy. niyatāh
rds of the Western World; Chinese Accounts of
eligion, P- 184.

Page 69
P. V. B. KARUN
functions carried out by the depu in Chinese, 55. This tern has bec karmadana.56 However, karmadana is in in any literary work of the period. TI the exact Sanskrit word used to der When Hiuen-Tsang was admitted to deputy incumbent who made the rel nity. According to I-tsing it was the time and the commencement of at gong. I-tsing further mentions that monastic affairs, but it is not mention
Apart from the chief incumbent official is mentioned in the records of also not clear whether any laymen wet tion of Nalanda in any official cap contemporary Buddhist monasteries committees in charge of various admi entirely of monks strongly suggests th: administration was carried out by the
Among the Sangha, the learned treated with reverence. The Vinayap and capable monks be assigned with m travellers we learn that the congregat the senior monks at their assemblies.61 chosen from amongst the most sen While discussings the arrangements disposal of the belongings of dead mor items of property in the possession of distributed among all the monks prese be divided only among the elders. O. that the most learned among the San least one of the Three Pitakas, were gi and were also provided with monastic privilege of being carried in sedan-chai
55. Ibid., p 148, note 1. 56. For discussion, see ibid., pp. 148-149. 57. S. Beal, Life of Hiuen-Tsang, p. 106. 58. I- tsing, op. cit. pp. 148-149 59. Cf. R. A. L. H. Gunawardhana Robe Ind Early Medieval Sri Lanka, Arizona, 1979 60 • Vinaya pitaka, I, 55, Passim. 61. S. Beal, Life of Hiuen-Tsang, p. 106. 62, 1-tsin, p 192. 63. Ibid., p. 191. 64. Ibid., p. 64.

ATILLAKA 65
ty incumbent, who is called 'vei-na' in translated and reconstituted as pt found in inscriptions nor is it used herefore it is difficult to determine ote the post of deputy incumbent. the Nalanda monastery, it was the vant announcement to the commuthe duty of this monk to announce y service or ceremony by striking the
the deputy incumbent supervised ed what particular affairs they were,
and his deputy, no other monastic the two Chinese travellers. It is e engaged in the internal administraacity, as was the case with certain in Sri Lanka.59 The fact that the nistrative affairs at Nalanda consisted at in this nonastery the basic internal resident monks themselves.
and the senior monks were always itaka recommends that only learned onastic duties. 60 From the Chinese ion of monks was presided over by The head of institutions too were ior and the most learned monks.' made by the congregation for the cks, I-tsing mentions that, if certain the deceased were not sufficient to be nt at the assembly, such items should in another occasion, I-tsing mentions gha and those who had mastered at ven the best rooms in the monastery servants. These monks enjoyed the rs when they were travelling. Itsing
Plough, Monasticism and Economic Interest in pp- 100ff

Page 70
66 THE ADMINISTRA
further observes that, whenever such 1 lectures, they were relieved of monas learned monks were entrusted with sc the most important fact that emerges learned and the most senior monks
seniority and the degree of mastery o' tant in the assignment of monastic se reasonable to assume that the same cr of monks for senior monastic appoint
In referring to the general met deceased monks, I-tsing 5 states that, i entered into by the deceased was p. immediately and distributed among relevant deeds and contracts were to b until such time as the money fell due. monastic treasuries in I. tsing's records an important part in the administrati is also clear from I-tsing's statemen financial transactions were preserved i
The majority of seals and sealin in a single site which is marked as reports. In this particular building them are sealings) were found in a sin that these sealings were attached to c authenticity and as documants issued such a large number of seals were foul Sastri, who edited the inscriptions on room must have been the record roo inscriptions appearing on the sealing came from various authorities ranging of the state to village councils, and fr can be no doubt as to the fact that su various individuals and institutions extensive relations it maintained with
The evidence of seals and sealing tionship between the mahavihara, its v. As we saw earlier, Nalanda had been dred villages by the end of the seven of sealings that bear the insignia and t
65. Ibid., p. 192. 66. M. A. S. I. 66, 1942, p. 32. 67. Ibid.,
68. Ibid., pp. 26ff.

TIVE ORGANIZATION
monks were entrusted with delivering ic duties. Thus it is evident that the me monastic functions as well. But
from I-tsing's statement is that the enjoyed privileged positions. If the ver scriptures were considered imporrvants, rooms and other benefits, it is iterion was employed in the selection ments as well.
nod of disposal of the belongings of f money due on deeds and contracts ayable at once, it was to be realised the resident monks. Otherwise, the be preserved in the monastic treasury
Though this is the only reference to it is obvious that the treasury played ve affairs of monasteries. Besides, it t that the documents pertaining to in the treasury.
gs found at Nalanda were discovered monastery No. 9 in archaeological more than 690 seals (in fact most of gle chamber.66 it may be conjectured ertain documents so as to prove their by various authorities. The fact that ind in a single chamber led Hirananda seals, to conclude that this particular m of the establishment.67 From the gs it becomes clear that the sealings ; from different administrative offices om kings to individual monks;° there ich a large number of sealings from came to Nalanda as a result of the
outside bodies and individuals.
s throw welcome light on the relaillages and the subodinate monasteries. endowed with more than two hunth century A.D. A fairly large number he name of the particular villages and

Page 71
上
P. V. B. KAR UN
also the legend Sri-Nalanda-Mahavihare it is obvious that these seals came fro: control of the mahavihara. In fact
state that those villages were attached (
Eleven of the village seals mak of these villages. According to lexicon nity', 'a nation' or “people of the c meanings suit the context of the leg janapadas are explicitly mentioned as may be pointed out that the Yajñave with gaga and šieņi which are undout Jayaswal, observed the obvious diffi province or “a nation” in general and c: could also mean a corporate body. T interpretation for the word janapada in tly an institution within the village. janapadas referired to in the Nalanda se institutions.
A few other sealings from Naland monasteries, bear the dharmacakra (flan tical with the insignia of the Naland. symbol has been used by some other mahavihara and the one at Saranath, th the Nalanda seal is unique in its cha Nalanda symbol on the seals of other those monasteries were either subordi institutions. In fact one of the sealing
69. Ibid., pp. 41 ff. S. I, 348, S. I. 789, S. I. 8
S, I. 787, S. L. 831, S. I. 547 etc. 70. Ibid., P. 46, seal no, S. 9, R. 16 (PI. Mārimayka (or Mālyika) - grāma - jāna pL. V., a). 71 - M. Williams, Sanskrit - English Dictional 72. Yči haval kyasmrti (ed. S tr, by G. R. Gh 73. K. P. Jayaswal, Hindu Polity, Bangalore, 74. M. A. S. I., 66 1942, p. 37, seal no. S. I. 4 S. l. 1006 (PI. IV, c), S. I. 1006 (PI. IV, d 75. For instance the inscribed surface of the by double straight lines horizontally acro by the whell and deet symbol whereas in entire ground. And the wheel (and deel Uddanadpura mahavihara, is placed on the Naland a seals, and the sealings fro simple pedestal. - see Journal of the Num
and M. A. S. I., 66, pp. 40 and 46, and cc

ATILLAKA 67
Caturdisi-aryabhiksu-sanghasya. Thus in the villages that were under the legends on two village seals clearly
patibaddha) to Nalanda.70
e direct reference to the janapadas sjanapada generally means “a commusountryside'.71. Yet none of these ends on the Nalanda seals, as the belonging to villages. However, it ilkya-Smiti' mentions janapada along ptedly corporate institutions. K. P. culty of taking janapada to mean 'a ame to the conclusion that this word here is no difficulty in accepting this our inscriptions, for it was apparen
Hence, it is quite likely that the alings were village councils or similar
a, though they refer to various other ked by deer) symbol which is idenmuhavihara.74 Although the same monasteries like the Uddandapura se wheel and deer symbol found on tracter and style.75 The use of the
monasteries seems to indicate that hate to Nalanda or were subsidiary s speaks of a janapada in a vihara of a
09, S. I. 645, S. i. 811, S. I. 836, S. I. 807,
IV., i) Sri — Nālandā - prativa (ba) didha - padasya; ibid., p. 47, Seal no. 3, 9, R. 144
y (1989), p. 410. arpure, Bombay, 1914), I, pp. 360—361. 955 (third edition), pp. 230-235. 55, p. 40, seal no. S. 9. R. 15, p. 44. seal no. ).
Saranath Seals is divided into two halves is the middle, and the upper part is occupied tha Naland a seals the symbol occupies the symbol) appearing on the seals from the a two-tier pedestal, but the wheel on n manastsies mentioned above is placed on a ismatic Society of India, Vol. 39, 1977, p. 166 mpare plates III. d, with IV. d.

Page 72
68 THE ADMINISTRA
village attached to Nalanda.76 Sri-Nala janapadasya, Thus it is very prol network of subordinate monasteries no definite information as to the ad monasteries, the reference in the abo (vihara of the village of Angami wh worthy. The phrase viharastha-janap clearly shows that this janapada was strength of the interpretation we han may be argued that janapada in this ir at the vihara. But then the question the general assembly of monks in ot bhiksu - saņgha in the sealings. Theref particular jamabada Was a corporate b committees, probably consisting of attend to the secular affairs of the m contemporary Hindu temples in Inc Lanka.77
From the foregoing discussior Nalanda had a complex and Sophistic to meet the requirements of both its rating economic responsibilities. It's of the Great Monastery was exclusive ever, the administration of some of the janapadas or village councils of t system based on the elected represe have been the main instrument in ex Assembly of monks of the mahavihara. body. Mastery over Scriptures and se appointments. It is particularly im learning where the principle that th should be a man of wisdom and e special privileges extended to those wi indicative of what the institution stc
One of the most interesting as evidence of the Nalanda seals is the and its subordinate regional monaste villages and Other sources of revenu
76. Ibid., p. 47, seal no. S. 9, R. 144 (PI (or Bhutikā) - grāma - vihārastha jāna
77. Cf. B. Stein, 'Economic Function of a
Asiain Studies, XXXIX, 1959 - 1960, pop, Polity, Madras, 1955, p. 376, and R. A.

TIVE ORGANIZATION
nda-pratibaddha angami-grama-liharasthabable that Nalanda mahala vihara had a in different areas. Although we have ministrative organization of these local ive mentioned seal to a janapada in the ich was attached to Nalanda is notea.dasya deserves particular attention. It s associated with the vihara. On the ve suggested for the word janapada it hstance indicates the assembly of monks arises why it was called janapada when her viharas was always denoted as the ore it is tempting to suggest that this tody similar to the village janapadas or both laymen and monks, designed to onastery as it was the case with some dia and Buddhist monasteries in Sri
it would have become clear that ated administrative network designed internal administration and its prolifeeems as if the internal administration ly in the hands of the monks. How
the villages was carried out through the respective villages. A committee ntation of resident monks appears to ercising the authority of the General which was the Supreme administrative niority received weightage in monastic portant to note the great score laid on e head of an educational institution rudition was recognized. Also, the ho excelled themselves in learning was pod for.
pects that comes to light from the relationships between the mahavihard ies. Considering the large number of e belonging to the mahavihara, it is
V. a) Sri — Nālanda, — pat ibaddha -- Angami badiasya. Medieval South Indian Temple”, Jon Mal of 163 - 176. T. V. Mahalingam, South Indian L. H. Gunawardhana, op. cit., pp. 100{f.

Page 73
P. V. B. KARUN
quite likely that the management of carried out directly by the central in would have been the transference of that were located in the proximity o connected network of subordinate mon utilized for the purpose of managing m
3. Υ638,

ATLLAKE 69
such property could not have been stitution. Hence, a better solution some of its authority to institutions f the villages. Therefore the closely asteries would have been successfully
onastic property situated in distant
P. W. B. Karuna tillake

Page 74
“The Horror The View C
In the context of ''Heart of I very, Marlow's assertion that w for truth is servere criticism',
In the context of Conrad's mis the book from which the above wot seems nugatory: throughout his wo women indicates more profound rea Moser's comment here auggests. Be that is about self- discovery: most o more specifically, awareness of the sa is the aim of this study to show how is bound up with that subject. Won are for Conrad the harbingers of faults they invariably inspire.
Almayer's Folly, Conrad's firs virtue of its exceptional nature. It is romantic centre of iriterest that does suggest that it is for this reason that Moser stresses is brought into promit the enervating effect on man of wom indeed, only when what is characteri her conclusive surrender to the Mala
“The man was her slave. As sh she felt a great pitying tende call- even in her thoughts - the to see him as he was now, and of her light fingers'.
1. Thomas Moser, Joseph Conrad.: Achie don, 1957; p. 79. I use this book as t disagree with him at times, it will be owe to Moser's pioneering work.
Joseph Conrad, Almayer's Folly - A St Dent Collected Edition, 1947, p. 172.
relevant volume in this collected ed mentions, op. cit. pp. 52-4, in sup pessimistic view of the affair are si instance, when he quotes Dain's reacti surprised and frightened' - he omits to in his breast by the strange and to him p. 72); a very differen kettle of fish fro
2.
 

Horror'': Conrad's f Women
arkness,' with its theme of self-discoomen can take no part in the quest
oghny, so ably expounded by Moser in is are taken, their particular import eks, Conrad's extremely bleak view of ons for dissatisfaction with them than sides, it is not only Heart of Darkness Conrad's work involves the subjects lient if subtle weaknesses in the self. It thoroughly Conrad's view of women en, at any rate in their romantic aspect, doom to the unfortunate men whose
t novel, provides proof of this rule by unusual in Conrad's work in having a not involve the protagonist. I would an aspect of Corrad's misogyny that hence in this book only once: I refer to an's love, that Conrad here emphasizes, zed as a triumph for Nina Almayer is y Dain Maroola
legianced down at his kneeling form 'ness for that man she was used to
master of life . . . She was content o feel him quiver at the slightest touch
ement and Decline, Cambridge, Mass. & Lionhe basis of the present study; arid, thcugh I generally obvious how much my conclussions
ry of an Eastern River, London, 1895, Ch, 11; All page references to Conrad will be to the tion. Passages other than this that Moser port of his contention that Conrad took a sceptible of a different interpretation. For on to Nina's first kiss - 'He closed his eyes, record that it goes on - 'at the storm raised hitherto unknown contact’ (Almayer, ch, 5;
the timorousness Moser requires.
下

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RAJIVA WIJ.
It might, indeed, even be sugge misogynist to realize that devoted sex the scene is about can lead to a dir of one's other capacities. The strong could be made is that Corrad need inc this particular stage. At the same time may have thought that this aspect so that Nina might be shown as which is what she could otherwise har abandoning her home for a totally This was Almayer's view, and a descr. might have seened to Conrad ni the relationship of the couple and can quite accept that the assertion of perjudices on the Subject but it cann for the final impression of the relatic unfortunate.
Conrad's favourable view of the fiction: they have the distinction of major work whose union is fruitful 3. this has anything to do with chronol ism and impotence or whatever. Rat hand in the fact that I have mentione of interest in the novel. The ema so many of Conrad's heroes' need ni be the romantic hero, but the charact is concerned in the novel is Almayer
Almayer, of course, is not im equally obviously, this does not affect cause he is not a lover and never has clearly in the first two chapters of th Almayer's approach to his marriag losing himself in a romantic involv relevance of the marriage to Almayer's and insubstantial longings but, by the Moser notes, arguably with extravagen Almayer's relationship with his daught irony is that it is through her percep his daughter also rejects him
3 - Moser notes this, op. cit. p. 109; as de Characters, London, 1957, though his acc most attractive women are childless, and situations to be developed, my impressio centring all his study of their characters

ESINGHA 71
sted that one does not need to be a {ual desire, which is basically what minution of self-control and hence est objection, it seems to me, that it have reminded us of the fact at , it must be granted that Conrad of things required to be stressed, not sacrificing herself completely; ve been characterized as doing in new and unfamiliar environment. iption of the enslavement of Dain ecessary to maintain a balance in
show that Almayer was wrong. I this harmonized with Conrad's own ot be claired that the consequences onship of the couple are particularly
couple is certainly exceptional in his being the only pair of lovers in his There is no reason to suppose that bgy and an increasing sense of pessimher, a far simpler explanation lies to ld above: Dain is not the vital centre sculation that Moser detects with ot, therefore, affect him. He may 2r with whose weaknesses Conrad aimself.
potent, as Nina's existence testifies; the distinction enunciated above, bes been one. Conrad sketches quite e book the cold-blooded nature of e: there could be no danger of him ement. Conrad does suggest the destruction of himself in his egoistic time of the action of the book, as it glee, Conrad is more interested in er than in that with his wife. The tion of that latter relationship that
bes Richard Curle, Joseph Conrad and His ount is far less illuminating - 'Ali Conrad's i though this may be bound up with the n is that it was designed for the purpose of on their unfettered personalities.” (p. 92)

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72 THE HORRO.
“Between you and my mother t that you could not understand Of her who was the regret and
The obvious implication of all someone of another race and also th mental flaw in himself - for Almayer protagonists in being from the very ondingly, Nina can in no way be he she may cause Almayer disappointme her share of native blood must separ: also reveals how extravagent, and Almayer's demands are
“And now his heart was filled
for his daughter. He wanted to her his despair; but he wanted it companiouship in misfortune w
On the whole, then, Almayer's for once, Conrad's concept of women is, however, one small hint of what r lized pessimism, namely when Nir beings understand each other. They c This would be meaningless, since she that she and Dain do understand eac does follow immediately that she refe world and the world in which all Co battles. Nina, in acknowledging he Malay traditions, in accepting the ro that her mother had earlier sketc wholly fancifully, as denying in her fundamental concept of Western ror
Hence the irony in Almayer's ot want him as a tool for some incom mayer had dreamed originally with dream exploded by his wife's convic laws she was going to be Almayer's swift disillusionment had led to the
Almayer, ch. 12; p. 191. ibid., ch. 7; p. 102. ibid., ch, 11; p. 179. ibid., ch. 11; p. 180, ibid., ch. 2; p. 23.

THE HORROR
here never was any love ...Then I saw me; for was I not part of that woman? hame of your life’.“
his is that Almayer erred in marrying at error was symptomatic of a fundais also exceptional amongst Conrad's beginning decisively flawed. Correspdi responsible for Almayer’s decline: nt but, in addition to suggesting how te her from Almayer's world, Conrad therefore difficult to fulfil anyway
only with a great tenderness and love see her miserable, and to share with
: only as all weak natures long for a
ith beings innocent of its cause“”.5
tagedy is his own personal one. Here, had no part to play in the crisis. There night be called Conrad's more generana says to Almayer, “No two human an understand but their own voices'6 2 goes on almost immediately to say h other, were it not clear from what rring to the white world, to Almayer's nrad's major protagonists fight their r allegiance to what might be called Le of subservience as an Eastern bride hed out for her, may be seen, not
conclusive parting from Almayer's nanticism.
vin reaction to her manifesto — “You prehensible ambition of yours.' Alregard to his marriage of a slave - a tion that “according to white men's
companion and not his slave'; his pposite extreme, a vision of marriage

Page 77
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as a struggle between two opposing per ion which Nina was engaged in was be sees Nina's determination to go away
I have suggested above that the re dacity in Nina are to be seen as an a concept of her passivity in the role she there is enough said about that role th Dain need not share Almayer's fears. is not isolated in his anxiety: the dang one in which Conrad himself believed to make it obtrude itself in this book. be traced here might seem fanciful, an of the otherwise excessive pronounce1 consonance with what is to follow: the qualms begin to display themselve they are to affect so much of Conrad's
Like Almayer, Willems in the lati unlike Almayer with both of them 1 that he could ever have been descri (which is why, presumably, his union i Conrad makes it clear that he has som and the development of his reactions ti ntal aspect of the novel. The importan Joanna is emphasized on the very first be changed, that he would be able as h. edly over his half-caste wife' -- and it makes him feel conclusively unfitted
“But he hesitated whether he wou the revolting completeness of h house - and by his wife; that wo his presence, yesterday. He remai
Of course, Willems' Sense of his Lingard reveals to him, that his wife is that the marriage had, as it were, been resents the now clear fact that he had the appendages of the man Who, hav insulted and dismissed him that mc despite all this Willems contemplated t reconciliation should most obviously a
9. Joseph Conrad, An Outcast of the Islands I 10 bid , Pt. I, ch. 4; pp. 38 - 9.

SiNGHA 73
sonalities. The conscious submissyond his comprehension. As such, he with Dain as necessarily predatory.
marks I quoted that do suggest prentidote to the otherwise prevalent chooses in her ethnic romatice; and roughout the book to suggest that Yet I would suggest that Almayer dr which he diagnozed appears to be albeit not dogmatically enough Indeed, my suggestion that it can d I only make it, as an explanation ments I have quoted, because of its for, with An Outcast of the Islands, s with the vehemence with which writing.
er book is involved with two women, romantically. Not, I hasten to add, bed as being in love with his wife s permitted to be productive); but e sort of emotional link with her, o their joint situation is a fundamece to him of his initial authority over page-'He fancied that nothing would eretofore to tyrannize good-humouris her reaction to his disgrace that for communion with mankind.
ld or would not disclose to Lingard is humiliation. Turned out of his man who hardly dared to breathe in ned per plexed and silento.”
disgrace is compounded by what the daughter of his employer and thrust upon him; naturally Willems been cleverly tied down for life to ring discovered his peculations, had brning; but Conrad mentions that, aking her back provided that the ppear to be of her seeking- the told
London, 1896, p. 3.

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74 THE HORRC
himself solemnly that if she wou with generous forgiveness'. Ulti marriage that mattered but the att assertion of herself in opposition t and which had to be purged by s relationship could be restored. I fall in almost at once with Lingaric of the bitter resentment she had
persuasive powers might be assun are so strong seems to me because ding an extremity of submission Willems could be seen to require st book what seems to me the morbid women are concerned has to be mas
Conrad, however, does not morbid; for the reason, I would su that the greatest concern possible h his honour in his relations with wo the assistance of a great deal of Willem's second, much more dyn references to the fact that the womi is to be seen as an important factor ted, Almayer's comments on the of it); but there are also more gene and derogation from self that any shall content myself by quoting ju stand for many
With that look she drew th immobile pupils, and from vanished under her gaze an physical well-being, an ec: possession of his riigid body hesitation and doubt, and pri lling aspect of idiotic beatitu breathed, but stood in stiff in close contact by every pore'.
I have granted earlier, with ré account of the enervating effects of suspicion. The trouble with An C
11. ibid., Pt. I, ch. 4; p. 38. 12. ibid., Pt. II. ch, 6; p. 140. See also, for
77, 80, 271, 334.

R THE HORROR
ld come to him he would receive her mately it was not his entanglement by ack on his superiority; it was Joanna's Dhim that Willems found intolerable, application from her before the marital is significant that Joanna appears to 's attempts at a reconciliation, in spite displayed earlier in the day; Lingard's ned to have been strong, but that they Willems had to be depicted as demanfrom his wife-she yielded readily so that 11 more. At the very beginning of the ity of Willems' sense of honour where e clear.
appear to consider Willems' feeling ggest, that he believed as Willems did ad to be exercised by a man to guard men. The position is made clear with Editorial material in the portrayal of amic, romance. There are certainly an in question is coloured, and this in the catastrophe (as is to be expec
situation concentrate on this aspect ral remarks about the destruction of
involvement with a woman causes. st one characteristic passage that may
2 man's soul away from through his Willems' features the spark of reason d was replaced by an appearance of stasy of the senses which had taken ; an ecstasy that drove out regrets, claimed its terrible work by an appaide. He never stirred a limb, hardly mobility, absorbing the delight of her
ference to Nina and Dain, that such an sexual desire need not of its own rouse Atcast is that the concept is drilled into
other accounts of Willems" weakening, pp. 693

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the reader in a manner that makes clear. It might be objected to this view that concept is, basically, Conrad's sub of treachery under the spell cast on hir whole tale. If that is so, however, it is puts it.
*Willems' worthlessness detracts betrayal of the secret of the rive inevitable or exclusive connectic should have; one feels that he anyhow - merely out of spite'.
In short, we have a book with tw. ory development of either. The questi think was his basic subject - Willems' compare with Almayer's Folly, the them exemplified rather than inspired by havoc wrought on men by women (s later works)? In favour of the former appears to be a cad anyway; and the ve and critical, I think upholds this view, t in Willems should be seen as a fund with the impact on him of women. Y ambiguity, so much so that Baines coul almost accidental in terms of what late in the work and the ambiguity, resting of the effect Aissa had oth, Willems enacted by his wife. After all, thou chapter that Willems is an unsavoury c overlaid by the impression created of over the next few chapters, the bitter. tment of him. I have characterized W. morbid; but I have also pointed out th
The idea, then, that Conrad seen was ruined by two women: his wife, w an extent that he exiled himself to Sai and Aissa, who made him lose contro he betrayed what he had thought he st by Willems” outburst to Lingard in wł his own venial errors and the more seric upon him -
13 - Jocelyn Baines, Joseph Connad: A Critical

SINGHA 75
Conrad's obsession with it painfully that it is not a fair criticism since ject in the book, that Willems' act in by Aissa is the central fact of the by no means clear: as Jocelyn Baines
from the impact of the book; his it to the Arab trader has not the on with his passion for Aissa that it would have betrayed the secret
b subjects which prevent satisfacton that arises is, which did Conrad weakness (so that the book would 2 of which was Almayer's deficiencies, his relations with worner) or the which, we shall see, is the theme of alternative is the fact that Willems ry first paragraph of the book, long hat Conrad dici intend that the flaw amental one that had nothing to do ct; the fact remains that there is an di suggest that this essential flaw is }r appears as Conrad's basic subject primarily on the weighty descriptions , is enhanced by the doubling role gh we gather from the very first haracter, this knowledge is effectively the bitterness that dominates him less that arises from his wife's treaillems’ reaction to this treatment as at Conrad does not share this view.
is to wish to present is that Willems no shattered his equilibrium to such nbir and brooded on his bitterness; 1 of himself to such an extent that ood for. The lesson is underscored lich he draws a distinction between pus ones he suggests had been thrust
Biography, London, 1959, p. 162.

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76 THE HORRO)
“I borrowed. You know ho judgement... But I had prir Business is business, and I neve They had to suffer for their evil was in them, not in me. E I kept clear of women. It's
them! Now I hate them!'.14
The train of thought, compr relevant. He goes on to emphasiz and, though he then mentions the ef isolation that enhanced, had had source of his resentment had been it person who rejected him when he
her.
The morbid insecurity caused remembered in the reading of the ou
“You can't believe her. You tell what's inside their heads? I only thing you can know is th through their lips. They live hate you, or they seem to love throw you over or stick to inscrutable and awful reason knowl'15
Since Aissa had been devoted t tance with him, this speech would b. of thought that we have traced just man made hysterical by his disgrace is merely a tool in the hands of wor
Of course Willems has acted cc Baines and also the Conrad of the fir ts; and he has done so under the infl ly not have been described as being and in his more lucid moments expre ment as he was. Yet his bitterness is tantly, for what she might do to shat has already done to lose his selfsecond of the two alternatives sugges
14 - Am Outcast, Pt. IV, ch. 4; P. 266. 15 ibid., Pt. IV, ch. 5; p. 268.

R THE HORROR
w much I repaid. It was an error of \ciples from a boy. Yes, principles. er was an ass. I never respected fools. folly when they dealt with me. The But as to principles, it's another matter. forbidden - I had no time - I despised
ehensible though bizarre, is extremely 2 his justification for hating his wife fect Almayer's contempt, and also the on him, it is apparent that the basic he woman; she, after all, had been the thought he had had a firm hold over
I by that rejection must, I think, be tburst about Aissa that follows:-
can't believe any woman. Who can no one. You can know nothing. The lat it isn't anything like what comes
by the side of you. They seem to you; they caress or torment you; they you closer than your skin for some of their own - which you can never
o Willems right throught her acquaine unintelligible were it not for the train before: we are not simply listening to a put to someone who is terrified that he
Ոetl.
intrary to what must be suppose, pace st paragraph, to be his deepest instincuence of Aissa . But he could certainunder her control: he himself recognizes, sses, that she was as much an instru
reserved for her - and, more importer his security rather than for what he respect. The implication is that the ted above has by now been adopted by
-ܤܝܬܐ.

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ܛܓ
RAJIVA WI
Conrad; there is of course a qualif wasn't very much to start with anywa his downfall has become by this stage
It continues so to the end, rea scenc of Willems' death, in which the him captive, each anxious to hold his other, each misunderstanding him at e beying his smallest instruction; the scer ps because of, the violence of catastro seems to suggest that the workings of tremendous importance. Just before be seen as the culmination of Willem after he had reached the desperate dec ir Aissa’s arms. His failure to be tr foreb odling of death?.
*It seemed to him that he was p deep black hole full of decay immense and inevitable grave later he must, unavoidably, fall'.
It is perhaps unnecessary to See all taposition of the two scenes and thi fundamental cause of Willems' destruc
Emasculation, then, in spirit as ii the dominant concept in An Outcast o in tandem, so to speak, at the end arol view seems extreme, it is nevertheless collection of short stories Conrad publi up, in separate stories, what might be c. propounded in the earlier book. The both accounts of men who have enge influence of a romantic attachment to who goes to pieces upon discovering, left him (although she does, in fact, relationship with his wife. Moser pc this story and the moment in An Ou
16 ibid., Pt. V. ch, 3; p. 339. Albert J. Gue & London, 1958, goes so far as to claim t or half- conscious creation tells us that and from the first threatened by impote: extremely illuminating throughout. It plots for those who are less familiar with

|ESINGHA 77
cation in this book, that Willems y, but the part women have to play in the central feature of the work.
shing its climax in the melodramatic two women prowl round him holding n for herself and keep him from the very conceivable moment and disoe would be farcical despite, or perhahe, were it not that Conrad's prose Willems's mind at this juncture are of the scene there had been what might s' sexuality, namely his impotence, ision to attempt to forget his disgrace ansported out of himself leads to a
jeering into a sombre hollow, into a and of whitened bones; into an
Full of corruption where sooner or 6
ny sexual symbolism here; but the juxeir joint implication concerning the ction ought not to be ignored.
in flesh, may be said to have become f the Islands; its perpetrators dancing und the grave of their victim. If this substantiated by the fact that the shed two years after An Outcast takes alled the two dogmas of emasculation Lagoon and Karain, A Memory are ged in an act of betrayal under the a woman; The Return is about a man
prompted by the fact that she had
come back), an inadequacy in his vints out a correspondence between cast when Aissa insists that Willems
rard, Conrad the Novelist, Cambridge, Mass. hat "The novel's only area of unconscious Williems is horrified by sex from the first nce.” (p. 81), I have found Guerard's book also contains useful synopses of Conrad's them than I presume.

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78 THE HORROE
must abandon his people and associal to hold her to him; Moser suggests ti same, that the woman is shown as me of love or of hate, are stronger than
is right, the implication is that Aiss Willems' betrayall than is otherwise Willems' later complaint has more to to him than with regret about wha indeed, that their relationship ap Return, just as that of Willems and J
Bearing in mind Willems' reacti for Conrad the vital consequence of above: the spiritual ennui, often to be ince, that grips the man - The act importance beside the diffidence th is what associates Willems, on accour The Return is also what distinguish other two stories. They, though ve committed and that these were pro lar woman, exhibit no personal anim Perhaps this arises from Conrad's romance and the Western variety: bl ned by love for women, they can : under this influence, they can also such weakness; but they feel no resen Whatever the cause, Arsat and Kara personal fear of the women with whic est, they are dominated by their emot is not for them, as there is for Herv about a separate consciousness that li,
The awe felt by these character himself; it is perhaps due to the tensi of women that so much of his best w Another story in Tales of Unrest hei the individual serial publication of w by that of The Nigger of the Narciss of Darkness, The End of the Tether and The Shadow Line. I have gone th of what are generally acknowledged the category of books without wom the story, apart form the eatliest, the the above is The End of the Tether, th

R THE HORROR
te himself completely with her if he is hat the message in both works is the king clear that her emotions, whether anything the man has to offer. If he a is personally more responsible for apparent. But the fact remains that
do with anxiety about her allegiance t has been done already. It is in this, proaches that of the couple in The oanna does.
on, then, it would seem that this was the dominance of women as sketched 2 expressed in terms of physical impotethat has been committed pales in e awed woman arouses. This, which it of both his women, with Hervey in es him from Arsat and Karain in the ry conscious of the crimes they have mpted by their feelings for a particuosity towards the women in question. view of the difference between Eastern ack men, like white, can be overwhelact contrary to the dictates of honour be fully aware of the implications of tment towards the women concerned, in, as Conrad presents them, have no m they have got involved, at its simpltions and not by the women. There ey and for Willems, an anxious awe es in wait to belittle them.
's derived of course from their creator ons roused in Conrad by the presence ork is remarkable for their absence. alds this trait: An Outpost of Progress
hich was followed almost immediately S. Soon after came Youth, The Heart and Typhoon ; later, The Secret Sharer rough the list to emphasize how many
to be Conrad's masterpieces fall into en; and it seems to me significant that at is widely thought least of amongst he one in which a woman figures largest.

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it might be objected to this that bately figures in the story. Yet my po with is not a character but a conce inspiration for those aspects of Whalley concerned - namely, his derogation f to which a sailor ought to subscribe an was faced with the problem of her de said to conform to the pattern of those had also been led to behave badly becau a distinction: not that his daughter is in guilt (for the same might have been saic Karain), but that his actions spring f decision, whereas those of all the oth passions that overbore all question, and ration. Whalley, in effect, did not igno influence of a woman, but decided tha was paramount.
I don't think there can be any dou so to decide. Though he grants that W from paternal love, from incredulity. justice meted out to men's feelings on t ence is that “He had nothing of his owr truth, of just pride, was gone. All abyss..."? This in fact seems to me to always, to those who accuse Conrad C Conrad is able to depict clearly all the thereby to evoke sympathy for his judgement on such conduct from being Whalley, in attempting according to f: has lost himself; when he realizes this clear, to going down with his ship-the cannot but associate with the loss of his
In the present context, however, t daughter hardly appears in the nar required for the catastrophe she precip as well, Conrad was perhaps anxious, b. this aspect of his concept of women cle: not be held responsible (this we had question is irrelevant in comparison tales, which is a man's internal conside
17, Joseph Conrad, 'The End of the Tether
Other Stories, London, 1902; pp. 324 & 31s
18. See, for instance, Moser, op, cit, pp. 137 fo

SINGHA 79
Captain Whalley's daughter only int stands, for what I am concerned pt; and she is certainly the basic 's conduct with which the book is rom the high standard of integrity which had been his own until he spendence. He may, therefore, be characters mentioned above who use of women. There is, however no way an active participant in his of the women in The Lagoon and rom a carefully thought out moral sers so far discussed resulted from
indeed any conclusion, of delibere his other obligations under the this responsibility to his daughter
ubt that Conrad felt he was wrong Whalley had “drifted into his error from boundless trust in divine his earth”, nevertheless the consequi- even his own past of honour, of his spotless life had fallen into an provide the answer, usually if not f sentimentalization the fact that reasons for inferior conduct, and protagonist, does not prevent his equally clear and forcefully adverse. alse lights to stand by his daughter,
he has no alternative, it is made imminent destruction of which he s own character.
he important fact is that Whalley's rative herself, her presence is not bitates. As we shall trace later on eing generally a fair man, to make ar: not only that the woman could noted before), but also that that with the primary interest of his rations about his honour. Conrad,
ch. 14, in Youth - A Narrative; and Tuvo
ll, on The Shadow Line.

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indeed, seems to me to go out of his rations are usually prompted by rel incapable of appreciating them. prompted the comment with which the Tether, for instance, exhibit a c women totally without comprehe have faced. In both cases the exp and quantity from the emotions ex ironical.
On a par with these womer with her husband, the Captain in in Falk, the grotesque tale of canni Hermann's niece who marries Falk utter a word in the course of the st failure in technique-Throughout th ideas rather than dramatize them. niece never speaks because Conra the reader to have any either, abou the issues at stake. The story is a in it, their relations with themselv, the catalyst who sets the story in m singleminded determination to mar to illuminate the anxious cerebrat the problem. It is not easy to asse questions are certainly not as care works; but, not only in the light of the story is telf, I have no doubt th Falk's guilt an extremely importan niece to view the question must b beneath, not just beyond, compreh
These women, inhabiting a co, which their menfolk engage in thei long distance away from the destru deranging romance or agents of stul in the earlier works. Yet, as End did not spell security. However, til involved there. In Amy Foster Co. of alienation can in itself prove fata its catastrophe being skimmed ove subject of the work is “the tragedy of
19. Moser, op, cit, p. 100. See, howev explanation - though that is even less (

R THE HORROR
way to show, even though those consideations with a woman, that women are The ending of Heart of Darkness (which
this study begins) and that of End of ertain similarity in depicting the two insion of the problems their menfolk ressions of love, so different in quality perienced by its objects, are conclusively
is Mrs. McWhirr, so utterly at odds Typhoon; also and more amusingly, balism that appears in the same volume, in the end. This last female does not tory, which Moser suggests is due to a e narrator can only assert feelings and ';19 rather, I would suggest that the ld has no illusions, and does not wish t her having anything to contribute to bout the male characters who figure es and each other; the niece is simply lotion and a touchstone, in her final ry Falk notwithstanding his confession, ion which the others have devoted to ss the tone of the story; the moral sfully examined as in other of Conrad's those others but also from passages in at Conrad thought the question of it one. As such, the incapacity of the e seen as irony directed at her; she is ension of the vital issues.
mpletely different world from that in
moral preoccupations, seem to be a tctive females of either sort, objects of ifying rejection, whom we have seen of the Tether suggests, separation itself Lere was an acute sense of obligation rad goes on to consider how the fact . The work is structurally an odd one, in a very few lines; yet, even if the a man who could not acclimatise himself
er, Baines, op. Cit, p. 262, for Conrad’s own onvincing.
-

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in a foreign country'20, the title indical herself should not be under-estimatec certainly significant; it is her original k when he has nothing else; it is her will child? that gives him the illusion that rejection of him that makes him despair
Yet Conrad makes it clear that til she could be held morally responsible, could have been for theirs. She is ben just as her instincts had led her first to him, so her instincts later lead her to there is no sense, with her, of claiming But so, too, just as she cannot be blam not be praised for her original act of ki accidental, the two individuals occupyi worlds. Yet such accidents can prove as such. In a sense the catastrophe tried to construct something more fr to be that such ties and commitments of Captain Whalley, Yanko's act doe unlike Whalley, he cannot be describe implications of his actions, his quest ir Whalley's more from sentimental con even these lead to destruction; althou is not by a form of betrayal on behalf characters considered, Yanko as surely those other characters, as in flesh. woman but of the gulf between innen springs from his attempt to establish sc
The Rescue, begun before these st shares some of their traits as well as t at its simplest, the story is that of a bet the influence of a woman. Yet it is in for Edith Travers that Tom Lingard fa ilities; rather, the destruction of his in
20. Gustav Morg, The Polish Heritage of JC Guerard, op. cit, pp. 49-50, for other asp
21. The capacity to procreate here does not af penchant for childlessness; and not only b has a part to play in the plot. The two which is significant: namely that in both people who have nothing in common soci supplicant; his attachment to his wife spri moment when otherwise he might have die in the first place: emasculation, evidently, in extremis anyway.

ESINGHA 81.
tes that the part played by Amy i. Her appearances in the story are indness to him that Yanko cherishes ingness to marry him and bear his at last he is settled; and so it is her and causes his death.
he rejection is not an act for which the way Joanna and Mrs. Hervey eath such questions of responsibility: be kind to Yanko and then to marry fear and loathe and repulse him; that she should have known better. ed for her final rejection, she canindness: any act of contact is purely ng, as it were, two entirely separate fatal, when they are not recognized was Yanko's fault, in his having om the situation; the message seems had best be avoided. As in the case s not spring from passion; though, a as a moral agent conscious of the pursuit of commitment springs like lsiderations than sexual ones. Yet gh, since he is not a moral agent, it pf women, as in the case of the other destroys himself in spirit, just like He is a victim, in this case not of a and woman; and his destruction me interaction between them.
ories (though finished long after), nose of the earlier works discussed: rayal of faith by a man while under ot sinoply in the grip of his passion ils to live up to his basic responsibative proteges Hassim and Immada
seph Conrad, London, 1930, p. 169. See Scts of the story.
fect the point I made earlier about Conrad's ecause here, as in "Gaspar Ruiz', the child short stories share another characteristic the marriage in question is between two ally, the main being in the position of a ngs from food and shelter given at a crucial d. In effect, the man had nothing to lose could only be avoided by those who were

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and the conclusive blow that cat himself are inexorably set in mot protect the passengers and crew of he had corne to before his involven even after he had become obsessed to do his duty. His problem was the underlying problem, that his pe Mrs. Travers, was perforce someth unlike Willems, then, and Karain
they knew was wrong under the rel Whalley rather, found himself in th by a feminine factor that clouded t
The comparison, however, is n Whalley was, after all, many miles having an active part to play in the is she who lays on him the burden, he was trying to do anyway, but - ing her husband and his companion of an imprudent walk they had tak It is she who fails to give Lingard indicated to him the imminent dan cious as she is of her influence over acting at strategic intervals in a tragedy.
But, as Moser points out, she i gh and impressive analysis of the bo Mrs. Travers' actions and makes the blame, Moser shows, insofar as to the Jorgensen who does not give ring he asks her to hand over to that it is unimportant. In additi that Conrad has Lingard declare th he would have done nothing- “it w deaf, and robbed of all courage.'23
This last, however, seems to as the one he makes, wider in its Lingard too (in comparison primaril originalversion of the book, but alsc
22 - Moser, op, cit, p. 149. There are inst
out Moser's book.
23. Joseph Conrad, The Rescue - A Romanc
p. 450.
 

R THE HORROR
astrophe delivers to his own vision of ion by his original decision to try to the Travers' yacht; and that decision ment with Mrs. Travers began. Again, by her, Lingard still remained anxious to distinguish wherein his duty lay; rception was clouded by his feelings for ing that was veilled from him. He is and Arsat, in that they did something levant feminine influence. Lingard, like le throes of a dilemma, albeit one caused he previous clear view of duty.
ot illuminating enough of itself. Miss. away whereas Mrs. Travers is shown as course of Lingard's indecisiveness. It not of trying to save the yacht, which a far more complicatd matter-of rescu(who had been captured in the course en in contravention of Lingard's advice); at the end the ring that might have ger facing Hassim and Immada. Const him, she both acts and refrains from manner that serves to precipitate the
s not blamed for this. In his thorouok he points out that Conrad excuses her a victim of chance"; transferring it can be attributed to human agency,
Mrs. Travers any explanation of the Lingard and thus allows her to believe on, Moser draws attention to the fact hat, even had she given him the ring, ould have been to one that was dumb,
me to answer Mower's point; as well implications, about Conrad idealizing y with his treatment in The Rescuer, the
with his other heroes elsewhere)-
ructive points about The Rescue made through
se of the Shallovs, London, 1920, Pt. VI, ch, 8;

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RAJIVA WIJE
“What had begun as a most pron meddlesome figure becomes in the of a conventional hero of popula ntly good man brought low by b and the machinations of fate.'24
On the contrary, Lingard is quite pate allegiance to a woman; he may be pr better man than Conrad originally int grace all the more grave; and the cat destructive of his character and the Whalley's acts of betrayal.
It is for this reason, indeed, that vers was whitewashed the only insta it is almost as though Conrad defend underplay simple active responsibility influence as to which she was not an influence he had detailed earlier on apparent that it was part of his very til
'She stood by his side. Every mon his soul - like a garment of ligh reference to an early act of viole situation in which he was trying was a mere incident. The real else, was other, and more remc could not defend himself from
somewhere in the unexplored d and unavoidable . . . He had lost thought. He was in the state (
through the open gates of Par moment's vision to all the forms extremity of his emotion ceases e. subject of a sublime experience damns . . . but was this life - this contempt for what his eyes coul unbelief in the importance of t possession of himself, his old sel speak as well as to hear. But i better, the dreadful ease of slack tide and in a divine emptiness o
24 - Moser, op, cit, p. 150.

SINGHA 83
ising portrait of a romantic, egoistic, : published book the characterization r fiction, a generous, brave, inherevad luck, human misunderstanding,
ntly brought low by his unmanning esented at the start of the book as a ended but that makes his fall from astrophe that occurs is as fittingly
life he lived as are Willems' and
when Moser claims that Mrs. Traince he can cite is that of the ring: ls her there because he is anxious to as opposed to the more insidious agent but merely a vehicle. That
in such abundance as to make it
eile
tent that fatal illusion clung closer to it - like an armour of fire . . . (with ince that increased the tension of the to balance). . . In this fatality Carter cause of the disaster was somewhere te. And at the same time Lingard a feeling that it was in himsllf, too, epths of his nature, something fatal
touch with the world. He had no of a man who, having cast his eyes adise, is rendered insensible by that
and matters of the earth; and in the ven to look upon himself but as the which exalts or unfits, sanctifies or
profound indifference, this strange d see, this distaste for words, this hings and men? He tried to regain which had things to do, words to it was too difficult . . . Surrender was
limbs in the sweep of an enormous if mind . . . (And, to sum up, when

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84 THE HORRO)
vision returns after the disaste
• • • I have just come back to 1 darker than the grave itself.'25
Moser claims that Lingard i weaknesses; the excess of quotation the contrary. that the emasculatio conducted by Conrad in the course ence of Mrs. Travers being showi conceivable that it was to show th influence that Lingard was deprived dent of it; and, correspondingly, blameless, because Conrad's theme women but the havoc wrought by a a world with which she has nothin characterization (which is what, des bed, is all there is) accords with Conrad the fundamental tragedy divergent lives should be brought to something in common.
The point is underscored in th the preparation for it, Mrs. Tra passion',26 wonders whether she when they come together Lingard, time, declares But now the world recall that between Willems and impotence before her is registered; b. ests the final scene of Heart of Dari on her love for him, whereas he hac As in the beginning when she nevei attempts to explain himself to ha Hassim and Immada meant to him, through together, Mrs. Travers rei inner life. The alienation sketche here receives its fullest treatment, ar. Conrad's protagonists who does no life by the intrusive woman is so I book, Its mood of defeatism and wi ced than that of Victory, which does
25. The Rescue, Pt. IV, ch. 4, Pt. V. ch. 4
443.
26 ibid., Pt. VI, ch. 9; p. 461.
27 ibid., Pt. VI, ch. 9; 463.
28 - Baines, op. Cit. p. 419.

R THE HORROR
r) . . . “What is an accident? . . . Accident ife and it has closed on me colder and
s emasculated by being stripped of his above has been designed to show, on in of Lingard is a process deliberately of the novel, with the feminine influto be the instrument. Indeed, it is e extremely debilitating effects of that of the weaknesses that were indepenMrs. Travers must be shown to be is not the havoc wrought by destructive iny woman who is allowed entry into ng to do. The stark simplicity of the pite the convoluted cerebrations descrithe dogmatic basis of the theme. For
was that two characters with widely ogether and led to think that they had
e description of the final meeting and vers, recalling Lingard’s “capacity for would ever come back to the yacht; claiming to see her clearly for the first s dead.' The scene does, of course, Aissa, mentioned above, in which his ut, even more importantly, it also suggkness, where Kurtz' fiancee still dwells I had passed far beyond such emotions. : understood, despite his extraordinary ar, what Lingard was about or what so at the end, despite all they had been mains completely ignorant of Lingard's ld in the short stories discussed above hd, though Lingard is one of the few of ot die, the destruction wrought on his marked that, as Baines remarks of the orld-weariness is even more pronounat least contain a positive admonition 28
(, Pt. VI, chs. 5, 6, 7, 26, 329, 415, 431-2,

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An even stronger mood of defeat a short story that shares some remarka The reason for the greater pessimism there are avowedly in love so that, unl Travers the story is quite simply about the similarities in the two tales are, ho more significant of these, in the present thing in itself, is Jasper's devotion to h in the way that Lingard's commitment well have been which is why it is not despairing apathy on Jasper's part. C aspect of Jasper's attachment to his in Jaspar Allen treating her like a love
The other striking feature for us Self-contained attitude to the relati in love with Jasper, but she is crucially personality throughout. Thus, she importunity, until she is twenty-one ( to the tragedy) because then there wo as to me being old enough to kno
mistake was coneeivable was because to save her farther from the worry her marriage in advance. Conrad e. was capable of making himself ill, and leave him. Here you have the sanity ness of feminine reasoning .32 It hard for this to be recognized for the irony
Those further comments howe “Jasper's feelings were in such remonstrated against the decree. brig which seemed pervaded by did on board was always done un (the meaning of which is mad
29 - Moser, op. cit, pp. 100 — 102, draws atten general pattern he discerns in Conrad's crucial correspondences between the tw interesting remarks on Conrad's determ
romantic story than most of his.
30, Joseph Conrad, Freya of the Seven isles
1912; p. 157,
31 - ibid., ch. 3; p. 167.
32 ibid., ch. 3; p. 166.

ESINGHA 85
ism pervades Freya of the Seven Isles, ble characteristics with The Rescue. of the tale is that Freya and Jasper ike in the case of Lingard and Mrs. their relationship and its destruction; wever, instructive. Amongst the : context, though apparently a small is brig: though the boat is no rival
to his natives was, it could very surprising that its ruin leads to such Jonrad, indeed, stresses the romantic
boat - there was nothing unnatural r.’30
here is what might be called Freya's on. There is no doubt that she is aware of the demands of her own refuses to marry Jasper, despite his a delay that is shown to contribute uld be “no mistake in people's minds w what I am doing';31 that such a Freya was determined to elope, so as he would undergo if he knew about xpresses Freya's reasoning thus - 'He then she wouldn't have the heart to of feminine outlook and the frankly needs Conrad's further comments
鲨 1S。
ver illuminate the situation further -
subjection that he had never even . And then to console him he had the the spirit of Freya, since whatever he der the supreme sanction of his love... e clear in the exchange between Freya
tion to some of these, but in terms of the
later work, so that he omits some of the o works, Baines, op, cit, p. 375, has some ination on a tragic end for a more purely
' Ch. 1 in 'Twixt Land and Sea-Tales, London,

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86 THE HORRC
and her father after the disast was his brig' “Perhaps,' sh Yes! I would never allow hin
This clarifies what had been su as child' and boy' which Freya head in her lap, in a manner similar on Mrs. Travers' knee. Moser Su the brig with the loss of his m disarmed for life by the loss of the for love to which he had no foot hood had, in fact, come earlier, relationship with Freya, in which resoluteness of his own.
Where Moser does have a poit quoted above makes clear, in son that loss. It is for this reason tha sorely, and why he then requires sc sion, from Freya to restore him to
“If I had been a man would child, a happy child, of me.
I had belonging to me in the v that I had no power over her, shouts, blazing at me sudden head. Come with me, indee then, old man, and leave r jerking his head at the wreck
He does not get that token be ill; whereby Conrad avoids the issue the heart of the book. This avoida artistic failure, for the reason that weight of Conrad's obsessive theme. we consider how unsatisfactory, in that token (by Freya bringing hers or its deliberate denial would have the illness is in fact the only way; knowledge of that illness is kept fro feeling himself scorned by Freya.
33 - ibid., chs. 3 & 6, pp. 167 & 237. 34 - Moser, op, cit, p. 101. 35. “Freya”, ch, 6; p. 236.

R THE HORROR
dr). "my dear, the only thing he loved e says to herself, ... “perhaps it is true. 1 any power over me".33
gested before in the dimunitives such had used on Jasper as he lay with his
to that in which Lingard laid his head ggests that Jasper equates the loss of anhood: he considers himself a 'man : brig, and, it seems to him, made unfit hold to offer'.34 But the loss of rhanwith Jasper's very embarkation on the he had abandoned all initiative and
it is in that the brig was, as the passage he sense a compensation to Jasper for the feels his deprivation of that too so me positive token, almost of submisif{e-
have carried her off, but she made a Tell her that the day the only thing jorld perished on this reef I discovered Has she come here with you?' he ly with his hollow yes. I shook my d! Anaemia: “Aha! you see? go away, he alone here with that ghost,' he says, of his brig.'5
ause, as this passage indicates, Freya is that the passages quoted show lies at nce, however, cannot be considered an Freya is too slight a story to carry the
That this is so becomes obvious when ded unconvincing, either the giving of elf in acquiescent devotion to Jasper) been. The easy way out provided by but it is nevertheless significant that m Jasper so that he ends, as he began, The responsibility for this particular

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RAJIVA WII.
disappointment is cast upon old Nelso bility for the final disaster is given to before, may be due to Conrad's hi. women with any guilt for the cat their various ways, they are the basic
emerges through the protective coveri
I have mentioned before that th small scale with the themes Conrad c the same might be said of the stories i. are of course more substantial than Freya' foreshadows The Rescue as well is, as mentioned above, one of the rer women; and A Smile of Fortune, the c correspondences as we shall see. Its
young man who obtained his first chal known. The Shadow Line, and in the going a test of maturity; in this case,
from Conrad) one that involves a wo has been explored at interesting and il and Guerard 36, and their concern w. the captain before Alice Jacobus is ad do less than justice to the conclusion
hand, does discuss the conclusion, but
It is doubtful whether he real the Captain appear. There is way in which the Captain goads Alice. Thus, although he does
this is fortuitous nor is the resi
action'.37
The error here is to imagine that fascination exercised over him; Cor captain is attracted despite himself
36. See Moser, op, cit, pp. 96 - 8, Guerard, C
classes this with four other stories he and therefore analyzes as a sort of introc as he notes, the only one of these that 95-100, and also Norman sherry, Con 32-4, for the autobiographical correlatio distinctions between the fact and the fict
37. Baines, op, cit, p. 375.

ESHINGHA 87
in, just as in The Rescue the responsiJorgensen. This, as I have suggested gh minded decision not to saddle his astrophes his heroes undergo; that, in cause of the catastrophes, however,
Ing.
e stories in Tales of Unrest deal on a oncentrated on in his longer work; in 'Twixt Land and Sea, although they those in the earlier book. Thus, as other later work; The Secret Sharer markably impressive works without ther story in the book, also has its protagonist is recognizably the same ince of a captaincy in the much better : same way may be seen to be underthough, (as we have come to expect oman, This particular female factor luminating length by both Moser ith the fundamental impotence of mirable; but it seems to me that they of the story. Baines, on the other
not very satisfactorily -
ised how reprehensible he had made Something very distasteful about the
and, rather lubriciously, flirts with in the end pay for his behaviour, gnation the full price' for such an
the captain can be blamed for the rad makes it quite clear that the
p. cit. pp. 51 - 4. The latter, indeed, (p. 13) characterizes as based on personal experience luction to Conrad. "A Smile of Fortune' is, deals with women. See Baines, op. cit, pp. rad's Eastern World, Cambridge, 1966, pp. ns. Both these accounts piont out important,
LO.

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88 THE HORRO)
“What folly was this? I wou slave of some depraved habit. clear, my heart certainly free, away (she was as much of a ca desert island), but as if beguile
He is enticed without any con something, the kiss, occurs to activa has got to reach a decision; the buyi allows him to make an unbiased di sort of an obligation (although t daughter, it could have been claimec house entailed) and therefore serves feelings of responsibility (about the thereupon he determines to depart. not simply the potatoes, as he ha command and all that that meant t
For the guilty sense of respons that Alice has begun to feel for him her vicinity unless he were prepared be that he should. But that would more important responsibility a man have been an absurd sense of honot marry Alice Jacobus, because such a of the basic principles of his charact same time, the girl's honour too has was not as important as his own, i. possible within the limitations set been his fault or not, he had been therefore had a responsibility to S the other characters in Conrad wh in arriages to realize that the great the captain to have married Alice permitted himself to be drawn into indeed, more appropriately for a ch himself. The wages of sin could not toes; if not quite death in this case, of grave self-sacrifice to which a car amounted.
And so we come to Lord Jim. I has been said in the last paragraph reader to have no doubt that Jim's
38. Joseph Conrad, “A Smile of Fortune' c

R THE HORROR
ld ask myself. It was like being the And I returned to her with my head not even moved by pity for that caststaway as any one ever wrecked on a d by some extraordinary promise'.38
cious effort on his part; the moment te his consciousness, he realizes that he ng of the potatoes is, as it were, what 2cision since it seems to satisfy some his involved the father and not the d that that was all his attendance at the to shelter him from further guilty daughter) in making his decision; and But a price has to be paid; and it is d perhaps hoped at first but his first
a sailor.
ibility remains. The captain is aware and he cannot therefore go back to to reciprocate. Baines' answer would pe to ignore what for Conrad was the had, namely that to himself. It would air that would have led the captain to conclusion would have been a travesty ter on which honour rested. At the d been compromised and, though this t had to be taken care of as far as was by his own imperatives: whether it had the cause of her indiscretion, and he erve her. We don't have to remember o had been trapped into imprudent st tragedy here would have been for ; but, short of that, given that he had the fatal orbit, he had to be punishedaracter in Conrad, he had to punish after all, be simply a matter of potathey had at least to approach the sort stain's withdrawal from his command
it might have been deduced from what that I believe Conrad intended the action in giving himself up deliberately
h. 5 in “Ta vixit Land and Sea — Tales; p. 59.

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RAJIVA WIJ.
at the end to his death was admirab so perceptive a critic as Guerard sugg in Conrad's own attitude. Guerard's
that he believes, and argues convincin which he shows to Gentleman Browr that he is, culpably, driven to recog responsibility for the catastrophe that ness, hits the natives who believed in
action in persuading the natives to le
“In this simple formin of assen situation; their creed, his truth; which made him in his own eye; who never fall out of the ranks."
so that, when the massacre occurs betrayal that removes him conclusive of the French Lieutenant which Guer;
“But the honour - the honou real - that is! And what life may is gone - Ah ca þar exempel – I c
given, indeed, Marlow's dominant seems to be the ambiguity -
He is one of us - and have ghost to answer for his eternal after all?' '42
it seems to me that there can be that "An act of cowardice had to be courage, the deliberate going to meet
act of self-sacrifice is to be seen in thi
39. Frederick R. Karl, A Reader's Guide
situation succinctly - in letting the recognizes that a forceful decision canno tainted past precludes making strictures 40, Joseph Conrad, Lord Jim - A Tale, Lond 41 · ibid., ch. 13; p. 148. 42, 2 ibid., ch. 45; p. 416. 43 - Baines, op cit, p. 252. Baines, oddly
regard to Brown - 'he was by European the offer of 'a clear road or else a clear f ble, civilised man, and not mental parally give even greater conviction to the asse in honour bound to sacrifice himself.

ESINGHA 89
e. This is not a universal view: even sts that there is at least an ambiguity suspicions are the more surprising in gly, that Jim realizes that the leniency springs from the affinity with him nize:9; that is, Jim acknowledges his , resulting from Brown's vindictivehim. Given the assessment of Jim's it Brown go -
t to his will lies the whole gist of the and the testimony to that faithfulness
S the equal of the impeccable men
40
, he is both agent and victim of a y from those ranks; given the words ard recognizes that Conrad endorses -
ir, monsieur....The honour... that is be worth when, ... wher), the honour an offer no opinion.'41
attitude even while expressing what
not stood up once, like an evoked constancy. Was I so very wrong
no doubt that Conrad's view was expiated with the supreme act of certain death.'43 and that Jim's final is supremely heroic light.
to Joseph Conrad, London, 1960, assesses the predatory Brown escape from Patusan, Jim t be made by an imperfect being and that his against even a criminal. (p. 122)
on, 1980 ch. 43; p. 393.
enough, appears to think Jim innocerit with standards right to let Brown and his men go; ight’ expressed the conviction of an honourasis” (p. 250). This indulgence seems to me to rtion that follows, that Jim was nevertheless
ܣܝܢ
(
畿
محمص سے۔--.....................

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90 THE HORROR
There are, however, obvious re is not a situation of simple certaint to Conrad's endorsements of whose where there is hesitation as to the r actions he deplores can be recognize tion of the consequential suffering - of Jim with reference to the liberatic on the agent, Dubious actions an au nized as such; yet, as I have suggeste and A Smile of Fortine and as also er are occasions when Conrad can b results of his protagonists tortured c
That first story helps, too with difficulty, namely that Jim's act is or readers a fault, so that the act is the true that a number of Conrads failu and that such ends are to be seen as great gap between the despairing dem depicted as being imposed upon them their tragedies, and Jim's own death, clearly self-imposed - again in a way tragedy, indeed, there is even a disti Whalley which, while deliberately c also the outcome of a personal desp of atonement to others and, it may of self-sacrifice. It was, in effect, a si cowardice, positive and not nihilisti
Once this is recognized, it is app wa are meant to take an adverse view of Jewel; and it is also apparent how the fact that Conrad does stress it: { that Jim would leave her, then in st comes across her in Stein's house aft hysteria at the moment of Jim's deci of ambiguity in his summing up -
Guerard's doubts are connected wit ηογαί, αηd coμγαρβονις (op. cίt. p. 143 Jim's sudden departures from his jobs w suggests the answer; as he did earlier in sense of guilt and his sense of disgrace connected with the latter - such as the clearly arose from the former. Had it have fought of run away in an attempt likely to come across people like Baine he had not done anything disgraceful) nected with what he was rather than w
4
4.

THE HORROR
asons for the misinterpretation. This ies, as with Singleton or McWhirr, as
actions there can be no doubt. Again, ight conduct, an author's view as to id Quite readily through his presenta
as in the case of Lingard and, indeed, pn of Brown - and its revelatory impact thor underwrites are less easily recogd before with The End of the Tether merges from The Secret Sharer, there e seen clearly to endorse the final erebrations.
another point that contributes to the he of suicide; that in general seems to refore to be condemned. It is certainly res are shown as inviting their deaths negative ones; but there is clearly a hises of Willems and Jasper, which are h in a way that may be said to parallel chosen almost triumphantly and more that could be thought to parallel his inction between his death and that of hosen in at Onement of his error, was air. Jim's was more unalloyedly an act be said, therefore more purely an act
upreme act of courage rather than of
44 C.
arent that the only reason to suppose of Jim's conduct is the abandonment v trivial such a reason is. Yet there is irst through emphasizing her anxiety ressing her bitterness when Marlow er the event, again in describing her sion, and finally in Marlow's notes
h his question, 'Is self-destructive behavior ) in raising this cquestion in connection with then reminded of the Patna", however, Guerard trying to make a distinction between Jim's What Conrad criticizes is the behaviour running away from the jobs; the final sacrifice simply been a question of disgrace, Jim could to live it down (indeed, he would have been s who would have assisted him to the view that '. It was precisely because his action was conhat he appeared as that he made his expiation.

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RAJIVA WI
“But we can see him, an obscure out of the arms of a jealous love egoism. He goes away from a liv, wedding with a shadowy ideal o heart, and the poor girl is leadi Stein's house'.45
The apparent consequence of a after Jim's death, jewel changes...int less judge of Jim's moral conduct. Jew tude towards Jim's final, equivocal aC
Yet, as I have said, there were also Stein's. Moser claims that Stein was - but not, as Moser suggests, with response to Jewel's complaint that false! True! True'. Again, albeit th comment upon jewel's judgment - 'S pervades the ensuing scenes in which suggests forcibly the gulf between his should omit this is the less understanc heads this study which he had made, om a previous assertion on the th, reference to The Rescue and elsewhere entirely different world from that of of the world of men that Conrad is c of the women.
But there is more to it than tha comparison between Lord Jim and th and substituted Gentieman Brown'49 'supposedly sympathetic female' but only half the story. Jim after all, has two, not only that of Gentleman supposedly sympathetic female.50 In b what was to Conrad a misplaced feeli
45. Lord Jim, ch. 45, pp. 416 - 7. 46 - Moser, op. Cit. p. 85. 47. Lord Jim, ch. 37; p. 350. 48 - ibid., ch, 45; p. 410. 49. Moser, op. cit. p. 83. The relevance o
answers to Baines’ view that I have cited the so-called decent thing could easily an 50 - Moser, op. cit, p. 86, suggessts that Co destroy Jim. However, in establishing which he devotes much attention through the hint - if indeed there is one - actually

|ESINGHA 91
conqueror of fame, tearing himself : at the sign, at the call of his exalted ring woman to celebrate his pitiless f conduct....He is gone, inscrutable at ng a sort of soundless, inert life in
l of which is that, as Moser puts it, o an extremely effective, utterly piti
fel gives Marlow an important atti鲁”45
other attitudes: Marlow's own, and was disappointed - and he doubtless Jim personally; as is clear from his Jin had been false - 'No! No! Not rough Marlow, Conrad introduces a She could not understand's - that im is acting out his decision and conceptions and hers. That Moser lable in view of the comment that just before his analysis of Lord Jim, eme. As I Suggested before, with 2, for Conrd women inhabited an
men; it is with the moral problems oncerned, not with the alien world
It, Moser goes on to draw a further e Rescue - 'he cut out Edith Travers that is, the temper was no longer a a more obvious villain. Yet that is to undergo not one temptation but Brown but also that of Jewel, the oth cases the temptation arises from ng of sympathy; the more appealing
if this identification provides one of the best in a previous note: for Conrad, the doing of hount to a fatal act of irresponsibility.
nrad had hinted early on that Jewel would this point through the vegetation images to
hout his book, Moser omits to consider what
Inneant.

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92 THE HORRO)
one, to the reader at any rate, it wo the sympathetic female. Jim, howev Brown (perhaps because of that, an ening of his fibre), succeeds in resisti his honour; and if there are readers ponsibility, it is because they ignore mental question of a man's respc pointers that Marlow, underneath provides -
“the question is whether a faith mightier than the laws o whether this was perhaps that satisfying test for which I had before he could frame a message
To compare small things with this aspect of Lord Jim. At the sar particular. In both cases, what s essential for the preservation of honc itself neither crime nor atonement. renunciation of the ship, in the oth betrayal in either case is simply a nec of honour. The nature of the crim in the one case it actually lay in the other it was the totally unconnected that in the one case the betrayal was a it was simply a negative corollary of t in terms of the different implicati merely a private individual, involved
the idiosyncratic nature of his fate, is, us.” In both cases the fate of the w it is in Jim's case that we see the wide resolution of the relationship. It is he he said in a last flicker of superb egoi
phant hero, that Conrad's misogyr woman, here, and hence for all “of us'
a burden that had perforce to be c beholds the face of that opportunity veiled to his side.’53
51. Lord Jim, ch, 36, p. 339,
521 ibid., ch. 45; p. 413 53. ibid., ch, 45; p. 416.
D

THE HORROR
uld seem, being that which arose from r, having succumbed to Gentleman I the consequent conscious strengthng Jewel and fulfilling the demands of who therefore convict him of irreswhat was to Conrad the more fundanibility to himself. They ignore the his superficial uncertainty, so clearly
the last he had not confessed to a order and progress.... One wonders supreme opportunity, that last and always suspected him to be waiting, : to the impeccable world.
great, A Smile of Fortune underlines he time, it differs in an instructive eeins to be a betrayal of a woman is ur, in both cases this betrayal is in The atonement in the one case is the er the renunciation of life itself, the assary concomitant of the preservation e, however, marks a vital difference, original indiscreet flirtation, in the indulgence to Gentleman Brown; so positive act in the drama, in the other
he important issue. This is significant ons of the two stories : the captain is in his own particular story; Jim, for all as Marlow repeatedly tells us, “one of roman is to be seen as unfortunate, but El significance of Conrad’s singleminded e, with the “Nothing can touch me,’ sm’52 of Conrad’s finally most trium
y asserts itself most profoundly: the was not merely an irrelevancy but
ast aside when the protagonist at last which, like an Eastern bride, had come

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I have dealt so far mainly with C now to comment on the later major or the exceptions to this procedure, and a more conclusive distinction that gover to the presentation of women. In the women are depicted as a hostile force o more often than not simply because of (so that the hostility takes the form of suggests is in opposition to the more h male in isolation.) In the works to be ence women are depicted as having on as an essentially sympathetic one: wome with men rather than in opposition to t so closely with a chronological one si thinking that appears attributable to an
The consequences of this nev visi as they might have been anticipated to when, in the chapter which he er titles where he discusses the novels that mark he declares that Conrad's view of his pr Their greatest good is to lose them, aywareness of the world and bring the se of this nihilistic aspect does not, though right about Conrad's view of the ne affirmation, but there must also be a ce. judgement (which Moser thinks entirely affirmation. Moser argues throughou critical than he would have been at an e deficiencies in his protagonists that lead tion. This does not seem to me to be point in dealing with The Rescue, w mentioned; whereas I argued, with rega Conrad was as dogmatic as he had been had on men and that the only “softenin much more heightened degree than befo morally responsible for that unfortunat
The Rescue was, however, conceive could without difficulty be yielded u with already: for Moser's view to be ch deal rather with the other works he disc another of the works without wom largely irrelevant to my subject. It is,
54. Moser, op, cit, p. 143.

SINGHA 93
onrad's early works, and I intend es. Yet, as might be apparent from So from my subject, there is another s the division, which relates of course
works I have dealt with already, some sort, occasionally actively so, their incomprehension of male values their providing a motivation Conrad althy one that would govern the ooked at now, whatever moral influtheir men is seen, on the contrary, in now act and think in conjunction hem. That this distinction accords aggests a development in Conrad's increasing optimism about women.
on are not, however, as satisfactory be. Moser diagnozes the problem (The Later Conrad's affirmation'
most clearly the altered outlook, otagonists now appears to be that selves in a love that will blot out all imblance of death'. The exposition , reveal the whole truth: Moser is gative consequences of his so-called rtain amount of doubt as to Conrad's favourable) on the manner of this t this chapter that Conrad is less arlier stage in his career, about the to what amounts to self-immola the case. I have already argued the nich Moser includes in the chapter id to Lingard's failure therein, that
before about the fatal effect women discernible was the expression to a re that women could not be held
effect.
d and even begun early on so that it p to the category which I have dealt allenged effectively I shall have to usses. Of these, The Shadow Line is n, so that discussion of it would be lowever, necessary (and helpful) to

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94 THE HORROE
point out that Moser's attempt to a which he sees the pattern of easeful di to Conrad's mournful remarks abol that as far as the captain, the protage clusive remarks indicate a continuing Seems to me extremely significant th works who is not reduced to nothin been chronicled already-does not die affect his essential destruction) is ti relationship with a woman.
Moser's account of Conrad's m while recognizing that it persists into manifested chiefly in Conrad's portr. when they play an active part in the contrary, that its most notable manif Conrad gives of the destructive effect now is that this occurs not only whi even when Conrad shows them as occasionally sympathetic accounts M. source: when the women are obvious fewer qualifications to be made abou effect, however, continues to be the si light of the congruencies that Cor supposed, in the case of any other w would have led to a happy ending affirmations', with the exception singularly exempt.
Of the two books I have in includes in this category Victory, desp one that accords better with the for this reason that Moser devotes There, as the title implies, chance has in The Rescue, as I have pointed out, human motivation, and the same see Moser seems to grant as much when
In Victory there is a series of between Heyst and Lena rising do........ At the end Heyst blar
in life', but surely chance, not
55, ibid., p. 141.

THE HORROR
sociate this work with the others in
eath is unsatisfactory; he has to refer
it the cook Ransome, while granting nist of the story goes, Conrad's conand dominant devotion to work. It it the only hero in these conjoined gness (Lingard-whose later career had
but, as I have shown, that does not le only one who is not brought into a
isogyny seems, then, to be incomplete: this later period, he suggests that it is tyal of particular women, particularly proceedings; I would suggest, on the estation continues to be in the accounts ; women have upon men. The difference 2n the women are hostile or alien, but being in sympathy with the men. The ɔser notes of women spring from this sly on the side of the men there are t them than otherwise. There ultimate ame-and the more remarkably so in the hrad does depict. It might have been riter anyway, that at least once these 2. But from happy endings the later of course of The Shadow Line, are
ot yet mentioned which Moser also ite its title, is the more negative, the pattern I have suggested; it is perhaps less attention to it than to Chance. a very large part to play in the action; events arise not from chance but from ms to me to be true of Victory. Indeed, he writes that
perfectly plausible misunderstandings out of her secret plan to trick Ricarhes himself for not putting his “trust conscience, is at fault'.5

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RAJIVA VIJE
That, of course, is the point. Ho the excesssive diffidence (that causes til feels with regard to the other, the re conscience rather than of chance. T question of culpability is introduced; want anyone to be found guilty does r show in what and in whom the cause (
The precise nature of that cause, matter to resolve. Moser records th terms of Lena's victory are all against Moser does not note this, is the fact Heyst, that his death is in effect an aci rent not only from the oft-quoted epit also in the mention of his fastidious love from his lips in its infernal mistrus more importantly, in the description of
“entered into him - a doubt of seemed to spread itself all over h. entrails. He stopped suddenly, w; nced such a feeling had no busine living'.59
This distinction is an important c comitant of victory, for Heyst it is the denial of life.
The tragedy then, for with Con is concerned with spiritual tragedies, be seen too as its primary cause (whic Lena's own fatal determination to play nce he expresses; the tentative nature to which that diffidence gives rise bein two extraordinarily distant conversat walking). It is, however, important to the special nature of Heyst's final collap Heyst says, “l only know that he w epitaph, “woe to the man whose he hope, to love-and to put its trust in lif
56 bid, p. 142.
57. Baines, op cit, p.397. 58. Joseph Conrad, Victory — Ari Ísland Tale, 59. ibid., Pt. IV, ch. 11; pp. 391 — 2. 60. ibid., Pt. III, ch. 3; pp. 199 — 200. 61 - ibid., Pt. IV. ch. 14; p. 410.

SHINGHA 95
wever understandable and forgivable he misunderstandings) which either ason for this is clearly a matter of he issue is obscured only when the but the fact that Conrad did not tot mean that he did not intend to Df the disaster lay.
however, is a somewhat complicated at careful reading reveals that “the life.'56 Equally important, though :hat there is no victory at all for I of total despair.'57. This is appaaph he pronounces on himself but
soul. which ... kept the true cry of st of all life'58 and even before that,
the doubt that
a new kind, formless, hideous. It im, enter his limbs, and lodge in his ith a thought that he who experiess to live- or perhaps was no longer
ine: for Lena death is simply a conmaterial equivalent of the spiritual
ad even more than with most one is Heyst's; correspondingly, he is to is why it can be pointed out that a lone hand arises from the diffide
of the relationship between them g finely explored by Conrad in the ions the couple indulge in while consider carefully Conrad's view of se. It is with regard to Morrison that bo forms a tie is lost.’60 given the art has not learned while young to e',61 the obvious assumption to be
London, 1915, Pt. IV, ch. 13; p. 406.

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96 THE HORRO
made is that Conrad intends us to mature and better wisdom that is it is with regard to the second tie though his complaint comes after th ties suggest a different view. It is n of the first was a renewed interest it Lena, the second led to his death; that death that is important, and in ve one even before Lena herself died essentially in possession of himself, completely, couldbe said to have tra experienced the “doubt" that madehi There is, of course, the implication detachment which Heyst had hithert not seem to me that Conrad sketch he might have done had that to him with reference to his other tie, that t There seems to me to be a hint, ther had a broader origin.
It may be as well here to comp; written at the same time as Victory, chapter on which I have based the pre
“...closely resembles its exact and story. The hero, Renouai. withdrawn from society. Ren beloved with him to his private has lied to lure her there, she only friend, a newspaper man, ned and finds evidence that drowning.'6
What Moser does not mention tes this story with those discussed ear on Heyst's side, Felicia Moorsom w But there is good reason for this o. consequences were the same: the h romantic attachment at the expense ( and causally, his commitment to life.
Conrad had, at a certain point
Renouard was inclined to eva This trait of his character was c disdain, and a shrinking from co 62. Moser, op. cit p. 144.
63. Joseph Conrad, The Planter of Ma
1915; p. 55.

R! THE HORROR
feel that Heyst has arrived at a more more appreciative of ties; yet, though hat Heyst makes his recantation and e first, the actual consequences of those pt simply that, whereas the consequence h life that led to the association with
rather, it is the frame of mind before particular the fact that it was a negati... Whereas the first tie had left Heyst the second, in itself possessing him so ansmuted him substantially-so that he m feel he perhaps was no longer living'. that that doubt had its origins in the o cultivated towards life; but it does Les the causal connection as clearly as been all. After all there is the fact that o Morrison, Heyst had felt no doubts. efore, that the doubt in the case of Lena
are The Planter of Malata a short story a story which Moser includes in the sent argument. He remarks there that it
contemporary Victory both in characters 'd, is another Heyst, sensitive, romantic, ouard, too, falls in love and takes his
island. When she discovers that he rejects him and leaves. Renouard's visits the island to see what has happeRenouard has committed suicide by
here is the Vital difference that associalier on: that, whereas Lena was entirely as antagonistically alien to Renouard. mission, namely that in both cases the therto detached man entered upon a if his life and also of, more importantly
in his story been critical of Renouardle the Small complications of existence. omposed of a little indolence. Some intests with certain forms of vulgarity.'63
ata' ch. 7 in Within the Tides - Tales, London,
t

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RAJIVA VIJE
This, and the early traces of Fel have led one to suppose that the disa would have been obviously attributed the man she had been looking for was the passion he declares immediately aft: ks of her - The truth vibrating in his was not fit to hear it - not even a litt life',64 that is, it is not Renouard's con lly, his being attracted to a woman who
Of course this passage refers only we have noted already that Conrad culpable, it is not surprising that his c1 a more widely applicable basis. It is O reaction, where his comments are not c
But his resignation was not sparc insensate, poignant, and imbecile
betrays us simply by this that she the deep movements of her nerv distracting suspicion, of killing do
This, indeed, is why Moser is ju Victory: we recall Heyst's own fatal dou the particular circumstances, Heyst's consequential anxious secrecy. But C he may indicate Heyst's inadequacies, h. but the fundamental source of the disa this reason that Moser's inclusion of th ctive woman in this particular chapter i er character than Willems Or Alvan He n's scorn-but Conrad here suggests th before the woman became scornful, itself. This, combined with the hints suggests that Moser ought perhaps t when Conrad sought to affirm.
Chance, with its satisfactory resol in it, seems to provide a counter exam puts it, in his assessment of the book, w
**... in some ways, a feminine vers is outside Flora. All that is req eyes to it. She has no responsibi
64 • lbid., ch. 10; p. 78. 65 · ibid., ch. 4; p. 34.
 

SINGHA 97
icia's attraction towards him, might strous confrontation between them to his shirking to tell her early that dead. Not quite. When she rejects 2r revealing the death Conrad remarvoice made her recoil slightly, for he be - not even one single time in her duct that is at fault but, fundamenta) could not appreciate him.
t to the particular woman; but, since did not in general find his women iticism of Felicia does not arise from therwise with his view of the man's onfined to the individual case -
:d the torments of jealousy: the cruel, jealousy, when it seems that a woman 2 exists, that she breathes and when es or her soul become a matter of ubt, of mortal anxiety'.
stified in connecting the story with ibt. That, it had seemed, sprang from idioSyncratic diffidence and Lena's onrad perhaps was not complacent: e may note Renouard's weaknesses, sters is a more general one. It is for is late example of an actively destrus illuminating. Renouard, a strongrvey, is equally shattered by a womaat the disintegration had begun even
simply by virtue of the attachment pf Heyst's own derogation from self, o have detected emasculation even
ution of the romantic complications ple to this view. Besides, as Moser with its first half being
ion of Lord Jim ... In Chance the evil uired of Flora is that she open her lity during her crisis there are many

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98 THE HORROR
things Jim could have done, thir sible ship's officer; and Jim is time ...For Flora, the inner pre how bad other people can be. is impeccable'66:
that is, where Conrad had earlier b nesses, here he is content simply to re. ld. In Chance, the individual's con an issue no longer.
Yet the passage quoted above
apparently unusual aspect of the bc What is in fact retnarkable about til attention to the establishment of Flo account of the romantic complication rtance, more so than any of the other nothing remarkable about the view C. from her: as we have noted already, theory was that women could not book, albeit with regard to a very process a trace further by showing denied. AS far, indeed, as what mig Conrad clearly indicates Flora's own so true that the germ of destruction 1 very source of our strength, that one well as of too little of it' 67; but he ever that it would be absurd to bl: effect.
With regard to Anthony, howe would expect him to be in dealing accented as being moral agents. here characterizes as being, under cert the call of which is simple. Perhaps in which Flora merely acquiesces; ai from seeing it as arising simply fi romanticisim —
“If Anthony's love had been as have been greater than the egoi if you like - and all this could to think that his vanity must
66. Moser, op, cit. p. 136. 67. Joseph conrad, Chance-A Tale in Tuvo 68. ibid., Pt. II, ch. 6; p. 427. 69. ibid., Pt. II, ch. 4; p. 331.

| THE HORROR
gs he ought to have done as a responaware of these responsibilities at the blem is secondary to her discovery of Chroughout the novel Flora's conduct
een anxious to assess people's weakcord the malignity of the external wortribution to his fate would seem to be
itself supplies the explanation of this ok: the passage refers to Flora alone. he book is that it devotes so much a's character so that, in the particular , she is a participant of immediate impowomen we have noticed. But there is the world that removes responsibility and by this stage certainly, Conrad's be thought of as moral agents. This
special case, simply carries on the why precisely culpability should be ht be called the facts of the case go,
contribution to the confusion — ‘it is tes in wait for us mortals, even at the : may die of too much endurance as has made it more clear this time than ame the woman for her unfortunate
ver, Conrad is less indulgent; as we with that half of the human race he The refusal to pair off, that Conrad ain circumstances, “a sin against life, sacred 98 is quite clearly his decision, di Conrad endeavours to prevent us om an idealistic and renunciatory
egoistic as jove generally is, it would in of his vanity - or of his generosity, not have happened. . . I am forced lave been enormous.”69
Parts, London, 1913, Pt. II, ch. 3; p. 310.

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RAJIVA WIJES
At the same time, Conrad also sug have come to expect that Anthony hin his control -
“I konw also that a passion, do whole man and subjugating all may conduct him whom it spurs a to the brink of unfathomable C madness, and death.'
In effect we are back at the old for reasons far beyond their own co fine and otherwise upstanding mer sympathetic, there has to be a catal appear, to lead his mind astray - vani but a consideration of the presentation that it is only in conjunction with an lead to trouble. In short, both Ant perfectly safe had women not crossed t
It might of course be objected relatively brief duration, and that he relationship with his wife. The first f: this is that it is the very resolution c the book to chance rather than to happened to spy by pure accident the likely that the couple would never hav ding. As far as their own charact Anthony, obsessed as he was by his female vulnerability, resolution woul outside interference: the complicatior settled by chance. Besides, there is r fact that Anthony is arbitrarily kill Conrad's one novel in which relations satisfactory conclusion is not allowed though admittedly it is not causally cor ship itself, has to occur.
My own explanation for this is Conrad simply could not stand the that there is an alternative explanat young Powell's story to be rounded therefore Anthony had to be got rid marry again. This alternative seems
70, ibid., Pt. II, ch. 4; p. 329.

INGHA 99
gests in the fashion that by now we self was a victim of forces beyond
brminating or tyrannical, invading the is faculties to its own unique end, ld drives, into all sorts of adventures, langers, to the limits of folly, and
familiar cause of disaster: women, ntrol, cause chaos in the minds of ... When the woman is basically yzing force in the man, it would ty in Anthony, diffidence in Heyst; of those particular forces indicates attachment to a woman that they hony and Heyst would have been heir paths and enthralled them.
that Anthony’s trouble was of : achieved an entirely satisfactory ictor of significance with regard to if the problem that owes most in conscience: had young Powell not machinations of Flora’s father, it is e come to a satisfactory understan= ars went, and especially that of concept of delicacy in the face of d have been in probable without caused by conscience had to be hore to it than that There is the ed off after six years of marriage. between hero and heroine reach a to rest at equilibrium Disaster, nected in any way with the relation
that, when it came to the point, airing off. It might be suggested on, namely that Conrad wanted off happily at the end and that of so that Flora would be free to to me to provide even stronger

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100 THE HORRO.
evidence of Conrad's misogyny the marriages are any evidence of a deficie (Conrad, indeed, takes pains to make
with Anthony had been) but that th effect when the subject of the story
that is to be seen as concluding s that such second marriages are un for young Powell does not in itself Conrad's flaunting of the conventic might have otherwise seemed a cor would be futile to attempt to extrrct en from this dissonant note, but it se thorough corroboration of what has that Conrad's view of the romantic
was an unconventional one and that such relations.
As for Conrad's last works, chapter entitled The Exhaustion little purpose there would be in going be worth while, however, simply to features, that might prove relevant amongst them. The heroes of both enter upon romantic attachments in be claimed to result for either. Be much familarity between the two bc young, the second, Peyrol, extremely Peyrol's not; Rita leaves George at t her, Peyrol sacrifices himself so that A a relationship with the man she really book ready, in a manner of speaking, of life, Peyrol has allowed himself to
Yet, though the concepts behind to be entirely distinct, associations c. the ostensible triumphs, connect th preoccupations that we have traced. permitted because neither hero is t with a highly developed awareness of - I refer in the case of George pri Conrad stresses but, as Moser de resemblances to Peyrol - Even more of exhaustion and desperation are pangs. George acts more like a s
71 - Moser, op. cit, p. 195,

R THE HORRCR
in the first. It is not that second incy of affection with regard to the first Flora enunciate how perfect her union ey do inevitably take away from the is the earlier romantic relationship atisfactorily. It is for this reason usual in literature; a happy ending
provide a good enough motive for ons, in this his only novel with what lventionally happy conclusion. It some particular judgment about womens to me that it does provide fairly been suggested throughout this study,
relations between men and women : he saw no source of satisfaction in
vioser's discussion of them in the of creative Energy suggests how into them at any length. It might draw attention to some interesting here, of the two complete novels The Arrow of Gold and The Roaer which some sort of triumph might yond that there does not seem to be boks: the first hero, George, is very old; George's love is consummated, be end so that he should be free of arlette should be able to enter upon loves; George is at the end of the to embark upon the real business
be killed.
| the books might seem at first sight an be traced and ones that, despite en with the more pessimistic basic
The triumphs, indeed, are perhaps he usual adult Conrad protagonist the issues as they concern character marily to the extreme youth that tects, there are also more obvious
indicative of Conrad's own feelings
the descriptions of George's love ick old man than a young lover'71

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a love that leaves them happy seem deficient. In addition, of course, ther of these affairs is less satisfactory tha protagonists might have been thought due because of his love and, thoug verge of death, she then leaves him; Pe
I have noted before that death is and Peyrol certainly, like Jim, actively why it seems a triumph. Yet the diff the similarities: Jim goes away from desired to remain and from a wor striven to justify himself; Peyrol leaves him and a world in which he had noth morally sound he might be at the sacrifice than despair, albeit the qualit to that we have seen in for instance however, might well have laid anoth Peyrol would have been triumphant be wasting his life in enervating admirat in The Arrow Of Gold suggested as a re
* You know that this world is no of lovers would be impossible. which seems to be meant for som
It does not appear from the n un equivocally of Rita's action. But we have seen elsewhere, suggests that that George was released for other lovers could not, for Conrad, have eve
There remain the three novels c middle period, which seem to me, as to be more positive than those of M are different from these latter in that th involved in their males' spiritual de differ from the earlier works in that h either actively or passively, in the way o similarities to both the sorts of won will become clear with a little attentior
72. Joseph Conrad, The Arrow of Gold - A
Second Note; p. 350.

INGHA 101
s to be the privilege only of the 2 is the fact that the actual result in the affirmative attitudes of the to require;George is wounded in a h Rita nurses him back from the yrol, of course, dies.
not necessarily a defeat in Conrad chooses his own death - which is erences are more important than a love in which he was desperately ld in which he could still have a love which had nothing to offer ing more to do. In effect, however end, there is less triumph in his y of this last is certainly different , the case of Willems. Conrad, er stress on the matter – for him. 'cause he died in action instead of tion of Arlette. He had, after all, ason for Rita's departure -
t a world for lovers... No, a world It would be a mere ruin of lives ething else.'72
ovel itself that Conrad approved what there is, combined with what he would not have been unhappy things. A satisfactory issue for r been dependent on love itself.
of what night be called Conrad's women are concerned at any rate, oser's time of affirmation. They he women in them are not actively velopment; at the same time, they ere the the women do not stand, f their men. There are, however, en we have seen so far, and these
h.
A. Story between Tavo Notes London, 1919,

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102 THE HORROR
Of all Conrad's female char; received the most praise, and ri seems to me to go too far in his decl:
“Of all his women, Emilia C hierarchy. er quiet, unob involvement and disillusion characters.
Moser goes on to mention M straight and narrow: that she had c a concealment that had precipitated t hence the revolution of Sulaco; and concerning that very silver. Of the seem to me to be morally equivoca fellowship with Nostrono's corrupt makes it clear beyond doubt that M her rejection of that silver and the regard to the first incident, of co states that She had been corrupted never forgiven herself.75 But what h in what way we should look on that
“Moreover, that silver, which
husband had been made a quait Decoud, had been in a round Monygham's death. And these
That is, it was not a sin to be e as it was, that involved her with the behaved so greedily and so cruelly punctiliousness that could have cau After all, as Conrad showed in the to acquiesce in Decoud's determin 1. insurrection from her husband, her n and could only misleadingly be descr
What would justify Moser's as so affected by the deceit as to har of it from acting as a restraint up material interests'. Yet, far from th deceive him had been reached in
73. See Curle, op. cit, pp. 90 - 6, for a Surp 74 - Moser, op. cit. pp - 87 - 8. 75 - Joseph Conrad, Nostromo - A Tale of th,

THE HORROR
cters, Emilia Gould in Nostromo has ghtly so I think. Nevertheless, Moser ration that
ould alone is admitted to the moral trusive life follows a path of moral nent similar to that of the male
irs. Gould's two deviations from the bncealed some news from her husband, he arrival of the fatal load of silver and i that she conceals Nostromo's fraud Se, the second concealment does not ll at all; far from it expressing her tion', the ensuing scene with Giselle Ars. Gould is rather asserting simply corruption which it stood for. With urse, there is more. Conrad himself by her fears at that time, and she had le immediately goes on to Say indicates
account of her feelings.
would never have come down if her ited with the news brought down by about way nearly the cause of Dr. things appeared to her very dreadful'.
xpiated but simply an act, of deceit silver over which so many people had
It was only an extreme degree of ised so much regret over the action. very careful account of her decision ation to suppress the news of the otives were cretainly not mercenary
bed as selfish.
anguage is if she had been presented re been prevented by her consciousness on her husband in his pursuit of at being the case, the very decision to t sense through awareness that her
isingły illuminating account of her virtutes,
Seaboard, I.crndon, 1904, Pt. III, ch. 13, p. 557.

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RAJIVA WIJ
husband had already moved beyond h to live up to what her husband had c1.
The best of my feelings are in lightly, and there was so much he experienced towards her a gratitude and tenderness,
has nothing to do with what mig on her part, springing from diffidence the sequel to the words just quoted long before the incident of the con be seen as detracting from Mrs. Goul less effective than it would otherwis emphasize the delicacy of her character what might be called the prescribed vi silver.
We have to seek elsewhere for
goodness being so ineffective when it course we do not have to go far.
felt that men and women, and the n. romantically involved with each othe: The difference here is that it is Mrs. G and Mr. Gould not. At the same ti about “an extended, and moderately cc Mrs. Gould's character is essentially si that is of interest in the relation: occasional attempts to consider the rii into that question, Suffice it to say t remains a passive figure. As far as recognize her effectiveness, but we also on of her that is of importance. As might have been thought to have sor activity is the more noticeably precl Gould might have had of her is ou silver, the consequence is the nullity w
The marriage of the Verlocs i much more eventful conjunction w
76+ bd, pt | ch 6, p. T2.
77. Athd we have to do this while rememberi from which I have qucted above, “C married life.'
78. See Nostromo Pt , ch 6, Pt. II, chi. op. cit. pp. 81-9 The deficiencies in the relatively hurried manner in which t grant that it would be dangerous to externt about Corrad’s interest in Charle
 

ESINGHA 103
er control. Mrs. Gould's inability aimed he saw her as -
your keeping, my dear.’ he said, truth in that obscure phrase that t that moment a great increase of
ht be called an active moral failure born of the deceit she had practised;
shows that the process had begun cealment. That incident is not to d's ideal goodness, thereby rendered have been. It serves rather to , and thereby the extreme nature of ew on the corrupting effects of the
the reason for Mrs. Gould's idea t cornes to her husband 7; but of We have seen already that Conrad hore noticeably so when they were t, had entirely separate moral lives. ould who is, as it were, underwritten, me, I think Moser is wrong to talk implex, characterization of a woman.' imple; it is Mr. Gould's development ship, as appears from Conrad's latter. Without going too deeply hat Mrs. Gould, morally Speaking, tr. Mornygham is concerned we may recognize that it is his own conceptifar as the relationship in which she he sort of responsibility is concerned, uded. Since whatever conception tweighed by his conception of the
have noted elsewhere.
h. The Secret Agent concludes in a ith the notorious stabbing Scene;
ng that, as Moser puts it in the paragraph onrad avoids any close examination of her
t, Pt III, chs 4 & 7, passim; and also Curle, his exercise are perhaps the consequence of he novel is bicuight to a conclusion - though argue frcm that to any but a very limited ; Could's character.

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104. THE HORROR
but of course this excessive climax at morally so isolated from each other because Mr. Verloc had not the married him not for himself but f upon the destruction of Stevie whic nate accident; it is because of her ow. that, Stevie dead, Winnie feels that to Verloc - so that his assumption
to her utterly outrageous. As in
balance in this case too is on the side indicates that for once in a novel
would make that clear, even were Ve so self-sacrificial. But this should
“capable of a bargain the mere su infinitely shocking to Mr. Verloc's ic singlemindedly; Conrad's first descr after Mr. Verloc has just had his sha suggests concisely quite how totally Without allowing us to lose sight of succeeds in making us have some sor is by an employer and a wife for their at a11: he is as much a victim of the callousness. Again, while his my bringing its retribution upon him, co self devotion can be seen as rousing
Each pays the penalty for not having We are back, it seems in the world c human beings understand each other cally, the Couple are matried, and ha for seven years without noting the de
79. Mocer, op. cit, p. 94. 80 · Joseph Conrad, The Secret Agent — A Sin
81. I have mentioned before that the storie was to treat at greater length in his lar mentioned yet, The Idiots', foreshad stories of wives who murder their husba cies in the wife is condition that such them elves (It is perhaps significant emphasizes Winnie's likeness to her ic suggests why she, like the wife in Th destructive women employ more being : course between am arride couple takes a forceful women, However, perhaps to make 3 both examples of this genre be. that they take their own lives. The c them, may prevent us from feeling that this ought not to blind us to the fact th fatal victims of their involvernment with

THE HORROR
ses precisely because ‘the Verlocs are as to be utter strangers'. It is lightest suspicion that Winnie had or Stevie's sake that he could look h he wrought as merely an unfortuunsuspected motive for the marriage there is nothing more to bind her that they can go on as before seems the case of the Goulds, the moral of the wife; Conrad's Preface, which his centre of interest in a woman, rloc not so self-involved and Winnie not blind us to the fact that, being spicion of which would have been lea of love'80 she had used him quite iption of the Verlocs going to bed, ttering interview with Mr. Vladimir, alien from her husband Winnie is. his obvious failings, Conrad actually t of sympathy for Verloc, used as he own ends, with no thought for him se ruthless forces as Stevie is of his opic self-concern is to be seen as irrespondingly Winnie's own myopic its own particular retributive force. bothered to think about the other. if Almayer's Nina, where, “No two '-except that in this case, emphatife actually managed to live together iciency°1.
tiple Tale, London, 1907, ch. 11; p. 259.
3 in Tales of Unrest involved themes Conrad er vok. The One Story therein I have not ows The Secret Agent inasmuch as both are inds: in both tales there are so many indequa
murders seem their only way of expressing that, just before she kills Verloc, Conrad iot brother). Winnie's precise mental level 2 Idiots', has to kill whereas Conrad's othet nything but a victinn irn the relevant intereven rmore effective way out than the more mphasize the absence of culpabiltey, Conrad ome so desperate as a result of their action naracters of the imen, as Conrad presents any great loss has occurred, Nevertheless, at these men too, like so many others, are WO「エ○]。

Page 109
RAJIVA WIJ
There remains Under Western E apology for all the above in its present the real advance towards an u compassionate of woman; there is sive denigration in the lifelike Haldin, Tekla.or even Sophia Ant in addition to the depiction of is a so the much more important fe: positive view of the interaction betwee through the effect Nathalie has on make his confession and achieve redem of Lord Jim, the novel which most c been reversed so that, far from th of the hero's triumphant fulfilm it. Under Weste; in Eyes stands, th, between the early novels where wo or in disjunction from them and so bet and the later ones where women act effort to achieve some good; here, Na values against which Razumov tried to of which lies his salvation (It is no matt destruction for, as we have seen, that, i did not preclude triumph). Where Jim to redeem his own personality, Razu: stands for to do the same.
Yet we must beware of treating involvement with women. As I have s of the later work suggests that, if this one depressing view of the consequence Yet Nathalie is undoubtedly a benefic and once only, Conrad changed his romance?
The form of that question suppli that the climactic conjunction between Eyes is in fact a denial of romance. T leads him to give up the prospect of an alone a romantic one.
In a sense Razumov is like Jim, in requires an abandonment of the wo fought against this, whereas Nathalie is
82 - Guerard, op, cit, p. 220. I am not sure
well as the others. It may not be gratt is somewhat urnpleasant (see pp, 322 foll,
 

ESINGHA 105
yes; which seems at first sight an ation of women. There is not only understanding at once mature and s not a trace of gratuitous or obsesportraits of Nathalie Halldin, Mrs. on ονmaό . thê vợ omen as individuals, there ature that Conrad seems to have a in hero and heroine. It is primarily him that Razumov is brought to ption. It is as though the concept losely resembles this in theme, has he woman standing in the way ent of self, she now inspires en, as a sort of half-way house men stood in opposition to men ween them and their ultimate good t in conjunction with men in their thalie Halldin represents a code of fight but in the ultimate acceptance ter that his salvation involves physical s reached through free moral choice, had to reject what Jewel stood for mov has to yield to what Nathalie
this as an un qualified panegyric of hown, the catastrophic conclusions is a half-way house, it lies between is of such involvement and another ial force here. Is it that for once, mind and decided to underwrite
es the answer to the problem: it is hero and heroine in Under Western he effect Nathalie has on Razunov y further association with her, et
that his fulfillment of an ideal self man in the case; and, while Jewel held to have precipitated it, it must
whether Mrs. Halldin comes off quite as itously so, but the characterization of her I.

Page 110
106 THE HORROR
be remembered that it happens with decision to act is entirely Razumov's in the light of his diffidence through the catalyst, but his bitter conscious he saw her. Besides, though in t similar situation, comes to endorseh of Razumov sundering himself from unhappy . . . It is impossible . . .I feel 1
So even in this, Conrad's most of the role of women, we see that ti after all. The women may provide the itself seems always to require an absen indeed, for the most dynamic assertic those involving the two most flawed to make up for those flaws, a spec required. Razumov is left in a piti after by the a sexual Tekla; Jim, dyi but their triumphs are indubitable. who had striven to live together in h de her with an elusive victory and hir Willems and Lingard and the rest wh who had no conception at all of attachment to a womat, whether her own, Conrad repeatedly shows to be is clear even though, perhaps becau Conrad never states it direct. The suggest, is in making Marlow state of The horror' that he had uttered hi ironies of that statement the most p1. Conrad's heart.
83. Joseph Conrad. Under Western Eyes,

THE HORROR
tout any initiative on her part- The own-and ought perhaps to be seen but about his action: Nathalie may be ness of guilt had existed long before he end Nathalie, unlike jewel in a is action the immediate consequence her for ever is “impossible to be more ny heart becoming like ice.'.83
positive affirmation in his major work he pattern is not so very different : inspiration for goodness, but goodness ce of any sort of intimate relationship; 1ns of goodness by Conrad's characters, I of his protagonists in their attempts ific rejection of women seems to be ful physical condition, to be looked ng, had an ostensibly grimmer bride, In sharp contrast to them is Heyst, armony with a woman, only to provimself with despair; and even more so o had sacrificed themselves to women the vital interests of these men. An interests were opposed or akin to one's : fatal to the soul of man. The message se he was a Sailor and a gentleman, closest he came, I am tempted to Kurtz' anguished cry, “he horror! s fiancee's name; amongst the many ofound perhaps is that it came from
Rava Wesញgងៃ
London, 1911, Pt. IV. ch. 3; p. 356.

Page 111
Review Article
Sri Lanka and S( Political, Religious an from A. D. 10
by W. M. S (G. J. Bill, Leid
Early historical writing on pre-in of her relations with South East Asia. Ceylon, (Vol. I, Parts I and II, Colo improvement by including glimpses C countries. Historians of Sri Lanka se the overwhelming Indian impact on Indo-centric view of Sri Lanka history. the South East Asian perspective. In study of Sri Lanka’s relations with Sou thesis accepted by the Australian Natio significant. Indeed, other scholars w welcome this publication.
The work does not deal with the restricted to "Burma, Thailand, Cambo islands of Indonesia with whom Sri L from the eleventh to the sixteenth cent for excluding a part of this extensive re the latter, wherein the Sinhalese had by with much in common with the monas pura, as far back as the eighth century, (Artibus Asiae, XXIV (1962), pp. 241 assumed that Theravada Buddhism was Theravada teachers of Sri Lanka seem the doctrinal interpretations of nor both local and foreign, as is best illu Visuddhimārga Sanne. Hence pre-M substantial Buddhist heritage, should survey. One other point about the titl the political, religious and cultural re but significantly leaves out trade and have paved the way for the relations trade and commerce leaves a discernib
The book consists of six chapters: I (1055-1110 A.D.) and Parakramaba and Cambodia 2. The invasions of C between Sri Lanka and Burma 4. Sri religious contacts 5. Architectural cro.
 

uth East Asiai Cultural Relations O to c. 1500.
risena ፥11, 1978)
bdern Sri Lanka, hardly took note The University of Ceylon History of mbo, 1959, 1960), marks a slight f contact with South East Asian em to have been conditioned by the island which resulted in an This in turn, has perhaps blurred this context, Dr. W. M. Sirisena's th East Asia (originally a doctoral nal University) becomes the more orking in this field are likely to
whole of South East Asia, but is dia, the Malay Peninsula and some anka had relations in the period tury.” (p. 2) While there is reason gion, Sumatra and Java, especially ailt an Abhayagiri Vilhara, possibly tery of the same name at AnuradhaA. D., should have been included. -48). It need not be necessarily the only connecting link. Indeed to have been quite familiar with -Theravada schools and teachers, strated by the thirteenth century uslim Java and Sumatra with a not have been left out in this e of this book is that it deals with lations (from 1000 to 1500 A.D.), cominerce which invariably may surveyed here. The exclusion of
void in the text.
1. Political relations of Vijayabahu hui I (1153-86 A. D) with Burma Banbrabhanu 3. Religious contacts Lanka, Thailand and Cambodia: is-currents 6. Effects on sculpture

Page 112
108 SRI LANKA AND
The first two chapters deal with poli and the Malay Peninsula, while the 1 and cultural relations. The author' is admittedly a most difficult one. the historical developments of a fairl but several countries in South East
Lanka could be examined. Unlil Lankan themes, with the facility of cles of proven historical value, besi falling into an almost unchequered has to grapple with chronicles and in recent times, which seem to rest on 1 tional Sources, though by no means 1 would desire, nevertheless have a su that these sources are wide ranging written in their different languages,
author to fiind safe anchor. In evalu has to bear in mind these constraints
The problems discussed in the ( are: (1) the question of whether Vij Lanka ruler, had received military as Anawratha, in the former's struggle : the northern part of the Island, ( Sinhalese ruler Parakramabahu I (115 Lanka by the Malayan ruler Candi thirteenth century. These issues have scholars like Nilakanta Sastri, Georg Subsequently they have been exami All this, however, does not preclude study of Sri Lanka's relations with S. of the difficult situation he is in, whi faced with the problem of the lack of is justified in making assumptions, t (p. 16). This guideline set out at t which is unlikely to receive ready er his writing quite noticeably. A tho. information is imperative in a stud chronicles it is true, need not be su have already been examined by other Siamese chronicles, written in comp. removed from the events on which t by several centuries, necessarily call nately the brief account of these hardly answers to this exacting den the Kings of Burma (Hmannan Yaza

SOUTH EAST ASIA
tical relations with Burma, Cambodia est of the book is a survey of religious $ task in doing justice to these themes He has to take a firm grounding in y extensive region, covering not one Asia, before their relations with Sri te his counterpart working on Sri uite a few Pali and Sinhalese chroni. de a wealth of epigraphical material
chronological sequence, the author arratives composed in comparatively ather doubtful foundations. Inscriplumerous and not as detailed as one pstantial supporting value. The fact spread over several countries and makes it even more difficult for the ating the results of his research, one
shapters dealing with political history ayabahu I, the eleventh century Sri sistance from his Burmese counterpart, against the Colas who had occupied 2.) the invasions of Burma by the 3–86) and (3) the invasions of Sri abhanu towards the middle of the received the attention of distinguished es Coedes and S. Paranavitana and ned further in several doctoral theses.
fresh enquiry, especially a separate outh East Asia. The author is aware ten he states that “one is inevitably material' and adds "Therefore one, entative suggestions and hypotheses." he commencement of the first chapter, dorsement, seem to have influenced tough examination of the sources of ly of this nature. The Sri Lankan bjected to this rigorous test, as they
scholars. But the Burmese and the aratively recent times, and therefore they are called upon to bear testimony
for meticulous scrutiny. Unfortuchronicles furnished by the author, land. The Glass Palace Chronicle of win) was compilied as late as the first

Page 113
A. LIYANAG
half of the nineteenth century. Wh sources, it is bound to be an unsafegu of eleventh and twelfth century Burm with a distant island like Sri Lanka in
There is a reference in the Clavi, Colas, suggestive of some attempt by assistance from his Burmese counter “The King (Vijayabahu) serat to th numbers of people and much costly tr many ships laden with various stuffs goods. By all kinds of valuable gifts with large forces at his command, he After examining this, a cautious Nilak sent by Vijayabahu got him no additic resolved itself into a trade or courtes p 49). Our author, too, arrives at the question of military aid: 'at present we received any military help from Anaw is his subsequent inference: There is n economic aid from Anawrahta for t Vijayabahu's request, ships arrived i sandalwood and other valuable goods' anything called “economic aid was eve the commodities which these ships s relevance to a military situation. C that the arrival of these ships would h
In his discussion of the invasion
bahu, (1153-86) and of contacts wit author displays greater care and restra of the factors which led to a tempo: relations between the two countries. notices that the author has had to mak links which, as stated earlier, brings commercial relations, too within the sc
The invasions of Sri Lanka by deallt with in Chapter II, have been exa cations. But these events must in dealing with Sri Lanka's relations Sirisena neither breaks fresh ground, r SOUlf C8S,
The documents bearing on the p1 Jaiya Inscription, the Kudumiyamalai
 

AMAGE 109
tever its dependence is on older ide to lead us to an understanding ese history, llet alone hier relations
that period.
Un sa to Vijayabahu’s war with the this ruler (Ch. LVIII, 8-10), to get art AnavVrahta for his War effort e King of the Ramiina country: easure. Then arrived in the harbour camphor, sandalwood and other he inclined the soldiers to him and ook up his abode at Tambalagama. anta Sastri concluded: “The mission inal military strength and virtually y enterprise ' (JRASCB (NS), IV, same reasonable inference on the cannot be sure whether Vijayabahu ahta'. (p. 21). But less convincing o doubt about Vijayabahu receiving the Cillavamsa says that, following in Sri Lanka laden with camphor (p. 20). It is doubtful whether r known in those ages. Moreover, eem to have brought in bear no onsequently, its difficult to belive ave eased Vijayabahu's situation'.
of Burma by Sri Lanka's Parakrama in Cambodia during his reign, the int. It ia a more balanced account tary estrangement of the friendly
In this section of the book one e frequent reference to commercial
out the need to have included ɔpe of this Survey.
the Malayan ruler Candrabhanu, nined in detail in previous publicessarily be re-examined in a book with South East Asia. However or does he introduce us to any new
oblem of Candrabhanu such as the Prašasti of Vira Paņdya (1253-75)

Page 114
1 O SRI LANKA AND
and other Pandyan inscriptions, as w of Sri Lanka, are of tremen dous his of study by different scholars, some
still remain obscure. Much of what resume of that which is already know he differs, the issues need to be exan debatable. One key point to be bor: been sufficiently appreciated by the : be studied in isolation, for the issues inextricably interwoven with other Kalinga Magha, the Pandyan invasio the beginnings of an independent Sri Lanka, with its nucleus in the Jai
Some of the positions taken by in the mainstream of Sri Lanka's careful consideration. For instance Sri Lanka for the first time (1247 Kingdom in the Jaffna Peninsula Arya Kingdom in the North of pp. 191-92) and Indrapala in support in Ceylon and the Beginnings of the Ki Thesis, University of London 1965, rest on strong evidence, and it does picture that emerges from sources th
The Cillavamsa and the Pujaval military organization. It consisted of covering practically the entire north from Mannar to Trincomalee. (C Suravira, Colombo, 1961, p. 116). T (Kottiyar), Garigatalaka (Kantalai), k (Padaviya), Kurundi (not identified coast), Manamatta (ni. possibly on t titha (Mantai), Mannārapatana (M in the Jaffna Peninsula), Valikagan malee), Gonusurat tha (n. i.) Madhup Mannar?) and Sukaratititha (Kayt fortified, was located at Polonnaruva soon after the capture of the capital less identical accounts. It is importe of the Pajaaliya, Mayura pada Thera of both Magha and Candrabhanu events. He was not an ordinary lay standing, as testified to by his own in the text, was composed in the th

SOUTH EAST ASA
7eil as the accourats of the chronicles torical importance. Even after years aspects of the career of Candrabhanu : Sirisena gives on Candrabhanu, is a wn from previous publications. Where nined much further as they are highly 'ne in mind, which has perhaps not author, is that Candrabhanu cannot
connected with this ruler are almost
problems, such as those related to ns of the Island, and perhaps even
kingdon in the extreme north of fra Peninsula.
Sirisena are of far-reaching significance political history, and therefore need he says: “When Candrabhanu invaded
A. D.), Magha had ay independent. (p. 46) and cites Paranavitana (The Ceylon; JRASCB., NS., VII (1961),
of this claim. (Dravidian Settlements ngdom of jaiina Unpublished Ph. D. p 456). This claim does not seem to not seem to be reconcilable with the at vere much closer to these events.
iya, give a graphic accourt of Magha’s a highly fortified chain of fortresses,
western and north eastern littoral U., LXXXIII, 15-18; Pjv; ed. A. V. hese were located at Kotthasāragāma Kakalayagama (Kavudulu), Padiratha but possibly close to the north eastern he north western seaboard), MahaAannar), Pulacceritittha (n.i. possibly. a (Vallikāmam), Goparattha (Trincoadapatittha (Mipato ta in Pju; close to s). His capital which was equally , where he was formally consecrated city. Both chronicles give more or int to bear in in ind that the author , was beyond doubt a contemporary - virtually an eye - witness of these man, but a learned monk of senior writings. The Pujawaliya, as stated irtieth regnal year of Parakramabahu

Page 115
A. LIYANAG
II (1236-70) in 1266 A. D, includes (xxxiv), while its concluding portion v shortly after during the reign of Bhuv gamage, The Decline of Polonnaruwa a pp. 11-14). That section of the Cillau (Ch. LXXX-XC), if our arguments ar have been written during the reign o not long afterwards. Its author is not with the old historical tradition of t lines taken by its previous authors, t glamour associated with its older part contemporary with the events connect the Calavamsa with less certainty we by much less than a century. Thou author of the latter is not known, his
of learning very probably a member of
Neither of these two authors o Magha was ever the ruler of an in Peninsula. They do say that Magha w that he ruled from that city. They als by Parakramabahu II and that he fled mention of his ultimate fate. Now, w. endorsed by Sirisena that Magha had in the Jaffna Peninsula, when Candrab first time in 1247 A. D. ? It is true Kulankai', possibly the equivalent of title attributed to Magha in the fou alone, is mentioned as the name of the Kingdom, in the legendary accounts of found in the Tamil sources of a much
Even if the name Vicaya Kulanka it does not necessarily follow that he w A more plausible explanation would b over the whole of Rajarata including til decades, with his fortified bastions at Jaffna Peninsula and at Sukaratittha in more on the north-eastern and noth imprint in the memories of the people date, Magha came to be regarded as th there. Moreover, Magha's soldiers, ref the Calavanisa, received generous shar and fields, houses and gardens, slaves, belonged to the Sinhala, he had delive pirivenas and many sanctuaries he mad

AMAGE 111
a major part of the last chapter was added in his thirty fifth year, or vanekabahu I (1272-84) (A. Liyanaind the Rise of Dambadeniya, 1968 ansa which deals with these events etenable (op. cit, pp. 8-11), seems to f Parakramabahu IV (1302-26) or known, but the chronicle continued he Island, substantially along the hough it lacked the richness and ts. Thus, while the Pujavaliya is ted with Magha and Candrabhanu, may say, was behind these events gh the intellectual calibre of the writing has the imprint of a man the Buddhist Order.
ffers the slightest indication that dependent kingdom in the Jaffna as consecrated at Polonnaruva and o agree that he was finally defeated I the capital, though there is no hat evidence is there for the view set up an independent kingdom hanu invaded Sri Lanka for the that the name (or title) Vicaya *Kalinga Vijayabahu", a name or rteenth century Nikāyasamgrahaya founder of the Arya Cakravarti the beginnings of that kingdom, later date.
i is taken as a reference to Magha tas the founder of that kingdom. pe that Magha who had full control he extreme north of Sri Lanka for
Vallikaman in the heart of the its vicinity, together with several -western littoral, had left a strong
of that region, so that at a later le founder of a separate kingdom erred to as Keralas and Damilas in es of plundered property: “Villages cattle, buffaloes and whatever else red upto the Keralas. The viharas, e over to one or another of his

Page 116
112 SRI LANKA AND
Warriors". (LXXX, 76 ff.) If t permanent animosity against Magha in their chronicles, the reverse woul sources of a later date, especially w religious policies, and fervent comm Saivism. Further, he was supported Damilas estimated at 24,000. The p confirmation by the fact that the Mc again of a comparatively late date, v Tamils in the Batticaloa area, puts ting his anti-Buddhist activities
There are other arguments agai of an independent kingdom in the e that once the Arya Cakravarti Kir Rajarata had been abandoned by the and central areas of the Island, wh the Sinhalese chroniclers were not ments in northern Sri Lanka. But thirteenth Century, when the beginn are discernible, the Sinhalese chronic on in Rajarata, including its norther the graphic accounts of Magha's Jaffna Peninsula and its vicinity, cit
Considered in this light, if
almost four decades, and with w particularly concerned because of th had founded an independent kingdo after being defeated by Parakramab the events went completely unno been quite advanced in age at the tii invaded the Island when he was 30
(according to the Pājāu'a liya,) he wo time he was defeated. Though no entertained further political ambitio the Jaffna Peninsula. A chronolog and the Calavamsa accounts, that
before the date of Candrabhanu's fi favour of the hypothesis that Magha there, cannot be accepted at its face (A. Liyanagamage, op. Cit., pp. 124 does not necessarily follow that Mag Peninsula. Apart from all these
strongly against this proposition, is
n the principal sources which po

SOUTH EAST ASIA
nese activities left an impression of amongst the Sinhalese, as reflected I have been the imprint in the Tamil ith Magha's decidedly anti-Buddhist tment possibly to a form of extreme
by a powerful army of Keralas and ossibility indicated above, gains some takalappu Puranam, a Tamil chronicle, /hich incorporates traditions of the Vagha in a favourable light, highligh
inst accepting Magha as the founder xtreme north of Sri Lanka. It is true tgdom was founded there, and when : Sinhalese who moved to the southern ere they established their kingdoms, sufficiently conversant with develop
certainly up to about the end of the ings of the Arya Cakravarti Kingdom clers were aware of what was going in extremity. This is quite clear from fortifications including those in the ed above.
Magha, who ruled over Rajarata for hom the Sinhalese chroniclers were e violence he inflicted on their religion, m in the Island's northern extremity ahu II (1236-70), it is strange that ticed. Moreover, Magha must have me of his defeat. Assuming that he years old, after a reign of 40 years uld have been 70 years of age by the impossible, it is unlikely that he ns such as carving out a kingdom in cal point implicit in the Pujāvaliya Magha had been defeated sometime rst invasion, a possible argument in retreated to Jaffna to set up a Kingdom value for reasons already examined. |-30.) Even if this is conceded, it ha founded a kingdom in the Jaffna considerations, what militates most the complete lack of positive evidence ints in that direction. The present

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A. LIYANAGA
digression on Magha, justifiable in ou un founded di lineation of the final sta the mainstream of Sri Lanka's politica inded to cover certain aspects of the car seems to accept as historical facts, sug previous writers on the subject withou more, having accepted them and deper further inferences. Two passages a point made here;
1.
If we accept Coedes, we have back to his kingdom in Tambra of the first invasion. As the of Javaka, it appears that Car kingdom when Vira Pandya se bhanu led the first invasion he charge of his son, who would th have already seen that Candral for himself and after the Pandiy, Pandya empire. Thus, as far as was concerned, it would have b then quite powerful. It is not troops in Sri Lanka. Now Ca going back to his own kingd matters there while preparatic invasion of the Sinhalese kingdo for his son before he left Sri Jaffna kingdom and the preparat return.” (p. 47).
According to our sources Can The Cullavamsa says that he had country, Pandya country and el that he did not bring all these but recruited some in Sri Lank right, because if Candrabhanu
kingdom, before he launched his Tamil settlements from which he Magha invaded with a strong foi Polonnaruva, he colonized the n them. The army would have
Polonnaruva, and even after his would have followed him the inherited the Jaffna kingdom w Tamil forces would have continu Furthermore, when Sundara Pan

MAGE 113
r view in the light of the seemingly
ge of his career and its bearing on
tl history, has of necessity to be exteeer of Candrabhanu as well. Sirisena gestions and possibilities offered by ut further examination. And what is lding on them, he moves on to make uoted below would illustrate the
to believe that Candrabhanu went linga at some stage after the failure Pandiyan inscription speaks of a son hdrabhanu's son was in the Jaffna nt his expedition, When Candrawould have left his kingdom in hen have been in Tambralinga. We phanu secured the Jaffna kingdom a invasion he become a vassal of the the security of the Jaffna kingdom een quite Safe, as the Pandiyas were impossible that Pandiyan left some indrabhanu would have thought of lom in Tambralinga to look after ons were going on for the second m. Therefore he would have sent Lanka so that he could leave the tions for war in his care until his
drabhanu had a formidable army. a number of Danilas from the Cola sewhere. Indrapala is of the opinion
South Indian soldiers from India a itself. This interpretation seems was well established in the Jaffna S attack, there were a number of a could recruit his troops. In fact rce of Tamils and when he captured orthern regions of Sri Lanka with continued in service uder him in retreat to the Jaffna Peninsula they re. Therefore when Candrabhanu hich had been under Magha, the led their service under the leader. dya Subjugated the Jaffna Kingdom

Page 118
114 SRI LANKA ANILO S
which was then under Candra have been left behind under his Candrabhanu having Tamilis a the Sinhalese kingdom. It is no some Tamil mercenary forces fri
The extent of speculation ref discernible and requires no commen the form of a major conclusion, na inherited the Jaffna kingdom which further examination. We have alreac that Magha, after his defeat at the hai a separate kingdom for himself in th Magha indeed ruled there, one has to bhanu came to inherit that kingdom. in common except that both were inv; come from Kalinga (Orissa in eastern features of Magha's reign is his ruthles persecution of Buddhists on an unp the other hand, hailed from the Malay a devout Buddhist, a fact which emerg invasions. It is also fairly certain that bhanu had undertaken these overseas Relics or sacred objects Taking this finds it difficult to understand how th an alliance or understanding enablin kingdom in the Jaffna Peninsula the e: proved.
Previous writers on Candrabh (A. Liyanagamage, op, cit, pp. 139-40, bility that Candrabhanu may have rul possibly in the Jaffna Peninsula, son invasion. First Codrington (A Short p. 78) and later Paranavitana (JRASC to the existence of a few place names of Javaka occupation. Though how known, at least some of them, seem to or even a little earlier. Apart from reference to Sāvakam (jāvaka) and Sā in Vira Pandya's inscriptions. Of Prasasti contains a statement, which re of the Savakan in the kingdom of Illam has been established beyond doubt, th records is Candrabhanu, who lost his kingdom wherein his son was reinstate

OUTHEAST ASIA
bhanu, some Pandya troops would service. These would account for it his disposal, when he invaded pt impossible that he also recruited om South India.” (p. 51).
lected in these passages, is plainly t. However, one issue which takes mely the claim that 'Candrabhanu n had been under Magha' deserves ly seen the weakness of the claim inds of the Sinhalese king, carved out e Jaffna Peninsula. Assuming that explain satisfactorily how CandraThese two rulers had very little aders. Magha is described as having India). One of the most striking is religious intolerance, which led to recedented scale. Candrabhanu, on | Peninsula and further more he was ges from all sources dealing with his at least in the initial stages, Candras expeditions in quest of Buddhist background into consideration, one tese two rulers could have formed g Candrabhanu to inherit Magha's xistence of which, too, remains to be
nu including the present reviewer 153), indicated with some justifiaed over a part of northern Sri Lanka, metime after his defeat in the first History of Ceylon, reprinted 1947, DB. N.S.; VII, 94-77) drew attention in the Jaffna Peninsula, suggestive and when they originated is not date back to the fifteenth century this, one has to take note of the vakan Maindan (“son of ahe Javaka’)
these records, the Kudumiyamalai sfers to the reinstatement of the son h formerly ruled by his farther. It at the Savakan referred to in these
life in the second invasion. The d is referred to as Ilam (Sri Lanka).
-

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A. LIYANAG
There is of course no reference to hi Jaffna in the Prasasti, unless we presu: designated ruler of Sri Lanka', which difficulty is that this is the sole referen whatever value we may attach to reduced to a nebulous figure. Alth Chandrabhanu nor his successors, if religious monuments either. Souch is sources leaves us in.
It might be worthwhile re-exam Sinhalese and Pali sources, to see if we of Candrabhanus kingdom in the noi narrates the second invasion of Can lord of men Candrabhanu, formerly collected from the countries of the Par Damia soldiers, representing a great f in Mahatittha. After the King had bri dwelling in Padi, Kurundi and other c He set up there an armed camp an message: “I shall take Tisihala; I sha me therefore together with the Tooth and the royal dominion. If thou will 62-66) The Pajavaliya (pp. cit p. 135) for minor differences which, however, time King Candrabhanu and the Ja defeated in the war with the father (for the army) Colas and Pandyas ar. recruited a Sinhalese army from places and Debarapatan, returned, and havi Yapavu with armed camps and sent “This time we shall not go back as we these three kingdoms to thee; yield up Alms Bowl; yield up to me the royal c or else come out to battle.'.
Now, in this second invasion operations? Sirisena proceeds on the bas where Candrabhanu is said to have ce Prior to landing at Mahatittha (Ma cited above, Candrabhanu's Javaka ar. recruits from countries such as tho Though the author suggests that they Cilauan sa is specific that recruitment Pandyas, the Colas and elsewhere (in S in Sri Lanka, the author would han
 

AMAGE 15
is being installed in a kingdom of me that a local ruler came to be may not be ruled out. But the real ce to the son of the Javaka, and the inscriptional reference, he gets tough a devout Buddhist, neither he had any, have left behind any the predicament which one set of
ining the picture presented by the could get any further on the problem rth of Sri Lanka. The Clavamsa drabhanu thus: At that time the beaten after hard fighting, having dus and Colas and elsewhere many orce, landed with his Javaka army ought over to his side the Sihalas listricts, he marched to Subhagiri. ld sent forth messengers with the 11 not leave it to thee. Yield up to Relic of the Sage, the Bowl Relic t not then fight (Clu LXXXVIII, gives much the same account but are of some significance.: “At that waka army which fled after being i-King (Parakramabahu II), enlisted ld landed ar Mavatu, and having such as Kurundi, Padi, Mānamatu ng fully surrounded the Rock of (the king) a demanding message: did last time; we shall not leave to me the Tooth Relic and the 'rown; yield up to me thy kingdom;
where was Candrabhanu's base of sis that it was in the Jaffna Peninsula, rved out a kingdom for himself. ntai), according to the chronicles my was strengthened further with se of the Pandyas and the Colas.
were recruited in Sri Lanka, the took place in the countries of the south India.) If they were recruited ve used the general terms Damila

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16 SRI LANKA AND S
without distinguishing between Pandy the position taken by the author th recruited in Sri Lanka, and that Can base in the Jaffna Peninsula, one is at bhanu and his troops were made to el few nautical miles to land at Mahat troops could have sailed further south located not too far from both Damba
The reference to the enlisting of of districts in Rajarata is significant. in earlier publications, that these wer had built his fortifications. From thi time of Candrabhanu's second invas Rajarața. It has been further posti Candrabhanu had filled the political departure of Magha. Magha's death welcome atmosphere to Candrabha Magha, Candrabhanu as a devout acceptable to the Buddhists of Rajarat a possible or even probable course of e political presence either in Rajarata or the quantum of positive evidence whic
It is very likely that Candrabh from his own kingdom in the Malay P mercenary soldiers from the Colathereby strengthening his army fur Mahatittha. Enlisting the support of of Rajarata, need not necessarily be cc period of time, though that interpretat point the Pājāva liya phraseology simpli army in those districts (Simhala bala Vasikatvana (having attracted the Sin seems to have taken place is the re strengthen his army further. In his wanted Parakramabahu II to surrende The three kingdoms referred to are the the Island during this period, nam Candrabhanu had been in control Peninsula already one would have ex the other two kingdoms - Ruhunu an point which need not be pressed too f.
Moreover, the accounts of these as a whole, seem to create the impressi

OUTH EAST ASIA
ans and Colas and the rest. Following at Pandya and Cola soldiers were drabhanu began his invasion from a a loss to understand why Candra mbark on a short sea journey of a ttha. Far more conveniently, these to the ancient port of Salavattota, deniya and Yapahuva.
Sinhalese soldiers from a number It is quite clear, as has been shown 2 exactly the places where Magha s one could be certain that, by the ion, Magha had quit the scene in ulated with some justifiability that void in Rajarata, created by the or departure would have created a nu. In contrast to persecutionist Buddhist who would have been a. While this may be conceded as lvents, the question of Candrabhanu's in the Jaffna Peninsula, still lacks h could make it a certainty.
anu started his second expedition 'eninsula; on his way he recruited Pandya countries in South India, ther, and landed at the port of the Sinhalese in certain districts instrued as having spread over a on may not be ruled out. On this means that he recruited a Sinhalese Sen gena), in place of Cullavamsa's halese). Whichever it may be, what cruitment of Sinhalese soldiers to threatening demand, Candrabhanu
(“the three kingdoms” (tun rajaya) three principal territorial divisions of lly, Ruhunu, Māyā and Pihiti. If
of Rajarata or even the Jaffna pected of him to have demanded 1 Maya. This, of course, is a minor
invasions in the chronicles taken on that the chroniclers were dealing
¬ ¬

Page 121
A LIYANAOA
with a stranger who had invaded the reappeared after a lapse of time, rather t the northern part of the country. T including Mayurapada Thera's Pujawaliy with these events, have not left the kingdom in Sri Lanka ruled by Candra to the accounts in the Cullaaamsa, and t military strategy worked out by Prince V bahu II faced Candrabhārau’s second en Pjv. op. cit. 135)
Provision was made for the proti stretching from Dambadeniya Southwai placing Prince Tilokamalla as their Mahayattalagama (Wattala, located in perhaps the first time that the Pali defence strategy on the southern Sea cc need for it was not there, as all Indian sea ports such as Mahatittha. It may rule out the possibility of a sea-borne a kingdom, originating from a different c invasion still fresh in his mind. What that In the north, foes coming from thi Khuddāvāligama’ where “fighting is wor known for his military skill and brave of the northern front, with the help of it with instructions to take up his resis makes it fairly clear that Parakramabah not so much from enemies within the from the opposite coast in Southern In a threat to his kingdom from a Javaka had carved out a kingdom in the Jaffna the chronicler would have mentior antecedents of the Javaka kingdom, th should have been at the height of its po second invasion. Thus, the two chror in the Jaffna Peninsula where invaders would certainly not have missed Candi height of its power. The landing place almost certainly the same as Valikag fortifications, (Clau; LXXXIII, 15—20) i Jaffna Peninsula. If Candrabhānu hac the landing place referred to in the Cul Invaders landing there should have be bhanu, if he was the ruler of a kingd than to Parakramabahu whose kingd
 
 

AMAGE 117
Island and fled after defeat, and than of one who had been occupying he Sinhalese and Pali chronicles, a written almost contemporaneously
faintest positive indications of a abhanu. Attention may be drawn ihe Pija valiya, which describe the ijayabahu shortly before Parakramacounter. (Civ; LXXXVIII, 18-26;
ection of the southern sea-board rds, by stationing troops there and commander, with his residence at the vicinity of Colombo). This is chronicle makes reference to any past. Prior to this, evidently, the invaders landed at the northern be that Parakramabahu did not ttack on the western border of his Juarter, with Candrabhanu's first is more important is the statement e opposite coast are wont to land at it to begin'. Prince Bhuvanekabahu ry, was entrusted with the defence he great army that stood in the north dence at Yapahuva. This passage u II expected a threat to his kingdom Island, but from invaders coming dia. If Parākramabāhu, had faced ruler, namely Candrabhanu, who Peninsula, this is a context wherein led it. Going by the postulated is was precisely the time when it wer, shortly before Candrabhanu's ticlers who could name the place from the opposite coast’ landed, rabhanu and his kingdom at the : referred to as Khuddavaligama is ama where Magha sited one of his dentified with Vallikamam in the a kingdom in the Jaffna Peninsula, lavasma must be located within it. en an immediate threat to Candraom in the Jaffna Peninsula, rather om was in the far south. The fact

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118 SRI LANKA AND S
that these chroniclers mention the Jaffna Peninsula as the landing place Mahatittha on the north western
had a fair knowledge of what was go Island. They were also conscious of northern front was a more onerou from other considerations discussed : take a more cautious stand on the iss Peninsula. Our author’s categorica the Jaffna kingdom' (p. 54 ) ar rulers' in Jaffna, necessitated thi be mentioned that some facets of C remain obscure, without fresh eviden been a passing episode in the history
of substantial historical interest, for,
the relations between Sri Lanka and S
To return to our comment on t good reasons, devotes two thirds of Sri Lanka’s religious and cultural rela this period, Sri Lanka as a centre of of inspiration to the Buddhists in But even the Malay Peninsula. The auth taking manner, making use of the archaeological, and taking, on the wil quently, this section of the book mar manner of treatment as well as its coi with difficulties, which are beyond Buddhism in these countries, on whic tracing these relations, have their Burmese chronicle, Sasanavamsa, com as 1861, is beset with limitations. He called upon to chronicle. Pairasami' is such that he wrongly locates Yona rattha, clearly Indian territories to v the Third Buddhist Council held in East Asia. Of these countries, only in that region, whether it referred to mistake in equating Aparanta with E toponym - West End' - implies a w located in Gujarat. (p. 12). We hav of The Glass Palace Chronicle of Bu chronicle Jinakālmāli, may take a hig Burmese chronicles, though it is no r haya, in terms of reliability and con (Buddha image from Sri Lanka) seem

SOUTH EAST ASIA
less known Khuddavaligama in the and not the better known port of coast, also indicates that they still ing on in the extreme north of the the fact, that the defence of the is assignment. This evidence apart at some length, should compel us to ue of a Javaka kingdom in the Jaffna l references to the Javaka ruler. ln ld the downfall of the Javaka digression. In passing it must andrabhanu's career are bound to ce. Though his invasions seem to have of mediaeval Sri Lanka, yet they are Candrabhanu is one positive link in South East Asia.
S
ܟ
محت
he rest of the book, the author with the work, to an examination of tions with South East Asia. During Theravada Buddhism, became a source ma, Thailand, Cambodia and perhaps or traces these relations in a painsavailable sources, both literary and hole, a more cautious path. Conseks a substantial improvement, in its ntent. Here again the author is faced d his control. The chronicles of h the author has had to depend in own weaknesses. For example, the posed by Parifiasami Thera in as late is far removed from the events he is signorance of early Buddhist historyka, Vanavāsi, Aparānta and Mahahich missions were sent, following the third century B. C., in South Suvannabhumi calls for a location Burma or not. Sirisena makes a bad urma, whereas the meaning of the estern location, and is accordingly 2 already commented on the weakness rma. The sixteenth century Siamese her reckoning in comparison to the natch for Sri Lanka's Nikāyasa migratent. Its story of the Sihalapatima s to have some bearing on Siamese

Page 123
A. LIYANAG
and perhaps Malayan relations with S. but the highly legendary context in impossible to extract any historical s personages who tried to secure this ir Sukhodaya and Siridhamma of Sirid beyond doubt, though Sirisena equate and Candrabhanu of Tambralinga res previous scholars (pp. 87-89). F whereever it has been resorted to, is o There again, the Kalyani Inscriptions ( also deal with events prior to the date of course common constraints on all East Asia.
Despite these limitations, the au. Lanka's relations, religious as well a taking Burma into consideration first. monks, at the invitation of Vijaya Higher Ordination, after its lapse d northern Sri Lanka in the eleventh c by taking into account the suggestio dhana. (pp. 61-63). Thus, it has no who had assisted Vijayabahu I in the 1 were in fact Sri Lankan Theras, who ha in Burma, Among other landmarks Sri Lanka and Burma examined in det to the foundation of the Sihala Sangh the twelfth century. Thera Utaraji the reign of Para kramabāhu I (1153-8 Lankan evidence, seems to be well esta testimony. The continuation of these ramabahu VI has been traced.
As far as Thailand and Cambc traceable religious contact, falls int centuries. In the case of Thailand, th quite a few Thai inscriptions, which Sri Lanka and Thailand. Events foundation of the Sihala Sardigha in Bu The Jinakalarnali recounts the arrival in of twenty five monks from Chiangmai Kambhoja (Cambodia) in the year 1967 monks received the Higher ordinatio1 by Vanaratana Mahathera. During the scriptures and worshipped at such sac: Relic and the Foot Print. On their r
 

AMAGE 119
ri Lanka in the thirteenth century, which it occurs, makes it almost ense out of it. Further, the royal Image from Sri Lanka, Rocarāja of hammanagara cannot be identified ; them with Indraditya of Sukhodaya pectively, following suggestions of ortunately, inscriptional evidence, in the whole a more reliable guide, of Burma, valuble though they are,
of their composition. These are
historians of pre - modern South
thor gives a vivid account of Sri s cultural, with South East Asia,
The widely held view that Burmese bahu I (1055-1110), restored the uring the period of Cola rule in entury, has been rightly modified ns of Paranavitana and Gunawarw been established that the monks restoration of the Buddhist Order, ad fled the Island, and were resident in the religious relations between ail, are the circumstances that led a in Burma, in the second half of va's mission to Sri Lanka during 6), though not confirmed by Sri ablished on the strength of Burmese relations right up the reign of Parak
dia are concerned much of the o the fourteenth and fifteenth e author is happily facilitated by refer to religious relations between similar to those which led to the Irma, are also known from Thailand. Sri Lanka, of a large mission consisting (in Thailand) and eight monks from of the Buddist era. 1423 A. D. These from a chapter of elders headed r stay in the Island they studied the 'ed places as the Shrines of the tooth turn, these Thai monks introduce
t
骰
కత్తి
سست۔

Page 124
120 SRI LANKA AND S
Sri Lanka traditions to the Highe relations, as narrated in the Jiskalam its composition, are quite reliable, ur times, Vanaratana Mahathera referred KaragalaVanaratana Mahathera, who of Parakramabahu VI (1415–67). Wi concludes that the available evidence Lanka and Cambodia is scanty, th introduction of the Higher Ordinat century and the visit to Sri Lanka by
In the sphere of architecture, ni either way between Sri Lanka and inference is that Sinhalese influence C countries was so small as to be almc out considerable Sinhalese influence in Thailand as testified by the Wat M mental motif, makara torana, seen traced to Sinhalese monuments at Sri Lanka. Sri Lanka seems to have reciprocation in this sphere. The Prasada at Polonnaruva are said to re ground plans and execution. (p. 135 had been largely one-way traffic. Th in Thailand, especially during the Sul influenced by Sinhalese sculptural ti while such influence on Burmese sc Lanka only one piece of sculpture has of influence from South East Asian o on art and architecture, quite understa substantially from the work of spec
and Griswold.
Mention may be made of occasio puotation of original sources. For Kudumiyamalai Pralasti dated in Vira Pandya ruler says that he killed one o The text of this inscription makes relevant phrase Ilamannar ilagu Avaril Oru convey the sense: “Of the kings of la him to the Other world'. Based on t contents of the record, Nilakanta Sast two king' which is quite in order. B text a phrase which it does not contai ence. Based on the same record a fur monarch placed Candrabhanu's son o

OUTH EAST ASIA
r Ordination in Thailand These ali being events close to the date of like the legendary accounts of earlier to above, is certainly identifiable with was a leading figure during the reign th reference to Cambodia the author on religious relations between Sri e only important links being the tion to Cambodia in the fifteenth
Tā malinda Mahāthera. (p. 109)
ot much influence seems traceable South East Asia. The author's on the art and architecture of those Dst negligible', However, he points on the development of the stupa laha Tat in Sukhodaya. The ornaon the same monument, has been Lankatilaka and Gadaladeniya in received little, if any, by way of Potgul Vihara and the Satmahal flect Cambodian influence in their ff.). In the field of sculpture, it e evolution of the Buddha image khodaya period, seems to have been raditions to a remarakable extent, ulpture cannot be traced. In Sri so far been found with any evidence rigins. In composing these chapters indably, the author has had to draw sialists in this field, such as Dupont
nal instances of inexact or inaccurate example, it is stated that In the Pandya's eleventh regnal year, the the two kings of Sri Lanka' (p. 44). no reference to two kings'. The vanai vilapporodu, vinmiśai-yerri would m having defeated one and raised he interpretation of the rest of the rí inferred that the context meant ut it is incorrect to attribute to the n, though it may be valid on inferther statement is made: The Pandya n the throne of Jaffna' (p. 53). There
ܝ
t

Page 125
-
A. YANAG
is no reference whatsoever to a throne author takes the king of Sri Lanka precious jewels to Sundara Pandya, a been Candrabhanu. (p. 45) Though th the identification is open to doubt. I the reference clearly applies to Cant used is Savakan. And these inscriptic own brother, Vira Pândya (1253-75) w Sundara Pandya calls “the king of Li elephants and precious jewels, Ilangail it applied to Parakramabahu II (123 referred to Candrabharu is even more
Occasionally one finds in the boo commodities for the world market' (p. Buddha's footprint is to be seen", (p. 15 factual inaccuracies can be noticed. is placed in the thirteenth year of Parakr be the thirtieth year. (p. 9). Even such because it has emerged from and exami text, that the final portion of chapt Further, while at one point the author composed in the thirtieth year of the final chapter refers to the thirty fifth bahu II). The vital point is that the P regnal year, did not include the a invasion. It comes in the portion manuscripts, is a later addition. Desi note of these points and their implicati becomes a key witness to events of the detailed examination of these issues, Mahasena's regnal years appear as 247corrected to read 274-301 A. D., and K as Kit Nuvaragal.
Finally, it must be stated that attention on certain issues which coul does not detract from the value of the Rather it 2mphasises the magnitude of some of the most difficult and baffling The author has compressed into one vic information on the subject. More th; convincingly impressed upon us that East Asia over the centuries, had been all the way but for occasional interrup and that they deserve greater attentior

AMAGE 121
I of Jaffna in the inscription. The who paid a tribute of elephants and stated in his inscriptions, to have is need not be ruled out completely, in the Pandyan inscriptions where rabhanu, the distinguishing term ons are those of Sundara Pāndya's ho ruled jointly with the former. anka' who paid him tribute with :avalan but not Savakan. Whether 6-70) is not certain, but that it uncertain.
k misleading phrases such as 'luxury 39) and Adam's Peak, where the 5). A few misprints and minor The composition of the Pajavaliya amabahu's reign whereas it should correction would be incomplete, nation of the manuscripts of his er 34 was added at a later date. of the Puja valiya says that it was king, the concluding portion of the regnal year of the king (Parakrama"ijavaliya, as it stood in the thirtieth ccount of Candrabhanu's second of the text which, according to tably the author should have taken ons, as the author of the Pujaalā liya times of Parakramabahu li (For a Liyanagamage, op. Cit, pp. 11-14). 801 A. D. (p. 7) which should be it Nuvaragala (p. 33) should read
the fact that we have focussed d be exposed to further argument, author's commendable endeavour. his task in finding his way through sources of historical information. lume practically all the available un anything else, the author has Sri Lanka's relations with South much closer and indeed friendly tions, than had been held hitherto, 1. Further, he has clearly demons

Page 126
122 SRI LANKA AND
trated that Sri Lanka as a centre of great source of inspiration to a majc Burma, Thailand and Cambodia, ar. fruitful religious and cultural exch of these relations, the author has hac sources spread over an extensive regi with Professor A. L. Basham who ha we would recommend the book for t interested in the history of Sri Lank

SOUTH EAST ASIA
Theravada Buddhism, had been a r part of South East Asia, especially, d the Malay Peninsula, leading to - 1 unge. In order to unravel the story f
to wade through a wide range of on in a painstaking manner. Together s written a complimentary foreword, he serious consideration of all those
and South East Asia.
A. Liyanagamage

Page 127
THE TRANGULAR PATT
By Donna Hitz. The Philosophica! Library I1 Library of Congaess Catalogue Card No. 79
Donna Hitz's The Triangular Patte insists on becoming preoccupied with ic pretension with religio-philosophie concerned with a triangular pattern, w that' unified structure of Absolute 1 claims that this is her “momentous di death, which had prompted her to te dictory phenomena of life and death.
In an exposition which reaches ev attainment of such knowledge would ctive to “comprehend the mysteries of one would 'experience liberation t The fly leaf reveals her categorical thing is certain: it will change forever himself. ' She thinks that her book is advises the reader to start at the beg end. But her logical sequence being so being so laden with irrelevant, and polemical techniques being so self-defe if at all he manages to stay with the b
The central argument attempts t phenomina, from the Atom to God, i. of Polarity and Rhythm, structured ir follows:
V 々 心 චු’
->
RHY T
The lines labelled positive and in and "polarity' is vaguely defined as 't bottom broken line represents the Law more than one sense to mean change even oneness (p. 5). In order to establi pervades the whole of cosmic phenome pattern within frames of reference, su including the mental and the emotior life, the Haman Self and ultimately G

RN OF LIFE
c., 14th Fast 40th Street, New York, 1979. 泗4851。
rn of Life, may be mulled ever, if one a work which manifests an academall overtones. The book is mainly hich the author is convinced as being 'ruth, Life and Reality.' The author scovery, occasioned by her father's ke into consideration the contra
angelical fervoue, she claims that the 'nable one to get the proper perspethe universe and of life' and that hat comes with such knowledge’. challenge, which runs thus: “ One
man's concept of his God-and of : arranged in a logical sequence and inning and to stay with it until the gappy, and the flow of her argument dogmatic defense propts, and her ating, the reader stands unconvinced, ook until its end.
o establish that the totality of cosmic governed by two fundamental Laws a triangular configuration such as
安。
2.
ܠܐ
ܢ-> ΗM
gative represent the Law of polarity vo opposing tendencies' (p. 5). The of Rhythm and “rhythm' is taken in vibration, inter - relationship and sh that this triangular configuration a the author attempts to exhibit the ch as the material, the immaterial al, the structure and attitudes of d. But, are her hopes realised?

Page 128
124 L. C. D. KU
The author acknowledges th theoretical basis for her argument fully understand this 'obscure East aside (pp 3). Nevertheless, she const obscurity and intends to convey to t herself fully digest. Naturally “the manifest in her presentation and th such indigestive aftermaths. For inst have a heritage in certain oriental ph frameworks the terms, polarity, and “r controversial they may be, are comi such paradigms. But to uproot these trems' polarity' and rhythm' in senst may rhythmically interact and meet, coutradictories rather than as op (ch. 4, pp. 22-24). Moreover, to us construet: the “tringular coufiguratrol everithining conceivable renders th conceptual components lack ciarity.
The argument itself is glarir ion that the triangular configuratic truth, the author commences with of Truth lies in the very fact that it and then attempts to limit that pa premise stands unsupported. There a1 God and the Universe are one in the joined together in an evolutionary scattered through her argumentation roversial and even aviomatic withi isola-ting them from their context presuppositions, suggests a provoc: mentative presentation.
The rationale of the book state her book, including the triangularity finds it necessary to substantiate the unless the substantiation is meant f truths. Even if the reader takes it when she laboriously illustrates an refuse to exhibit their self evidence, author 's brain-wash.
The author presupposes that k who comes to the knowledge of the ti liberaton" (p. 4). But her presupposi

LATHUNGAM
at Eastern philosophy provides the but she also admits that she could not ern Philosophy and decides to put it ructs her argument on such conceptual he westerners (p.3) what she could not symptoms of her indigestion become e reader is very liable to be affected by ance, the Laws of Polarity and Rhythm hilosophies, and within such conceptual hythm' receive meanings, which however municable among those who belong to laws from their bearings and to use the is which seem to suggest that polarities
even when they are interpreted as posites, leaves the reader confounded 2 the laws involving such concepts for in and to argue that this 'form'pervades he argument unconvincing, for its
gly gappy. To reach the concluson of Reality and Life is an absolute the premise that “The Absoluteness is limited to a single Pattern” (p. 2) ttern to triangularity. But the basic re several similar pronouncements like' : same thing' (p 10), and *, All Life is
movement toward Perfection (p. 45) . Such statements may be non-contin certain philosophical systems, but s and handling them as premises or ative tone of dogmatism in her argu
as that the author holds the truths in of Reality, to be self - evident. Yet, she a self-evident, which is super - fluous, or those who are not aware of these that this is what the author is about, di analogíses, these truths stubbornly unless of course the reader shares the
nowledge entails liberation, that one ruth of triangularity would “experience tion is questionable. Moreover, her

Page 129
ܕܝ
THE TRIANGULAR
method to attain such liberating ''Mantra' and Meditation' (pp. 1 these suggest once again her indigesti
Her polemical arguments agains and Hell, the Divine Inspiration of t. introduced as good examples of the any elementarp logic book.
The only merit in reviewing trouble of getting entangled with the

PATTERN OF LIFE 125
knowledge includes techniques like 5-18) and her hasty comments on on of Eastern thought.
t the Christian doctrines of Heaven he Bible, God and the Devil, may be Fallacy of of Ignoratio-Ellenchi in
this book is to spare others from the
triviality of “triangularity.'

Page 130


Page 131
K. W. GOONEWARDENA
Professor of History, Ur Sri Lanka.
RATNA HANDURUKANDE
Professor of Sanskrit, Uni
P. V. B. KARUNATILLAKE
Lecturer, Department of University of Peradeniya,
RAJIVA WIJESINGHA
Lecturer, Department of Peradeniya, Sri Lanka.
A. LIYANAGAMAGE.
Professor of History, Uni
L. C. D. KULATHUNGAM
Lecturer, Department of Peradeniya, Sri Lanka.
N. B. The Contributions to this were received by the end

CONTRIBUTORS
niversity of Peradeniya, Peradeniya,
iversity of Peradeniya, Peradeniya, Sri Lanka.
History,
Peradeniya, Sri Lanka.
English University of Peradeniya,
versity of Kelaniya, Kelaniya, Sri Lanka.
Philosophy, University of Peradeniya,
issue of the journal of May 1981. (Editor)

Page 132
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