கவனிக்க: இந்த மின்னூலைத் தனிப்பட்ட வாசிப்பு, உசாத்துணைத் தேவைகளுக்கு மட்டுமே பயன்படுத்தலாம். வேறு பயன்பாடுகளுக்கு ஆசிரியரின்/பதிப்புரிமையாளரின் அனுமதி பெறப்பட வேண்டும்.
இது கூகிள் எழுத்துணரியால் தானியக்கமாக உருவாக்கப்பட்ட கோப்பு. இந்த மின்னூல் மெய்ப்புப் பார்க்கப்படவில்லை.
இந்தப் படைப்பின் நூலகப் பக்கத்தினை பார்வையிட பின்வரும் இணைப்புக்குச் செல்லவும்: New Democracy 2005.01
January 2005 In this issue POLITICAL REPORT OF THE 4TH HILL CO REGIONAL CONGRESS
Comrade S P REMEMBERING COMRADE NAVAM
Comrad GLOBALISED MILITARISM & NEED FOR C ECONOMIC THEORY
Dr TOMORROW, THERE WILL COME A MAN (po
_ From the Editor’s Desk ♦ Sri Lanka ♦ International Events ♦ NDP Diary ♦
ORT OF THE 4TH HILL COUNTRY NGRESS
Comrade S Panneerselvam COMRADE NAVAM
Comrade SK Senthivel ILITARISM & NEED FOR CRITICAL EORY
Dr Peter Custers E WILL COME A MAN (poem)
ditor’s Desk ♦ Sri Lankan Events al Events ♦ NDP Diary ♦ CommentThe tsunami that has taken a heavy toll on sever South East Asia, has also swept aside from the ce some of the burning political and social issues faced suffering of the people the entire coastal region of S further north of Colombo, let us not forget that co have been suffered by the people of the Aceh provin & Nicobar islands, Tamilnadu, Andhra, Orissa and means small losses in several regions of South a Seychelles and Somalia. No one could be blamed for the earthquake and the and the speed with which things happened woul protection of the homes and belongings of the opportunity to save the lives of a large proportion o and fifty thousand who died. It is now known that authorities in Thailand unde tsunami to ‘protect tourism’ by ‘not creating alarm’ although they had a clear one-hour’s warning of th southern coast. Even more criminal was the attitude of the US. Th detect the slightest possible disturbance on the ear since the defence establishment is continuously disturbances caused by nuclear explosions. Within m magnitude earthquake off the coast of Indonesia, U National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administrati deadly wave spreading through the Indian Ocean bu governments in the area. An official in the NOAA Indonesian officials but added that he did not know The US base in Diego Garcia was, however, duly wa The attitude of the US to aid to the victims was rou including the United Nations Emergency Relief accusing the US of being stingy. Even the subseque US$ 10 million, initially, to US$ 35 million was offered by much smaller European countries with US.
From the Editor’s Desk n a heavy toll on several countries in South and swept aside from the centre of national concerns al and social issues faced by the country. Amid the entire coastal region of Sri Lanka, except a stretch let us not forget that comparable or bigger losses eople of the Aceh province in Indonesia; Andaman du, Andhra, Orissa and Kerala in India; and by no eral regions of South and South East Asia, the
r the earthquake and the tsunami that followed it, things happened would not have permitted the and belongings of the victims. But there was s of a large proportion of the well over a hundred . orities in Thailand underplayed the gravity of the by ‘not creating alarm’ among the foreign tourists, ne-hour’s warning of the tsunami approaching the
e attitude of the US. The US has the resources to disturbance on the earth surface and ocean floor shment is continuously probing the globe for lear explosions. Within minutes of the massive 9.0 he coast of Indonesia, U.S. scientists working with mospheric Administration (NOAA) suspected a ugh the Indian Ocean but did not call anyone in the n official in the NOAA claimed that they e-mailed ed that he did not know what happened afterwards. ia was, however, duly warned. d to the victims was roundly condemned by many ons Emergency Relief Coordinator Jan Egland, tingy. Even the subsequent increase from a measly to US$ 35 million was less than what has been uropean countries with far less resources than theCritics of the attitude of the US made interesting initial offers of the US and items of US expenditu tactical fighter jet (US$ 225 million), the cost of th (US$ 228 million/day), election campaign expend (US$ 400 million), U.S. aid to Yushenko camp in (US$ 30+ million), estimated cost of Bush's Seco (US$ 40+ million), U.S. tax cuts under Bush reconstruction aid budgeted for Iraq (US$18 billion, Although seemingly it was much after such humilia reluctantly agreed to increase is offer of support t seem to have been other plans behind the new ge intentions, the authorities and former presidents h American public to make donations. However, wh marines to ‘help’ with relief efforts, the US showed US Marines are now in Trincomalee, Hambantot strategic importance to the global super power. Thi for those still harbouring illusions about US inten part of the globe. The fact that Minister Kadirgamar had ‘requested shows the stand of the government to safeguardin country. It is a clear sign that, in the name of disas will willingly surrender the country to further imperialism and hegemony. There has been tremendous support from mass or trade union movements across the world. Their su than that of governments. Regrettably, the media support by foreign governments and funding agen about this kind of aid. The performance of the Sri Lankan defence and adm needs to be probed in the context the failure to warn had been alerted immediately after the east coast southern, northern and western coasts could have b traversed the coast at a much slower speed than it cro What is particularly worrying is the attitude of the The government appears to be guided by tw
he US made interesting comparisons between the items of US expenditure such as a F-22 Raptor million), the cost of the ongoing U.S. war in Iraq ection campaign expenditure of Kerry and Bush d to Yushenko camp in recent Ukrainian conflict ted cost of Bush's Second Inauguration and Ball tax cuts under Bush (US$ 1 trillion) and US for Iraq (US$18 billion, pledged but unspent). much after such humiliating exposures that the US ase is offer of support to US$ 350 million, there lans behind the new generosity. To cover up US and former presidents have now appealed to the donations. However, when it came to sending its f efforts, the US showed no hesitation whatsoever. rincomalee, Hambantota and Galle, locations of global super power. This should be an eye opener llusions about US intentions in our impoverished
dirgamar had ‘requested’ the use of US marines vernment to safeguarding the sovereignty of the hat, in the name of disaster relief, the government he country to further domination by forces of
s support from mass organisations, especially the ross the world. Their support is far more genuine Regrettably, the media which give publicity to ments and funding agencies have said very little
Lankan defence and administrative machinery also ontext the failure to warn the people. If the country tely after the east coast was hit, lives along the tern coasts could have been saved, since the wave h slower speed than it crossed the sea. ing is the attitude of the government to the crisis. to be guided by two principles, namely itschauvinisticapproach and cost-benefit calculations view. Two recent events exposed the attitude of the g The first concerned failure to provide urgently n flood in the Batticaloa and Amparai districts Interestingly, but not surprisingly, Wimal Weerawa the JVP group of MPs, had threatened to call for a p granting of large sums as aid to flood and tsunami vi The second concerned the initial indifference of tsunami victims in the East. Shortly after the disast TNA MP for the Batticaloa district had raised with team the question of aid to victims in that d uninterested, and that angered the MP so m uncharacteristically strong statement condemnin government. The statement received local and Subsequently, the prime minister, followed by th JVP’s Weerawansa, made conciliatory utterances rea victims will be treated in a fair and equal manner. There is suspicion among Tamils that the appare attitude was only to impress foreign donors; and th relief work is done and reconstruction begins, th against, with the bulk of the funds deflected toward of the government, which may see the relief funds a country as a political bonanza. Their fears abo groundless as there are ample precedents in ma education, in the development of the regions d allocation of resources for rehabilitation of the distribution of disaster relief in the past. It should be remembered that much of the foreign a does not address of the real needs of the victims. cynical that they use the opportunity to dump un-sal items approaching expiry date on the victims of d sizeable portion of the funds for administr honourablepurposes, on top of corrupt governmen who have for decades been a major drain on resource
ost-benefit calculations from the electoral point of posed the attitude of the government. e to provide urgently needed relief to victims of and Amparai districts in November-December. isingly, Wimal Weerawansa, the de facto leader of threatened to call for a parliamentary probe into the d to flood and tsunami victims in the North-East.
initial indifference of the government towards . Shortly after the disaster, Joseph Pararajasingam, district had raised with the Prime Minister and his to victims in that district. But they seemed ngered the MP so much that he issued an statement condemning the attitude of the nt received local and international publicity. inister, followed by the president, and even the onciliatory utterances reassuring the Tamils that all air and equal manner.
Tamils that the apparent change in government s foreign donors; and that, once the initial disaster econstruction begins, they will be discriminated funds deflected towards the electoral power bases ay see the relief funds and the state of shock of the nanza. Their fears about discrimination are not mple precedents in matters of employment and ment of the regions during times of peace, in r rehabilitation of the war-displaced, and in the f in the past. at much of the foreign aid granted as disaster relief l needs of the victims. Some governments are so portunity to dump un-saleable goods and perishable ate on the victims of disaster. The NGOs grab a funds for administrative as well as less p of corrupt government officials and politicians, a major drain on resources of all kind.Recent events have shown that the British public pu shame by collecting much more than the governm forcing the government to give more. It is the goodw the world over that made the US to revise its initi million. (The subsequent revision was another matte sympathy of the world and all genuine assistance final analysis, what matters is how the people mobil awareness and the will and the ability of the affect their rights that can expose and overcome the anti-so their way. There are signs that the government has taken for g its military, economic and human resources badly af no position to resume armed struggle. This was ref the President in statements to the media on the cris the government’s interest in controlling the Tamil p than ensuring that relief is sent to the affected peopl evident. Neglecting the importance of the nationa need to resolve it could only land the country in a bi While the priority of the moment is relief to the vi rehabilitation, we cannot ignore the most impo country. It is hoped that the unity of the people o benefit that would emerge from this tragedy. But un emerge from tragedy. While the tragedy is an e concrete action to ensure social justice and a just ensure enduring unity. We have been warned about social vultures stea victims and exploiting in the crudest fashion thei money. But we need to be more vigilant about big wings for bigger sums to come in the form of foreign It is also important at this moment of tragedy that w allow sorrow, helplessness or desperation permit for seeking to dominate this country to make use of foothold in this country in the name of care and kind
hat the British public put the British government to more than the government initially offered, thus ive more. It is the goodwill of the ordinary masses he US to revise its initial measly offer to US$ 35 vision was another matter). While the goodwill and all genuine assistance are most welcome, in the is how the people mobilise themselves. It is public the ability of the affected masses to stand up for and overcome the anti-social elements that stand in
ernment has taken for granted that the LTTE, with uman resources badly affected by the tsunami, is in d struggle. This was reflected in the utterances of to the media on the crisis facing the country. Also controlling the Tamil people in the name of relief ent to the affected people is becoming increasingly portance of the national question and the urgent
land the country in a bigger crisis. oment is relief to the victims, their protection and ignore the most important problem facing the he unity of the people of the country could be a rom this tragedy. But unity does not spontaneously ile the tragedy is an eye-opener to many, it is ocial justice and a just and lasting peace that will
out social vultures stealing goods meant for the the crudest fashion their tragic situation to make more vigilant about bigger vultures waiting in the me in the form of foreign aid.
oment of tragedy that we remain alert and do not or desperation permit forces that have for long been country to make use of this opportunity to gain he name of care and kindness.POLITICAL REPORT O THE 4TH HILL COUNTRY REG
CONGRESS OF THE NEW DEMOCRATIC P
Comrade S Panneerselvam
[The following is a translation from Tamil of the Poli Comrade Panneerselvam at the 4th Hill Country Regio held in Hatton on 18th October 2004 .]
Members of the Politburo, Delegates to the Congress, Comrades,
The Fourth National Congress of our New Democra on the 8th and 9th of November 2002, and a deep Report was adopted at the Congress. It is an importa work of our Party that Regional Congresses ar programmes that are suitable to the various regions o Report.
On that basis, the Hill Country Region conducts its today. The hill country viewed geo-physically as the an elevation of 1000 feet (300 metres) above se Central, Uva and Sabaragamuwa Provinces and p Western Provinces. District-wise it comprises Mata Kegalle, Ratnapura, Badulla, Monaragala distric Matara, Galle, Kalutara, and Colombo districts. T Committee includes people resident in these regio consider themselves to be permanent residents of the
LITICAL REPORT OF HILL COUNTRY REGIONAL
CONGRESS OF EW DEMOCRATIC PARTY
omrade S Panneerselvam
tion from Tamil of the Political Report presented by at the 4th Hill Country Regional Congress of the NDP ber 2004 .]
ss of our New Democratic Party was held in Jaffna mber 2002, and a deep and meaningful Political ongress. It is an important feature of the method of egional Congresses are convened to carry out e to the various regions on the basis of the Political
try Region conducts its Fourth Regional Congress ed geo-physically as the part of the country above (300 metres) above sea level, and includes the amuwa Provinces and parts of the Southern and t-wise it comprises Matale, Kandy, Nuwara Eliya, lla, Monaragala districts and includes parts of d Colombo districts. The Hill Country Regional resident in these regions as well as those who ermanent residents of these regions.Workers in the tea, rubber and coconut plantat factories and other industries, government and pr people with working class consciousness in this reg functioning of our party. Besides, the activities of t those who toil in paddy fields and in vegetable garde holders.
It is inevitable that the Party would unite with peop small plantation land owners, middle classes and in should be mobilised alongside the above working an
The Sri Lankan state and governments have been c our principal duty to prepare ourselves nationall condition, through a socialist revolution for establis To accomplish that, we need to work on that basis a As a precondition to carry out the socialist revolu Revolution needs to be carried out under the leader by uniting with all forces with all forces with whi approach applies to the regions as well. The whole being exploited by capitalism, feudalism and imp people are divided by nationality, religion, caste, ge kept divided so that the imperialist-capitalist-feudal Through such division the people are oppressed o religion, region and gender.
It is important for all the classes exploited by capit national) to fight under the leadership of the workin it is necessary to carry out the struggle against n comprises the main problem facing the country and struggle against capital, and achieve at lease a minim
The working class and the peasantry in the region c and their allies are divided on the basis of national Party should be extended to the all sections of the pe differences. At the same time, struggles against cla of the majority of the plantation workers who live nationality, namely the Hill Country Tamils, to important to extending the programme.
er and coconut plantations, workers in garment ies, government and private sector workers, and consciousness in this region form the base for the esides, the activities of the Party extend to include ds and in vegetable gardens as wage labour or lease
y would unite with people such as small producers, rs, middle classes and intellectuals who could and de the above working and agricultural classes.
overnments have been clients of imperialism. It is pare ourselves nationally for freedom from that st revolution for establishing an egalitarian society. d to work on that basis at the regional level as well. out the socialist revolution, the New Democratic ried out under the leadership of the working class, with all forces with which unity is possible. This ions as well. The whole country and its people are ism, feudalism and imperialist globalisation. The nality, religion, caste, gender and region. They are perialist-capitalist-feudal class rule could continue. people are oppressed on the basis of nationality,
lasses exploited by capital (international as well as leadership of the working class. At the same time, t the struggle against national oppression, which facing the country and an obstacle to carry out the achieve at lease a minimum solution.
peasantry in the region comprising the hill country on the basis of nationality. The programme of the the all sections of the people, by overcoming these e, struggles against class and national oppression ation workers who live in the hill country and the ill Country Tamils, to which they belong, are rogramme.The Hill Country Tamils brought to the island by th up the plantation industry and to toil there have a 2 live in the in the plantations in the Hill Countr capitalist class and Sinhala Buddhist chauvinist against them among the Sinhalese peasantry by wrong view that the lands of the Sinhalese in the h away by the British to set up plantations and that enjoyed special privileges.
The truth is that the bulk of the land used for estab wooded and not owned by any and that the plantations do not own even a piece of the land o established. They do not have houses of their own place of residence or address. It is true that land tha up plantations was taken over by the British. It is t should be answerable for that. When the British co they left, among many other things, the plantations ruling classes.
However, the contradiction created between the Si workers by British colonialism is being carried capitalist class and the chauvinists in several ways to The Citizenship Act was introduced in 1948 and including the plantation workers were made stateles vote was taken away and from 1952 they were d representation.
Although parliamentary representation was secured amendments to the Citizenship Act since 1977, su much at the mercy of the capitalist chauvinistic Tamils continue to be severely exploited as a n Particularly since the government administered the nationalisation and as a result of the creation of set basis, the Hill Country Tamils have been rende private ownership of the plantations, the plantation w cruelly.
ought to the island by the British colonialists to set nd to toil there have a 200 year long history. They ons in the Hill Country and their vicinity. The la Buddhist chauvinists have created bitterness inhalese peasantry by spreading the historically of the Sinhalese in the hill country had been taken up plantations and that the Hill Country Tamils
f the land used for establishing the plantations was by any and that the workers who created the en a piece of the land on which the estates were ave houses of their own. They have no permanent ss. It is true that land that was not used foe settling er by the British. It is the British colonialists who at. When the British colonialists left the country, r things, the plantations in the hands of the Lankan
created between the Sinhalese and the plantation ialism is being carried forward by the Lankan vinists in several ways to secure their own survival. introduced in 1948 and the Hill Country Tamils rkers were made stateless. As a result their right to from 1952 they were deprived of parliamentary
presentation was secured in stages by subsequent ship Act since 1977, such representation is very capitalist chauvinistic parties. The Hill Country erely exploited as a nationality and as a class. nment administered the plantations following their ult of the creation of settlements on a chauvinistic amils have been rendered insecure. Now, under ntations, the plantation workers are exploited mostTrade unions that functioned among the plantation in a way that ensures that the Hill Country Tamils re nationalism so that the leaders could win seats in pa posts and social status for themselves. The Ceylon W Malayaha Makkal Munnani (Hill Country People’s the people in their efforts to win votes and prop politics to prevent the workers from uniting with th CWC and the MMM have made it their politics to r the UNP and the SLFP so as to secure posts and pos politics is neither proletarian nor one for achievi oppressed Hill Country Tamil nationality.
Although some trade union demands have been wo the British period and later between 1972 and 199 managed by state organisations, the hill country pl not achieved anything remarkable. After the handin private companies (mainly foreign and especially w Indian companies), the trade union movement has for all practical purposes.
Collective agreements are signed according to t Chamber of Commerce acting on behalf of the plant unions that sign the agreements on behalf the wo Ceylon National Estate Workers Union (a UNP tr Committee of Plantation Trade Unions (a leftis appearance), seem effete. Besides their inability to they go to the extent of justifying the measly wa claiming them to be the maximum attainable.
While they are ineffective as trade unions, they have be incapable of achieving what is possible wit through the parliamentary representation that they ha
Under these conditions, the New Democratic Part dedication to unite the left and democratic forces a politics in opposition to parties that are functionin chauvinism and imperialism. It is taking the necessa the hill country too. I.e., it is working with de
d among the plantation workers do political work e Hill Country Tamils remain in the grip of narrow ers could win seats in parliament to secure cabinet hemselves. The Ceylon Workers’ Congress and the (Hill Country People’s Front), in particular, divide to win votes and propagate narrow nationalistic ers from uniting with the Sinhalese. However, the ade it their politics to renew in turn their ties with s to secure posts and positions they continue. Their ian nor one for achieving the aspirations of the
demands have been won in bits and pieces during r between 1972 and 1991, when the estates were ions, the hill country plantation trade unions have rkable. After the handing over of the plantations to foreign and especially with major share holding by e union movement has gradually become defunct
signed according to the wishes of the Ceylon ng on behalf of the plantation companies. The trade ments on behalf the workers, namely the CWC, orkers Union (a UNP trade union), and the Joint Trade Unions (a leftist trade union alliance in esides their inability to win a just wage increase, ustifying the measly wage increases achieved by ximum attainable.
s trade unions, they have also proven themselves to what is possible within bourgeois democracy epresentation that they have.
e New Democratic Party continues to work with and democratic forces and carry forward people’s rties that are functioning as clients to capitalism, . It is taking the necessary steps for that purpose in it is working with dedication to carry forwardpeople’s politics in opposition to the UNP and the S out its activities with its revolutionary politics at the own, through various mass organisations, and by which unity is possible, carried forward mass struggl
Since 1979, it has participated in many struggles problems of livelihood the Hill Country Tamils especially those demanding higher wages for the pla stood in the forefront of the struggle to make pe volunteer teachers. From 1980 to date, we are in the Kotmale Hydropower Scheme. We have been stru Kotmale Hydropower Scheme through the Sri Lank and its youth organisation, the Sri Lanka Patriotic Y Party functioned as the Sri Lanka Communist Party change of name, through the New Democratic Party the Sri Lanka Democratic Youth Front and now by called the People’s Movement Against the Upper uniting various individuals and organisations.
We struggled against the privatisation of the plant against chauvinistically motivated settlements in th mining for gems in the plantations. It should be note the road and for the reduction in the bus fare charged Ragala-Highforest route resulted in the repair of th bus fare. In 199, we carried out mass demonstrations ethnic violence in Ratnapura. We carried forward s of political prisoners in Bindunuweva in 2001. In la struggles against ethnic violence in Kandapola.
We continue to lend support to the struggle of th Sripada College of Education. In last June, demonstration of the teacher students, we took act teacher students. What should be noted here is th leaders and parliamentarians were opposed to the stood firmly and honestly in support of it.
We are, thus, active in mobilising the people th struggles.
on to the UNP and the SLFP. The party is carrying olutionary politics at the core. Our party has, on its s organisations, and by joining with forces with
ied forward mass struggles.
ated in many struggles to find solutions for the e Hill Country Tamils and plantation workers, higher wages for the plantation workers. In 1979 it he struggle to make permanent the posts of 402 80 to date, we are in the struggle against the Upper me. We have been struggling against the Upper me through the Sri Lanka Communist Party (Left) the Sri Lanka Patriotic Youth Movement, when the Lanka Communist Party (Left) and, following the e New Democratic Party and its youth organisation, outh Front and now by setting up an organisation ent Against the Upper Kotmale Scheme through and organisations.
rivatisation of the plantations. We are struggling tivated settlements in the plantations, and against tations. It should be noted that the struggle to repair n in the bus fare charged in private buses along the ulted in the repair of the road and a reduction in out mass demonstrations across the country against a. We carried forward struggles against the killing dunuweva in 2001. In last May, we carried forward ence in Kandapola.
ort to the struggle of the teacher students in the cation. In last June, besides supporting the er students, we took action against attacks on the uld be noted here is that, while all trade union s were opposed to the struggle, our Party alone support of it.
obilising the people through a variety of massWe have not failed to use elections as another plat struggle. Our position is that the problems of the through elections. We also appreciate that it is not altogether at present and that it cannot be a foregone always contest elections. In the Provincial Counc contested as an independent group, under the l Thambiah, our National Organiser, with the teacup a
In 1998, when the Party was a partner in the New L Provincial Council elections, again under the le Organiser, with the NLF symbol, the table. In the 2000, we contested in alliance with the Democra leadership of our National Organiser, with the DLF parliamentary elections of 1993, we contested, Comrade S Panneerselvam, again with the clock as s
In the general election of 2002, we carried forw comprising the spoiling of ballot papers. In the Prov 2004 April, we contested the Nuwara Eliya District National Organiser, with the candle as symbol. Alt comrades faced severe financial hardships by part there were favourable outcomes in activities to mobi
The Party works on the basis that, for the Hill Coun their struggle against national oppression, it is imp identity as a distinct nationality, and that they sh Country Tamils rather than as Tamils of Indian de Party is that the Tamils of Indian descent living especially in Colombo, the North Western Prov Province could be counted within the national ident as sections of that nationality. It is our position Country Tamils” that emphasises that we are compromised to serve the class interests of a few and a handful of intellectuals who play along with th
Besides, the struggle to win and to consolidate the nationality, the Hill Country Tamils, is not one in o and we are firm that, on the contrary, it needs to
elections as another platform to carry forward our hat the problems of the people cannot be solved appreciate that it is not possible to reject elections t it cannot be a foregone conclusion that we should In the Provincial Council elections of 1993, we ent group, under the leadership of Comrade E
aniser, with the teacup as symbol.
s a partner in the New Left Front, we contested the ns, again under the leadership of our National ymbol, the table. In the parliamentary elections of ance with the Democratic Left Front, under the Organiser, with the DLF symbol, the clock. In the f 1993, we contested, under the leadership of
again with the clock as symbol.
2002, we carried forward a protest movement allot papers. In the Provincial Council elections of e Nuwara Eliya District under the leadership of our e candle as symbol. Although the party and some ancial hardships by participation in the elections, mes in activities to mobilise people.
is that, for the Hill Country Tamils to carry forward nal oppression, it is important to put forward their nality, and that they should be identified as Hill as Tamils of Indian descent. The position of the f Indian descent living outside the hill country, e North Western Province, and the North-East within the national identity of Hill Country Tamils, lity. It is our position that the identity of “Hill phasises that we are not foreigners cannot be class interests of a few traders living in Colombo s who play along with them.
n and to consolidate the national aspirations of the y Tamils, is not one in opposition to the Sinhalese, the contrary, it needs to be carried forward as astruggle to reinforce solidarity with the Sinhalese neither that nor the fact that the Hill Country T Sinhalese could be cause for denial of the existen against the Hill Country Tamils or to refrain from str
An autonomous structure should be established t determination, equality and autonomy of the Hill C through that they could be freed of national oppre against them. It is necessary to secure in a similar fa for the Muslims living in the hill country.
Thus, the peace process aimed at resolving the address, besides the problems of the Tamils, those o and the Muslims. The scope of the peace talks sho that these problems could be resolved.
The peace negotiations relating to the national quest resumed. Rehabilitation and reconstruction work sh interim administration set up in the North-East so peace and democracy there. Following that, negotia the national question should be conducted to conclu frame. The final solution should be such that it ensu comprising a merged North and East as well as Muslim and Sinhalese living there. In the hill co comprising regions where the Hill Country Tamils l right to autonomy of these people should be en autonomous structures.
The Party Regional Committee for the Hill Coun oppression of men sand women in vegetable garden factories, besides the oppression in the plantations, such oppression. It considers that it is its duty to carr all government servants including teachers and pri their rights.
The main problems in the plantations are nation Country Tamils and class oppression against plant with its actions guided by Marxism Leninism M undertaken the responsibility of carrying out mu
arity with the Sinhalese and Muslims. However, that the Hill Country Tamils are surrounded by or denial of the existence of national oppression
ils or to refrain from struggle against it.
should be established to ensure the right to self autonomy of the Hill Country Tamils. It is only freed of national oppression and ethnic violence to secure in a similar fashion autonomy and safety e hill country.
imed at resolving the national question should s of the Tamils, those of the Hill Country Tamils e of the peace talks should be extended in a way e resolved.
ting to the national question should be immediately reconstruction work should be carried out and an up in the North-East so as to enable normal life, . Following that, negotiations for a final solution to be conducted to conclusion within a defined time ould be such that it ensures an autonomous region th and East as well as autonomy for the Tamil, ng there. In the hill country, a strong autonomy he Hill Country Tamils live. Outside this region the e people should be ensured through appropriate
ittee for the Hill Country has paid attention to men in vegetable gardens, farms, shops, offices and ssion in the plantations, and the struggles against s that it is its duty to carry forward the struggles for cluding teachers and private sector employees for
plantations are national oppression against Hill oppression against plantation workers. The Party, Marxism Leninism Mao Zedong Thought, has ity of carrying out multi-faceted struggles on aworking class basis to confront such oppression. faceted struggles that a foundation could be laid for workers among the Sinhalese, Hill Country Tamil country.
Besides, the Party is carrying out various activitie reinforce working class characteristics among th Organisations such as Thesiya Kalai Ilakkiyap Pera Group and Puthiya Malayakam are carrying forwa and art with that purpose in mind. The Red Hearts S activities. A musical group called Mountain M developing music for the people in support of the Pa
Liberation for the entire people in the hill country, socialist revolution and New Democratic revolution in the immediate context, part of the National D should be remembered that the revolution of the region is opposed to imperialism, imperialist global hegemony in the same way that socialist revolution opposed to them.
Struggles should be carried forward without ent Tamils within the imperialist agenda. Let us link o of the people of the world against imperialist globa avoid falling into the trap laid by the forces of India that the ‘Hill Country Tamils are of Indian origin’, a imperialism, Indian hegemony too is hostile to our c cannot permit it to carry out its various expansion country as base.
Comrades, Of all political tasks that we considered so far, th political tasks of our revolutionary party.
The trade unions in our region cannot even stir. Th cannot raise the standard of living of the people necessities of the people such as food, shelter, edu The UNP and the SLFP that have been ruling the parties subservient to them cannot bring salvation to
front such oppression. It is through such multi- ndation could be laid for a class struggle led by the ese, Hill Country Tamils and Muslims in the hill
ing out various activities on the cultural front to haracteristics among the people of the region. iya Kalai Ilakkiyap Peravai, Cem Malarkal Theatre kam are carrying forward their work in literature mind. The Red Hearts Sports Club conducts sports up called Mountain Mozarts is also active in ople in support of the Party.
ple in the hill country, in the long term, is part of Democratic revolution in the whole country and, part of the National Democratic programme. It t the revolution of the people of the hill country alism, imperialist globalisation and Indian regional that socialist revolution on a country-wide scale is
d forward without entrapping the Hill Country st agenda. Let us link ourselves with the struggles against imperialist globalisation. It is important to id by the forces of Indian hegemony using the line ls are of Indian origin’, and persist in struggle. Like ny too is hostile to our country and its people. We ut its various expansionist activities with the hill
we considered so far, the most important are the tionary party.
ion cannot even stir. The parliamentary politicians of living of the people by ensuring at least the ch as food, shelter, education and health services. at have been ruling the country and the political cannot bring salvation to the people of this country.The so-called left parties clinging on to the SL people’s politics properly. The JVP, which u chauvinism while waving the red flag, is attempti work in the hill country. Since its basis is hostile t plantations and the Hill Country Tamils, the people of the present is the path of political struggle as opp people surrender in return for concessions for parliamentary politicians.
Some educated people who have come from among Tamil community collaborate with trade unio politicians for their self-advancement and go to the They refuse to accept the politics of struggle as an a and parliamentary politicians. These educated perso opposition to existing trade unionists and parliame replacing one group of individuals with another. So officials and members of an elite class. Theirs is a educated class. Among the educated in the hill co gender oppression are emerging in new forms. It is e these trends. Some of the educated individuals a unionists and parliamentary politicians. It is neces social stand.
Hordes of NGOs have emerged, claiming to work a parliamentarism, while securing funding from imp agencies in the pretext of social development, wo social research. They downgrade people’s activis workers. NGOs reject explicitly or implicitly that could transform the unequal class society. The voluntarism, comprising cost-free activities such as with foreign funding to paying honoraria to par seminars, as the alternative to the degenerated poli transform society.
NGOs carry out certain tasks (for example, cons which should be the responsibility of the state towar the notion that the people should not depend on th fulfil them on their own. To the NGOs, mass strugg
clinging on to the SLFP cannot carry forward . The JVP, which upholds Sinhala Buddhist the red flag, is attempting to initiate trade union ince its basis is hostile to the working class in the untry Tamils, the people cannot accept it. The need political struggle as opposed to the path of making n for concessions for the trade unionists and
have come from among the backward Hill Country orate with trade unionists and parliamentary ancement and go to the extent of justifying them. litics of struggle as an alternative to trade unionists s. These educated persons interpret the politics of unionists and parliamentary politicians as one of ividuals with another. Some of them have become n elite class. Theirs is an anti-people stand of the educated in the hill country, caste ideology and ging in new forms. It is essential to struggle against educated individuals are defenders of the trade y politicians. It is necessary to oppose their anti-
rged, claiming to work against trade unionism and ring funding from imperialist countries and their social development, women’s empowerment and ngrade people’s activists to the level of social icitly or implicitly that only a socialist revolution ual class society. They project to the people t-free activities such as carrying out social services aying honoraria to participants in meetings and to the degenerated politics of today. That cannot
sks (for example, construction of public toilets) sibility of the state towards the people. They create should not depend on the state for their needs but the NGOs, mass struggle of is to bring the peopleto the streets and make exhibits of them. They spr especially the educated classes the belief that prob submitting research reports on social development a government. Also, the NGOs themselves offer e Those who work there do not only find fault with th themselves more advanced than the people. Those are moneyed and well to do. They call themselves ‘ the nobility.
Such voluntarism is fundamentally opposed to s activities of revolutionary mass organisations a Imperialist programmes are implemented throug parliamentarism and voluntarism are serving to blu of the workers.
Our principal task is to carry out revolutionary wor against these forces. That could be done by the Pa with forces that could be united with. It could al organisations.
A larger number of educated people have joined th any other organisation. They are acting with prol scientific clarity against the anti-social educated clas to develop that work further and defend and develop the workers. On this basis the 4th Hill Country Regional Con forward the following immediate tasks:
1 We will strengthen the New Democratic Par
and mobiles the people behind it.
2 In order to win the rights of the oppressed Hi develop a broad mass movement transcend political parties and trade unions.
3 We will develop a revolutionary trade
hibits of them. They spread among the people and sses the belief that problems could be solved by on social development and exerting pressure on the Os themselves offer employment opportunities. ot only find fault with the people but also consider than the people. Those who administer the NGOs . They call themselves ‘civil society’ and live like
amentally opposed to social change and to the mass organisations and revolutionary parties. re implemented through them. Trade unionism, arism are serving to blunt the class consciousness
ry out revolutionary work and mobilise the people ould be done by the Party on its own and jointly united with. It could also be done through mass
ed people have joined the ranks of our Party than ey are acting with proletarian consciousness and anti-social educated class and the NGOs. We need and defend and develop the class consciousness of
l Country Regional Congress of the Party puts
the New Democratic Party as a revolutionary party
le behind it.
ights of the oppressed Hill Country Tamils, we will ss movement transcending the limitations of the trade unions.
a revolutionary trade union movement in the4 We will advance through strengthening t
democratic forces against the UPFA and the
In addition, we will mobilize the people to achieve t
a. We will struggle to defeat chauvinism and
ensure the rights of all nationalities in the h equality and unity among them.
b. We will win a just wage scheme for the plant
c. We will free the plantations from the priva
under co-operative management.
d. We will put an end to the disastrous Upper K
e. We will win basic educational and health care
f. We will eliminate caste and gender oppressio
g. We will win the rights of the peasantry.
h. We will construct a new culture.
We will win New Democracy and unite for
Long live Marxism Leninism Mao Zed
Victory to the Proletarian Rev
Long Live the New Democratic
hrough strengthening the unity of the left and ainst the UPFA and the UNP.
e the people to achieve the following:
defeat chauvinism and narrow nationalism and to all nationalities in the hill country and to establish
age scheme for the plantation workers.
antations from the private sector and bring them
o the disastrous Upper Kotmale Scheme.
ucational and health care facilities.
ste and gender oppression.
ts of the peasantry.
emocracy and unite for a socialist future.
xism Leninism Mao Zedong Thought
to the Proletarian Revolution
ive the New Democratic PartyRemembering Comrade Nav
Comrade SK Senthivel
[The following is a translation of the text of the address in Senthivel, General Secretary of the NDP at memorial mee Colombo on, 7.11.2004 and 4.12.2004, respectively.]
Comrade S Navaratnam, member of the Politburo of a heart attack on 08.10.2004. His departure is Democratic Party. It is not a loss that is easy to be was a revolutionary communist fighter who integrat the life and the history of the Party. The role play building the Party on the basis of Marxism Lenini and in carrying forward mass struggles outside the P commendable, and worth emulation by young comm
Comrade Navam is a comrade who has comp revolutionary communist movement. Comrade Nav movement of the Party in 1964 as a nineteen membership to the Party an year later. Comrade Na as a building worker, through his keenness in learn well as putting it into practice, advanced to a positio
The year 1964 was the time when revolutionary c anew from the older parties in Sri Lanka and other c fierce ideological struggle between Marxism revisionism. In Sri Lanka, the new Marxist Leninist leadership of Comrade Sanmugathasan. In the no Karthigesan, Dr SV Seenivasagam, and KA Su vanguard of the revolutionary party. Comrade Nav comrades to join the party.
embering Comrade Navam
Comrade SK Senthivel
f the text of the address in Tamil by Comrade SK f the NDP at memorial meetings held in Jaffna and 12.2004, respectively.]
mber of the Politburo of the Party died suddenly of 004. His departure is a great loss to the New a loss that is easy to bear, since Comrade Navam nist fighter who integrated himself so closely with the Party. The role played by Comrade Navam in asis of Marxism Leninism Mao Zedong Thought ss struggles outside the Party was exemplary, most
ulation by young communists.
mrade who has completed forty years in the ovement. Comrade Navam who joined the youth in 1964 as a nineteen year old youth, gained year later. Comrade Navam who joined the Party gh his keenness in learning Marxism Leninism as ce, advanced to a position in the Party leadership.
e when revolutionary communist parties emerged in Sri Lanka and other countries in the course of a le between Marxism Leninism and modern he new Marxist Leninist party took form under the nmugathasan. In the north comrades such as M ivasagam, and KA Subramaniam were in the ary party. Comrade Navam was among the youngFollowing the founding of the new revolutionary 1964, a powerful youth organisation was built in the of the party. Similarly, the trade union movemen strong. Against this background, through the 21 O party made the historical declaration of the revolutio against caste oppression and untouchability. revolutionary mass struggles were launched on its b depressed by caste made new history through their the shackle of casteism and untouchability.
The struggles against casteism and untouchability history and changed the course of events in soc Leninist party that was the driving force of th organisation and the Mass Movement to Eliminate struggle through hard work among the people. Thus of learning from the people, serving the people and further developed. Through it, party members an organisations acquired a variety of experiences from themselves into honest communists. They became e were at the forefront of struggle. Comrade Nava important among them.
We could recall various characteristics that made Co imbibed the Marxist outlook together with class a through reading and study. On that basis, he always Marxist Leninist party and worked hard to build it example to others in adopting the basic positions Leninist, in both theory and practice. He adhered to living and severe in struggle’ to his last breath.
Comrade Navam who was warm and friendly in his fiends at all levels of the Party and mass organisat with no room for compromise on matters of id reactionaries with a hostile stand.
The mid-1960s was a period, both nationally and forces of Marxism Leninism were on the rise and tidal upsurge. Several who joined the Marxist Lenin
the new revolutionary Marxist Leninist party in anisation was built in the north under the leadership trade union movement became unprecedentedly ound, through the 21st October 1966 uprising, the claration of the revolutionary struggle of the people and untouchability. Lawful and unlawful s were launched on its basis. The people who were ew history through their armed struggle to shatter untouchability.
ism and untouchability became a turning point in ourse of events in society. It was the Marxist he driving force of these struggles. The youth Movement to Eliminate Untouchability served the among the people. Thus the revolutionary practice , serving the people and mobilising the people was h it, party members and members of the youth riety of experiences from the people and moulded munists. They became exemplary individuals who struggle. Comrade Navam was one of the most
racteristics that made Comrade Navam distinct. He ok together with class awareness and enriched it On that basis, he always emphasised the need for a worked hard to build it. Comrade Navam was an ting the basic positions appropriate to a Marxist practice. He adhered to the principle of ‘simple in ’ to his last breath.
arm and friendly in his dealing with comrades and arty and mass organisations, adopted a firm stand mise on matters of ideology and dealings with stand.
od, both nationally and internationally, when the m were on the rise and there was a revolutionary joined the Marxist Leninist party and worked mostenthusiastically during that time and were very clos be incapable of endurance during subsequent period temporary setbacks for Marxism and socialism. lacking in will and incapable of facing the new situations.
Many were led astray by the total disintegration a Union, the fall of socialist states in east Europe, and China, which once offered hope amid these setbac the road to capitalism. While at the same time, w caught up in the net of globalisation cast by imperia and when ideologies of confusion such as postmode liberalism were being spread to wipe out Marxism L were actively involved in facing the new challeng among leading comrades in combating erroneous too, the loss of Comrade Navam has left behind a vo
Comrade Navam, who was at the forefront of t oppression and untouchability, adopted a firm s Leninist position in struggles against nationa subsequently. He worked actively to carry forward, as well as an ideological level, the stand of the defining self determination for the Tamil, Hill C nationalities and, on that basis, to stress the need for
Comrade Navam joined hands with those interested out tasks of public interest such as setting up a com in his surroundings with a backward community a developing education, economy and culture. He wa comrade who worked with dedication to the peop position or fame for himself.
There cannot be a second opinion about Comrade N figure in finding harmony between his political life,
When the New Democratic Party, then Communist was founded in 1978, Comrade Navam was amo determined to take the party forward as a party ba Mao Zedong Thought. Memories of Comrade Nav
time and were very close to the party turned out to during subsequent periods of inner-party splits and arxism and socialism. Such individuals became ble of facing the new national and international
the total disintegration and collapse of the Soviet tates in east Europe, and the subsequent changes in hope amid these setbacks, that propelled it along ile at the same time, when a several forces were alisation cast by imperialism and confounded by it, fusion such as postmodernism, neo-Marxism, neo- d to wipe out Marxism Leninism, Marxist Leninists facing the new challenges. Comrade Navam was n combating erroneous tendencies. In that respect vam has left behind a void for us.
as at the forefront of the struggle against caste ility, adopted a firm stand based on a Marxist ggles against national oppression that arose tively to carry forward, at a level of consciousness evel, the stand of the New Democratic Party in for the Tamil, Hill Country Tamil and Muslim sis, to stress the need for granting autonomy.
nds with those interested in social welfare to carry such as setting up a community centre cum library backward community and through it the work of omy and culture. He was loved by the public as a dedication to the people without seeking titles, .
pinion about Comrade Navam being an exemplary etween his political life, family life and public life.
Party, then Communist Party of Sri Lanka (Left), mrade Navam was among the founder members y forward as a party based on Marxism Leninism mories of Comrade Navaratnam who lived as anhonest revolutionary communist to his last breath w his Marxist Leninist ideological stand and in the l forever. His life, work and struggle and the views value today and will be of value in times to come Marxist Leninists.
The work of Comrade Navam was not confined to joined in Party work in the hill country and, Colom he emphasised that the Party should strengthe experiences and learning new lessons. Comrade N various campaigns and struggles that the Party carri jointly with other democratic and progressive forces of a political solution based on the right to self-deter
In Sri Lanka, over the past quarter of a century, nati and practice have come to the fore against a domination. At the same time, imperialist conspira intensified and the illusion of globalisation is being Under these conditions, Marxist Leninists need to carrying forward their programme. This requires una Leninism, determination to act, faith in the people, Losing Comrade Navam who had all these qualities
Nevertheless, advancing by transforming the sorrow and by holding firmly to the revolutionary contribu the revolutionary tribute that we could pay to him. Comrade Navam frequently reminds us of the Zedong’s to communist fighters, “Be firm, fear no s difficulties to achieve victory”, and points to the nee
Therefore, let us work to further strengthen organisations under it in the revolutionary memory o
We express our red salutes to Comrade Navam
unist to his last breath without ever slipping up in gical stand and in the life he led will be with us struggle and the views put forward by him are of value in times to come to the new generation of
am was not confined to the Northern Region. He hill country and, Colombo as well. Based on that, Party should strengthen itself by gaining new ew lessons. Comrade Navam participated in the ggles that the Party carried forward on its own and ic and progressive forces against war and in support
on the right to self-determination.
quarter of a century, nationalistic thought, ideology to the fore against a background of chauvinist me, imperialist conspiracy and intrigue have been of globalisation is being spread among the people. arxist Leninists need to face strong challenges in ramme. This requires unassailable faith in Marxism act, faith in the people, firmness and enthusiasm. o had all these qualities is a great loss to the Party.
transforming the sorrow of his loss into strength e revolutionary contributions left behind by him is at we could pay to him. It is worth recalling that ly reminds us of the advice of Comrade Mao hters, “Be firm, fear no sacrifice, and overcome all y”, and points to the need to act accordingly.
to further strengthen the Party and the mass
revolutionary memory of Comrade Navam.
to Comrade NavamSri L
Saved by the Tsunami?
The government finally overcame its difficulty of majority before presenting its budget by buying ove Sri Lanka Muslim Congress and the whole of the for the price of cabinet posts and ministries and also Bhikku MPs of the Jatika Hela Urumaya. It made a democracy by making a UNP deserter a minister ev resigned from the UNP and crossed over to the ranks
The President and the government party had be political enemies by bringing up a variety of cha seem to have a basis but no strong justification when of government MPs and ex-MPs. The UNP’s respo had lost the initiative, once the President went on demonstrations later in 2004 against the rise in cost anyone, given its record in power less than a year e as a result of global panic about curtailment of oil hurt the popularity of the government.
Even on the question of the President seeking to e based on her claim that she secretly took oaths a sec after her premature election for a second term, the mass campaign or to rally mass opposition to th President.
The sentencing in early December 2004 of UNP M Dissanayake (who crossed over to the UNP from th and transformed overnight from a close comrade strongest critic) to two years of rigorous imprisonm was seen as a threat to democracy not only by th opposition parties and even some of the new allies saw an opportunity in making the martyrdom of its being deprived of his parliamentary seat a majo
Sri Lankan Events
ercame its difficulty of securing a parliamentary its budget by buying over two of the MPS from the s and the whole of the Ceylon Workers Congress ts and ministries and also the support of one of the ela Urumaya. It made a mockery of parliamentary P deserter a minister even before he had formally crossed over to the ranks of the government.
vernment party had been on the attack against ing up a variety of charges of corruption, which strong justification when one examines the records -MPs. The UNP’s response has been weak after it the President went on the offensive. While UNP 4 against the rise in cost of living failed to impress power less than a year earlier, the rise in oil prices about curtailment of oil production and supply did
e President seeking to extend her term by a year, secretly took oaths a second time in 2001, an year n for a second term, the UNP failed to organise a mass opposition to the unethical move by the
cember 2004 of UNP MP and former minister SB over to the UNP from the PA only three years ago, from a close comrade of the President into her rs of rigorous imprisonment for contempt of court mocracy not only by the UNP, but also by other some of the new allies of the President. The UNP ng the martyrdom of its MP and the prospect of his liamentary seat a major political issue. But thetsunami overtook the plans of the UNP and that forgotten, unless the government slips up very badly
The budget presented in November with promises f the poor was passed with a comfortable majority in on the promises was another matter. Most of the pr were cosmetic, and not ferasible in the context of the aimed at a possible snap poll in the event of a d constitution so as to prolong the rule of Chandrika K accommodation of the newly bought MPs, now in th is of no help in plans to amend the constitution sinc system would deprive the new allies of their politica
Industrial disputes cost the tottering economy dear Bata shoe factory in mid-2004, where the int management and rough handling of the workers led major fire in the factory by saboteurs.
In the meantime, the country faced serious environm land-slides in some parts of the country, espe province, had become a regular feature because of th to implement preventive measures. Unusually heavy in November caused severe flooding in the Battical But the government failed to provide relief to the districts, and it was a private sector media establishm in organising relief. The indifference of the gover before the tsunami disaster has hurt its credibility Tamils and Muslims in the East.
Meanwhile, the uneasy alliance of the JVP and the with the JVP leaders constantly opposing peace tal rejecting the Interim Self Governing Authority pro position of the SLFP right wingers was no different national question. It was very late in the day that Party MP in the UPFA declared support for negot ISGA.
While the climate of political killings, partly provok cadres by the now pro-government opponents of th
s of the UNP and that issue is now as good as ment slips up very badly in the near future.
vember with promises for relieving the burden on comfortable majority in parliament, but delivering r matter. Most of the proposals with public appeal sible in the context of the weak economy, and were poll in the event of a difficulty in amending the the rule of Chandrika Kumaratunge. However, the y bought MPs, now in the ranks of the government, end the constitution since changes to the electoral ew allies of their political purchasing power.
tottering economy dearly, notably the one at the d-2004, where the intransigent attitude of the dling of the workers led to a prolonged strike and a saboteurs.
ry faced serious environmental crisis. Flooding and of the country, especially the Sabaragamuwa ular feature because of the failure of the authorities asures. Unusually heavy rains in the eastern region flooding in the Batticaloa and Amparai districts. to provide relief to the flood victims in the two e sector media establishment that took the initiative ndifference of the government only a few weeks r has hurt its credibility badly in the eyes of the East.
ance of the JVP and the SLFP was showing strain, antly opposing peace talks, albeit in the pretext of overning Authority proposed by the LTTE. The ingers was no different from that of the JVP on the ery late in the day that the revisionist Communist clared support for negotiations on the basis of the
al killings, partly provoked by the killing of LTTE ernment opponents of the LTTE allegedly with thesupport of the armed forces and encouragement b meddlers, continued to prevail in the east, plans of ‘Heroes’ Day’ met with resistance from chauv untoward incidents took place in Jaffna (killings and JVP-backed agitation in Trincomalee and resultan clashes between government forces and the public in
The Heroes’ Day speech of the LTTE leader warni the peace negotiations would force the LTTE to r This was interpreted as a call to war by mischievou India (especially the ‘Hindu’ media empire) wherea the LTTE may be compelled to reconsider its offe framework of a united Sri Lanka. The implications ‘aid package’ of 40 billion dollars worried the gove to appease the chauvinistic partners in government within the SLFP, and take the initiative in resuming
The government, having failed to respond positivel resume the negotiations from the point where they s the LTTE proposal for an ISGA, came up with its c LTTE had rejected as inadequate, only days before t
The wave of international sympathy and the offer value of material damage by the tsunami seem to equation somewhat. The attention of the public ha own difficulties concerning the soaring cost of l underemployment, the deterioration in the quality an as health, transport and education to the tsunami disa
The government still has the opportunity to uni addressing the national question in a sincere man tsunami tragedy victims in an equitable and temptation to make political capital as well as to enr public misery is too great. Thus, One cannot help b the coastal population which now seems to be a ble was in trouble could, given the reality of the natu predators administered through parasites including turn out to be a curse for the whole country and the g
s and encouragement by chauvinists and foreign vail in the east, plans of the LTTE to celebrate its resistance from chauvinistic quarters. Several ce in Jaffna (killings and army attack on civilians), rincomalee and resultant communal tension, and t forces and the public in other areas.
the LTTE leader warning that further delaying of ld force the LTTE to resume liberation struggle. all to war by mischievous elements at home and in u’ media empire) whereas the point made was that ed to reconsider its offer of a solution within the anka. The implications of this for the international dollars worried the government, but it was not easy partners in government, let alone the chauvinists e initiative in resuming the peace talks.
iled to respond positively to the LTTE proposal to m the point where they stopped and on the basis of SGA, came up with its counter proposal which the quate, only days before the Tsunami disaster.
sympathy and the offer of aid well surpassing the y the tsunami seem to have altered the political tention of the public has turned away from their g the soaring cost of living, unemployment and rioration in the quality and content of services such cation to the tsunami disaster.
the opportunity to unite the people as one by estion in a sincere manner and dealing with the in an equitable and responsible manner. But l capital as well as to enrich one’s self at the cost of Thus, One cannot help but fear that the tragedy of h now seems to be a blessing to a government that n the reality of the nature of aid from imperialist ough parasites including NGOs, will before long
whole country and the government.GLOBALISED MILITARISM A NEED FOR CRITICAL ECON
by Dr Peter Custers Theoretician on Arms’ Production and A
Leiden, the Netherlands [This article which is to be the opening chapter in a forthc produced here with his kind permission.]
1. Introduction: The Global Reach of Militarism This study theorizes the global reach of militarism a millennium. Hardly a decade ago, it appeared that sigh of relief. For a period of half a century conflagration and the destruction of many million seconds, had been an all too real possibility. Now between the two superpowers with their over-kill nu Both Russia, which power remained largely in component parts of the former Soviet Union’s m complex, was forced to vastly reduce its spending United States, which in the 1980s had spent all armament systems and on other Pentagon-related co the size of its military budget. The world entered a which the production of information-technology business cycle. Meanwhile the threat of militarism a at least at the world level, appeared to recede. As th of its former chief adversary were partly being ‘civ was much reason for optimism. Today, a decade later, the optimism of the ea misplaced, and militarism and nuclear destruction millennium continue to pose a global threat. First,
ISED MILITARISM AND THE OR CRITICAL ECONOMIC
by Dr Peter Custers
Arms’ Production and Arms’ Exports, Leiden, the Netherlands opening chapter in a forthcoming book by Dr Custers is rmission.]
al Reach of Militarism Today bal reach of militarism at the beginning of the new de ago, it appeared that humanity could breathe a iod of half a century the danger of a nuclear ruction of many millions of human lives within o real possibility. Now suddenly the confrontation rs with their over-kill nuclear capacities was over. er remained largely in charge of the various rmer Soviet Union’s military-nuclear production stly reduce its spending on the military; and the he 1980s had spent all-out on the purchases of ther Pentagon-related costs, too felt forced to limit et. The world entered a decade of globalization, in information-technology was to lead the world’s the threat of militarism and of nuclear destruction, ppeared to recede. As the economies of the US and y were partly being ‘civilianized’, there seemingly sm.
e optimism of the early 1990s looks entirely and nuclear destruction at the start of the new se a global threat. First, - the US, although it de-activated a part of its stock of atomic weapons in decade of globalization has continued to be a p military. Thus, according to some analysts, throug which military spending was brought back from som percent of the US’s Gross Domestic Product, the U roughly half of the world’s spending on the produ spending in the late 1990s was equivalent to t adversaries combined (1). Moreover, since the lat perceptible tendency of successive US-governments military budget. Today’s tendency of the Bush-ad resume the policies of the Reagan era, is not only b effects on the global economy. As the cases of the w planned full-scale military aggression against Iraq b will also result in ever new wars (2). Secondly, the nuclear threat, far from having disapp on new forms – forms different from the threat of a two nuclear superpowers of the Cold War-period. F in the past the use of nuclear weapons as a first-strik difficult to defend, the world’s only superpower, no has dared to state that it now does consider using at ‘pre-emptive’ strike against any of its adversaries (3 spread of nuclear production for civilian and milit was (temporarily at least) halted in the West’s cent and though reliance on nuclear energy was asses hazardous, - the spread of nuclear production, includ military ends, has been alarming especially in count first time, two Southern adversaries, i.e. India and Pa powers in the South-Asian subcontinent, face each o (4). Hence, a comprehensive assessment of the nat within the context of critical economic theory, is ove Thirdly – and no less importantly – is the issue o armament systems, which too should draw pro discourse on globalised militarism. Even as propone trade’, and advocate integration of each and every world economy, the flow of weaponry from North commodities representing sources of key wealth f
of atomic weapons in the 1990s, throughout the as continued to be a ponderous spender on the to some analysts, throughout the same decade in s brought back from some 6 percent to less than 3 omestic Product, the US has been responsible for spending on the production of arms. Its military s was equivalent to that of 9 or 10 potential Moreover, since the late 1990s, there has been a cessive US-governments to increase the size of the endency of the Bush-administration to, partially, eagan era, is not only bound to have wide-ranging my. As the cases of the war in Afghanistan and the aggression against Iraq bring out well, it inevitably wars (2). t, far from having disappeared, today is only taking rent from the threat of a confrontation between the the Cold War-period. First and foremost, whereas r weapons as a first-strike option was publicly very ld’s only superpower, now baptized ‘hyperpower’, w does consider using atomic weapons as part of a any of its adversaries (3). Moreover, although the n for civilian and military ends during the 1990s alted in the West’s centres of the world economy, clear energy was assessed as uneconomical and uclear production, including nuclear production for ming especially in countries of Asia. Today, for the ersaries, i.e. India and Pakistan, which are adjacent subcontinent, face each other as nuclear adversaries e assessment of the nature of nuclear production, l economic theory, is overdue.
rtantly – is the issue of the exports of arms and too should draw prominent attention in any itarism. Even as proponents sing the praises of ‘free ation of each and every country and nation in the f weaponry from North to South, in exchange of sources of key wealth for weapons’ importers, isplaying havoc on Southern economies. And wherea against wealth is well rooted in the past, the institut trade around crude oil in the 1970s now has culmi the given form of trade is applied in relation to se including to the poorest of continents, Africa (5). consequences for humanity are not limited to the wa be used towards the relief of poverty, for during th African country importing arms in exchange of erupted into civil war. And since the wars have onl peoples living in African countries, the given trade form of enslavement. This study theorizes today’s globalised militarism Based on a critical reading of Marx’s Capital II, circuit of capital is proposed in the first Part of this of the existence of nuclear waste at each link of civilian-nuclear production chain. Then, in the seco move on to address the social accumulation of cap fact that through much of the second half of the twe sector has been used by the American governm business cycle. In the third part of the study, I will ta relations between North and South which theoretic had undertaken during the sixties and seventies onward. The end-result has been an economic theo exports of arms, - i.e. a theory that has been dearly the below theory, I claim is, novel and may respond the understanding of the given topics undoubtedly With regard to the development of human knowled anarchist theoretician Michael Bakunin, who humb to grasp ‘any very large portion of human knowl ‘human science is always and necessarily imperfect.
2. The Social Circuit of Capital and Marx’s Repr What concepts and theses from the legacy of critic need to refer back to in order to highlight how glob in the very nature of today’s capitalist system? Firs relevance of Marx’s method for the analysis of the
economies. And whereas the trade of social waste d in the past, the institutionalization of this form of he 1970s now has culminated in a situation where applied in relation to several Southern continents, f continents, Africa (5). Here again, the negative are not limited to the waste of resources that could of poverty, for during the 1990s, one after another arms in exchange of primary commodities, has since the wars have only increased the misery for ountries, the given trade can only be termed a new
y’s globalised militarism from particular angles. g of Marx’s Capital II, a view of the individual d in the first Part of this study which takes account r waste at each link of the military-nuclear and chain. Then, in the second Part of the study, I will ial accumulation of capital, taking account of the e second half of the twentieth century, the military the American government to regulate the US’s part of the study, I will take the discussion on trade- d South which theoreticians on unequal exchange e sixties and seventies of the previous century been an economic theory on the production and ory that has been dearly lacking so far. Yet while , novel and may respond to the need of the hour, - ven topics undoubtedly requires further theorizing. ment of human knowledge, I share the view of the ael Bakunin, who humbly stated his own inability ortion of human knowledge’, and argued that all d necessarily imperfect.’ (6).
pital and Marx’s Reproduction Schemes from the legacy of critical economic theory do we er to highlight how globalised militarism is rooted ’s capitalist system? First, we need to re-assert the d for the analysis of the business cycle. Amongstthe economic thinkers of his day, Marx was one opposition, for instance, against David Ricardo - th the very purpose of the endeavours of all entrepren a smooth path, but tends to be interrupted at regula Industrial Revolution, the process of econom economies, then located in Europe, was halted i entrepreneurs failed to find a market for the goods t of periodic downturns in the business cycle ultimate name of recessions. Whereas other economists rea early put forward the view that periodic crises were of the capitalism (7). Further, Marx located the basic reasons for perio nature of capitalist production. Under this system, unless it seeks to continually expand its own scale rule of the game is: either you expand or you peris regarding production, each company or entrepreneu This process of unplanned self-expansion necess imbalances, as some entrepreneurs decide to expand entrepreneurs take larger risks and expand at a qui carefully one may try to assess the future demand f on the market, there is likelihood that one will eith demand. Marx spoke in this context of capita disproportionality, which could be revealed either as total quantity of goods produced and total dem imbalance in the expansion rate of different industria Marx sought to scientifically illustrate the problem by building reproduction schemes, somewhat anal scheme developed in the 18th century by the father o Quesnay (9). Like the latter, Marx drew a diagram functioning as fundamental producers, and/or as f capitalist commodities. Yet whereas Quesnay cons period before the industrial system had become pr predominance of industrial manufacturing for grante accordingly. His diagram thus came to consist in Production, i.e. the Department for production of (MP), or Department I, and the Department for pr
his day, Marx was one of the first to argue - in ainst David Ricardo - that accumulation, which is eavours of all entrepreneurs, cannot proceed along be interrupted at regular intervals. Ever since the e process of economic expansion in central n Europe, was halted intermittently, as capitalist a market for the goods they produced. The pattern e business cycle ultimately got to be known by the as other economists reacted with disbelief, Marx that periodic crises were the inevitably by-product
basic reasons for periodic crises in the anarchic ion. Under this system, no company can survive ly expand its own scale of manufacturing, for the you expand or you perish. Yet in taking decisions company or entrepreneur has to fend for him self. self-expansion necessarily results in numerous reneurs decide to expand at one rate, whereas other sks and expand at a quicker rate. No matter how sess the future demand for one’s own commodities lihood that one will either under- or overestimate this context of capitalism’s tendency towards ould be revealed either as an imbalance between the roduced and total demand for goods, or as an rate of different industrial sectors (8). lly illustrate the problematic of disproportionality, chemes, somewhat analogous to the reproduction century by the father of the physiocrats, Francois er, Marx drew a diagram depicting several actors l producers, and/or as fundamental purchasers of t whereas Quesnay constructed his scheme in the l system had become predominant, Marx took the manufacturing for granted and devised his diagram hus came to consist in two basic Departments of ment for production of the Means of Production d the Department for production of the Means ofConsumption (MC), or Department II. In a complic presented in the last part of Capital II, Marx sou balanced process of social accumulation was po difficulties existed, in terms of the proportionalities the two Production Departments (10). In this study I have, following the Polish re Luxemburg, argued that Marx’ discussion on Pro invaluable, but that his view nevertheless was not ignored exports, i.e. the flows of commodities tow continents. As Rosa Luxemburg rightly pointed out, Marx’s reproduction schemes is that it presumes c national system, whereas capitalism has in fact bee start. According to her, Marx rightly emphasized the exchanges in an anarchic market system, but in his c failed to highlight the need and the potentials of ex required in particular for the sale of commodities re of manufactured goods. Thus, whereas Luxembur method of analyzing the system, in terms of two co of Production of MP and MC, she raised initial qu validity of Marx’s famous reproduction schemes (11
3. The Social Circuit of Capital and the Role of th In the below study, I am going to argue that we urge debate on the difficulties of social accumulation, b from the way it was argued by Rosa Luxemburg. F twentieth century has continued to be beset with per in the period preceding and in the period following War ‘Two’ (12). Moreover, whereas initially policy those in the United States, sought to solve the prob stimulating aggregate demand via civilian infrastru Second World War onwards a consensus was crea class in favour of reliance on the military sector as the business cycle (13). Consequently, whereas hist correct to analyse the capitalist system as a sy Departments, through most of the last half century th
artment II. In a complicated series of calculations f Capital II, Marx sought to demonstrate that a l accumulation was possible, but that numerous s of the proportionalities to be maintained between
ents (10). llowing the Polish revolutionary thinker Rosa arx’ discussion on Production Departments was w nevertheless was not fully convincing since he ows of commodities towards other countries and burg rightly pointed out, - one of the limitations of es is that it presumes capitalism to be a ‘closed’ apitalism has in fact been a world system from the x rightly emphasized the difficulties underlying the arket system, but in his closed reproduction scheme and the potentials of external markets. Exports are e sale of commodities representing the surplus part hus, whereas Luxemburg accepted Marx’s basic stem, in terms of two complementary Departments C, she raised initial questions regarding the final eproduction schemes (11).
pital and the Role of the Military Sector ing to argue that we urgently need to revive Marx’s f social accumulation, be it in a different manner by Rosa Luxemburg. First, capitalism through the ued to be beset with periodic crises, and such both in the period following the occurrence of World , whereas initially policymakers, more particularly sought to solve the problem of recurring crises by nd via civilian infrastructural programs, from the ds a consensus was created within the US ruling on the military sector as regulating mechanism for nsequently, whereas historically, it may have been pitalist system as a system of two Production of the last half century the hegemonic US economyhas functioned as an economy of three Production D Department for production of the Means of Destruct We should further note the specific nature of Depart Department it cannot be equated with I and II Departments are largely market Departments, whi other Department on the basis of mutuality, the De the Means of Destruction is not a purely market De reciprocal Department. That means: whereas this D of I and II to realize their profits, since the owners buy raw materials from I, and since its employees II, the commodities churned out by Department domestic economy, sold to one single actor on capitalist state (14). Consequently, whereas Karl Ma economy as an economy existing of only two fun reality the functioning of the US economy has ‘interplay’ between four actors, i.e. three Produc hegemonic state (15). Now, the view that the military sector is used as lev business cycle is not a novel view. It was alread Marxist authors who in the later part of the last economy, then popularly labelled as the ‘permanen why re-chew an old discussion, - a discussion wh proved to be outdated when US policymakers r economy in the 1990s, and henceforth relied on i major stimulus for the business cycle? Below, I wi Production Departments is once again of great act need to once again rethink their interpretation of For although it is true that the military sector during pump primer, - throughout most of the preceding pe the 1950s till the late 1980s, it had functioned as a Marx’s sense. Hence, we need to speak of a tempora from the permanent Production Departments, I and I Moreover, experience has brought out that the m edged sword, since it, for instance during the deca regulator of the business cycle, and the cause of a
my of three Production Departments, including the of the Means of Destruction (MD), Department III. specific nature of Department III, for as Production equated with I and II. Whereas the latter two arket Departments, which sell their goods to the sis of mutuality, the Department for production of not a purely market Department, but rather a non- t means: whereas this Department helps capitalists rofits, since the owners of armament corporations nd since its employees buy consumer goods from ed out by Department III itself are, within the to one single actor only, being the hegemonic uently, whereas Karl Marx envisaged the capitalist xisting of only two fundamental Departments, in the US economy has been dependent on the ctors, i.e. three Production Departments and the
tary sector is used as leverage for regulation of the vel view. It was already put forward by leading e later part of the last century analyzed the US- belled as the ‘permanent war economy’ (16). So sion, - a discussion which, moreover, so clearly en US policymakers restructured the American d henceforth relied on information technology as ness cycle? Below, I will argue that the debate on once again of great actuality, be it that Marxists their interpretation of ‘Production Departments’. he military sector during the 1990s was not used as ost of the preceding period, from the beginning of , it had functioned as a Production Department in ed to speak of a temporary Department, as distinct tion Departments, I and II (17). brought out that the military sector is a double- instance during the decade of the 1980s, was both cle, and the cause of a renewed, periodic crisis inthe system. Hence, ultimately, my discussion on Pro me to put forward the need for a re-adaptation of th As I will argue in Part Two below, Mar disproportionalities needs to be upheld, but needs take stock of the experience of 20th century policymakers took recourse to the military sector disproportionalities, between aggregate supply of c demand. In the end, however, after a series of busine the military sector itself became a ‘disproportio Department, as investment money, under the impac increasingly shifted from industrial sectors belongin - to the military sector and the hegemonic state. No m is placed on the manufacturing of commodities r capitalism’s basic predicaments remain (18).
4. The Individual Circuit of Capital: Marx’s Forg Just like Marx’s discussion on social accumulati individual accumulation contained in the first part o relevance today. Marx interpreted the mode of entrepreneurs or companies as a series of tr metamorphoses. Whereas the first action led to the capital M into commodity capital C, in the form of r goods, and human labour power, - during the s commodities purchased were set to work in or commodities. In a characteristic statement Mar transformation, which he gave the letter code ... P of the individual circuit of capital. Again, du transformation, new goods were brought onto the carried out successfully, would result in the re-tran capital C’ into the form of capital with which the c money capital M’. Further, Marx emphasized that the transformative equal meaning in terms of helping individual According to him, the decisive phase from the stand the second or ‘productive’ phase, during which man during this phase that new values are being create
ly, my discussion on Production Departments leads for a re-adaptation of the Marxist theory of crises. art Two below, Marx’s view on inevitable o be upheld, but needs to be expanded in order to ence of 20th century capitalism. Initially, US to the military sector in order to solve existing n aggregate supply of commodities and aggregate r, after a series of business cycles was run through, became a ‘disproportional’ or discomplementary money, under the impact of US state-policies, was dustrial sectors belonging to the civilian economy, he hegemonic state. No matter how much emphasis uring of commodities representing social waste, ents remain (18).
of Capital: Marx’s Forgotten Formula n on social accumulation, Marx’s discussion on ntained in the first part of Capital II, retains its full terpreted the mode of operation of individual ies as a series of transformative actions, or he first action led to the transformation of money apital C, in the form of raw materials, other capital power, - during the second transformation the ere set to work in order to manufacture new cteristic statement Marx termed this phase of ve the letter code ... P ..., the ‘productive phase’ of capital. Again, during the third phase of were brought onto the market for sale, which, if ould result in the re-transformation of commodity capital with which the circuit had started, i.e. into
that the transformative actions did not each have of helping individual capitalists to accumulate. ive phase from the standpoint of accumulation, was phase, during which manufacturing took place. It is values are being created, thanks primarily to theefforts of workers employed by the entrepren commodities purchased in the first phase of the c value, being C, the commodities which emanate f represent additional value, hence should be depicted keenly interested in seeking to understand how the t C’ took place. It was clear to him that the commo manufacturing phase ... P ... , were not just new sense that the use-value of C’ was different from quantitative terms too the values of C’ was/is lar commodities that had entered ... P ... (19). Marx explained things by offering a further an composition of C, the commodities entering th According to him, C existed basically in two typ means of production (MP) and labouring streng increment in the value of commodities that takes pla should be credited to the labourers who are set to As he stated it, whereas the value of the means of p during ... P ..., a surplus is being created in conse labourers are not paid fully for the labour they p Hence, Marx drew a basic distinction between con strength or variable capital, v, and surplus capital processes result in commodities C’ containing triple manufacturing, by the same token, also results in the place due to the exploitation of members of the work Now, whereas at one time Marx’s argumentation circuit of capital was common currency amongst today even some of his most consistent followers ap given discussion, or appear to consider the formula depict the mentioned transformations as no longer re one may ultimately assess the scientific truth of economic theory, the formula for the individual cir appropriate as a formula rightly depicting the fact capital engage in three successive transform transformation of money capital into commodit transformation of purchased commodities into new of the manufacturing process (... P ...), and the t
yed by the entrepreneurs. For whereas the the first phase of the circuit may have a certain odities which emanate from the second phase do hence should be depicted as C’. Hence, Marx was to understand how the transformation from C into r to him that the commodities emanating from the ... , were not just new in qualitative terms, in the f C’ was different from the use-values of C. In values of C’ was/is larger than the value of the d ... P ... (19).
offering a further analysis, i.e. regarding the ommodities entering the manufacturing process. ed basically in two types of commodities, being ) and labouring strength (L). In his view any mmodities that takes place in the course of ... P ... bourers who are set to work by the entrepreneur. value of the means of production remains constant s being created in consequence of the fact that the y for the labour they perform for the capitalist. distinction between constant capital, c, labouring , v, and surplus capital, or s. All manufacturing ities C’ containing triple value, i.e. c, v, and s. All token, also results in the accretion of value, taking of members of the working class (20). e Marx’s argumentation regarding the individual mon currency amongst his intellectual followers, st consistent followers appear to have forgotten the to consider the formula which Marx put forward to ormations as no longer relevant. Yet no matter how the scientific truth of other aspects of Marx’s la for the individual circuit of capital seems to be ghtly depicting the fact that individual owners of successive transformative actions, i.e. the capital into commodity capital (M – C), the commodities into new commodities in the course ss (... P ...), and the transformation back of thenew commodity capital into money capital (C’ – M’ for analysis in the below study is Marx’s original circuit of money capital, the formula M – C ... P critical reflection may be required around this fo Marx’s scientific effort stands.
5. The Individual Circuit of Capital and the Anal
Marx’s formula for the individual circuit of capital but, paradoxically, not in order to re-assert the the results in added value s, but rather in order to highl fact that manufacturing can, at times does result in commodities available to the capitalist. First, the o may already be paradoxical in this sense, that the n commodities with added value in monetary terms, y represent social waste. This, of course, is the case company investing in production has chosen to m weapons, just like any other commodity, can be sol purchasers, - from the standpoint of their possible us waste. Hence, a first commentary on Marx’s formul of capital is that it tends to disguise the nature of ce In the case of weaponry, the new commodities shoul with (= W) referring to the fact that the military goo Further, although all entrepreneurs aim at creation o value, - in many industrial sectors entrepreneurs hav manufacturing results in embarrassing by-products, which entrepreneurs need to dispose of. This is tr chemical sector, where entrepreneurs have develope the recycling of their chemical by-products, but i nuclear sector, where individual enterprises have to waste which cannot be recycled, but has to be store even perpetually. Again, in all these cases, it woul outcome of the manufacturing process ... P ... as have to cope with the costs for the packaging, t storage of (nuclear) waste, - W. A more appropr originally advanced by Marx, to summarize cases
money capital (C’ – M’). Hence, my starting point tudy is Marx’s original formula for the individual e formula M – C ... P ... C’ – M’. Whatever required around this formula, the originality of ds.
f Capital and the Analysis of Nuclear Waste
ividual circuit of capital needs to be brought back, rder to re-assert the thesis that all manufacturing t rather in order to highlight the very opposite, the , at times does result in a decrease in the value of he capitalist. First, the outcome of manufacturing l in this sense, that the new commodities represent lue in monetary terms, yet at the same time do also s, of course, is the case where the entrepreneur or uction has chosen to manufacture armaments, for r commodity, can be sold to market or non-market point of their possible use-value they are a form of entary on Marx’s formula for the individual circuit disguise the nature of certain new commodities C’. new commodities should be depicted as C’ (= W), fact that the military goods are social waste (21). reneurs aim at creation of commodities with added ectors entrepreneurs have to cope with the fact that barrassing by-products, i.e. non-commodity waste to dispose of. This is true for such sectors as the epreneurs have developed elaborate procedures for ical by-products, but it is especially true of the idual enterprises have to cope with non-commodity cled, but has to be stored for prolonged periods, or all these cases, it would not suffice to depict the ing process ... P ... as C’, for entrepreneurs may sts for the packaging, the transportation and the - W. A more appropriate formula than the one rx, to summarize cases where production resultsboth in commodities and in waste, therefore is the fo W) – M’ (- W) (22). Having advanced a formula which includes a lette along with new commodities, of non-commodity manufacturing of the individual circuit of capital, w effect the presence of non-commodity waste exert entrepreneurs. In the first place, the costs which the the presence of this waste (- W) effects the level of capital and other investments made to get nucle principle may result in generating a surplus, the size negatively affected by the capitalist costs which th bear on account of (- W). And although in the end t still bag a profit, although at the end of the third tran hand money capital which is larger than the money started the circuit, - potentially the costs for the nuclear waste may be so large as to wipe out the surp In any case, the nuclear production-chain emanates waste. For instance, the reprocessing of fuel eleme with the aim of manufacturing military plutonium, r dangerous military commodity, which can be sold, W)). But it at the very same time also results in hig commodity waste which needs to be handled wit since it is highly radioactive in content. The ou produce weapons-grade plutonium, then, may be e C’ (= W) (- W). Yet the wasteful character of nucle here, for when efforts are made to vitrify nuclear w the given manufacturing process ... P ... will result less damaging, but in new forms of non-commodit readapting Marx’s original formula for the individu devising letter codes represent the two main subca make the irresponsible nature of nuclear production
waste, therefore is the formula M – C ... P ... C’(-
a which includes a letter code for the emergence, ies, of non-commodity waste from the phase of idual circuit of capital, we can now visualize what -commodity waste exerts on the profit of nuclear ace, the costs which the capitalist incurs because of W) effects the level of the surplus s. Although the ents made to get nuclear production started, in rating a surplus, the size of the surplus naturally is capitalist costs which the entrepreneur is forced to nd although in the end the given entrepreneur may t the end of the third transformation he may have in is larger than the money capital with which he had tially the costs for the processing and storage of ge as to wipe out the surplus s entirely.
duction-chain emanates in a multitude of forms of processing of fuel elements from nuclear reactors, ing military plutonium, results both in an extremely dity, which can be sold, yet is social waste (C’ (= e time also results in high-level waste, i.e. in non- eeds to be handled with the greatest precaution, ive in content. The outcome of reprocessing to tonium, then, may be expressed in the letter code steful character of nuclear production does not end made to vitrify nuclear waste, to facilitate storage, cess ... P ... will result not only in waste which is forms of non-commodity waste (23). In short, by formula for the individual circuit of capital and by sent the two main subcategories of waste, we can re of nuclear production quite well visible.6. Marxist Theories of International Trade: Sami of Unequal Exchange This study consists in yet another Part, i.e. internationalized circuits of capital. As already n Capital II stopped short of analyzing the r accumulation of capital at the national level and c economy. Attempts have repeatedly been made sinc instance by Rosa Luxemburg who based her view r for trade with non-capitalist regions of the world on lack of domestic purchasers for commodities re surplus s (24). Yet a different Marxist theory o emerged in course of the 20th century, when sever empirical research carried out under the United Na the theory of unequal exchange, stating that the trad and South throughout the (past) century have bee since Southern exporters receive a lower price for internationally, than do Northern countries when exp The most eloquent theoretician of unequal excha covered the question of North-South trade relations on the relations of dependency between central and According to Amin, one of the reasons for the Southern economies lies in the asymmetrical natur compared to the export sector of economies of th export sector of Northern economies tends to be production in the given sector is intimately linked industrial sectors, - the same is not the case for S economic policy often is heavily biased in favou commodities. Yet the export sector of Southern disarticulated, meaning that production here is i connected with production in other industrial secto This, in Amin’s view, forms part of the expla economic backwardness of the South (27). Another major difference between central and periph unequal exchange, according to Amin, lies in t productivity, measured in capitalist terms (in terms
ernational Trade: Samir Amin and the Question
yet another Part, i.e. in the one relating to f capital. As already noted above, Marx in his t of analyzing the relationship between the the national level and capital flows in the world peatedly been made since to try and fill the gap, for rg who based her view regarding capitalism’s need t regions of the world on her analysis regarding the rs for commodities representing the capitalists’ ferent Marxist theory of international trade has 0 century, when several authors, on the basis of out under the United Nations system, put forward nge, stating that the trade relations between North (past) century have been inherently exploitative, ceive a lower price for the commodities they sell thern countries when exporting commodities (25). tician of unequal exchange is Samir Amin, who th-South trade relations in his comprehensive book cy between central and peripheral economies (26). of the reasons for the continued dependence of the asymmetrical nature of their export sector as ctor of economies of the North. For whereas the economies tends to be integrated, meaning that tor is intimately linked to manufacturing in other e is not the case for Southern economies. Here, heavily biased in favour of the exporters of key ort sector of Southern economies tends to be at production here is isolated, is not intimately in other industrial sectors of the given economies. rms part of the explanation for the continued the South (27). etween central and peripheral economies explaining ing to Amin, lies in their differential levels of apitalist terms (in terms of the quantity of goodsproduced in a given unit of time). Here Amin drew referred to the different levels of productivity a commodity, produced both in countries of the Nor South, - such as productivity achieved when growin crop. But Amin also put forward a more overall co general level of productivity reached in central eco level of productivity that is prevailing in periphera theoreticians believed that a sufficient explana international value of Northern and Southern comparing the evidence on differential wage-lev convinced that broader questions, such as those reg technology, needed to be looked into in order to und existence of unequal exchange (28). Although the Marxist debate on unequal exchange old, it appears that the given debate has been buried World Trade Organisation (WTO), which is fully co ‘free trade’. Still, it would be wrong to conclude tha terms of international trade, between Northern and S disappeared, for recent research carried out under t out clearly that Sub-Saharan countries, which rely primary products, in recent years have continued to of unequal exchange (29). Moreover, while efforts h especially by exporters of crude oil, to transcend t exchange, these efforts have only partly borne fr price-rise was imposed in 1973 around crude oil, th resulted in an expansion in arms’ exports from cent exporting countries in the South. Thus, a new mech been instituted, being that for the transfer of sou exchange of commodities representing social waste termed disparate exchange.
7. Towards a Theory of the Arms’ Trade betwe Concept of Disparate Exchange Where exactly should the concept of disparate excha precise meaning? Disparate exchange refers essen different nature of the commodities which are tran
time). Here Amin drew two comparisons. First, he levels of productivity around the same type of in countries of the North and in countries of the ty achieved when growing a particular agricultural rward a more overall comparison, that between the y reached in central economies, - and the general s prevailing in peripheral economies. While some t a sufficient explanation for the differential orthern and Southern goods can be provided n differential wage-levels, - Samir Amin was stions, such as those regarding the development of oked into in order to understand the reasons for the ge (28). te on unequal exchange is less than half a century n debate has been buried since the founding of the WTO), which is fully committed to the ideology of e wrong to conclude that the problem of changing , between Northern and Southern commodities, has arch carried out under the UNCTAD has brought n countries, which rely on the exports of non-fuel years have continued to face the detrimental effects oreover, while efforts have been made in the past, crude oil, to transcend the mechanism of unequal ve only partly borne fruit. For though a historic 973 around crude oil, this price-rise above all has arms’ exports from central economies towards oil- outh. Thus, a new mechanism of exploitation has for the transfer of sources of natural wealth in epresenting social waste. This mechanism may be
the Arms’ Trade between North and South: the
ange ncept of disparate exchange be situated, what is its e exchange refers essentially to the qualitatively modities which are transferred respectively fromNorth to South, and from South to North. As unde the trading system of disparate exchange many particular in Sub-Saharan Africa, continue to be dep single or a few primary products, - products which o of natural wealth available in the given countri commodities are exchanged against arms, which do Southern government or other Southern party squ employ the given natural resources for the enlarge Disparate exchange, however, does not just refer to products against arms, for where Southern industria weaponry bought from the North, the commodities North and from North to South respectively, too are Further, disparate exchange generally takes place transfers. Although in some cases arms’ sales have more often than not the transfers of military com against civilian commodities from the South are o Both the differential nature of the commodities tra parallel nature of the exchange, can well be express for money capital M and commodity capital C, an code for social waste (= W) which I have mentione of arms from North to South needs to be presented the transfer of primary commodities or other civi North should be represented as C – M. Whereas partner and the Southern trading partner surrender m order to obtain the commodity desired, the Southern a commodity representing social waste (C = W); th on the contrary, after completion of the exchanges i which adds to the economic wealth available in the c To explain the existence of disparate exchange, we that Samir Amin had advanced to explain the exist For central economies are not only better situated to trade in view of the fact that productivity in capitalis here than it is in peripheral economies. They are als in arms’ trade, since under the system of mo economies have placed a great emphasis on the de destruction, with Northern states intervening since
outh to North. As under unequal exchange, under sparate exchange many Southern economies, in frica, continue to be dependent on the export of a ducts, - products which often express the main form e in the given countries. Where these primary against arms, which do represent social waste, the ther Southern party squanders the opportunity to esources for the enlargement of people’s welfare. er, does not just refer to the exchange of primary where Southern industrial goods are exchanged for North, the commodities transferred from South to uth respectively, too are different in kind. e generally takes place in the form of parallel e cases arms’ sales have been organised as barter, ransfers of military commodities from the North es from the South are only indirectly interlinked. of the commodities transferred mutually, and the nge, can well be expressed via Marx’s letter codes ommodity capital C, and via the additional letter ) which I have mentioned above. Thus, the transfer h needs to be presented as C (= W) – M, whereas mmodities or other civilian goods from South to d as C – M. Whereas both the Northern trading ading partner surrender monetary resources (M) in ity desired, the Southern trading partner is left with ocial waste (C = W); the Northern trading partner, letion of the exchanges is left with a commodity C
wealth available in the central economy. disparate exchange, we may draw on the reasoning ced to explain the existence of unequal exchange. ot only better situated to participate in international t productivity in capitalist terms in relatively higher economies. They are also better situated to engage der the system of monopoly capitalism, these reat emphasis on the development of the forces of states intervening since the later part of the 19thcentury to finance and guide research carried out And although the concept of the forces of destructio has rarely been employed by Marxist econom appropriately sums up the nature of the technology against the nature of the technology which is commodities. The concept, then, is essential toward of the arms’ trade between North and South.
Lastly, it can hardly be underlined with enough character of disparate exchange is far larger, and its the peoples of Southern countries far more serious t unequal exchange for Southern economies has been trading system of unequal exchange the South looses received in exchange of commodities transferred to an equal amount of value, under disparate exchange in the commodities transferred is lost, since what is a product representing only waste. Hence, even emergence of disparate exchange is formed by pri huge exploitation via low prices that had existed be South is not positive in view of the fact that a mechanism has been put in place. Moreover, South negative consequences from disparate exchang commodities bought are actually consumed in war. elaborated in a section below.
8. Subsidiary Theme: The Negative Use-Value of I will now move on to briefly refer to several subsid subsidiary in the sense that they do not form the pri study’s three Parts. The first such topic is that o contained in weaponry as well as in many other cap in formulating his theory, had presumed that ea brought onto the market contains ‘use-values’, m serves a concrete human need. Since the the commodities was not fully elaborated by him, and attention was, in fact, the exchange-value of c followers have to my knowledge never cared to s employment of the term ‘use-value’ was fully app
de research carried out by arms’ companies (30). f the forces of destruction is a novel concept, which d by Marxist economists in the past (31), it nature of the technology incorporated in arms, - as technology which is incorporated in civilian then, is essential towards construction of a theory
orth and South.
nderlined with enough force that the exploitative nge is far larger, and its negative consequences for ntries far more serious than the negative impact of hern economies has been or is. Whereas under the xchange the South looses, because the commodities modities transferred to the North do not represent nder disparate exchange the entire value contained red is lost, since what is obtained from the North is ly waste. Hence, even if the background to the hange is formed by price-rises for oil, ending the rices that had existed before, the net result for the iew of the fact that a new exploitative trading place. Moreover, Southern countries face further om disparate exchange in case the military tually consumed in war. This point is to be further
Negative Use-Value of Capitalist Commodities ly refer to several subsidiary themes of this study, - they do not form the principal theme in any of the irst such topic is that of the negative use-values ell as in many other capitalist commodities. Marx, had presumed that each and every commodity contains ‘use-values’, meaning that each of them need. Since the theme of the use-value of elaborated by him, and since his primary focus of e exchange-value of commodities (32), Marx’s wledge never cared to scrutinize whether Marx’s se-value’ was fully appropriate. Yet scrutinize iswhat we urgently need to do, since it is quite obv commodities serve a human need. Who, for instance bombs thrown on Hiroshima and Nagasaki at the only served the purpose of mass destruction, - and have contained disvalues? In Chapter Two of this study I undertake to define th value, a novel concept which can serve to expres environmental consequences of capitalist producti damaging properties of military and nuclear comm concept, I make several important definitional poin of negative use-value does not simply have an inver Marx’s classical concept of use-value. For whereas refers only to the significance of commodities f negative use-value, according to me, should also be damaging consequences of market-goods for no environment. Thus, the dumping of nuclear waste in boomerang back against the health of human bein food chain in the seas and oceans. But the damaging food chain itself too needs to be taken into considera themselves are not affected by these consequences (3 Moreover, we also need to realize that the damagi armament systems are not necessarily contained in given systems. Thus, a warship in earlier days was a cannon, with damaging properties, in the form embodied in the cannon alone, and not in the damaging properties may, for instance, consist potential, or in the radiating effect of atomic bom would not reside in all component parts of a weapo the other hand, properties damaging to human hea not just contained in a whole range of capitalist com be located in different types of non-commodity was low-level, intermediate level, and high-level nuclea the materials emanating from the capitalist product any exchange-values. Yet at the same time the mate the enterprise, since they contain negative use-value make additional expenditures, on top of the regular p
do, since it is quite obvious that not all capitalist need. Who, for instance, can deny that the nuclear a and Nagasaki at the end of World War ‘Two’ mass destruction, - and hence can only be said to
y I undertake to define the concept of negative use- ich can serve to express the negative health and es of capitalist production, more particularly the litary and nuclear commodities. In advancing this portant definitional points. One is that the concept ot simply have an inverse meaning as compared to f use-value. For whereas the concept of use-value ance of commodities for human beings, that of ng to me, should also be employed to pinpoint the f market-goods for non-human beings and the ping of nuclear waste into the oceans and seas can e health of human beings, who eat fish from the ceans. But the damaging radioactive impact on the o be taken into consideration, even if human beings by these consequences (33). realize that the damaging properties of arms and necessarily contained in all component parts of the hip in earlier days was a merchantman loaded with roperties, in the form of cannon balls, being alone, and not in the rest of the warship. The for instance, consist in a weapon’s explosive g effect of atomic bombs (34). In any case, they ponent parts of a weapon or armament system. On amaging to human health or the environment are e range of capitalist commodities, but they can also s of non-commodity waste. Such as for instance in l, and high-level nuclear waste. In the latter cases, m the capitalist production process do not contain t the same time the materials do pose problems for ntain negative use-values, forcing the enterprise to s, on top of the regular production expenditures.Lastly, it will be obvious to the reader that, in putt negative use-values, I have entered a discussion w relevance, for the given discussion is not just c military and nuclear production, but in fact for the a other industrial processes as well. In the past, critic the conceptual apparatus required to make a sys environmental impact of industrial processes. Just commodity waste, the health and environmental commodities too was overlooked, as Marxist econo how much surplus value s was contained in the ne concept of negative-use value helps to expand the h theory. It can help ensure that Marxist economists both the creative impact of industrial production, an the selfsame production, - for human beings surroundings.
9. Subsidiary Theme: The View of Technology The above-discussed concept of negative use-valu possible to assess the meaning of technological dev terms than was the case under critical economic basically considered technology to be a ‘productive his view on the historical evolution of economic Thus, technological change in the form of new facilitate the spinning and weaving of clothes, laid system and the late 18th century Industrial Revolut view of history, technological change opened the new relations of production, such as the relations be a mass of wage-labourers under a unified c philosophers have wondered whether Marx’s view precise. Thus, Mao Zedong has argued that decis relations preceded, rather than followed, the techno the Industrial Revolution (36). However, the view itself was a historically progressive force, has remain The experience gathered since the beginning of th and through the 20th century, forces us to take a technology. First, the state – notably the British
the reader that, in putting forward the concept of entered a discussion with a very wide scope of iscussion is not just crucial for the analysis of tion, but in fact for the analysis of a whole range of s well. In the past, critical economic theory lacked equired to make a systematic evaluation of the dustrial processes. Just like the question of non- lth and environmental impact of newly created ooked, as Marxist economists were busy assessing was contained in the new market goods C’. The ue helps to expand the horizon of critical economic hat Marxist economists in the future will evaluate industrial production, and the destructive impact of - for human beings and for our non-human
View of Technology ept of negative use-value, further, also makes it ing of technological development in more critical nder critical economic theory in the past. Marx logy to be a ‘productive force’, and he constructed evolution of economic systems accordingly (35). e in the form of new means of production to weaving of clothes, laid the basis for the factory ntury Industrial Revolution in England. In Marx’s ical change opened the way for the emergence of , such as the relations between factory-owners and rs under a unified command. Later Marxist d whether Marx’s view of historical change was g has argued that decisive changes in production han followed, the technological transformations of 36). However, the view that technological change
ressive force, has remained. nce the beginning of the monopoly capitalist era, ry, forces us to take a far more critical view of e – notably the British state intervening in themilitary sector from the late 19th century onwar research geared towards the construction of new arm Surely, proponents of military research often argue t only result in the devising of new weaponry, but al effects, in the form of technology that can wel construction of civilian goods, such as personal com communication. Again, as I have argued in the component parts of armament systems contain elem human life or for forms of life in our natural environ harbour ‘negative use-values’. Nevertheless, the st geared towards the development of weaponry. And unlike the artefacts used to kill in pre-modern tim serve human needs, but are exclusively intended technology which they incorporate should be chara means of destruction (MD). Secondly, the 20th century has also given rise to the production (MP) which serve destructive ends. H negative use-values helps to take a far more critica was common among Marxists in the past. For just product of capitalist manufacturing processes, cont the technology invented to manufacture the weap negative effects for human health and the environm harmful potential of the weaponry itself. Moreove technological means devised in order to manufact These too may have their harmful side-effects. The this point most forcefully is, of course, the examp Originally developed during World War ‘Two’ in bombs – extraordinarily harmful means of destruc subsequent be employed towards ‘peaceful’ ends, nuclear energy. Yet the nuclear technology appli production chain too is very damaging towards h (37). In short, - the old Marxist view that technology is a needs to be revised. The degree to which means of p of capitalist manufacturing processes have damagin beings and for our natural environment greatly va
ate 19th century onwards -, took to patronizing construction of new arms and armament systems. ry research often argue that such research does not of new weaponry, but also has so called ‘spin-off’ chnology that can well be applied towards the ds, such as personal computers and other means of I have argued in the previous section, not all ent systems contain elements that are harmful for ife in our natural environment, - not all components es’. Nevertheless, the state’s research is primarily ment of weaponry. And since modern weapons – kill in pre-modern times - can hardly be said to re exclusively intended to kill and destroy, the rporate should be characterised as components of
has also given rise to the development of means of rve destructive ends. Here again, the concept of o take a far more critical view of technology than ists in the past. For just as weaponry, as the end- acturing processes, contains negative use-values, - manufacture the weaponry too can have many health and the environment, quite aside from the eaponry itself. Moreover, the same also holds for ed in order to manufacture civilian commodities. armful side-effects. The example which brings out is, of course, the example of nuclear technology. g World War ‘Two’ in order to construct atomic rmful means of destruction -, the technology has owards ‘peaceful’ ends, being the production of uclear technology applied in the civilian-nuclear ry damaging towards human and non-human life
view that technology is a productive force urgently gree to which means of production or end-products processes have damaging consequences for human environment greatly varies. In some cases, newtechnology both serves a human need, and harms hu same time. In other cases, technology is either pure force, - or is instead a purely productive force. In th evaluate technology along a gliding scale, with the purely destructive being the two end-poles on th recognition that the technology which is incorpora force of destruction is overdue. For, since resea umbrella of the hegemonic and other central capital towards devising ever new, and ever more harmf development of the forces of destruction has bec under the capitalist world system today (38).
10. The Ultimate Theme: The Conceptualisation o Wars have accompanied the rise of capitalism in Eu to the Industrial Revolution at the end of the 18th ce endemic more recently, in the age of monopoly c century two world wars have erupted in relatively after the hegemonic power in the world system, the relying on the military sector for regulation of its bu World War ‘Two’, wars have continued to be a fact since occurred in the periphery of the world syste been thematised by some unconventional economis wars under capitalism has never been conceptualize critical economic theory. This task thus is clearly ov of the dramatic economic consequences that wars t such a conceptualization is being attempted, once ag teachings.
The starting point for the given conceptualizatio discussion on the individual circuit of capital in Cap the mode of operation of individual entrepreneurs, a of transformations, of money capital into commo strength, raw materials and other commodities which manufacturing phase, into new commodities; and o from the manufacturing process into capital’s orig My discussion on the conceptualization of wars star on the second phase of capital’s circuit, depicte
man need, and harms human beings at one and the technology is either purely a damaging, destructive y productive force. In the end, we probably need to a gliding scale, with the purely productive and the e two end-poles on the scale. In any case, the logy which is incorporated in new weaponry is a erdue. For, since research carried out under the and other central capitalist states is so much geared , and ever more harmful types of weaponry, the of destruction has become a dominant concern stem today (38).
he Conceptualisation of Wars rise of capitalism in Europe, from the 14th through at the end of the 18th century. They have also been the age of monopoly capitalism. During the 20th ve erupted in relatively quick succession. Again, in the world system, the United States, has started r for regulation of its business cycle, subsequent to e continued to be a fact of life, be it that most have hery of the world system. Yet though wars have nconventional economists (39), the occurrence of ever been conceptualized within the framework of is task thus is clearly overdue, in particular in view onsequences that wars tend to have. In this study, being attempted, once again by drawing on Marx’s
given conceptualization is, once again, Marx’s l circuit of capital in Capital II. Here, Marx depicts dividual entrepreneurs, as stated, above, as a series ney capital into commodity capital; of labouring other commodities which are set to work during the new commodities; and of commodities emanating ocess into capital’s original form, money capital. eptualization of wars starts from Marx’s discussion apital’s circuit, depicted by Marx as ... P ....Whereas Marx on the one hand characterizes this ph since during the given phase new values are created speaks of the manufacturing phase as a phase o commodities which were bought during the previ order to create C’ (commodities with added value) (4 The conceptualization of wars under capitalism sho analogy between the consumption of commodities th ... on the one hand, and the consumption of military hand. Since the use of arms by warring parties too c of consumption, the question basically is how the co be characterized. Here, the reality is that the o consumption is the very opposite of the consumptio .... For whereas manufacturing processes result in c consumption of weaponry is to destroy, i.e. to kill h destroy the structures built in support of human life speak of an analogous process of consumption, the c of arms is radically different from the content of nature of the former case, the consumption of weap employ the letter code ... D .... The whole process depicted as C’ (= W) ... D ... (- C’) x X (41). Lastly, it may be noted that under disparate ex consequences of arms’ production and those o diverted, from central economies towards economie whereas under this trading system the exporter of ar of a commodity representing social waste C (= W), bagging money capital, - the exporting country is destructive consequences of the consumption of the effects are dumped onto the South, both the unp commodities occurring during ... P ..., and the con destruction occurring during ... D .... Moreover, disparate exchange is, also, implemented in the cont and since in a number of cases both warring par financing their military efforts, we need to be aw negative effects are twice enacted on a Southern ec exchange, in the last analysis, is a form of enslaveme of peripheral by central economies.
and characterizes this phase as a productive phase, e new values are created by the labourers, he also ng phase as a phase of consumption, since the ought during the previous phase are used up in ities with added value) (40). ars under capitalism should start from the (partial) ption of commodities that takes place during ... P consumption of military commodities on the other by warring parties too can be interpreted as a form n basically is how the consumption of arms should e reality is that the outcome of this form of posite of the consumption taking place during ... P ing processes result in creation, the very aim of the s to destroy, i.e. to kill human beings, as well as to in support of human life. Hence, although we may ess of consumption, the content of the consumption nt from the content of ... P .... To express the he consumption of weaponry, it is therefore best to .... The whole process of destruction can then be ... (- C’) x X (41). that under disparate exchange both the negative roduction and those of arms’ consumption are omies towards economies located in the South. For system the exporter of arms obtains M in exchange g social waste C (= W), i.e. gets rid of waste while the exporting country is also exempted from the f the consumption of the given arms. Both negative he South, both the unproductive consumption of ing ... P ..., and the consumption-for-the-sake-of- g ... D .... Moreover, since the trade form of implemented in the context of Southern civil wars, cases both warring parties rely on this trade for forts, we need to be aware of the fact that here nacted on a Southern economy. Clearly, disparate s, is a form of enslavement, of ultimate exploitation nomies.11. Conclusion: Taking Rosa Luxemburg’s Life-W In conclusion: this book project poses, against the re-assert the relevance of the critical economic t towering above other economic thinkers of his time part of the nineteenth century. Since the downfall socialist systems, few people have continued to beli theory is helpful towards the interpretation of today’ became a fashion to argue that Marx’s views we analysis of the dominant creed, neo-liberalism, d Marxist theoretical concepts. This study focuses o militarism, which has come to the fore in recent yea euphoria over the ‘new economy’. My argumen dominant trend of outright rejection – that Marxist relevant for the understanding of today’s econom understand the worldwide trend towards militariza economic life, we need to re-assert the relevance o be it from a completely unconventional position. Further, in re-asserting the contemporary relevance my clues primarily from the Polish revolutionary Luxemburg. Rosa Luxemburg, who joined the G Party which was one of the most powerful particip International, was fully committed towards Marx never read Marx and Engels’ books uncritically, but an independent assessment of developments in th period preceding World War ‘One’, i.e. in the ope capitalism and imperialism. And on the basis investigations, she put forward the view that t presented in the second volume of Capital w reproduction schemes, contained in the last part of taken account of the fact that capitalism is by natu which depends on external markets for its survival capitalist economic system to be ‘closed’ (42). In this study I have tried to take Rosa Luxemburg’s questioning the final validity of Marx’s analysis in
sa Luxemburg’s Life-Work Forward oject poses, against the grain, the need to urgently the critical economic theory, which Karl Marx, mic thinkers of his time, constructed in the second ry. Since the downfall or demise of (most) state- le have continued to believe that Marxist economic e interpretation of today’s problems. In the 1990s it e that Marx’s views were outdated, and that the creed, neo-liberalism, did not require the use of ts. This study focuses on the issue of globalised to the fore in recent years, i.e. since the end of the conomy’. My argument has been – against the rejection – that Marxist economic theory is highly ding of today’s economic realities. If we are to trend towards militarization of production and of re-assert the relevance of critical economic theory, onventional position.
contemporary relevance of Marx’s theory, I take he Polish revolutionary thinker and activist, Rosa urg, who joined the German Social Democratic e most powerful participant parties in the Second mmitted towards Marx’s theory. She, however, s’ books uncritically, but instead tried hard to make t of developments in the world economy in the ar ‘One’, i.e. in the opening period of monopoly m. And on the basis of her own scientific rward the view that the analysis which Marx volume of Capital was flawed, since in his ained in the last part of Capital II, Marx had not at capitalism is by nature an international system, markets for its survival, for he had presumed the to be ‘closed’ (42). take Rosa Luxemburg’s scientific work forward, by ty of Marx’s analysis in Capital II, and in a morecomprehensive manner than Rosa Luxemburg did account both of the formulas presented by Marx in as also the diagrams which he put forward in the las argued that Marx’s analytical work was not just inc theorizing of international economic relations. Instea are to give a convincing interpretation of globalised to rethink both the formula for the individual circuit the existence of non-commodity waste; we need to social circuit of capital, and take account of the fact as ‘non-permanent’ Production Department; and we trade, on the basis of the unconventional theoretic Samir Amin and other thinkers who have defend exchange. This study, then, poses not only the need to re-asse economic theory, but argues strongly in favour of in of Marx’s formulas and theses. For no matter how been in his own time, - the development of nuclear spread of arms’ trade and the intermittent reliance the military sector, all point towards the need for the study, then, I have put forward a new theory, aroun been theorized, such as the international arms production-chain. In the end, this study can in n orthodox study, for no formula, thesis or analysis o taken for granted. In the spirit in which Rosa Luxe advanced by Marx in Capital II, I have in this stu comprehensive study of militarism comprising the the international level of the accumulation of capital.
References: (1) Paul-Marie de la Gorce, ‘L’Empire Contre ‘ONU. Washington r
Monde Diplomatique, December, 1999, p. 4-50; (2) for data on the size and composition of the US’s military budge the Economy’, Business Week, October 1, 2001, p.34; Laurent Ecart des Budgets de Defence, Le Monde, February 6, 2002 Budget de Guerre a Risques’, Le Monde, February 12, 2002; T of the Defence Industry’, July 20th, 2002; Patrick Jarreau, ‘Le
n Rosa Luxemburg did. For while I have taken s presented by Marx in the first Part of Capital II, he put forward in the last part of Capital II, I have al work was not just incomplete with regard to the conomic relations. Instead, I have argued that if we erpretation of globalised militarism today, we need for the individual circuit of capital, and incorporate odity waste; we need to rethink his formula for the take account of the fact that the military sector acts ion Department; and we need to theorize the arms’ unconventional theoretical work accomplished by nkers who have defended the thesis on unequal
only the need to re-assert the relevance of critical s strongly in favour of innovation, of re-adaptation ses. For no matter how farsighted Marx may have development of nuclear production, the worldwide he intermittent reliance of the US government on towards the need for theoretical innovation. In this ard a new theory, around issues which have never the international arms’ trade and the nuclear nd, this study can in no way be said to be an ula, thesis or analysis of Marx’s has simply been irit in which Rosa Luxemburg rethought the ideas tal II, I have in this study attempted to present a ilitarism comprising the individual, the social and
accumulation of capital.
Contre ‘ONU. Washington relance la Course aux Armaments’ (Le 99, p. 4-50; n of the US’s military budget, see e.g. Michael Mandel, ‘Rethinking ober 1, 2001, p.34; Laurent Zecchini, ‘Etats-Unis et Europe: Grand Monde, February 6, 2002; Jacquens Isnard, ‘Aux Etats-Unis, un onde, February 12, 2002; The Economist, ‘Transformed? A Survey 2002; Patrick Jarreau, ‘Le Projet de Budget Americain pour 2004Prevoit 307 Milliard de Dollars de Deficit, Mais Pas de Guerr Jacques Isnard, ‘Le ‘Nouvelle Culture’ des Armees Americaines (3) On the Bush administration’s new military policy, aimed at deve
invade hostile regional adversaries, see Michael Klare, ‘De Desseins de M. George Bush’ (Le Monde Diplomatique, Novem (4) For details on the militarization in South Asia, and on the evolu the subcontinent, see respectively Praful Bidwai, ‘More Weap Asia Will Be Insecure, Unhappy’, Communalism Combat, J Degenerating Nuclear Logic’, The Hindu, January 23, 2003; (5) Chapter Twenty-Two and Chapter Twenty-Three below; (6) Michael Bakunin, ‘What is Authority?’ (in: George Woodco
Paperbacks, Glasgow, United Kingdom, 1983, p.313 and 311); (7) Karl Marx, Theories of Surplus Value. Part Two, Lawrence & W p.480; Fred Oelsnner, Die Wirtschaftskrisen. Erster Band. Kapitalismus, Dietz Verlag, DDR, 1953, p.98; and Paul Development, Monthly Review Press, New York/Calcutta, USA/ (8) Fred Oelsnner (1953), op. cit., p.43; (9) Francois Quesnay, Tableau Economique (first printed in 175
Association, facsimile edition, 1894); (10) Karl Marx, Capital. A Critique of Political Economy. Volume
USSR, 1967, Chapter XXI, ‘Accumulation and Reproduction on (11) Rosa Luxemburg, The Accumulation of Capital, Monthly Review (12) e.g. Ernest Mandel, The Second Slump, Verso Editions, London (13) Paul Baran and Paul Sweezy, Monopoly Capital. An Essay o Order (Monthly Review Press/K.P. Bagchi & Company (reprint), (14) Ernest Mandel, Der Spatkapitalismus. Versuch Einer Marxis Attempt at a Marxist Explanation, Editions Suhrkamp Verlag, p.257); (15) Chapter Ten below; (16) Ernest Mandel (1974), op. cit., p.255; and Michael Kalecki, Th
Capitalism, Monthly Review Press, New York. USA, 1972; (17) Chapter Seventeen below; (18) ibid; (19) Karl Marx (1967), op. cit., p.65-84; (20) ibid, p.34-36; (21) Chapter Four below; (22) Chapter Five below; (23) ibid;
Deficit, Mais Pas de Guerre’, Le Monde, February 5, 2003; and re’ des Armees Americaines’, Le Monde, February 14, 2003;
ilitary policy, aimed at developing or strengthening the capacity to , see Michael Klare, ‘De l’Antiterrorism a la Guerre. Les Vrais onde Diplomatique, November, 2002, p.16-17) outh Asia, and on the evolution of the nuclear thinking of rulers in Praful Bidwai, ‘More Weapons, Less Peace. A Militarised South Communalism Combat, January, 2003; and Achin Vanaik, ‘A indu, January 23, 2003; wenty-Three below; rity?’ (in: George Woodcock, The Anarchist Reader, Fontana om, 1983, p.313 and 311); e. Part Two, Lawrence & Wishart, London, United Kingdom, 1969, chaftskrisen. Erster Band. Die Krisen in Vormonopolistischen , 1953, p.98; and Paul Sweezy, The Theory of Capitalist s, New York/Calcutta, USA/India, 1991, p.133;
mique (first printed in 1758, reprinted by the British Economic ; Political Economy. Volume Two, Progress publishers, Moscow, lation and Reproduction on an Extended Scale’, p. 493; n of Capital, Monthly Review Press, New York, USA, 1964;
mp, Verso Editions, London, United Kingdom, 1980; nopoly Capital. An Essay on the American Economic and Social agchi & Company (reprint), New York, USA/Calcutta, India, 1994); us. Versuch Einer Marxistischen Erklarung (Late Capitalism – Editions Suhrkamp Verlag, Frankfurt am Main, Germany, 1974,
5; and Michael Kalecki, The Last Phase in the Transformation of New York. USA, 1972;(24) Rosa Luxemburg (1964), op. cit., p.350; Paul Sweezy (1991), op (25) Arghiri Emmanuel, Unequal Exchange. A Study of the Imperia
New York. USA, 1972; Samir Amin, Accumulation on a Wor Underdevelopment (Monthly Review Press, New York, USA, 19 (26) Samir Amin (1974), op. cit., p.37; (27) ibid, p.286; (28) ibid, p.55-58; (29) United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCT
Report 2002. Escaping the Poverty Trap (United Nations, Gene (30) D.J. Scott, Vickers. A History (Weidenfeld and Nicholson, L Trebilcock, The Vickers Brothers. Armaments and Enterpr Limited, London, United Kingdom, 1977); (31) A partial exception is Mandel – see Ernest Mandel (1974), op. c (32) Paul Sweezy (1991), op. cit., p.26-27; (33) Chapter Three below; (34) Chapter Three below; (35) Karl Marx, A Contribution to the Critique of Political Econ Economics – Penguin Books, Middlesex, England, 1976, p.5-6) (36) Mao Zedong, A Critique of Soviet Economics, Monthly Review P (37) Chapter Fifteen below; (38) Chapter Fifteen below; (39) notably by Werner Sombart, Krieg und Kapitalismus (in Ger
Dunkel & Humboldt, Muenchen and Leipzig, Germany, 1913) (40) Karl Marx (1967), op. cit., p. 34 and 43; (41) Chapter Twenty-Six below; (42) Rosa Luxemburg (1964), op. cit.
350; Paul Sweezy (1991), op. cit., p.202-207; nge. A Study of the Imperialism of Trade, Monthly Review Press, n, Accumulation on a World Scale. A Critique of the Theory of
Press, New York, USA, 1974);
e and Development (UNCTAD), The Least Developed Countries Trap (United Nations, Geneva/New York, Switzerland/USA, 2002); idenfeld and Nicholson, London, United Kingdom, 1962); Clive . Armaments and Enterprise, 1865-1914 (Europa Publications 977); Ernest Mandel (1974), op. cit., p.255-288; 7;
Critique of Political Economy (in: Robert Freedman, Marx on esex, England, 1976, p.5-6);
onomics, Monthly Review Press, New York, USA, 1977, p.66;
und Kapitalismus (in German: War and Capitalism, Verlag von Leipzig, Germany, 1913) 43;Interna
Whose Subversion of Democracy in Iraq? The US government’s desperation to show to the America set up a democratic government in Iraq by holding electi January has led to bigger problems than anticipated. In premier Allawi admitted that holding elections across the This admission has also to be seen in the light of neithe administration having an interest in free and fair elections. There cannot be free and fair elections in a country und concern about how fairly the elections will be held a manipulated is justifiably strong. If by the slightest chanc the imperialists will either apply pressure on the newly ele their will or get rid of it in the way the government has bee continue to create trouble as in the case of Venezuela. Meanwhile, confrontation between the occupiers and co and the Iraqi resistance on the other is growing by the cynically portrayed by the western media as terrorists, fun of the fallen regime. It is this portrayal that is makin reformists hesitant to support the resistance. What shoul unconditional withdrawal of the forces of aggression is a democracy and ensuring economic recovery in Iraq. If forces fail to play their part, the initiative will inevitably be fundamentalists. The electoral ‘victory’ of Karazai in Afghanistan could le the eyes of vested interests that have only been waiting in Afghanistan is growing by the day. The bitter lessons by the aggressor, will be taught with far greater fury in Iraq
mocracy in Iraq?
tion to show to the American public that it will be able to nt in Iraq by holding elections as planned at the end of blems than anticipated. In early January, the US-puppet olding elections across the entire country is not possible. seen in the light of neither the US nor its proxy interim st in free and fair elections.
elections in a country under foreign occupation. Public elections will be held and how the process will be g. If by the slightest chance the impermissible happens, y pressure on the newly elected government to submit to ay the government has been got rid of recently in Haiti or
the case of Venezuela. een the occupiers and collaborators on the one hand e other is growing by the day. The resistance is being tern media as terrorists, fundamentalists, and supporters is portrayal that is making liberals and left-of-centre the resistance. What should be remembered is that the e forces of aggression is a precondition for establishing nomic recovery in Iraq. If the progressive and secular e initiative will inevitably be with the reactionary religious
ai in Afghanistan could legitimise the puppet regime in at have only been waiting for an excuse. But resistance he day. The bitter lessons of Afghanistan, still not learnt t with far greater fury in Iraq in the years to come.The Enemies of Peace in Nepal The Maoist Communist Party has correctly demanded tha status of the monarchy need to be on the agenda of any to pay heed to the latest deadline of 13
January 2005 Deuba, the interim premier. The parliamentary left and bo Nepal may have now learnt that the King has no intentio through negotiation with the Maoists engaged in an democracy with social justice. Even when the king was fo under severe public pressure, the Indian and US ruling el be defeated militarily. The king’s fear of democracy, India’s desire for continue plans for a foothold in the western border with China negotiations. The restoration of democracy is now beco struggle to overthrow the monarchy as well as forces o duty of the left and democratic forces of the world and Ind armed intervention in Nepal and demand that the Indian support to the monarchy.
Latin America Stands Up to the Big Bully
The Cuba-Venezuela Agreement signed on 14
Dec Presidents Hugo Chavez Firas of Venezuela and Fiedel C of the two governments is a major landmark in the politic America. The two countries that daily face American ac together in the spirit of the Bolivarian Alternative for La other in a variety of fields by mobilising their resources. Meanwhile, twelve South American nations (five from Venezuela, Colombia, Ecuador and Peru; four from th (Mercusor): Brazil, Argentina, Paraguay and Uruguay; and are to get closer as the South American Community of N bring together two major trading groups of the region ( Mercusor) could become the regional alternative to the N imposed on the region by the US as part of its str hemisphere.
has correctly demanded that democratic reforms and the o be on the agenda of any negotiations, and has refused dline of 13
January 2005 laid down by Shah Bahadur e parliamentary left and bourgeois democratic parties of at the King has no intention of ending the armed conflict Maoists engaged in an armed struggle for genuine Even when the king was forced to negotiate withn them the Indian and US ruling elite want to see the Maoists to
, India’s desire for continued domination, and American western border with China militate against meaningful of democracy is now becoming tied up with an armed archy as well as forces of foreign aggression. It is the forces of the world and India in particular to resist Indian nd demand that the Indian government stops its military
to the Big Bully
ent signed on 14
December 2004 in Havana by of Venezuela and Fiedel Castro Ruz of Cuba on behalf ajor landmark in the politics of the Caribbean and Latin hat daily face American acts of subversion have come olivarian Alternative for Latin America to support each obilising their resources. erican nations (five from the Andean region: Bolivia, or and Peru; four from the Southern Common Market Paraguay and Uruguay; and Chile, Surinam and Guyana) American Community of Nations. The SACN which will ing groups of the region (the Andean Community and egional alternative to the NAFTA, CAFTA and SHAFTA he US as part of its strategy for annexation of theTomorrow, there will come a m
Tomorrow, there will come a man for earth to celebrate from all directions. Tomorrow, there will come a man!
In the moonlight of clarity of mind in the flame of brilliant thought ... in the mingling surge of spring water in the form of the rising sun tomorrow, there will come a man! He dwelled for a myriad of time in the womb of glorious dreams of the great minds that revolved in the spinning whirlpool of time... tomorrow, there will come a man!
A peasant who will plough the paddy field called this earth erect bunds and irrigate it to achieve an elevated form of life... tomorrow, there will come a man!!
A scientist who finds fulfilment in the evolution of man as one caste and o of one religion and one language, and justice and status common to all ... tomorrow, there will come a man! In this grand mansion of this earth, under the firmament as roof, to greet and treat as one’s own all children of the human race ... tomorrow, there will come a man!
orrow, there will come a man
e will come a man brate from all directions. e will come a man!
t of clarity of mind brilliant thought ... surge of spring water e rising sun
will come a man! a myriad of time glorious dreams of
that revolved whirlpool of time... will come a man!
will plough called this earth d irrigate it levated form of life... will come a man!!
finds fulfilment of man as one caste and one colour, and one language, and us common to all ... will come a man! ansion of this earth, ment as roof, at as one’s own e human race ... will come a man!Homage and Sympathy to Tsunami Victims Press Release 01.01.2005
Comrade SK Senthivel, General Secretary of the New D behalf of the Central Committee of the Party the follow tsunami disaster:
The Central Committee of the New Democratic Party expr pays its sincere homage to the thirty thousand and more north, east, south and west coasts of Sri Lanka and to who lost their lives in the tsunami disaster of 26th Decemb its grief and sorrow with all the people in pain and sorrow by the loss of their near and dear and their belongings.
Members and supporters of the Party and its mass organ public bodies and social organisations, are providing wha work in their respective regions. The Central Committee continue with their work and to be of consolation and supp The vast majority of the victims are the fisher folk, craftsm middle class, who, for survival, are struggling with daily future looks bleak. What meaning compensation, relief an them seems highly questionable. Hence, all those who should urge the government to transcend national, relig carry this responsibility for this task.
Although no one can prevent a disaster of this magnitude been averted if the government took the necessary prec the tsunami attack on the east coast, the senior govern
thy to Tsunami Victims
ral Secretary of the New Democratic Party released on tee of the Party the following message concerning the
New Democratic Party expresses its deepest sorrow and e thirty thousand and more who lost the lives along the oasts of Sri Lanka and to the people of other countries mi disaster of 26th December. Besides, the Party shares people in pain and sorrow, who have been left destitute ar and their belongings.
e Party and its mass organisations, in collaboration with isations, are providing whatever possible help and relief s. The Central Committee of the Party requests them to be of consolation and support to the affected people. s are the fisher folk, craftsmen and members of the lower l, are struggling with daily life on various fronts. Their ing compensation, relief and reconstruction will have for ble. Hence, all those who emphasise humanitarianism to transcend national, religious and regional barriers to task.
disaster of this magnitude, a good part of it could have nt took the necessary precautions. If, immediately after t coast, the senior government officials concerned hadacted promptly with alert and adequate care, loss of life and western coasts could have been averted. It cannot be to two hours for such warning. The government should ta inquiry into the conduct of the officials concerned is e allowed exonerate himself by claiming that the disaster wa
In the same way, the US, which was aware of the tsunam command of the naval base in Diego Garcia, did not care country. The question arises now whether, by this, th omission, or deliberately conducted itself in this manne question.
However, there is now a need for major relief work, rehab a situation in which the lack of a solution to the national cr crisis and the rivalry for political power has intimidated the has created additional unbearable burdens and problems has the great responsibility to act in a planned manner, un narrow party political rivalry for power and a discriminatory religious, linguistic and regional differences. The Party w the circumstances, it is only if the government works to opposition parties and socially committed forces that it w people to start a new life with confidence.
adequate care, loss of life along the northern, southern been averted. It cannot be concealed that there was up The government should take full responsibility for it. An e officials concerned is essential. No one should be laiming that the disaster was simply the fury of nature.
h was aware of the tsunami and cared to warn the high Diego Garcia, did not care to warn a single South Asian now whether, by this, the US committed an error of ucted itself in this manner. The US must answer this
for major relief work, rehabilitation and reconstruction. In a solution to the national crisis, along with, the economic l power has intimidated the people, the tsunami disaster able burdens and problems. Therefore, the government act in a planned manner, uniting all sections by shunning power and a discriminatory approach based on national, al differences. The Party wisher to point out that, under if the government works together with the LTTE, other committed forces that it will be possible for the affected onfidence.Vehement Opposition to American Troop Pre
Press Release 10.01.2005
There is imminent danger that the American troops who w government to undertake tsunami relief and rescue opera an occupying force. The stationing of American force opposed by the Tamil people who are waging a stru determination and by everyone who is concerned independence of the entire country. The New Democratic and opposes the entry of American forces here. At the s need to build up a mass movement demanding that th country, states a media release issued by Mr SK Senthi New Democratic Party. The release further states: Under the cover of tsunami motive of the chauvinist governments and American p realised. The American forces which were unable to ent was being waged, and later when peace negotiations opportune moment to gain a foothold here. American forces have a history of intervening in vari pretexts and later turning into an occupying force which and without compunction. This is the usual imperialist st political and economic context of Southern Sri Lanka, the American forces will turn into an army of occupation. Besides, the entry of American forces has forced India rethink. The cold war between India and America for hege served to brush aside the Tamil people’s struggle for the to trample underfoot the sovereignty and independence of
Hence the militant political forces both in the North an foresight and take forward the struggle against imperial This is the need of the hour.
n to American Troop Presence
the American troops who were invited by the Sri Lankan ami relief and rescue operations will soon turn out to be tioning of American forces here should be resolutely le who are waging a struggle for their right to self- one who is concerned about the sovereignty and untry. The New Democratic Party vehemently condemns erican forces here. At the same time, there is an urgent vement demanding that the American troops quit the e issued by Mr SK Senthivel, General Secretary of the
nder the cover of tsunami relief operations, the ulterior ernments and American policy makers has now been which were unable to enter the country when the war when peace negotiations began, have not found an othold here. tory of intervening in various countries under various an occupying force which kills people indiscriminately is the usual imperialist strategy. Hence, in the present of Southern Sri Lanka, there is a grave danger that the n army of occupation. an forces has forced India, the regional hegemon, to India and America for hegemony vis-à-vis Sri Lanka has il people’s struggle for the right to self-determination and eignty and independence of the entire land.
rces both in the North and the South should act with e struggle against imperialism and regional hegemony.The Death of PLO Chairman Yasser Arafat
Press Release 18.11.2004
Comrade SK Senthivel, General Secretary of the NDP re of condolence on the death of Yasser Arafat, Chairma Organisation and President of the Palestinian Authority:
The death of the Chairman of the Palestinian Liberation O the Palestinian Authority Yasser Arafat is a great loss struggling to recover and restore their homeland and Compensating his loss is possible only through the uncom the Palestine liberation movements and the determination people. His loss is also a loss to the cause of the liberatio people. The New Democratic Party pays its revolutionary lived a life of struggle shouldering the goal of liberation providing leadership to it.
The life of armed liberation struggle and leadership of Ya of hope and symbol of the goal of liberation to the man Palestinians who have been robbed of their land and liv conditions, the death of Yasser Arafat has created a maj militant leader not only to the Palestinian people but also people of the world who are struggling against imperialis with power. He upheld an unrelenting militant stand amid o imperialism and the Zionist ruling class forces in Israel, Even in the circumstances in which the Palestinians conspiracy and brutal aggression, the Palestinian people victory. That shall be the fulfilment of the ideal for which Y
SK Senthivel General Secretary, New Democratic Party
hairman Yasser Arafat
al Secretary of the NDP released the following message f Yasser Arafat, Chairman of the Palestine Liberation the Palestinian Authority:
the Palestinian Liberation Organisation and president of ser Arafat is a great loss to the people of Palestine store their homeland and to their liberation struggle. ible only through the uncompromising and firm policies of ents and the determination in struggle of the Palestinian to the cause of the liberation struggles of the oppressed arty pays its revolutionary salutes to Yasser Arafat who ring the goal of liberation of the Palestinian people and
uggle and leadership of Yasser Arafat has been the star oal of liberation to the many hundreds of thousands of obbed of their land and living as refugees. Under these r Arafat has created a major void. Yasser Arafat was a Palestinian people but also to million upon million of the truggling against imperialism and ruling forces drunken lenting militant stand amid opposition and despise by US ling class forces in Israel, a puppet of US imperialism. n which the Palestinians are butchered by US-Israel ion, the Palestinian people are certain to win their final ent of the ideal for which Yasser Arafat struggled.
cratic PartyCondemning Violence by the Armed Forces
Press Release 21.11.2004
Comrade SK Senthivel, General Secretary of the NDP rel in connection with the shooting of two youth in Valvettitthu the public in Meesalai:
The shooting to death of two youth in Valvettitthurai an public in Meesalai in Thenmaraadchi are attempts to disr in the north and to create a climate of anxiety about the under cloak of anonymity and attack by the army lead t attempt to create in the North a theatre of daily killings as Democratic Party strongly condemns the above inc masterminds behind it, and the soldiers who carried out th through proper inquiry; and legal action should be taken a
The fact that these planned killings and attacks were car government the President dragging their feet about peac when the LTTE is planning to commemorate its Her suspicions and fear among the people. Therefore, it is in innocent youth in Valvettitthurai and attack by the arm clamouring for justice in Thenmaraadchi will be seen as a similar to that existing in the east, where the forces of c have joined hands to act behind the scenes. Therefore strongly urges the President to come forward intervene dir enable due inquiry and action, and act to prevent the mischievous and cruel events.
SK Senthivel General Secretary, New Democratic Party
ce by the Armed Forces
al Secretary of the NDP released the following statement of two youth in Valvettitthurai and attack by the army on
youth in Valvettitthurai and attack by the army on the aadchi are attempts to disrupt the peaceful environment limate of anxiety about the beak-out of war. The killings attack by the army lead to suspicion about a possible a theatre of daily killings as current in the East. The New ondemns the above incidents. The killers and the soldiers who carried out the attacks should be identified al action should be taken against them.
illings and attacks were carried out in the context of the gging their feet about peace negotiations, and at a time to commemorate its Heroes’ Day has led to strong e people. Therefore, it is inevitable that the killing of two rai and attack by the army on the public who were araadchi will be seen as an attempt to create a situation east, where the forces of chauvinism and foreign forces hind the scenes. Therefore the New Democratic Party come forward intervene directly in these two maters and n, and act to prevent the recurrence of such planned
cratic PartyThe 4th Hill Country Regional Congress of the Ne
The 4th Hill Country Regional Congress of the New Dem Sakthi Hall, Hatton. The Congress was chaired by Comr political statement in this issue).
The very well attended and enthusiastic Congress was a SK Senthivel, General Secretary of the NDP, E Thambia NDP, P Chandrakumar, of the Teachers Front of the Student’s Front of the NDP, K Kathirgamanathan, Northe NDP, Don Bosco, Vavuniya Organiser of the NDP, S Th Mahendran, Organiser of Puthiya Malayaham, S Rajen Varatharaj, and several others.
The Congress was preceded by a street theatre perfor Theatre Group at the Main Bus Stand, Hatton.
Remembering Comrade Navaratnam
Meetings were held in Colombo and in Jaffna to pay tr Navaratnam, who passed away on 8th October 2004.
The meeting in Jaffna was held at the Kalaimahal Comm on 7. 11. 2004 and was chaired by Comrade SK Senthi NDP. The meeting was also addressed by Comrades S R RK Soodamani, party veteran, among others.
A memorial volume on Comrade Navaratnam was releas held on 4th November 2004 at the Colombo Tamil Sanga by Comrade E Thambiah, National Organiser of the NDP. by Comrades SK Senthivel, General Secretary of the NDP at Law, A Kandasamy, General Secretary, Co Thanabalasingam, Editor, Thinakkural, T Madhusood Nadanasabapathy of the Social Science Studies Cen memorial volume.
The memorial volume was commented on by P Gopinath Nilam and N Prashanth of the Ulakath Thamizhar Vaanoli.
gional Congress of the New Democratic Party
Congress of the New Democratic Party was held at the ress was chaired by Comrade S Panneerselvam. (See ).
nthusiastic Congress was also addressed by Comrades ary of the NDP, E Thambiah, National Organiser of the he Teachers Front of the NDP, S Sugasenan of the Kathirgamanathan, Northern Regional Organiser of the rganiser of the NDP, S Thevarajah, Attorney-at Law, V hiya Malayaham, S Rajendran, Educationalist and AN .
by a street theatre performance by the Cem Malarkal Stand, Hatton.
bo and in Jaffna to pay tribute to the late Comrade S y on 8th October 2004.
d at the Kalaimahal Community Centre, Aathisoodi Lane ed by Comrade SK Senthivel, General Secretary of the ddressed by Comrades S Rajendran, Educationalist and among others.
de Navaratnam was released at the meeting in Colombo the Colombo Tamil Sangam. The meeting was chaired onal Organiser of the NDP. The meeting was addressed eneral Secretary of the NDP and S Thevarajah, Attorney- General Secretary, Colombo Tamil Sangam, V hinakkural, T Madhusoodhanan, Editor, Akavizhi, K cial Science Studies Centre, who also released the
mented on by P Gopinath of the Editorial Board of Payil Ulakath Thamizhar Vaanoli.Will They Ever Learn? When Will They Ever Learn?
In 1978 a cyclone struck Batticaloa and caused widespr Local Government, Housing & Construction appointed a the damage and submit a report on the Design, Cons Building in Cyclone Prone areas in Sri Lanka. This was Sessional paper.
The Australian Government sponsored the publication o Australian engineers and architects with experience in bu in Australia. The manual was distributed to all Chief D government departments involved in construction. Sem personnel involved in construction. The Australian Gov installation of wind speed meters along the east coast.
It now seems that the Design Manual is not there in regional engineers have never seen it. The drawings for units prepared for different wind zones are not available e seem to be missing.
Interestingly, the following recommendations made in the of Local Government, Housing & Construction, would not protection from cyclones, but would also have helped to tsunami struck areas along the eastern coast:
? At least a quart eastern coast would be exposed to surge effects caused b considered too expensive to design normal structures to w it is feasible only to avoid building in areas threatened b from the threatened areas if buildings do exist there.
? Consequently, a half mile strip along the easter used for the cultivation of suitable fruit or other
icaloa and caused widespread damage. The Ministry of Construction appointed a committee to urgently study port on the Design, Construction and Regulations for as in Sri Lanka. This was published as a Government
ponsored the publication of a Design Manual written by itects with experience in building in cyclone-prone areas s distributed to all Chief District Engineers of various lved in construction. Seminars were held to instruct ction. The Australian Government also sponsored the rs along the east coast.
n Manual is not there in the regional offices and the r seen it. The drawings for school buildings and housing d zones are not available either. Wind speed meters also
mmendations made in the report of 1978 to the Ministry & Construction, would not only have provided long-term ould also have helped to save many lives in the recent eastern coast:
At least a quarter-mile wide strip along the d to surge effects caused by a cyclone. As it is generally esign normal structures to withstand strong surge waves, lding in areas threatened by surge and evacuate people
ildings do exist there.
mile strip along the eastern coast should preferably be n of suitable fruit or other trees that could withstand acyclone and provide shelter to inland settlem structures other than no-essential buildings should
? A Community Refuge shelter should be provided
particular school or community building should designed and constructed accordingly.
? An important factor in minimizing cyclone damage
community is trained to recognize the risks procedure, damage to persons as well as propert line of authority in the district administration coul action.
Was the failure to act a result of lack of political will? Wa not want to spend the extra 5% on buildings that may no term of office? Or is it that the engineers of the country la the courage to give proper professional advice to the adm
Again, mistakes similar to those regarding cyclone pro connection with earth-slips in the Sabaragamuwa Provin recommendations of 2002 were implemented and the prob
Building on hill slopes and clearing of forests, despite wa by professionals and environmentalists for decades, whi by the government as well as private investors, have led the wet zone of the country. The recent unprecedented fl were due to intense building activity and conversion of cro
shelter to inland settlements. Building of permanent o-essential buildings should be discouraged.
shelter should be provided in every large settlement; a ommunity building should be designated as such and ted accordingly.
minimizing cyclone damage is community attitude. If the to recognize the risks and trained in pre-cyclone persons as well as property would be damaged. A clear district administration could help to mobilize community
of lack of political will? Was it because governments do on buildings that may not face high winds during their engineers of the country lack faith in their profession and fessional advice to the administrators and politicians?
ose regarding cyclone protection have been made in the Sabaragamuwa Province. None of the professional e implemented and the problems recurred the next year.
aring of forests, despite warnings against these activities entalists for decades, which have mostly been ignored private investors, have led to flooding in many parts of he recent unprecedented floods in the Western Province
tivity and conversion of cropland into real estate.
- A concerned engineer (name withheld)For the sake of a poem Subash Mukhopadyay
A poem shall be written For which the sky a blue flame Roars in rage The restless storm Flutters its wings across the sea The knotted locks of clouds scatter Wild and free The woods wake up at thunder’s call The roots shudder Shaken by the fear of crumbling down The lightening turns– Its blinding blaze sweeps across The darkening sky, While scorching eyes seek their own r In the crimson mirror of blood And a poem is written!
A poem shall be written For which people Stick decrees upon the walls For unborn days The procession moves forward As they hang by the neck Their fear of death, The earth and sky resound afresh With their song of fearlessness The sound profiles a brave new world Of endless joy, eternal love Upon the mirror of its nail– And because of it all A poem is born
Translation from Bengali: Swapna Dutta, Courtesy: the little maga
______________ Published by E Thambiah of 47, 3rd Floor, CCSM C Phone: 011 2435117; Fax: 011 2473757; E-mail: newdem Printed at the Gowri Printers, Colom
r the sake of a poem bash Mukhopadyay
e written sky a blue flame
torm gs across the sea cks of clouds scatter
ke up at thunder’s call der fear of crumbling down turns– ze sweeps across
sky, g eyes seek their own reflection mirror of blood written!
e written ple upon the walls ys n moves forward
y the neck eath,
sky resound afresh
of fearlessness files a brave new world , eternal love r of its nail– of it all n
tta, Courtesy: the little magazine, Nov-Dec 2000)
__ iah of 47, 3rd Floor, CCSM Complex, Colombo 11 11 2473757; E-mail: firstname.lastname@example.org at the Gowri Printers, Colombo 13