கவனிக்க: இந்த மின்னூலைத் தனிப்பட்ட வாசிப்பு, உசாத்துணைத் தேவைகளுக்கு மட்டுமே பயன்படுத்தலாம். வேறு பயன்பாடுகளுக்கு ஆசிரியரின்/பதிப்புரிமையாளரின் அனுமதி பெறப்பட வேண்டும்.
இது கூகிள் எழுத்துணரியால் தானியக்கமாக உருவாக்கப்பட்ட கோப்பு. இந்த மின்னூல் மெய்ப்புப் பார்க்கப்படவில்லை.
இந்தப் படைப்பின் நூலகப் பக்கத்தினை பார்வையிட பின்வரும் இணைப்புக்குச் செல்லவும்: New Democracy 2005.04
April 2005 NEPAL Article, Statement, Analysis:
Bhattarai, Prachanda, Desh POST-TSUNAMI POLITICAL SITUATION
Comrade SK JVP-Caught in Chauvinism
Imayav FIRE CHURNING FROM WITH Poem by Pannaamaththuk K
♦ From the Editor’s Desk ♦ Sri Lankan Ev ♦ International Events ♦ NDP Diary
pril 2005 NEPAL
rai, Prachanda, Deshabakthan ST-TSUNAMI LITICAL SITUATION
Comrade SK Senthivel VP-Caught in Chauvinism
Imayavaramban URNING FROM WITHIN
y Pannaamaththuk Kaviraayar
_____________ or’s Desk ♦ Sri Lankan Events
vents ♦ NDP DiaryFrom the Edi
The political situation in the country has d tsunami, with chauvinistic considerations ov humanitarian concerns. The fisher folk and oth comprise the worst affected victims, have been whole by the government, and the Tamils and have suffered further discrimination as minor tragedy of the tsunami, which many hoped wou national conflict and unite the people, seems t opposite.
The tsunami has, besides, opened the doors exploitation and domination. The Sri Lan desperate financial crisis, unable to lay its hands dollar ‘aid’ package tied to the peace process, offers of tsunami aid without consideration of im in the three months after the tsunami, most of th tents and shoddily constructed temporary shelte
The government has shown little interest in th process, while armed forces and anti-LTTE involved in acts of provocation and killings, wi LTTE. This is a threat to the ceasefire that has While the government and the LTTE may coun the other to reopen hostilities, there is a ser escalation of the current shadow war could blow
The government with the connivance of th leadership has now decided to go ahead with hazardous Upper Kotmale hydropower projec many thousands of Hill Country Tamils and des However, resistance is strong among the peo region as well as progressive and environment
From the Editor’s Desk
in the country has deteriorated since the istic considerations overriding the declared . The fisher folk and other toiling masses, who ected victims, have been badly neglected as a ent, and the Tamils and Muslims of the East discrimination as minority nationalities. The , which many hoped would heal the wounds of nite the people, seems to have done quite the
des, opened the doors for forces of foreign ination. The Sri Lankan government in is, unable to lay its hands on the 4.5 billion US ed to the peace process, is gleefully accepting ithout consideration of implications. However, r the tsunami, most of the victims are living in tructed temporary shelters.
hown little interest in the revival of the peace forces and anti-LTTE Tamil militants are vocation and killings, with retaliation from the to the ceasefire that has held for three years. and the LTTE may count on the reluctance of ostilities, there is a serious risk that further t shadow war could blow out of control.
the connivance of the treacherous CWC cided to go ahead with the environmentally ale hydropower project that would displace l Country Tamils and destroy their livelihoods. strong among the people of the threatened ressive and environmentally aware groups andindividuals. As long as the people stand firm enduring mass campaign, they will definitely w be carried out on several fronts: among the country; among progressive forces across the community of scientists and technologists who resources; among people with concern for th crucial that the imperialist interests behind the as well as the treacherous leaders who are actin of the people of the region and the country as a
Internationally, however, the situation is gett imperialist struggles, with US imperialism in a hold on to Iraq, and Latin America daring to hyper-power. Most significantly, less than 15 was pronounced dead by the imperialists, the M the world that, by relying on the people an possible to combat an oppressive regime international reaction of every kind, and win.
The lessons of Nepal are important to Marxists for liberation across the world. Final victory of may take time, but the revolution is on the righ months in Nepal will expose to the people of the world the bankruptcy of the utterances a freedom by US imperialism and the regional expose the reactionary nature of the Chinese cap as leaders of the Chinese Communist Party. Mo demonstrate that struggles against variou oppression are inseparable from each other whole, and that this recognition is essential to revolution in countries saddled with the b capitalism and imperialism.
s the people stand firm and carry forward an n, they will definitely win. The battle needs to eral fronts: among the broad masses of the essive forces across the country; among the s and technologists who care for the countries ple with concern for the environment. It is alist interests behind the scheme are exposed, us leaders who are acting against the interests ion and the country as a whole.
er, the situation is getting brighter for anti- ith US imperialism in a desperate struggle to atin America daring to stand up against the nificantly, less than 15 years after Marxism y the imperialists, the Maoists have shown to lying on the people and people alone, it is an oppressive regime with backing from f every kind, and win.
re important to Marxists and freedom fighters e world. Final victory of the Nepali revolution revolution is on the right course. The coming expose to the people of Nepal and the rest of tcy of the utterances about democracy and ialism and the regional hegemon. It will also nature of the Chinese capitalists masquerading se Communist Party. Most importantly, it will uggles against various forms of human rable from each other and form an integral cognition is essential to carrying forward the s saddled with the burdens of feudalism, ism.
*****THE POLITICAL SITUAT FOLLOWING THE TSUNAM INTERNATIONAL INTERVEN
Comrade SK Senthivel
[Address by Comrade Senthivel at the Seminar on th Situation held on 20th March 2005 in Jaffna]
After Indonesia, Sri Lanka had the largest los because of the tsunami of 26th December 2004. have lost their lives, property worth one th billion rupees was damaged, and a million p homeless by the tsunami attack on the north, coasts. Those who lost their relatives have sti emotional shock. What is particularly significan that the overwhelming majority of those a ordinary fisher folk, minor craftsmen, peasants lower middle class.
It is important to note that, although it is close the tsunami, the Government has not carried responsibility any of the necessary remedi rehabilitation of the affected population. It is th North-East that were most affected by the tsun of Mullaitivu and Amaprai suffered sever Government has been acting in a step-mothe much the leaders of the ruling classes, includ Prime Minister and the Leader of the oppositio tears of sorrow, their real concerns are in c political manoeuvre amid the tragedy.
POLITICAL SITUATION WING THE TSUNAMI AND ATIONAL INTERVENTION
Comrade SK Senthivel
nthivel at the Seminar on the Current Political rch 2005 in Jaffna]
anka had the largest loss of life and property of 26th December 2004. An estimated 42 000 property worth one thousand-five hundred maged, and a million people were rendered mi attack on the north, east, south and west t their relatives have still not recovered from is particularly significant about the tsunami is g majority of those affected severely are inor craftsmen, peasants and members of the
that, although it is close to three months since rnment has not carried out with interest or the necessary remedial measures for the ected population. It is the already war-ravaged ost affected by the tsunami, and the districts maprai suffered severe damage. But the acting in a step-motherly fashion. However e ruling classes, including the President, the Leader of the opposition, may seem to shed real concerns are in carrying forward their id the tragedy.The tsunami was some form of a blessing to UPFA government. At a time when they were their inability to secure the four-hundred and pledged by donor nations during the previou negotiations with the LTTE, a situation aro funding was offered by many countries as tsun Bank wrote off some of the old debts and a loans. Some countries wrote off old debts and o Although there was ulterior motive in all th alternative to the financial crisis faced by the UP
For a few days after the tsunami, the leadership spoke about the destruction by nature that did linguistic, religious and regional diffe humanitarianism that transcended all. Hardl before they exposed their true nature. In the so people faced neglect as working classes. In th they faced neglect as a nationality and as w situation still continues.
The JVP, a major partner in the ruling UPFA, fervour to oppose the proposed Joint Mechanism the North-East. The objective reality of the mechanism involving the Sri Lanka Governm necessary to rebuild the North-East already rav the tsunami. While the LTTE has agreed to matter, owing to JVP resistance, the procrastinating.
Meantime, the concerns of the ruling party an more about how to handle the forthcoming rather than the problems faced by the people o one hand, the prices of consumer goods are ris on the other hand, schemes for privatisation ar It appears that talk about negotiations on the na is the main problem facing the country, has bee tsunami. Meanwhile, there are contradictions an ruling party. President Kumaratunge is seekin
e form of a blessing to the President and the a time when they were desperate because of re the four-hundred and fifty billion rupees ions during the previous regime by starting LTTE, a situation arose in which, instead, many countries as tsunami relief. The World of the old debts and announced a few new wrote off old debts and offered new soft loans. lterior motive in all this, they provided an ial crisis faced by the UPFA government.
e tsunami, the leadership of the ruling classes ction by nature that did not recognise ethnic, and regional differences, and about transcended all. Hardly two weeks passed eir true nature. In the south and the west, the s working classes. In the north and the east a nationality and as working classes. That .
ner in the ruling UPFA, is rousing chauvinist roposed Joint Mechanism for tsunami relief in objective reality of the day is that a joint the Sri Lanka Government and the LTTE is e North-East already ravaged by war and now e LTTE has agreed to compromise on the VP resistance, the President has been
s of the ruling party and the opposition are andle the forthcoming presidential elections s faced by the people of the country. On the f consumer goods are rising by the day while, emes for privatisation are being implemented. ut negotiations on the national question, which cing the country, has been washed away by the ere are contradictions and conflicts within the Kumaratunge is seeking to become a powerwielding prime minister by amending the consti order, or a referendum. The UNP, however, executive presidency should continue.
Foreign countries that infiltrated into this transformation of the national question into w the open in the name of the tsunami and are vy serve their respective motives. The US, the UK one side are competing against India on the oth foot on Sri Lankan soil for the first time in the The British and Canadian forces also joined in within two days of the tsunami.
What relief work did these foreign forces carry tasks of carrying out surveys to serve thei dominance. It is now said that these forces number not in uniforms but involved in ad espionage work remains a secret.
The cowardice and helplessness of our main Muslim political leaders finds expression in th to oppose or to condemn the landing of foreign It was only the non-parliamentary left parties withdrawal of the foreign forces.
The country has been transformed into an aren for domination through the arrival of the fore keen to transform the post-tsunami political and in the country to serve their respective interests they are intent on the neo-colonisation of liberalisation, privatisation and globalisation. T to the US in the Indo-US contest for dominatio well as the JVP prefer to go along with India.
The US and Japan give the impression that th they oppose resumption of war in Sri Lanka. H the country behind the backdrop of war, they plunder the resources of the country by expand their programmes for liberalisation, privatisati
r by amending the constitution through a court . The UNP, however, is emphatic that the ould continue.
t infiltrated into this country through the ational question into war are now present in f the tsunami and are vying with each other to otives. The US, the UK, Japan and Canada on against India on the other. US troops have set l for the first time in the pretext of relief work. ian forces also joined in. Indian troops landed tsunami.
ese foreign forces carry out? They carried out surveys to serve their respective aims of said that these forces have departed. The ms but involved in advisory, guiding, and s a secret.
elplessness of our main Sinhala, Tamil and rs finds expression in their unfortunate failure n the landing of foreign troops in this country. arliamentary left parties that insisted on the gn forces.
transformed into an arena for Indo-US rivalry h the arrival of the foreign troops. They are ost-tsunami political and economic conditions their respective interests. Despite their rivalry, he neo-colonisation of Sri Lanka through tion and globalisation. The UNP stands close S contest for domination, while the SLFP as to go along with India.
e the impression that they are emphatic that n of war in Sri Lanka. Having already entered e backdrop of war, they now need peace to f the country by expanding and implementing liberalisation, privatisation and globalisation.Against the background of the tsunami, the Wo and NGOs are ready and waiting with outstret the ground for encroachment by these alien fo cared for properly by the government, seem to b they could be deceived by the material and mo they receive from the NGOs. Theirs is the gen who helps in need.
Under these conditions the political, economi situation after the tsunami seems to be develop trend. Three years since the MoU and the Cease has been no proper move towards negotiations question. The North-East that is in a state of des war and the tsunami continues to be neglected b
While the LTTE has climbed down a few rung mechanism, the government is deceptively del Meanwhile, one sees the LTTE has initiated a centred on the European Union. The reality, LTTE has arrived at a juncture at which it has t decisions. Their decision in this matter is eagerl
Thus, the signs are that the political situation taken a turn for the worse for the whole count hostile to the Tamil people struggling for self-d intervention is favouring this tread, and the peo matter with far sight rather than from narrow pe
d of the tsunami, the World Bank, IMF, ADB nd waiting with outstretched hands to prepare hment by these alien forces. The people, not he government, seem to be in a situation where by the material and monetary assistance that NGOs. Theirs is the generosity of the robber
s the political, economic, social and cultural ami seems to be developing as an anti-people e the MoU and the Ceasefire Agreement, there ve towards negotiations to solve the national st that is in a state of destruction following the ntinues to be neglected by the government.
limbed down a few rungs to consent to a joint ment is deceptively delaying and avoiding it. he LTTE has initiated a diplomatic offensive an Union. The reality, however, is that the juncture at which it has to take certain definite
n in this matter is eagerly awaited.
t the political situation after the tsunami has orse for the whole country and its people and ople struggling for self-determination. Foreign g this tread, and the people need to look at the ther than from narrow perspectives.
*****HAIL THE GLORIOUS STRU OF THE NEPALI MAOIS REVOLUTIONARIES FO DEMOCRATIC CHANG
On 18th February 1951, popular protests and In an end to the Rana regime, which for over a Nepal’s Kings captive; King Tribhuvan asce ruled until his death in 1955. At the time of asc made several pledges, including the introdu democracy, but shamelessly failed to honour th been a long history of struggle to secure a parl (See Box for a timeline of events since 1951).
It was the success of the democratic movem fledgling democracy in 1990 with a parlia system in partnership with a constitutio constitutional monarchy in Nepal is not like th bourgeois democracies, including several Eu Japan, where the monarch is by and large a figu family enjoying some privileges, subject to the In Nepal, the King, as Supreme Commander enjoys considerable executive powers as well a lawfully elected governments and to impose right that Nepal’s Kings have exercised frequen
The political parties of Nepal, including the ma consented to this arrangement, based on the pl of monarchy is a powerful national symbol Irrespective of whether these parties erred
HE GLORIOUS STRUGGLE
THE NEPALI MAOIST VOLUTIONARIES FOR MOCRATIC CHANGE
, popular protests and Indian intervention put gime, which for over a century had held the ; King Tribhuvan ascended the throne and 1955. At the time of ascending the throne, he , including the introduction of multi-party essly failed to honour them. Since then, it has struggle to secure a parliamentary democracy.
of events since 1951).
the democratic movement that ushered in a in 1990 with a parliamentary, multi-party ip with a constitutional monarchy. The y in Nepal is not like those in several modern s, including several European countries and rch is by and large a figurehead, with the royal rivileges, subject to the consent of Parliament. Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces, ecutive powers as well as the right to dismiss nments and to impose Emergency Rule – a s have exercised frequently.
Nepal, including the main communist parties, gement, based on the plea that the institution werful national symbol for Nepal’s people. er these parties erred in emphasising thebackwardness of Nepal society, the experience years is that the monarchy, by its tendency to h and autocratic model of power, was inimical modern democracy.
Nepal’s communist parties have historically be its democracy movement, and that was precis elections, the Communist Party of Nepal (Uni emerged as the main opposition force with Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist), at the time People’s Front of Nepal, winning 9 seats. In 1 secured 89 seats to form a minority governmen six months before being dismissed by the king to secure parliamentary representation by eve oppressed sections of the population, and the 1 unable to take even the smallest meaningful s social justice for the masses of people oppre gender, caste and religion, under the feudal syst parliamentary politics in Nepal stood in stark c democratic aspirations, and the Maoists withdre politics to launch a mass struggle for democratic
As expected, the parliamentary polity dete political parties getting fragmented by infig government was not possible. Meanwhile communist parties with their illusion of power means also suffered splits. The appointme successive puppet governments in quick succes to popular disillusionment. It was against this palace massacre of 2001, attributed by ma conspiracy and possible Indian involvement, to of Gyanendra to the throne expedited the erosio the monarchy, particularly because of h unpopularity as opposed to the significant mea his predecessor had enjoyed.
Against this background, the campaign of CPN power of the monarchy and to set up in its
society, the experience of Nepal in the last 14 chy, by its tendency to hang on to a medieval of power, was inimical to Nepal’s incipient
rties have historically been at the forefront of ent, and that was precisely why, in the 1991 ist Party of Nepal (United Marxist Leninist) opposition force with 69 seats, with the epal (Maoist), at the time known as the United al, winning 9 seats. In 1994, the CPN (UML) m a minority government that survived a mere g dismissed by the king. The elections failed y representation by even one member of the the population, and the 1994 government was e smallest meaningful step in the interest of masses of people oppressed on the basis of on, under the feudal system. The impotence of in Nepal stood in stark contrast to the people’s and the Maoists withdrew from parliamentary s struggle for democratic reform.
rliamentary polity deteriorated rapidly, the g fragmented by infighting, so that stable t possible. Meanwhile, the parliamentary their illusion of power through parliamentary splits. The appointment and dismissal of rnments in quick succession by the King, led ent. It was against this background that the 001, attributed by many to an imperialist e Indian involvement, took place. The ascent rone expedited the erosion of the legitimacy of cularly because of his intense personal d to the significant measure of popularity that oyed.
d, the campaign of CPN (Maoist) to end the hy and to set up in its place a full-fledgedrepublic gathered momentum. However, one ca of the Maoists to the events in the Royal Palace of the King. The Maoists had built a pow launching struggles against feudal oppression in countryside and they were in control of a large time of the royal coup of 1st February 2005. In the Nepali state to militarily overcome the Mao strengthening of the hold of the Maoists over t (reportedly, extending to 77% of Nepal before t
The Royal Nepalese Army, frustrated by its f over the vast Maoist-commanded rural areas, military repression, complete with massac ‘disappearances’. Military oppression had an e was intended and rather than silence the d towards a republic, it strengthened it. The resorted to a series of desperate measures includ series of puppet regimes that were dismissed put in place. The coup of 2005 had its dress rehea mainstream Parliamentary parties, including extended their support to Emergency Rule, in Maoist terrorism. Although the parliamentary active support to the autocrat, they were in no p campaign against the monarchy. The initiative i the Maoists, who had already rejected the parlia
It seems that the CPN (UML) had not learn parliamentary experience since 1990 so that, e 2004, the party was a willing partner in the pup Deuba, which was dismissed early this year. parliamentary parties even to protest formally regime emboldened the King, who acted swift power. It is in the wake of a political disaster, resulting that the parliamentary political parties are see credibility by calling for a return to d unpopularity of the Royal Coup has persuaded
entum. However, one cannot attribute the rise ents in the Royal Palace and the unpopularity aoists had built a powerful mass base by ainst feudal oppression in its every form in the ere in control of a large part of Nepal by the of 1st February 2005. In fact, every attempt of tarily overcome the Maoists resulted in further ld of the Maoists over the Nepali countryside to 77% of Nepal before the coup).
rmy, frustrated by its failure to gain control ommanded rural areas, resorted to wholesale complete with massacres, executions and ary oppression had an effect opposite to what her than silence the demand for the move t strengthened it. The autocratic Gyanendra esperate measures including the setting up of a es that were dismissed faster than they were of had its dress rehearsal in 2002. Then, the tary parties, including the CPN (UML), to Emergency Rule, in the name of curbing ough the parliamentary communists withdrew tocrat, they were in no position to spearhead a onarchy. The initiative in this matter was with lready rejected the parliamentary farce.
(UML) had not learned much through its ce since 1990 so that, even as lately as June illing partner in the puppet regime headed by missed early this year. The reluctance of the ven to protest formally against the autocratic e King, who acted swiftly to bid for absolute
olitical disaster, resulting from their own folly, political parties are seeking to salvage their for a return to democratic rule. The yal Coup has persuaded even the internationalbackers of the autocratic regime to call on ‘democratic’ rule.
Politics of Regional Hegemony
Another aspect of the tragedy of Nepal c importance to imperialism because it is landlo and India with a border stretching over 1000 km 800 km with the Tibet Autonomous Region expansionist successors to the British rulers of t nurtured dreams about Indian hegemony ove decades before Indian independence, with plan covering a bigger territory than British India. secret of this dream in the years preceding Although the secession of Pakistan dented this was revived and reactivated according to the colonial era.
India’s aggressive approach towards its neighb of the desire to be a regional power; and its al Union of the post-Stalin era until its disinteg extent conditioned by its desire to contain Ch region, on the one hand for fear of a pro upsurge inspired by the then socialist China minimise Chinese influence in countries neighb
Nepal, Bhutan and Sikkim, the three landl between China and India, came under increa since 1947. This was possible because, histori because of British imperial domination of countries had most of their trade across their were subject to Indian influence. Independent possible to reduce these countries into its p states at best so that they could be assimilated in the cause of realising the dream of Grater I annexed by India in 1974 on the pretext of dem Bhutan has been reduced to a virtual colony of Bhutan dancing to India’s tunes so that he co
atic regime to call on the King to restore
e tragedy of Nepal concerns its strategic lism because it is landlocked between China stretching over 1000 km with India and about t Autonomous Region of China. The Indian to the British rulers of the sub-continent have t Indian hegemony over the region, starting independence, with plans for a Greater India itory than British India. Nehru had made no n the years preceding Indian independence. of Pakistan dented this grand plan, the plan tivated according to the reality of the post-
roach towards its neighbours was an outcome gional power; and its alliance with the Soviet lin era until its disintegration was to a great its desire to contain Chinese influence in the and for fear of a proletarian revolutionary he then socialist China and on the other to ence in countries neighbouring India.
ikkim, the three landlocked states wedged dia, came under increasing Indian pressure possible because, historically, and particularly perial domination of the region, the three their trade across their border with India and influence. Independent India did everything se countries into its protectorates or vassal ey could be assimilated to India in due course g the dream of Grater India. Sikkim was the 74 on the pretext of democratising the country. ed to a virtual colony of India with the King of ia’s tunes so that he could hold on to powerusing a most oppressive dictatorial feudal reg the proposed two-party democratic system f monarchy as a national institution, is somethin the turn of events in the region.
Nepal being bigger than Bhutan has been freedom from Indian control and domination e the British rulers with whom the ruling elite relations. Indian control of Nepal proved to b with the monarchy asserting its independence China coming to the defence of Nepal in aggression.
India, however, did not fail to take advantage of trade routes of Nepal were through India, to Nepal from concluding major treaties with Ch procurement of weapons from China for the de also imposed a number of unequal treaties of t Nepal, which were renewed and reinforced f tighten its grip on Nepal and use the threat of cl trade to blackmail and bully the Nepali rulers. M became increasingly hostile to Indian dominati abrogation of all unequal treaties with India.
With the Indian bourgeoisie all out to domina bleed Nepal dry in its quest for profits and a fe to lead the country out of its economic backw economy continued to weaken and many Nepa livelihood to India and to Bhutan. Tourism w keeping the tottering economy in place, but wa unacceptable social price besides opening the meddling. The British had a vested interest in monarchy so that they continued to have a say Asia. This role has, however, been taken ove which took advantage of an increasingly unpop outside help to keep the Maoists at bay. The interference in Nepal based its ‘war again
ve dictatorial feudal regime. How democratic ty democratic system for Bhutan, with the l institution, is something that will depend on
han Bhutan has been used to considerable ontrol and domination even from the time of whom the ruling elite of Nepal had good ol of Nepal proved to be difficult, especially serting its independence and the prospect of defence of Nepal in the event of Indian
fail to take advantage of the fact that the main were through India, to prevent the rulers of major treaties with China and especially the ns from China for the defence of Nepal. India r of unequal treaties of trade and defence with newed and reinforced from time to time, to al and use the threat of closure of its border for bully the Nepali rulers. Meanwhile, the masses ostile to Indian domination and demanded the al treaties with India.
eoisie all out to dominate trade in Nepal and quest for profits and a feudal monarchy unable t of its economic backwardness, the national weaken and many Nepalese went in search of d to Bhutan. Tourism was another means of conomy in place, but was accompanied by an ice besides opening the country to imperialist had a vested interest in preserving the Nepali continued to have a say in the affairs of South owever, been taken over by US imperialism, of an increasingly unpopular monarch seeking he Maoists at bay. The US also justifies its based its ‘war against terror’. Thus thedictatorial monarchy gets military support from India. China, prior to its taking the capitalist road, Nepal as internal to the country, while being a of the government in resisting Indian pres relations, and especially in its refusal to allow to subvert China. The prospect of Nepal, und becoming part of the US plan for the encirclem or with Indian connivance, is a matter of con state. Thus, its abandoning of the socialist cau to preserve Nepalese neutrality have made it e join the chorus of condemnation of the Maoist however, has, unlike the US, UK and I involvement on the side of the monarch in t Nepal.
On the political side, India has always sough affairs through ‘democratic politics’, by using and parties who would act as its agents. Th Party, which formed the first government under that was fully restored to power in 1951, had the Indian establishment. The party has since f internal rivalries, political differences and royal
China, under the leadership of Mao Zedon liberation struggles at the people-to-people le Communist Party extended political support to without interfering in the internal affairs of ot amicable state-to-state relations were possible, the political systems. Today, the Chinese leade extent of denouncing a genuine revolutionary terrorist, merely to appease a dictator. Althou China will be directly involved in the conflict i to be a source of inspiration for the masses stru change.
ets military support from the US, the UK and
ing the capitalist road, treated the affairs of country, while being appreciative of the role n resisting Indian pressure in its external ly in its refusal to allow its territory to be used prospect of Nepal, under Gyanendra’s rule, S plan for the encirclement of China, without ance, is a matter of concern for the Chinese ning of the socialist cause as well as the need eutrality have made it expedient for China to demnation of the Maoists as terrorists. China, the US, UK and India, refrained from de of the monarch in the armed conflict in
India has always sought to meddle in Nepali ratic politics’, by using loyal political leaders d act as its agents. The Nepalese Congress e first government under the Nepali monarchy to power in 1951, had for long been loyal to nt. The party has since fragmented because of cal differences and royal intrigue.
dership of Mao Zedong, always supported the people-to-people level and the Chinese nded political support to fraternal parties, but the internal affairs of other countries, so that relations were possible, despite differences in oday, the Chinese leadership has gone to the a genuine revolutionary communist party as pease a dictator. Although it is unlikely that involved in the conflict in Nepal, it is unlikely ation for the masses struggling for democraticThe Path and Purpose of the Current Strugg
King Gyanendra took absolute power on 1 Feb coup in which he sacked his government for Maoists to the negotiating table’ and his subseq the media, free speech and right to free assem the conduct of Gyanendra, since he assumed p palace massacre, that there was no peacef democracy in Nepal. What the events since the is to make it abundantly clear o even the politic no chance for democracy in Nepal without abol
It was the Maoists who correctly identified the state and therefore reject the parliamentary ro justice. Thus, even before the palace massacre of vast areas of the Nepali countryside which virtual control over 90% of Nepal well ahead of February. It was, again, they who, through revolutionary mass struggle, correctly recognis Gyanendra’s invitation to them for talks, democracy but to deter it.
The course of the struggle over the past deca The establishment of people’s power in the N achieved through mass struggle against feu domination and by implementing land reform a counter caste, gender and ethnic oppression in The Maoists demonstrated that revolutionary s for the people what parliamentary and other ref not achieve. The broader struggle to transform t people’s war against the state apparatus, and es the army. The struggle has also involved the l campaigns such as mass demonstrations, hartals have increasingly demonstrated that the revolu the government to standstill even in urban government could claim to be in some form of c
of the Current Struggle
absolute power on 1st February 2005 through a ked his government for ‘failing to bring the ing table’ and his subsequent moves to control and right to free assembly. It was clear from dra, since he assumed power in following the there was no peaceful path to securing hat the events since the royal coup have done y clear o even the politically naïve that there is cy in Nepal without abolishing the monarchy.
o correctly identified the nature of the Nepali ect the parliamentary road to achieve social ore the palace massacre, they were in control epali countryside which they extended it to of Nepal well ahead of the Royal Coup of 1st ain, they who, through their experience in ggle, correctly recognised the true purpose of n to them for talks, was not to discuss
ggle over the past decade has been tortuous. eople’s power in the Nepali countryside was ss struggle against feudal exploitation and lementing land reform as well as firm steps to nd ethnic oppression in the name of tradition. ated that revolutionary struggle could achieve rliamentary and other reformist methods could er struggle to transform the state, however, is a e state apparatus, and especially the police and has also involved the launching countrywide s demonstrations, hartals and blockades which onstrated that the revolutionaries could bring tandstill even in urban centres where the
to be in some form of control.As a true Marxist Leninist party, the goal of t socialist Nepal. Again, as a Marxist Leninist p need to carry the struggle forward in stages. T the armed struggle of the Maoists is the democratic regime in Nepal. They were willing Royal Government of Nepal for the purpo democratic government with a constitutional tactically correct, and the unwillingness of negotiate with the Maoists on that basis demons Nepal that the monarchy was only interested power at any cost.
The parliamentary parties, including the revisio of Nepal (United Marxist Leninist), have demo bankruptcy by collaborating with Gyanendra under his patronage so that, in the process of Maoists, the dirty work of defending the inter regime fell on their shoulder. It was only February and the arrest of nearly all leaders political parties that most of the leaders of these
The call by the Maoists for a genuinely demo abolition of the monarchy has now been acce political parties. Thus the initiative in the monarchy and for setting up a democratic repu Nepal is now with the Maoists.
The Maoists have again adopted the correct Ma of uniting with the many to isolate the few in c unity in their democratic revolutionary struggl lie to the reactionary propaganda that the Ma replace the monarchy with a ‘communist one-pa
Since the coup of 1st February it is widely ac monarchy and democracy cannot coexist in Nep revolution faces concern the nature of the demo the demise of the monarchy.
inist party, the goal of the CPN (Maoist) is a as a Marxist Leninist party, it recognises the gle forward in stages. The immediate task of of the Maoists is the establishment of a epal. They were willing to negotiate with the f Nepal for the purpose of setting up a t with a constitutional monarchy. This was the unwillingness of the government to ists on that basis demonstrated to the people of hy was only interested in holding on to state
ies, including the revisionist Communist Party ist Leninist), have demonstrated their political rating with Gyanendra to form governments that, in the process of negotiating with the k of defending the interests of the dictatorial shoulder. It was only after the coup of 1st st of nearly all leaders of the parliamentary st of the leaders of these parties saw light.
ts for a genuinely democratic regime and the rchy has now been accepted by most of the the initiative in the struggle against the ing up a democratic republic of the people of
n adopted the correct Marxist Leninist strategy y to isolate the few in calling for broad-based tic revolutionary struggle. This had given the propaganda that the Maoists were fighting to
ith a ‘communist one-party state’.
February it is widely accepted in Nepal that cy cannot coexist in Nepal. The issues that the n the nature of the democracy that is to follow rchy.There can be no compromise on the question of victories scored by the masses through revolut would be a betrayal of the masses and the revo to be decided on the questions of revival of th establishing and defending a genuine people’s role of patriotic, progressive and democratic liberated Nepal.
Salient Features of the Revolutionary Strugg
While much remains to be achieved to secure f several impressive features of the revoluti important parallels in revolutionary mass strug are also new features that offer much inspiration to revolutionary movements in South Asia.
Ten years of mass revolutionary struggle in demonstrated to South Asian society what coul revolutionary mass struggle on the fronts oppression. The Maoists have made serious an eliminate discrimination and oppression in th gender.
What has been achieved has not been without only the feudal oppressors but also sections of including victims of caste and gender oppress cultural hegemony of the ruling classes, much that cannot even be initiated until there is a pe Nepal to take the country along the path to f socialism.
What is also highly commendable is that mem castes and women play a prominent and leadin the revolution at the local and national level. leading positions have pointed out that the rep in the leadership is still low. They also note ready to rectify the situation, and act to ensu
omise on the question of land reform and other masses through revolutionary struggle. That the masses and the revolution. There is much uestions of revival of the economy of Nepal, ding a genuine people’s democracy, and the ressive and democratic forces in building a
e Revolutionary Struggle
be achieved to secure final victory, there are atures of the revolutionary struggle with evolutionary mass struggles of the past. There at offer much inspiration and valuable lessons ents in South Asia.
volutionary struggle in the countryside has Asian society what could be achieved through ruggle on the fronts of caste and gender ts have made serious and conscious efforts to n and oppression in the name of caste and
d has not been without resistance. Since, not sors but also sections of the oppressed masses aste and gender oppression are subject to the the ruling classes, much remains to be done itiated until there is a people’s government in ntry along the path to full social justice and
mmendable is that members of the oppressed a prominent and leading role in carrying out ocal and national level. Women comrades in pointed out that the representation of women ill low. They also note that the Maoists are tuation, and act to ensure that women play abigger role not only within the Party but also in Nepalese society.
The harshness with which oppression by caste with at times has led to some resentment, mu enemies of the Revolution. But as Mao himself “the revolution is not a tea party”. Mistakes course of struggle, especially in the implemen what matters is that they are corrected and not party that adopts the mass line is never reluctan or to correct them, and therein lies the s Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought.
States and the Revolution
The Nepali state has been a state of feudal op consent to a democratically elected parliamen monarch holding the power to dismiss the elect was as a result of years of mass agitation and s the left and other progressive forces. The Nepa take advantage of its strategic location betwee wield unlimited power over the country.
While China has practiced a policy of non-inter affairs of the country, it desires political stabili the Chinese government went out of its way to and to denounce the revolution, in the hope tha Nepali state could be preserved, and the increasingly capitalist class character.
India has asserted its strategic and economic i has a long record of meddling in the affairs economic blackmail through blocking the trade India wants too is a stable government in Nepa party that is amenable to the Indian ruling el Such things are hard to come by in a country ruins, with a majority living in abject poverty.
thin the Party but also in the transformation of
ich oppression by caste and gender are dealt to some resentment, much to the glee of the tion. But as Mao himself pointed out long ago, a tea party”. Mistakes will be made in the ecially in the implementation of policy. But ey are corrected and not repeated. A political ass line is never reluctant to admit its mistakes and therein lies the strength of Marxism-
een a state of feudal oppression and even its tically elected parliament, although with the wer to dismiss the elected government at will, s of mass agitation and struggle, especially by essive forces. The Nepali monarchy wanted to trategic location between China and India to over the country.
ced a policy of non-interference in the internal it desires political stability in Nepal. Recently, t went out of its way to side with the monarch volution, in the hope that the neutrality of the be preserved, and thereby confirming its
strategic and economic interests in Nepal and meddling in the affairs of Nepal, including rough blocking the trade routes of Nepal. What ble government in Nepal, but with a political to the Indian ruling elite exercising power. o come by in a country whose economy is in iving in abject poverty.India has the advantage that Nepal is a Hindu cultural ties to India. But the Nepali peopl cultural affinity to India, also value their nationa people cherish their ties with the people of Indi domination by the Indian ruling elite and other the Indian ruling elite, insensitive to the feeling seeks to dominate Nepal in every possible way of a greater India.
The US imperialists have, particularly since the Union, sought to intensify their expansionist a to encircle and isolate China, which they sees that needs to overcome in its bid for global dom Nepal and its military support for the oppressiv a steep rise since the ascent to power by G Against Terrorism’ waged by the US in the af tragedy has become an additional pretext repressive regime.
US, Britain and India are the three main source support to the Nepali regime. Despite p democracy, the British government has alway democracy and democratic struggle when the imperialist interests.
The three countries together have, while making King to restore democracy, dragged their feet a supplies to Nepal. Although military assistance been formally withdrawn by India and the threatening to follow suit, the unholy trinity wi power to prevent the Maoists from coming to po
It appears that they are waiting for the first poss the dictator after he is able to make some cosm a semblance of democracy by accommod parliamentary political parties to add a de authoritarian regime. The current situation is, h politically isolated Gyanendra, with most of
e that Nepal is a Hindu kingdom with close But the Nepali people, despite the strong a, also value their national identity. The Nepali s with the people of India. Equally they resent an ruling elite and other exploiting classes. But insensitive to the feelings of the Nepali people, al in every possible way in realising its dream
ve, particularly since the collapse of the Soviet sify their expansionist activities in Asia so as China, which they sees as a major challenge in its bid for global domination. US interest in upport for the oppressive regime have been on ascent to power by Gyanendra. The ‘War ged by the US in the aftermath of the ‘9.11’ an additional pretext for supporting the
re the three main sources of arms and military ali regime. Despite pretences to support government has always acted to undermine ratic struggle when they posed a threat to
ether have, while making public calls upon the acy, dragged their feet about stopping military ough military assistance to the monarchy has wn by India and the UK, and the US is uit, the unholy trinity will do everything in its
aoists from coming to power.
waiting for the first possible excuse to support able to make some cosmetic changes to create ocracy by accommodating some of the l parties to add a democratic tint to his he current situation is, however, bleak for the anendra, with most of the political partiesendorsing the position of the Maoists that th future for Nepal with the monarchy in place prospect of some of the leaders, including s communists, returning to the fold of the monarc
Thus Nepali democracy faces a threat from the main global super power and its closest ally. M the governance of Nepal in any form, let alone country’s affairs, will not be tolerated by these problem getting internationalised is high.
We can expect that everything will be done to m Maoists and other forces of democracy but, a adhere to the revolutionary path of relying on with the many to isolate the few and perseve they will succeed in overthrowing the monarch to Nepal and transform it into a genuine people’
The global media has as usual been mischiev Maoists as a gang of terrorists who have increa countryside to ransom through sheer terro establishing a one-party communist state in material in support of this view from the offic socialism and parliamentary opportunists of ev mainstream media has been even more pathe present as news its subjective wish that the Mao by the monarchy.
Although statements by the CPN(M) have bee was the establishment of democracy in place o for example, the statement by the CPN(M) lea end of this article), the international media has ignore it. It is difficult for the media so used through imperialist tinted glasses to see that str in Nepal came through mass political wor struggle against feudal and state oppression. H
of the Maoists that there is no democratic the monarchy in place in any form. But the the leaders, including some of the so-called to the fold of the monarchy still exists.
faces a threat from the regional hegemon, the er and its closest ally. Maoist participation in al in any form, let alone taking control of the ot be tolerated by these powers and the risk of tionalised is high.
rything will be done to make it difficult for the es of democracy but, as long as the Maoists nary path of relying on the masses, uniting ate the few and persevering in people’s war, erthrowing the monarchy to bring democracy it into a genuine people’s democracy.
as usual been mischievous in presenting the rrorists who have increasingly held the Nepali m through sheer terror, with the aim of rty communist state in Nepal. They draw this view from the official media, enemies of ntary opportunists of every shade. The Indian been even more pathetic in its attempts to jective wish that the Maoists will be overcome
y the CPN(M) have been clear that their goal of democracy in place of the monarchy (see, ent by the CPN(M) leader Prachanda at the international media has consistently chosen to t for the media so used to seeing the world ed glasses to see that strength of the CPN(M) gh mass political work and revolutionary and state oppression. Having got used to theidea that communism was dead and buried aft Soviet Union and the subversion of socialism keep falling back on the language of anti-com the early years of the cold war.
Even today, the mainstream media try their le the menace of state terror and dictatorial rule i the ‘acts of terror’ by the Maoists. The succ nationwide strike or a blockade is attributed to mass support. Such is the objectivity of the me one necessarily relies on alternative media for re
The very fact that the global media observe Nepal in the pretext of the communication shut government is clear indication that things ar revolutionary struggle for democracy. It is inter media gladly reproduce fabrications by the Nep ‘military successes’ of the RNA and about leadership’. One such story in March was that B been expelled from the leadership and pro statements to the press by the party leader Pra not only denied the story but also published a Bhattarai (which is also reproduced in this issue
The Left and the Nepali Revolution
When the Soviet Union was dragged into W invasion, the stand that one took on the questi Soviet Union was a measure of one’s sincerity cause. In the post-war era, the stand one to struggle in southern Vietnam against US ag Palestinian struggle against Israeli aggression a possible to tell a progressive from a reactiona era, the revolution in Nepal has emerged as the anti-imperialist and socialist.
Marxist-Leninists in India, despite ideolog differences relating to political and revolution
was dead and buried after the collapse of the subversion of socialism in China, the media he language of anti-communist propaganda of old war.
tream media try their level best to underplay ror and dictatorial rule in Nepal and highlight the Maoists. The success of every call for blockade is attributed to Maoist terror than to the objectivity of the media monopoly so that n alternative media for reliable information.
global media observes guarded silence on the communication shut down imposed by the ndication that things are going well for the for democracy. It is interesting though that the e fabrications by the Nepali state media about f the RNA and about ‘splits in the Maoist tory in March was that Baburam Bhattarai had he leadership and prohibited from making by the party leader Prachanda. The Maoists ry but also published an important article by reproduced in this issue).
n was dragged into World War II by Nazi t one took on the question of support for the easure of one’s sincerity towards the socialist r era, the stand one took on the liberation ietnam against US aggression, and on the ainst Israeli aggression and oppression made it ressive from a reactionary. In the post-Soviet epal has emerged as the litmus test for a true ialist.
India, despite ideological differences and political and revolutionary strategy, hail thesuccess of the Maoist-led struggle against the the monarchy to go and the victories scored masses for social justice in the countryside to be
The revisionist Communist Party of India and India (Marxist) in India are reluctant to endorse Maoists in the struggle to replace a dictatorial democracy in Nepal speaks volumes about the parties. They refer to the Maoists as terrorists a when the Chinese capitalist regime denoun essence, their position is no different from that which, in turn, is not very far from that of the RSS, which demand unqualified support from t for the Hindu dictator. All of them seek to prese interests in Nepal.
The parliamentary left in Sri Lanka is n revisionists in India. The JVP too is silently en of the Indian expansionist state.
While the genuine left in Sri Lanka will give u the revolutionary struggle in Nepal, any person justice and the faintest idea of the situation in N ruled by the feudal monarchy, the oppressive so present dictatorship cannot but support the strug
The majority in Sri Lanka are in the dark abou of information and misinterpretation by the m therefore the duty of the genuine left to public that:
1 Nepal remains a backward country becau system presided over by an archaic monar
2 Nepal has been ruled by a dictatorial m the palace massacre, is a ruthless reign o subservient to foreign interests, mainly seeking to control Nepal. 3 The Nepali parliamentary political partie the left, have failed the people of Nepal b
led struggle against the monarchy. They want nd the victories scored by the revolutionary e in the countryside to be consolidated.
unist Party of India and Communist Party of are reluctant to endorse the leadership of the to replace a dictatorial monarchy with a true eaks volumes about the degeneration of these e Maoists as terrorists and express satisfaction apitalist regime denounces the Maoists. In is no different from that of the Congress Party, ery far from that of the Hindutva BJP and the qualified support from the Indian government All of them seek to preserve Indian hegemonic
ft in Sri Lanka is no different from its he JVP too is silently endorsing the approach ist state.
in Sri Lanka will give unqualified support for gle in Nepal, any person with a sense of social idea of the situation in Nepal, how it has been narchy, the oppressive social structure, and the
not but support the struggle for democracy.
nka are in the dark about Nepal owing to lack sinterpretation by the main news media. It is he genuine left to publicise the essential facts
backward country because of the feudal social over by an archaic monarchy.
ruled by a dictatorial monarchy, which, since cre, is a ruthless reign of royal military terror oreign interests, mainly India and the US, l Nepal. amentary political parties, including those on led the people of Nepal by compromising withthe monarchy to the extent that they pr under royal patronage rather than stand up the fundamental rights of the masses. 4 The Maoists are not terrorists but ge carrying out an armed mass revolution democracy and social justice to Nepal. 5 The Maoists have liberated 90% of the t
in the regions that they have been adm years, they have implemented land refor social injustice in the name of caste and religious minorities in Nepal enjoy great Maoists than under the Hindu state. 6 The present struggle is not about setting
but to get rid of a one-man dictatorship. 7 The revolutionary struggle in Nepal c despite King Gyanendra assuming absol that power to silence the whole nation b not only the media but all means of comm 8 The Nepali revolution has demonstrate Marxism is more alive than even befor dead by the imperialists and their agencies
Telling the truth about the revolution in Nepal Lanka is important in several ways, especially the masses to persevere in revolutionary strugg of local and foreign oppression.
Now, with the sovereignty of Nepal and the de people under foreign threat, the revolution in needs and deserves the support of all those imperialism and its agents. The revolution in entire oppressed masses, and any support tha worth many times more for liberation struggles
the extent that they preferred to hold office nage rather than stand up for social justice and rights of the masses. e not terrorists but genuine revolutionaries armed mass revolutionary struggle to bring ocial justice to Nepal. e liberated 90% of the territory of Nepal and, at they have been administering for several implemented land reform and put an end to the name of caste and gender. In fact, even ies in Nepal enjoy greater freedom under the er the Hindu state. ggle is not about setting up a one-party state
one-man dictatorship. ry struggle in Nepal continues to advance anendra assuming absolute power and using ence the whole nation by clamping down on ia but all means of communication. olution has demonstrated to the world that e alive than even before it was pronounced rialists and their agencies.
the revolution in Nepal to the masses of Sri several ways, especially by way of inspiring e in revolutionary struggle against every form pression.
gnty of Nepal and the democratic rights of its hreat, the revolution in Nepal more than ever e support of all those who are opposed to ents. The revolution in Nepal belongs to the es, and any support that struggle receives is e for liberation struggles the world over.Timeline of half a century of Nepal's turbulent 1951 - End of Rana rule. Sovereignty of crown restor
in Nepalese Congress Party form government. 1955 - King Tribhuwan dies, King Mahendra ascends 1959 - Multi-party constitution adopted. 1960 - King Mahendra seizes control and suspends p and party politics after Nepali Congress Party (N B. P. Koirala as premier. 1962 - New constitution provides for non-party system
"panchayat" under which king exercises sole po Rastrya Panchayat held in 1963. 1972 - King Mahendra dies, succeeded by Birendra. 1980 - Constitutional referendum follows agitation for favours keeping existing panchayat system. Kin elections to national assembly - but on a non-pa 1985 - Communists begin civil disobedience campaig
multi-party system. 1986 - New elections boycotted by communists. 1989 - Trade and transit dispute with India leads to b resulting in worsening economic situation. 1990 - Pro-democracy agitation co-ordinated by com
groups. Street protests suppressed by security deaths and mass arrests. King Birendra eventu and agrees to new democratic constitution. 1991 - Nepali Congress Party wins first democratic e
Koirala becomes prime minister. 1994 - Koirala's government defeated in no-confiden
elections lead to formation of UML Communist g 1995 - Communist government dissolved. Radical lef Communist Party (Maoist) begins insurrection in abolishing monarch and establishing a people's 1997 - Continuing political instability as Prime Ministe
is defeated and replaced by Lokendra Bahadur forced to resign because of party splits and is re Bahadur Thapa.
ntury of Nepal's turbulent history
Sovereignty of crown restored and anti-Rana rebels ss Party form government. es, King Mahendra ascends throne.
tion adopted. izes control and suspends parliament, constitution er Nepali Congress Party (NCP) wins elections with
ier. rovides for non-party system of councils known as hich king exercises sole power. First elections to held in 1963.
s, succeeded by Birendra. rendum follows agitation for reform. Small majority
ting panchayat system. King agrees to allow direct assembly - but on a non-party basis. civil disobedience campaign for restoration of
cotted by communists.
ispute with India leads to border blockade by Delhi g economic situation. itation co-ordinated by communist and leftist sts suppressed by security forces resulting in rests. King Birendra eventually bows to pressure
emocratic constitution. arty wins first democratic elections. Girija Prasad me minister.
nt defeated in no-confidence motion. New mation of UML Communist government.
ment dissolved. Radical leftist group, the Nepal aoist) begins insurrection in rural areas aimed at and establishing a people's republic. l instability as Prime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba aced by Lokendra Bahadur Chand. Chand is then ause of party splits and is replaced by Surya1998 - Thapa stands down because of party splits. G
prime minister heading a coalition government. 1999 - Fresh elections give majority to Nepali Congre Prasad Bhattarai becomes prime minister. 2000 - Prime Minister Bhattarai steps down after revo Party. GP Koirala returns as prime minister, hea government in 10 years. 2001 April - General strike called by Maoist rebels br
country to a virtual standstill; police arrest anti-g demonstrators, including some opposition leade 2001 1 June - King Birendra, Queen Aishwarya and o
killed in shooting spree allegedly by drunken Cr who then shoots himself. 2001 4 June - Prince Gyanendra crowned King of Ne Birendra's son, Dipendra - who had been decla died of injuries sustained during the palace sho 2001 July - Maoist rebels step up campaign of violen Deuba becomes prime minister, heading the 11 years, after Girija Prasad Koirala quits over the 2001 July - Deuba announces peace with rebels, truc 2001 November - Maoists say peace talks have failed
justified. Launch coordinated attacks on army a 2001 November - State of emergency declared after are killed in four days of violence. King Gyanen the Maoist rebels. 2002 April - Maoist rebels order five-day national strik
are killed in two of bloodiest attacks of six-year 2002 May - Intense clashes between military and reb declare one-month ceasefire, rejected by gover Deuba visits Britain and other states, seeking h Maoist rebels. US President George W Bush pl 2002 May - Parliament dissolved, fresh elections call confrontation over extending the state of emerg by his Nepali Congress party, heads interim gov emergency.
n because of party splits. GP Koirala returns as ing a coalition government. e majority to Nepali Congress Party. Krishna comes prime minister.
ttarai steps down after revolt in Nepali Congress turns as prime minister, heading the ninth ars.
called by Maoist rebels brings life in much of the tandstill; police arrest anti-government ding some opposition leaders, in Kathmandu. ra, Queen Aishwarya and other close relatives ree allegedly by drunken Crown Prince Dipendra,
self. nendra crowned King of Nepal after the late King ndra - who had been declared king on 2 June - ined during the palace shooting. step up campaign of violence. Sher Bahadur
e minister, heading the 11th government in 11 asad Koirala quits over the violence. nces peace with rebels, truce begins.
say peace talks have failed, truce is no longer rdinated attacks on army and police posts. f emergency declared after more than 100 people s of violence. King Gyanendra orders army to crush
order five-day national strike, days after hundreds loodiest attacks of six-year rebellion. es between military and rebels in the west. Rebels
easefire, rejected by government. and other states, seeking help in the war against resident George W Bush pledges $20 million.
solved, fresh elections called amid political xtending the state of emergency. Deuba expelled ess party, heads interim government, renews2002 October - Deuba asks king to put off elections b
Maoist violence. King Gyanendra dismisses De off elections set for November. Lokendra Bahad head government. 2003 January - Rebels, government declare ceasefir 2003 May/June - Lokendra Bahadur Chand resigns a appoints his own nominee Surya Bahadur Thap 2003 August - Rebels pull out of peace talks with gov seven-month truce. Rebels call three-day gener Late 2003 onwards - Political stalemate; clashes be
and police; resurgence of violence. 2004 May - Royalist Prime Minister Surya Bahadur T
weeks of street protests by opposition groups. 2004 June - King Gyanendra reappoints Sher Bahad
minister. 2004 August - Maoist rebels stage week-long blocka
stopping supplies from reaching the city. 2004 December - Maoist rebels stage week-long bloc 2005 February - King Gyanendra dismisses Prime M
government, assumes executive power, declare Courtesy: Liberation N
News Bulletin of
ks king to put off elections by a year because of g Gyanendra dismisses Deuba and indefinitely puts November. Lokendra Bahadur Chand appointed to
overnment declare ceasefire. a Bahadur Chand resigns as prime minister. King minee Surya Bahadur Thapa as new premier. l out of peace talks with government and end Rebels call three-day general strike in September. itical stalemate; clashes between students/activists ce of violence. e Minister Surya Bahadur Thapa resigns following ests by opposition groups. dra reappoints Sher Bahadur Deuba as prime
els stage week-long blockade of Kathmandu,
m reaching the city. rebels stage week-long blockade of capital. nendra dismisses Prime Minister Deuba and his es executive power, declares state of emergency.
Courtesy: Liberation News Service, 24.2.2005 News Bulletin of CP(ML) Liberation, IndiaStatement of the Central Commit Communist Party of Nepal (M Press Release, 4th February 2005
A brutal stupidity of plunging the country and the pe terrorism is being exhibited by fratricidal artificial kin the final writhing of the feudal autocracy. There is n great Nepalese people who are fighting for a Demo by standing on the achievements of the historical mo to overthrow the feudal autocracy through its root. point of decisive battle between autocracy and re necessity for the all the pro-people political forces, community and all the level and sphere of people to direction. With full responsibility and keeping to thi party has already called for the united front against order to make the broad united front effective, our P statement to the entire parliamentary parties to form central and local level and advance the movement a appeals to all those pro-people’s forces through t forward to forge the united front both in the loca wherever and whatever becomes possible. Committe country and people, our Party humbly appeals to come forward by all means by forging a united whatever means possible, by casting away their mu to create storms of movement against autocracy. clarify to all those concerned that we are utterly r sacrifice and flexibility from our side for this purpose. We heartily thank all the masses of people for thei three days’ countrywide general strike (Nepal February successful, called by our Party as an ini retrogressive coup by Gyanendra. By condemning t of the Royal Army terrorists over students in Pokhar autocratic control over communication and indepe party strongly appeals to all students, teachers, prof come out to a powerful resistance. It is historical nec strong resistance is the only foundation of people’s
of the Central Committee of the unist Party of Nepal (Maoist)
ing the country and the people in to darkness and ed by fratricidal artificial king Gyanendra Shahi, as eudal autocracy. There is no alternative before the ho are fighting for a Democratic Republic of Nepal ements of the historical movement of 1990, except autocracy through its root. On this crucial turning between autocracy and republic, it is a historical pro-people political forces, civil society, intellectual vel and sphere of people to advance united on this nsibility and keeping to this historic necessity, our for the united front against the feudal autocracy. In united front effective, our Party appeals through this rliamentary parties to form united fronts both in the d advance the movement ahead. Our party heartily -people’s forces through this statement, to come ited front both in the local and central level, as ecomes possible. Committed to the interests of the Party humbly appeals to all pro-people forces, to ans by forging a united front wherever and by , by casting away their mutual misunderstandings, ement against autocracy. We would also like to rned that we are utterly ready for the necessary
our side for this purpose. masses of people for their support to making the general strike (Nepal Bandha) from 2nd-4th led by our Party as an initial reaction against the anendra. By condemning the Nazi style repression sts over students in Pokhara and through imposing ommunication and independent publications, our all students, teachers, professors and guardians to sistance. It is historical necessity to perceive that a only foundation of people’s protection. In this verycontext, our Party challenges Gyanendra Shahi to w steps immediately. If he fails to withdraw his autocr be compelled to come out for a countrywide blocka indefinite time, from the historic day of the 10t People’s War, 13 February. Our party heartily app forces, civil society, intellectual community, journa sections of people to store the most essential good and support our movement by all means to make century will be the people’s century and it is sure tha defeated.
The King Addresses His Subjects, and a P
The king “addressed” the nation today on the occasio day, 18th August 2005, and lamented that politics in conducted “far from the common man”. An anonymou circulated through e-mail today captures the irony of
‘far from the common man’
Surrounded by military security, All protest under the gun sights Phone lines cut Martial law in place, Sri 5 maharajadhiraj himself steps along a Speaking in the royal plural, Announces to his subjects That he was obliged to take over because Politics was being conducted “far from the common man”
ges Gyanendra Shahi to withdraw his retrogressive fails to withdraw his autocratic steps, our Party will ut for a countrywide blockade and traffic strike for historic day of the 10th anniversary of Great ary. Our party heartily appeals to all the political llectual community, journalists and all levels and re the most essential goods for daily consumption ent by all means to make it successful. The 21st ’s century and it is sure that feudal autocracy will be
Prachanda, Chairman, Central Committee, Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist)
sses His Subjects, and a Poet Responds
nation today on the occasion of the democracy nd lamented that politics in Nepal was being ommon man”. An anonymous poet’s reflections today captures the irony of the king’s speech:
military security, r the gun sights
ace, hiraj himself steps along a red carpet, and royal plural, is subjects liged to take over
ng conducted mmon man”
[courtesy: www.insn.org, February 19th, 2005]THE ROYAL REGRESSION THE QUESTION OF DEMOC
by Baburam Bhattarai
In his famous work The Eighteenth Brumaire Karl Marx had said: “Hegel observes som incidents and individuals of world history occur forgot to add: the first time as tragedy, the sec while drawing a parallel between the coup of nephew Louis Bonaparte, who had then Napoleon III, and the original Napoleonic coup this was in a satirical sense.
Similar law of Hegelian dialectics seems to b history of Nepal, too. While the father, King M military coup on December 16, 1960 against t democracy established after 1950 to centralise now the son, King Gyanendra, has staged ano February 1, 2005 against the second parli restored after 1990 and centralised all stat However, for the politically enlightened ones, i beneath the surface that this episode of Feb continuation or culmination of the episode of J relatively more weak or liberal King Birendra, family, was butchered and a new dynasty ushe This way, the “First February” of the Nepalese carbon copy of the “Eighteenth Brumaire” of t
OYAL REGRESSION AND ESTION OF DEMOCRATIC
by Baburam Bhattarai
he Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte, “Hegel observes somewhere that all great ls of world history occur, as it were, twice. He time as tragedy, the second as farce.” It was lel between the coup of 1851 by Napoleon’s arte, who had then crowned himself as original Napoleonic coup of 1799. Of course,
an dialectics seems to be in operation in the hile the father, King Mahendra, had staged a mber 16, 1960 against the first parliamentary after 1950 to centralise all power in himself, anendra, has staged another military coup on ainst the second parliamentary democracy nd centralised all state power in himself. cally enlightened ones, it is not difficult to see hat this episode of February 1 is merely a ation of the episode of June 1, 2001, when the r liberal King Birendra, along with his entire and a new dynasty ushered in by Gyanendra. bruary” of the Nepalese history seems to be a ghteenth Brumaire” of the French history; butit is yet to be seen whether it will be m ‘farcical’.
The Essence of the Royal Regression
In his every public utterances after the coup proclamation’ of February 1, Gyanendra has lab theory that his present move is designed to consolidate ‘multi-party democracy’ by exo ‘terrorism’ [i.e. the ongoing revolutionary Peo CPN(Maoist), and this is meant only for a d coming three years. While talking to a grou persons on February 24, he has particularly t himself as the real Messiah of ‘democracy’ ‘terrorism’ and has demanded of the parliame and the entire members of the international co with him in this grand venture against ‘terr sought to project himself as the true follower George W. Bush in the international crusade a begged everybody to grant legitimacy to h regime at least on that count. Of course, he seem lessons from General Musharaf of Pakistan.
However, Gyanendra’s such political gimmicks ice among the masses, as he has a tainted im autocrat even within the palace since his fathe and is particularly hated among the public as t regicidal culprit in the palace massacre of June after his induction of the old palace stoo democratic persuasions like Tulsi Giri and Ki principal political associates and his abduction democratic rights of the people with the coun emergency, the essential nature of his despotic thoroughly unmasked. Despite his incessant commitments towards ‘multi-party democracy monarchy’, all his real practices so far includi political parties and their leaders, free med
whether it will be more ‘tragic’ or more
terances after the coup, including the ‘royal ary 1, Gyanendra has laboured hard to sell the t move is designed to restore ‘peace’ and ty democracy’ by exorcising the ghost of going revolutionary People’s War led by the is meant only for a definite time-frame of hile talking to a group of selected media 4, he has particularly taken pains to project essiah of ‘democracy’ and the exorcist of manded of the parliamentary political parties s of the international community to cooperate d venture against ‘terrorism’. Thus, he has elf as the true follower of the US President e international crusade against ‘terrorism’ and grant legitimacy to his autocratic military count. Of course, he seems to have learnt a few
usharaf of Pakistan.
such political gimmicks are not cutting much , as he has a tainted image as the hardliner e palace since his father’s and bother’s days d among the public as the real fratricidal and palace massacre of June 1, 2001. Particularly f the old palace stooges of known anti- s like Tulsi Giri and Kirti Nidhi Bista as his ciates and his abduction of all fundamental and e people with the countrywide declaration of al nature of his despotic military rule has been . Despite his incessant parroting about his ‘multi-party democracy’ and ‘constitutional l practices so far including the crackdown on their leaders, free media and human rightsactivists and blatant trampling upon the provisions of the old constitution, leave one supine parliamentary democratic system has be autocratic monarchy restored in the country.
Hence the questions arise: How could th democratic system established after 1990 b autocratic monarchy restored so smoothly? Sh history move forward rather than backward? Fo to these questions, one has to grasp the laws of a scientific and objective manner and to c weaknesses and limitations of the Firstly, it sho that struggle between social classes provides th of societal development. The present Nepale feudal and semi-colonial stage is a multi-cl principal struggle there is among the feudal, t proletarian classes. All the three principle con their allies, too. The traditionally dominant comprador and bureaucratic bourgeoisie with i bourgeois class has a section of the rural and class with it; and the proletariat has the vast nu and semi-proletariat with it. This basically trian is increasingly turning into a bi-polar content and development of revolutionary People’s Wa of the proletariat since 1996. In other words, a class struggle and social development, the classes are polarised on one side under the le capable and strong class among themselves, an rallied the working and the progressive classes of the most advanced class, the proletaria representing the feudal and comprador and b classes is historically the strongest representat classes in Nepal, the parasitic classes most adv revolutionary People’s War have been increasin leadership of the monarchy. This is the rationa current royal regression or the restoration of a the social class terms. The regressive march of
trampling upon the limited democratic constitution, leave one in no doubt that the emocratic system has been snuffed out and the stored in the country.
arise: How could the limited bourgeois tablished after 1990 be abolished, and the stored so smoothly? Should not the wheel of rather than backward? For the correct answers has to grasp the laws of social development in ctive manner and to correctly evaluate the ions of the Firstly, it should be acknowledged ocial classes provides the basic motive forces nt. The present Nepalese society in a semi- ial stage is a multi-class society, and the e is among the feudal, the bourgeois and the l the three principle contending classes have traditionally dominant feudal class has the cratic bourgeoisie with it; the small and weak section of the rural and urban petty-bourgeois roletariat has the vast number of poor peasants th it. This basically triangular class contention into a bi-polar contention after the initiation volutionary People’s War under the leadership 1996. In other words, according to the law of cial development, the parasitic reactionary n one side under the leadership of the most s among themselves, and on the other side are d the progressive classes under the leadership d class, the proletariat. As the monarchy l and comprador and bureaucratic bourgeois the strongest representative of the reactionary arasitic classes most adversely affected by the War have been increasingly rallying under the rchy. This is the rationale and essence of the n or the restoration of autocratic monarchy in he regressive march of the reactionary classesin opposition to the progressive march of th perfectly in keeping with the dialectical law of s
Secondly, viewing from a further political acknowledged that the inherent defects and bourgeois parliamentary democracy establishe general infirmity and incapacity of the middle provided an objective basis for the ultima regression. Historically, the major parliamentar the Nepali Congress and later the revision independent class base of their own, and hodgepodge of class forces ranging from the comprador and bureaucratic bourgeoisie to the constantly take vacillating and conciliatory Contrary to this, the monarchy traditionally dr the prevailing feudal property and cultural rela from its monopoly hold over the Royal Nepal more specific, the political change and the Con not properly settle the question of ‘state sove claimed by the monarchy and left the final strategic control over the RNA in the hands o ‘historical blunder’ (to paraphrase Jyoti Basu f way for the monarchy to gradually gobble up t Constitution and consummate the current royal the parliamentary forces during their twelve between did nothing to bring about a progress the traditionally feudal and increasingly compr capitalist socio-economic and cultural base of t period, particularly along with the rapid revolutionary People’s War, their class and pol eroded. As a result, the upper strata of the soci the parliamentary forces after the political chan returned back to the fold of the monarchy and t of the middle strata naturally got polarized aro People’s War. This dilemma of the reformist pa been summed up in Chairman Com. Prachanda’ Anniversary statement thus: “Ultimately,
rogressive march of the working classes is th the dialectical law of social development.
om a further political angle, it should be e inherent defects and weaknesses of the ry democracy established after 1990 and the ncapacity of the middle strata and forces also e basis for the ultimate feudal autocratic , the major parliamentary political forces, viz. and later the revisionist UML, enjoy no se of their own, and tend to represent a orces ranging from the feudal elements and cratic bourgeoisie to the petty-bourgeoisie and lating and conciliatory political positions. onarchy traditionally draws its strength from roperty and cultural relations, and principally, d over the Royal Nepal Army (RNA). To be ical change and the Constitution of 1990 did question of ‘state sovereignty’ traditionally rchy and left the final ‘state authority’ and the RNA in the hands of the monarchy. This paraphrase Jyoti Basu from India!) paved the to gradually gobble up the parliament and the mmate the current royal regression. Moreover, ces during their twelve years’ long rule in o bring about a progressive transformation in and increasingly comprador and bureaucratic ic and cultural base of the society. In the later long with the rapid development of the War, their class and political base got further upper strata of the society which had backed s after the political change of 1990 gradually d of the monarchy and the lower and a section turally got polarized around the revolutionary mma of the reformist parliamentary forces has airman Com. Prachanda’s recent People’s War t thus: “Ultimately, the so-called royalproclamation of February 1 has not only expo reformism in the Nepalese politics, but also sh lethargy of the parliamentary political forces.”
Thirdly, from a military point of view, centralization of the old state authority in the a be seen as an attempt of the moribund reaction final battle with the revolutionary forces in the war in the country.
In view of the recent declaration of the CPN nine-year old revolutionary People’s War into stage of strategic offensive, it is not unnatural, frightened reactionary classes to attempt to wag and death under the direct leadership of the assumed supreme commandership of the RNA the recent past the pathetic showing of the RNA battle with the People’s Liberation Army (PLA certain quarters on the contradictions of de jure the parliamentary forces and de facto leaders over the RNA. Also, it is not hard to understa ambitions of Gyanendra, who has grabbed the the entire family of his brother, Birendra, to p great saviour of his tottering feudal and co bourgeois class. Nevertheless, as any commo science would know, the victory or defeat ultimately depends more on its social class base rather than on the leadership prowess of its co sense the ultimate defeat of the reactionary foregone conclusion and Gyanendra’s drea chimera.
Role of the International Forces In the present day world of imperialist glob political event has more international ramificat Hence the February 1 royal regression has reactions, and all major world and regional pow
ary 1 has not only exposed the irrelevance of lese politics, but also shattered the collective entary political forces.”
itary point of view, this action of total d state authority in the absolute monarchy can of the moribund reactionary classes to wage a volutionary forces in the ever mounting class
declaration of the CPN (Maoist) to lead the nary People’s War into the final and decisive sive, it is not unnatural, though foolish, for the classes to attempt to wage a final battle of life irect leadership of the monarchy, which has mandership of the RNA since its inception. In etic showing of the RNA in almost every real s Liberation Army (PLA) has been blamed by contradictions of de jure political leadership of es and de facto leadership of the monarchy t is not hard to understand the super military a, who has grabbed the throne by butchering s brother, Birendra, to project himself as the tottering feudal and comprador-bureaucratic rtheless, as any common student of military the victory or defeat of a particular army re on its social class base and the political goal ership prowess of its commander, and in that feat of the reactionary RNA should be a and Gyanendra’s dream would be mere
nal Forces orld of imperialist globalization any internal e international ramifications than ever before. royal regression has generated worldwide r world and regional powers and organizations,including the UN, the USA, the UK, the EU, In have issued public statements on the question. the major international players have sup regressive steps so far. Not only that the major the UK, the EU and India, which have been t the reactionary regimes in Nepal in the past, h the current developments, and others like Ch Bangladesh etc. have commented upon the eve of Nepal’. The most significant international d the suspension of military aid by India and th appears to be toeing the same line) and suspen aid’ by a number of EU countries. Intern organisations such as the Amnesty Internat Watch, etc., have publicly denounced the royal violations of human and democratic rights of autocratic royal regime has been totally international community so far, which is a democratic movement.
However, the despotic regime is desperately s issues to gain international support for itself. terrorism’ card, and the second, the ‘geo hackneyed ‘anti-terrorism’ card, much explo Eleven by all and sundry petty dictators and r the world, has already lost much of its original seen how it will fare in Gyanendra’s case. B certain that the enlightened world public opi hoodwinked by the ‘anti-terrorism’ claim Gyanendra’s ilk, whose hands are blood-stai palace massacre and who has now launched a military terror against the people by suspend fundamental rights. Nevertheless, as all the v class-divided society are governed by class i surprising if some of the reactionary rulers ultimately back the regressive royal regime, ove
USA, the UK, the EU, India, China and others ements on the question. Surprisingly none of nal players have supported Gyanendra’s Not only that the major powers like the USA, ndia, which have been the principal props for s in Nepal in the past, have publicly opposed nts, and others like China, Russia, Pakistan, ommented upon the events as ‘internal affairs ignificant international development has been tary aid by India and the UK (the USA also e same line) and suspension of ‘development f EU countries. International human rights the Amnesty International, Human Rights cly denounced the royal regime for its rampant nd democratic rights of the people. Thus the ime has been totally isolated from the ity so far, which is a good omen for the
regime is desperately seeking to exploit two ional support for itself. The first is the ‘anti- the second, the ‘geo-political’ card. The ism’ card, much exploited after September dry petty dictators and reactionary regimes of lost much of its original steam and is yet to be in Gyanendra’s case. But one can be fairly tened world public opinion won’t be easily ‘anti-terrorism’ claims of a person of se hands are blood-stained in the infamous ho has now launched a countryside reign of the people by suspending all political and vertheless, as all the values and norms in a re governed by class interests, it won’t be the reactionary rulers of the world would ressive royal regime, overtly or covertly.As far as the ‘geo-political’ card of the country’ between the two super-states of China and Gyanendra’s attempts to repeat the skilful dip of playing one neighbour against the other as p Mahendra, in the specific cold-war context of t be expected to bear much fruit in the c international balance of forces in general relations in particular. The recent coming toge India and their coordinated policy against royal Gyanendra to play the China card. He has give by appointing the old royalist Kirti Nidhi Bis China tilt as one of his principal associates Similarly, Pakistan and Bangladesh, with trad with India, may provide some breathing space some indications of which have already com ambassador in Kathmandu. However, given position and uncertain future of Gyanendra h believe that any of the neighbours will go beyo to extend him any substantial material help. Sim the proletarian revolutionaries they should b practice strategic firmness and tactical flexibi diplomatic relations particularly with the immed
Another noteworthy factor in recent days is th positive change in the attitude of major inter powers towards the revolutionary forces in Ne distorted class outlook and interests, these maj used to regard the monarchy and the parliamen called ‘two pillars of stability’, and they were bring about a grand alliance between th revolutionary democratic forces. Now they see veering round a ‘three pillar’ theory, includi forces; which is, of course, a step forward necessity and the new objective reality of the c ‘two pillars’ of parliamentary and revolutiona join hands to uproot the outdated and rot monarchy. The CPN(Maoist) has already mad
ical’ card of the country’s strategic positioning er-states of China and India is concerned, to repeat the skilful diplomatic manoeuvring ur against the other as practiced by his father, fic cold-war context of the last century cannot much fruit in the changed situation of of forces in general and the India-China The recent coming together of the USA and ated policy against royal regression may tempt China card. He has given enough hints of this royalist Kirti Nidhi Bista with a known pro- his principal associates in the government. d Bangladesh, with traditional contradictions e some breathing space for the royal regime; hich have already come from the Pakistani andu. However, given the extremely shaky future of Gyanendra himself, it is hard to neighbours will go beyond diplomatic niceties stantial material help. Similarly, on the part of tionaries they should be prudent enough to ness and tactical flexibility in the matters of rticularly with the immediate neighbours.
ctor in recent days is the indication of some attitude of major international and regional volutionary forces in Nepal. Due to their own and interests, these major powers in the past archy and the parliamentary forces as the so- tability’, and they were seen working hard to d alliance between the two against the tic forces. Now they seem to be increasingly e pillar’ theory, including the revolutionary course, a step forward. But the historical objective reality of the country is that the new mentary and revolutionary democratic forces the outdated and rotten third ‘pillar’ of aoist) has already made a policy decision tothis effect, which is reflected in the recent A issued by Chairman Com. Prachanda.
The Question of Democratic Republic After the royal regression of February 1, important developments in the internal politic earlier the national politics was divided in monarchy, parliamentary democracy and re democracy, now it is gradually getting pola streams of monarchy and democracy. Particular and supporters of parliamentary democracy ha the anti-democracy manoeuvring and divide-a monarchy in the past and their collective ire aga sharpened more than ever before. Though there rallies and statements in favour of the autocrati basis, none of the known political parties or the endorsed the royal move so far. While the roya hard to propagate that the harsh autocratic meas against the ‘terrorists’ (i.e. Maoist revolutiona increasingly realized that they are against all t Similarly, almost all the members of ‘civil soc human rights organizations, professional org openly come out against the royal coup. This is for the future of democracy in the country.
However, it is a matter of serious concern that month since the coup the democratic forces h come up with an effective & coordinated mechanism of resistance against the autocratic (Maoist) attempted to provide initial temp movement by organizing a three-day ‘Nepal Ba a fifteen-day transportation blockade in Febru further mass-mobilization and military-action p months. The parliamentary forces did organi activities from India and symbolic public rallie and are planning peaceful mass-arrest programm the desired sharp attacks against the monarchy
eflected in the recent Anniversary statement m. Prachanda.
ssion of February 1, there are seen some ts in the internal political situation. Whereas olitics was divided into three streams of ary democracy and revolutionary people’s gradually getting polarized into two broad nd democracy. Particularly, the leaders, cadres iamentary democracy have now seen through noeuvring and divide-and-rule policy of the nd their collective ire against the monarchy has ver before. Though there are sponsored public n favour of the autocratic monarchy on a daily n political parties or their leaders have openly e so far. While the royal regime has laboured the harsh autocratic measures are directed only (i.e. Maoist revolutionaries), the people have at they are against all the democratic forces. e members of ‘civil society’, media persons, ations, professional organizations, etc. have st the royal coup. This is obviously a good sign racy in the country.
of serious concern that even after more than a the democratic forces have not been able to fective & coordinated plan, programme or ce against the autocratic monarchy. The CPN o provide initial tempo to the resistance g a three-day ‘Nepal Bandh’ (shut-down) and ation blockade in February, and is planning on and military-action programmes in coming ntary forces did organize some propaganda nd symbolic public rallies within the country, ful mass-arrest programmes for the future. But ks against the monarchy in a unified manner,firstly, amongst the parliamentary forces and, s parliamentary and revolutionary democrat materialised so far. Whereas the Nepali Congre sharply against the monarchy, the so-called ‘lef relatively muted response against the royal cou raised some apprehensions among the mas ‘Rayamajhi’ trend (i.e. the capitulation of the of the CPN, Keshar Jang Rayamajhi, to the mon in the offing. However, after so much blood- undergone a sea change since then. Hence, eve from the left camp and a few Tulsi Giris from camp may arise, the overwhelming majorities o of the political parties and the general masses o to fight till the end against the autocratic mona the presence of the revolutionary PLA to tak RNA, and the more favourable international s fight against the absolute monarchy, a new prepared for the democratic political forces to m against the monarchy so as to sweep it away for
Precisely in this context the question of an minimum programme and slogan acceptable forces, including the parliamentary and revo forces and the international community, has be been the considered view of the CPN(Maoist) t election to a representative Constitue institutionalization of the democratic republic purpose. The old slogan of restoration of t activisation and amendment of 1990 Constitut parliamentary forces and the international c totally outdated and inadequate in the ne recapitulation of the incessant struggle betwe democracy since the 1950s in the country sh doubt that without the complete abolition of the feudal monarchy and its puppet RNA no form secure and institutional in Nepal. It has been p that the so-called ‘constitutional monarchy’ see
rliamentary forces and, secondly, between the evolutionary democratic forces, has not ereas the Nepali Congress has come out more narchy, the so-called ‘leftist’ UML has made a nse against the royal coup. This has naturally nsions among the masses whether a new . the capitulation of the then general secretary g Rayamajhi, to the monarchy in the 1960s) is r, after so much blood-bath the situation has e since then. Hence, even if a few Rayamajhis a few Tulsi Giris from the Nepali Congress erwhelming majorities of the leaders & cadres and the general masses of the people are likely ainst the autocratic monarchy. Moreover, with volutionary PLA to take on the monarchist avourable international situation than ever to lute monarchy, a new objective ground is ratic political forces to mount a unified assault o as to sweep it away forever.
ext the question of anti-monarchy common and slogan acceptable to all the democratic parliamentary and revolutionary democratic ional community, has become pertinent. It has ew of the CPN(Maoist) that the programme of presentative Constituent Assembly and the democratic republic is best suited for the gan of restoration of the parliament or re- ment of 1990 Constitution, advanced by the and the international community, has been inadequate in the new context. A brief ncessant struggle between the monarchy and 950s in the country should leave no one in complete abolition of the archaic institution of ts puppet RNA no form of democracy can be l in Nepal. It has been proved time and again titutional monarchy’ seen in operation in someof the highly developed capitalist countries can semi-feudal & semi-colonial society. Hence an of the parliamentary political parties and the i preserve the thoroughly rotten and discre monarchy, in this or that pretext, does not historical necessity and ground reality of bal country, and the agenda of ‘democratic repu Nepalese politics.
As for as the sincere commitment of the revo forces, who aspire to reach socialism and co democratic republic, towards a bourgeois de concerned, the CPN(Maoist) has time and principled position towards the historical through a sub-stage of democratic republic i Nepal. Particularly, in “An Executive Summar Forward by CPN(Maoist) for the Negotiations” negotiations in April 2003 [See, Some Imp Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist), 2004] the the process of realization of this democrati Constituent Assembly has been expressed in co that the democratic republic is envisaged to through a freely elected Constituent Assembly, illusions about the democratic credentials of the Further concrete issues like the creation of a ne the dissolution of the royal mercenary RNA ca the process of negotiations.
The need of the hour is unity of all democratic on the common minimum programme of a de anything is lacking so far it is the real demo power on the part of the leadership of major po is the time to win confidence of the masses of correct projection of the democratic credentia and for this the correct practice of inner-party d significant component.
d capitalist countries cannot be replicated in a lonial society. Hence any attempt on the part olitical parties and the international forces to hly rotten and discredited institution of that pretext, does not correspond with the d ground reality of balance of forces in the da of ‘democratic republic’ has entered the
commitment of the revolutionary democratic reach socialism and communism via a new towards a bourgeois democratic republic is Maoist) has time and again clarified its wards the historical necessity of passing f democratic republic in the specificities of “An Executive Summary of the Proposal Put ist) for the Negotiations” presented during the 2003 [See, Some Important Documents of epal (Maoist), 2004] the minimum content and tion of this democratic republic through a has been expressed in concrete terms. The fact epublic is envisaged to be institutionalized d Constituent Assembly, should cast away any ocratic credentials of the revolutionary forces. like the creation of a new national army after oyal mercenary RNA can be discussed during ons.
s unity of all democratic forces of the country um programme of a democratic republic. If far it is the real democratic vision and will e leadership of major political parties. Also, it fidence of the masses of the people through a he democratic credentials of political parties, practice of inner-party democracy would be aIn the end, it may be useful to recollect Engels proletarian party needs to uphold the progra republic in the particular historical specificiti present-day Nepal. Lambasting the Bakuninis opposed the immediate programme of a re century Spain, Engels had said:
“When the Republic was proclaimed in Februa members of the Alliance [i.e. Bakuninist ‘ themselves in a quandary. Spain is such industrially that there can be no question there o emancipation of the working class. Spain w through various preliminary stages of developm a number of obstacles from its path. The Repub going through these stages in the shortest poss surmounting the obstacles. But this chance Spanish working class played an active politic Bakuninists at Work”]
seful to recollect Engels to understand why a s to uphold the programme of a bourgeois lar historical specificities of a country like mbasting the Bakuninist anarchists who had te programme of a republic in nineteenth-
as proclaimed in February 1873, the Spanish ance [i.e. Bakuninist ‘International’] found ndary. Spain is such a backward country an be no question there of immediate complete orking class. Spain will first have to pass inary stages of development and remove quite rom its path. The Republic offered a chance of ages in the shortest possible time and quickly cles. But this chance be taken only if the played an active political role.” [From “The
March 15, 2005. *****JANATHA VIMUKTHI PERAM
TRAPPED BY CHAUVINI
1. EARLY DAYS: CHAUVINISM AND ADVENT
The origins of the leadership of the Janatha Vim in the Ceylon Communist Party, which split i ideological debate on the question of the so-cal parliamentary) path to socialism. The leader Wijeweera was a member of the Marxist Lenini also referred to as the Peking Wing in view revolutionary line taken by the Marxist Lenin Communist Party of China. He took with him had formed around himself during the short pe with the Party. He was joined by dissenters faction, referred to as the Moscow Win parliamentary path to socialism as prescribed b led by the Communist Party of the Soviet Union
The JVP also attracted a sizeable number of ideological background, and from the outset ad It should be noted here that Wijeweera particip Sinhala chauvinist protest march of 1966 Senanayake - SJV Chelvanayakam accord to s the grievances of the Tamil nationality, and th was taken against him for that move. The re
A VIMUKTHI PERAMUNA: PPED BY CHAUVINISM
INISM AND ADVENTURISM
ership of the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna were nist Party, which split in 1964 following the he question of the so-called peaceful (meaning socialism. The leader of the JVP, Rohana er of the Marxist Leninist faction of the Party, e Peking Wing in view of its adopting the n by the Marxist Leninist parties led by the hina. He took with him a small group that he self during the short period in which he was as joined by dissenters from the revisionist as the Moscow Wing, which took the ocialism as prescribed by the revisionist camp Party of the Soviet Union.
d a sizeable number of youth without strong , and from the outset adopted a populist line. e that Wijeweera participated in the notorious rotest march of 1966 against the Dudley lvanayakam accord to settle issues relating to amil nationality, and that disciplinary action for that move. The revisionist CP and theLanka Sama Samaja Party too participated in th the Sri Lanka Freedom Party, where anti-Tam shouted, for which the two parliamentary left by the Marxist Leninist CP.
Like the Marxist Leninists and other opponen the JVP too was harassed by the then UNP-led in power between 1965 and 1970. The JVP, alth Marxist and referred to itself as the ‘Che Gue seriously lacking in political theory and analysis
The JVP had no working class base, and did no either, although it had infiltrated peasant organi Leninist CP. It claimed that it would captur strength of its youth organisations. This was an some left intellectuals encouraged in the la during and in the wake of the youth uprising o rejection of classical Marxism as well as wor was based on the negative experience of r parties in Europe, and the French Communist Pa
The JVP leadership had little time for theory an track to ideological education through a se audiotape, commonly referred to as the ‘Five five lessons of about an hour’s duration each history of the country, the economic crisis, imp revolutionary struggle among other things; dedicated to ‘Indian expansionism’. This term Marxist Leninist circles at the time and refer ambitions of the Indian ruling elite and their te India’s weaker neighbours. The JVP improvised on this concept of Indian its own version where the plantation workers wh (now referred to as Hill Country Tamils) w extended arm of Indian Expansionism. The advantage of the lack of understanding betw Tamils and the Sinhala peasantry in the Hill C deliberate isolation of the plantation workers f
arty too participated in the march organised by Party, where anti-Tamil racist slogans were two parliamentary left parties were criticised t CP.
nists and other opponents of the government, sed by the then UNP-led government that was and 1970. The JVP, although it claimed to be o itself as the ‘Che Guevara’ movement, was
itical theory and analysis based on Marxism.
ng class base, and did not have a peasant base infiltrated peasant organisations of the Marxist ed that it would capture power through the ganisations. This was an erroneous idea, which encouraged in the late 1960’s, especially of the youth uprising of 1968 in Paris. Their arxism as well as working class leadership gative experience of revisionist communist he French Communist Party in particular.
d little time for theory and they designed a fast ducation through a set of five lessons on referred to as the ‘Five Lessons’. Four of the an hour’s duration each covered the political the economic crisis, imperialism, Marxism and among other things; and the fifth was pansionism’. This term was in popular use in s at the time and referred to the hegemonic ruling elite and their tendency to lord it over urs. n this concept of Indian expansionism to have the plantation workers who are of Indian origin ill Country Tamils) were portrayed as the an Expansionism. The JVP did this to take of understanding between the Hill Country peasantry in the Hill Country, caused by the the plantation workers from the rural Sinhalapopulation by the British plantation owners. Th had already been deprived of the Sri Lankan piece of legislation in 1947 and therefore their r then have been politically marginalized, where even by the parliamentary left which was only votes. As a result, a section of the Hill Coun took advantage of the social and educational plantation workers dominated them through its plantation trade unions.
The JVP concentrated mainly on gaining the s youth to the point that it totally ignored the grie minorities, and went to the extent of denouncin filthy. The JVP’s adventurist line cloaked in instant solutions to burning political proble unsophisticated Sinhala youth, and the JVP, wit years was a major force among youth, includin The lack of Marxist literature in Sinhala and reading habits worked in JVP’s favour. But th not realise that the rapid swelling of its ranks w meant that the agents of the state could infiltra be forced into action even before it was ready.
The JVP tactically supported the SLFP-led Un in 1970. Given the strong resentment a government of 1965-1970, the UF defeated t strong majority in Parliament.
The JVP insurrection took place at a time whe disappointment with the performance of the U supportive of the government. The insurrection launched before the UF could complete a yea only a few weeks after Wijeweera was arrested political session with a JVP cell in Amparai in t A series of apparently accidental explosion factories’ in early 1970 also appear to have pus action before the police could get at its leade strategy of capturing power by taking control
sh plantation owners. The Hill Country Tamils ived of the Sri Lankan nationality by a cruel 947 and therefore their right to vote, and since ally marginalized, where they were neglected ary left which was only interested in gathering ection of the Hill Country Tamil elite which social and educational backwardness of the inated them through its near monopoly of the .
mainly on gaining the support of the Sinhala it totally ignored the grievances of the national the extent of denouncing the working class as enturist line cloaked in populist slogans and urning political problems appealed to the youth, and the JVP, within the space of a few e among youth, including university students. iterature in Sinhala and the decline in good in JVP’s favour. But the JVP leadership did d swelling of its ranks with Sinhala youth also f the state could infiltrate it, and that it could en before it was ready.
ported the SLFP-led United Front at the polls strong resentment against the UNP-led 970, the UF defeated the UNP to secure a ament.
took place at a time when the people, despite e performance of the UF in power, were still rnment. The insurrection of 5th April 1971 was F could complete a year in government, and Wijeweera was arrested by the police during a JVP cell in Amparai in the east of the country. ly accidental explosions in JVP ‘armament also appear to have pushed the JVP into early e could get at its leaders. However, the JVP ower by taking control of police stations andblockading strategic roads was too simplistic a the face of a brutal counterattack by the state m initially taken aback by the JVP assault on s across the country.
The meagre political education of the cadres w experience in mass political work was clear in leaders who held power in a few regions for a following the insurrection. Some declared th state officials, with very much the same tit programme or plan for exercising revolution insurrection, perhaps dreamed of as an imi revolution, turned out to be a rather poor par The number killed by the armed forces was un pro-government figures, but probably well ov high as 25 000 or above as some opponents o would like to have.
In any event, responsibility for this large loss o repressive state also lies with the JVP, whic custody, launched a poorly conceived and ba struggle, whose timing was seemingly determi the control of the JVP. Had the JVP been a m allies among progressive forces and the work scale of the loss of life could have been Ideologically and organisationally, the JVP broad-based mass organisation or mass struggle potential allies was conspiratorial, parochial and
2. THE REVIVAL: SHIFTING STRATEGIES
The PA government, and the SLFP leadership that punishing the JVP rank and file who were of the insurrection was politically unwise and programmes were initiated for their rehabilitatio leaders who had short prison sentences turn majority of the politburo of the JVP quit the p
ads was too simplistic and failed miserably in unterattack by the state machinery, which was y the JVP assault on several police stations
ducation of the cadres who were also lacking litical work was clear in the conduct of local r in a few regions for a week or a little longer tion. Some declared themselves as the new ery much the same titles, but without any or exercising revolutionary power. The JVP dreamed of as an imitation of the Cuban to be a rather poor parody and a nightmare. the armed forces was under 1500 according to s, but probably well over 10 000 but not as ve as some opponents of the PA government
ility for this large loss of life at the hands of a ies with the JVP, which, with its leader in oorly conceived and badly delivered armed was seemingly determined by events outside . Had the JVP been a mass organisation with ve forces and the working class, at least the life could have been significantly reduced. anisationally, the JVP was not ready for a nisation or mass struggle. Its approach towards
spiratorial, parochial and domineering.
nd the SLFP leadership in particular, realised rank and file who were rounded up at the end politically unwise and even suicidal. Hence, ated for their rehabilitation. Several of the JVP rt prison sentences turned to the SLFP. A ro of the JVP quit the party either to give upactive politics or to seek refuge in the capitalis they once opposed.
Rohana Wijeweera, who, along with a fe sentenced to long terms in prison, had their se the UNP, which returned to power in 1977 w 75% majority in Parliament. This was accordi concluded between the UNP leader JR Jayawa which also meant that the UNP and the JVP had for nearly three years. Thus, the JVP regrouped the blessings of the UNP, while in the meantim UNP, it targeted the SLFP and its erstwhile pa CP and the LSSP, by disrupting public mee means.
The JVP also had another interesting ally i veteran Trotskyite trade unionist with a stro collar trade union and links to one of the Internationals’. Wijeweera, once denounced ‘Stalinist’ of some kind, declared his conversion first trip abroad since his release and the JVP w as a member organisation of that Fourth Interna a quarter century for the Trotskyite umbrella o that the JVP was after all a chauvinistic organis as one in 2002).
The JVP leadership flirted with some Tamil that claimed to carry forward the struggle for state, for which they claimed that the Tamil U secured a mandate at the 1977 elections but fai the JVP had no clear policy on the natio instinctively opposed to secession or even Sinhala electorate was hostile to either idea exposure to chauvinistic politics under the lead the SLFP and the lack of resistance from the par
Wijeweera contested the Presidential Election o campaign in Jaffna openly endorsed the right o
ek refuge in the capitalist political parties that
ho, along with a few others who were s in prison, had their sentences commuted by ed to power in 1977 with an unprecedented ment. This was according to a deal that was UNP leader JR Jayawardane and Wijeweera, he UNP and the JVP had a happy co-existence Thus, the JVP regrouped and reorganised with P, while in the meantime, encouraged by the LFP and its erstwhile parliamentary allies, the disrupting public meetings through violent
other interesting ally in Bala Tampoe, the de unionist with a strong mercantile white- d links to one of the several rival ‘Fourth eera, once denounced by Trotskyites as a , declared his conversion to Trotskyism on his is release and the JVP was promptly baptised on of that Fourth International. (It took nearly he Trotskyite umbrella organisation to realise all a chauvinistic organisation and denounce it
irted with some Tamil militant organisations orward the struggle for an independent Tamil laimed that the Tamil United Liberation Front he 1977 elections but failed to fight for. While ar policy on the national question, it was to secession or even federation, since the s hostile to either idea through decades of c politics under the leadership of the UNP and
f resistance from the parliamentary left.
e Presidential Election of 1982, and during his nly endorsed the right of the Tamil nationalityto secession. However, when the news appeare the Sinhala media, he reversed his stand to dec tolerate the division of the country under performance at that election was not impress very weak performance of the two Trotskyite r Silva of the LSSP and Vasudeva Nanayakkar Samaja Party (a breakaway from the LSSP in th
The JVP thus established itself as the largest le This was made possible by the inability of the v JVP that broke away from it after the 1971 insu a Marxist Leninist organisation. Individually, were attracted to Marxism-Leninism, but the po from among them, were organisationally confused, and unwilling to unite, so that, with t in NGOs, while many dropped out of politics al
The JVP was still politically weak and had n programme to salvage the country, which was the path of globalisation through policies of ec privatisation and free trade. Its attitude to became increasingly chauvinistic, especially pogrom of 1983 and the rise of Tamil militanc India.
Leaders such as Lionel Bopage who tried to per up its chauvinistic approach to the nation grievances of the Tamils left the JVP as their e by Wijeweera. The JVP saw its chance for r political force in the Indo-Sri Lanka Acco avowedly for the purpose of solving the nation to provide India with a stranglehold on the affairs of the country. The clauses of the acco hegemony were critically commented upon by the leader of the SLFP; but the JVP was only giving ‘too much’ to the Tamils through the s North-East Province that was intended to becom within Sri Lanka.
when the news appeared the following day in eversed his stand to declare that he would not of the country under any condition. His ection was not impressive, but ahead of the e of the two Trotskyite rivals, Dr Colvin R de d Vasudeva Nanayakkara of the Nava Sama way from the LSSP in the mid-970s).
ed itself as the largest left party in the South. e by the inability of the various factions of the om it after the 1971 insurrection to regroup as anisation. Individually, many JVP dissenters ism-Leninism, but the political groups formed were organisationally weak, ideologically g to unite, so that, with time, several ended up
ropped out of politics altogether.
itically weak and had no credible alternative the country, which was blindly rushed along n through policies of economic liberalisation, trade. Its attitude to the national question chauvinistic, especially after the anti-Tamil e rise of Tamil militancy with the backing of
Bopage who tried to persuade the JVP to give pproach to the national question and the ils left the JVP as their efforts were frustrated P saw its chance for resurgence as a major Indo-Sri Lanka Accord, signed in 1987, se of solving the national question, but really a stranglehold on the defence and external The clauses of the accord that implied Indian lly commented upon by Sirima Bandaranaike, ; but the JVP was only concerned about its he Tamils through the setting up of a merged at was intended to become an autonomous unitThe JVP whipped up Sinhala chauvinistic senti to the accord and was initially joined by the saw an opportunity to monopolise that ca capitalised on resentment against the decade decided to work on its own agenda. A mass o Patriotic People’s Movement (DJV) was form name of the DJV that many anti-democratic committed by the JVP.
The DJV carried out a viciously anti-Indian Indians and businesses with Indian links. consensus between the JVP and Prime Minister the presence of Indian forces in the country, so shared with the LTTE, and each for a relationship soured with Premadasa’s election (although, in fact, the JVP’s call for a boyco election helped Premadasa to win against Sirim the call to boycott was heeded by opponents of his supporters).
The JVP, which was able to paralyse governme calling for a shut down of businesses, intensifie the government and increasingly indulged opponents. Among the political leaders slain popular Vijaya Kumaranatunge, the late h Chandrika Kumaratunge, allegedly for supporti Accord. (There was an attempt on the life of th Party leader Dr Karunaratne too for the same did not deter Dr Karunaratne from warming years later in the hope of securing a seat in Parli
President Premadasa concentrated the full pot terror against the JVP and the result was the lo 50 000, with some estimates going close to 10 of the killings were by the Sri Lankan arm sponsored unofficial militia, the JVP/DJV had killings to answer for. They also caused mu
inhala chauvinistic sentiment in its opposition initially joined by the SLFP. Soon, the JVP to monopolise that campaign, which also ent against the decade long UNP rule, and own agenda. A mass organisation called the ement (DJV) was formed and it was in the many anti-democratic acts of violence were
a viciously anti-Indian campaign targeting es with Indian links. Although there was JVP and Prime Minister R. Premadasa against forces in the country, something that they also E, and each for a different reason, the th Premadasa’s election as President in 1989 JVP’s call for a boycott of the presidential asa to win against Sirima Bandaranaike, since heeded by opponents of Premadasa rather than
le to paralyse government for short periods by of businesses, intensified its campaign against increasingly indulged in terror against its political leaders slain by the JVP was the aranatunge, the late husband of President e, allegedly for supporting the Indo-Sri Lanka attempt on the life of the Nava Sama Samaja aratne too for the same reason, although that naratne from warming up to the JVP a few of securing a seat in Parliament).
oncentrated the full potential of the state for and the result was the loss of life of well over mates going close to 100 000. Although most by the Sri Lankan armed forces and state- ilitia, the JVP/DJV had a sizeable number of . They also caused much damage to publicproperty and used terror against not only its op who dared to differ politically.
By 1989, the UNP regime had brutally annih politburo except for one member, the v Somawansa Amarasinghe who escaped to the U death blow to the JVP, and it was only afte President Premadasa in May 1993 that the JV political scene.
3. CHANGE OF IDENTITY
Shortly after 1993, the emphasis of JVP sh chauvinism and capture of power by the parliam opted to capitalise on rather than counter the ch the Sinhala electorate by successive bourgeois also built a sizeable trade union base at the parliamentary left parties and, to some extent, t unions had been rendered ineffective by the el 1977.
Initially, the JVP, while playing on Sinhala ch gather votes, clung on to leftist slogans; and Front, an alliance of six political parties and New Democratic Party and the NSSP, showed significant leftist force uniting the different nat into action to wreck it with the connivance of the NSSP.
The JVP had a major handicap in electoral poli resentment of its atrocities of 1987-89 and its the government that it was in conflict w progressive elements opposed to the UNP. political alternative pushed out of the way, the its image as a democratic party of the left tha shunned violence, and to refashion itself as the unity by combating the ‘separatist terrorism’ of
r against not only its oppressor, but also those itically.
gime had brutally annihilated the entire JVP one member, the viciously chauvinistic he who escaped to the UK. This was almost a P, and it was only after the assassination of n May 1993 that the JVP re-emerged on the
e emphasis of JVP shifted further towards e of power by the parliamentary path. The JVP ather than counter the chauvinism cultivated in by successive bourgeois governments. It had trade union base at the expense of the two es and, to some extent, the SLFP, whose trade red ineffective by the electoral humiliation in
le playing on Sinhala chauvinist sentiments to to leftist slogans; and when the New Left ix political parties and groups including the and the NSSP, showed signs of emerging as a uniting the different nationalities, the JVP got with the connivance of the careerist leader of
andicap in electoral politics because of public ities of 1987-89 and its targeting of not only it was in conflict with but also several opposed to the UNP. With a serious left hed out of the way, the JVP went on to spruce atic party of the left that has unconditionally to refashion itself as the defender of national ‘separatist terrorism’ of the LTTE.By 1998, the efforts of the SLFP-led Peoples A militarily subdue the LTTE through its ‘W miserably. The people were tired of the war, a the UNP and the SLFP, the main Sinhala chauv that there was no prospect of defeating the LT the economic crisis demanded a negotiated se born desire for peace was, however, not matche combat chauvinism and to explain the case for on the right of the Tamil nationality to self-dete from right-wing pressure groups to any form Tamil nationality persisted. These groups form Sihala Urumaya in the year 2000, which was Urumaya before the General Election of April 2
The JVP competed with the SU/JHU for the S by campaigning that Tamil terrorism, if undefe division of the country. When the LTTE agreed separate Tamil state early in 2002, followi Memorandum of Understanding with the UNP came to power in 2001, the JVP denounced the the recognition of traditional Tamil territori autonomy on that basis.
To add further credibility to its Sinhala chau JVP took copies of its election manifesto for th 2002 to the chief priests of the elitist Buddh Asgiriya and Malwatte, to be blessed by them priests by falling at their feet. This well surpas Silva, one of the founders of the Trotskyite mo did in 1970, when he carried flowers to the D famous Temple of the Tooth in Kandy) and priests.
Such was the opportunism of the JVP leaders along a video camera crew and members of t event the maximum publicity in the national me however, fare too well at the polls in 2002. It re win a sufficient number of seats in parliament
the SLFP-led Peoples Alliance government to LTTE through its ‘War for Peace’ failed were tired of the war, and it became clear to , the main Sinhala chauvinist capitalist parties, pect of defeating the LTTE militarily and tat emanded a negotiated settlement. Their newly as, however, not matched by political work to d to explain the case for a just solution based il nationality to self-determination. Resistance re groups to any form of concession to the sted. These groups formed an alliance named year 2000, which was renamed Jatika Hela neral Election of April 2004.
th the SU/JHU for the Sinhala chauvinist vote amil terrorism, if undefeated, will lead to the . When the LTTE agreed to drop its call for a early in 2002, following the signing of a rstanding with the UNP-led government that , the JVP denounced the MoU, and objected to ditional Tamil territories and any form of .
lity to its Sinhala chauvinist credentials, the election manifesto for the General Elections of ests of the elitist Buddhist chapters, namely , to be blessed by them, and worshipped the ir feet. This well surpassed what Colvin R de ers of the Trotskyite movement in Sri Lanka, carried flowers to the Dalada Maligawa (the Tooth in Kandy) and paid homage to the
nism of the JVP leaders, that they also took crew and members of the media to give the blicity in the national media. The JVP did not, at the polls in 2002. It realised that it could not r of seats in parliament by going it alone. Atthe same time it had a difficulty on compromi ally the SLFP-led PA on the national question, UNP, had publicly recognised the merged Nort Tamil region, although the sincerity of the U finding a just and lasting solution to the nationa been questionable.
The JVP like the SU/JHU opposed the Mo negotiation with the LTTE, and argued that th solved by militarily defeating the LTTE. The SL unable to reach consensus on the approach to almost until the eve of the General Election o upon the country by President Kumaratu Parliament by taking advantage of the failure o National Front government to make headway The United Peoples Freedom Alliance was f giving its half-hearted consent to talks, but no Tamils.
The UPFA emerged the largest parliamentary absolute majority, and the UPFA government t horse-trading to secure a parliamentary majorit cunningly handled the electoral process, bas proportionate representation system combined vote scheme, and secured 30 seats in Parliame vote alone would have entitled it to just half tha
In government for the first time, the JVP fo Sinhala chauvinist hardliners within the SLFP, right wing of the party and hard-line opponents Kadirgamar, the Foreign Minister. With their h block even the slightest conciliatory move of government towards the LTTE to resume the pe
The relationship between the Indian ruling elite anti-Indian JVP had changed beyond recogni Indian elite also had other things in mind. They LTTE from within and by encouraging conflict
difficulty on compromising with its potential n the national question, since the PA, like the gnised the merged North-East as a traditional h the sincerity of the UNP and the SLFP in g solution to the national question has always
/JHU opposed the MoU and any form of TTE, and argued that the problem should be feating the LTTE. The SLFP and the JVP were sus on the approach to the national question f the General Election of April 2004, forced y President Kumaratunge, who dissolved dvantage of the failure of the UNP-led United ment to make headway with the peace talks. reedom Alliance was formed with the JVP consent to talks, but not to autonomy for the
e largest parliamentary group, but lacking an the UPFA government took several months of a parliamentary majority. The JVP, however, electoral process, based on a district-wise tation system combined with a preferential red 30 seats in Parliament, although the JVP entitled it to just half that number.
first time, the JVP found its allies among liners within the SLFP, including those on the and hard-line opponents of the LTTE such as n Minister. With their help, the JVP sought to st conciliatory move of the President and the e LTTE to resume the peace negotiations.
en the Indian ruling elite and the once bitterly hanged beyond recognition since 1989. The ther things in mind. They chose to weaken the by encouraging conflict between the Muslimsand the Tamils. This process got into full beginning of the peace talks between the UNF LTTE. There were frequent clashes between T the East, and a demand from some Muslim lea North-East Province and to set up a Muslim au south of the province. The JVP, cynically, enc Muslim autonomous unit for some time, whil for the merged North-East.
Of late, the JVP has actively provoked Sinhala East in order to create a climate hostile to pea line of the JVP now is to oppose the Tamil n LTTE in particular. As a result, it has virtuall imperialist posture and its earlier opposition t Since the fall of the Saddam regime, the JVP issue, while, locally and internationally, a imperialism have escalated their criticism of US
The JVP even went to the extent of commendin extending its proscription of the LTTE and, mor recently welcomed the presence US marines on pretext of tsunami relief work and thanked the U to the country. Meanwhile its chauvinist conduc relief activities in the East has angered Muslims
The JVP had vigorously opposed variou governments to privatise and ‘restructure’ state late, it has left the protests to its trade uni organisations while finding excuses to conniv power to facilitate privatisation of the distribu and petroleum products behind the scenes. P education is the next big betrayal on the age implemented in a very indirect way.
The change in social conduct of the JVP lead years is perhaps symbolic of its ideological tra leadership had to its credit a simple life style though two insurrections and revival as a pol leaders and cadres until 2002 were simply dres
process got into full swing following the talks between the UNF government and the quent clashes between Tamils and Muslims in d from some Muslim leaders to de-merge the d to set up a Muslim autonomous unit in the The JVP, cynically, encouraged the idea of a nit for some time, while opposing autonomy ast.
ctively provoked Sinhala-Tamil clashes in the a climate hostile to peace talks. The political to oppose the Tamil national cause, and the s a result, it has virtually abandoned its anti- its earlier opposition to the US war in Iraq. addam regime, the JVP has been quiet on the and internationally, all opponents of US ated their criticism of US occupation of Iraq.
the extent of commending the US for on of the LTTE and, more remarkably, it has presence US marines on Sri Lankan soil in the f work and thanked the US for sending them ile its chauvinist conduct in its post-tsunami ast has angered Muslims and Tamils alike.
ously opposed various moves of earlier e and ‘restructure’ state owned enterprises. Of rotests to its trade union allies and student nding excuses to connive with its partner in atisation of the distribution water, electricity ts behind the scenes. Privatisation of higher big betrayal on the agenda, but likely to be indirect way.
onduct of the JVP leaders over the past five lic of its ideological transformation. The JVP redit a simple life style from its early days ns and revival as a political force. The JVP l 2002 were simply dressed and declared that,if elected, they would use their allowances to s and not buy the duty-free luxury vehicles tha Now we see JVP leaders in designer clothes conditioned motorcars. It is too soon to say since it is only a short time since the JVP lead things in parliamentary political life.
The present JVP, devoid of principles and bitterly chauvinistic Somawansa as the sole lin launched the 1971April insurrection, has less militant JVP of then than has Tony Blair’s Ne the pre-World War II British Labour Party.
The JVP, merely to keep itself in power, abandoning all pretences to being socialist or The petit bourgeois JVP has now made a bid chauvinistic national bourgeois party. How depends on how well the SLFP performs on which, like most national bourgeoisie of the irredeemably sold out to imperialism.
4. THE JVP AND THE SRI LANKAN LEFT The left in Sri Lanka has not taken a uniform sta the JVP. The positions taken by the different pa JVP correspond to their respective ideological p
The ‘old left’, represented by the LSSP and the developed along two lines. Historically, the been the electorally stronger, especially in the S Party, besides regional strongholds, had a stron because of its trade union work. Although th weak in the North, the CP had a good mass bas split in the CP in 1963, its ‘Moscow Wing’ got of parliamentary politics and gradually lost its an appendage of the SLFP for all practical suffered splits in 1964 and in the mid 197 seriously affected the party but, by partnership the SLFP, it degenerated faster than the CP (M
se their allowances to serve the needy masses free luxury vehicles that MPs are entitled to. ers in designer clothes driven around in air- . It is too soon to say where it will all end, time since the JVP leadership tasted the good political life.
oid of principles and lofty ideals, and the mawansa as the sole link with the party that il insurrection, has less in common with the han has Tony Blair’s New Labour Party with
ritish Labour Party.
keep itself in power, is in the process of es to being socialist or even anti-imperialist. P has now made a bid to becoming the main bourgeois party. How long that will take the SLFP performs on behalf of that class, nal bourgeoisie of the post-colonial era, has o imperialism.
I LANKAN LEFT as not taken a uniform stand with respect to taken by the different parties regarding the r respective ideological positions.
ted by the LSSP and the CP in Sri Lanka, has lines. Historically, the Trotskyite LSSP has onger, especially in the South. The Communist strongholds, had a strong working class base nion work. Although the left was electorally CP had a good mass base there. Following the its ‘Moscow Wing’ got stuck in the quagmire cs and gradually lost its mass base to become SLFP for all practical purposes. The LSSP 4 and in the mid 1970s, neither of which party but, by partnership in government with ed faster than the CP (Moscow Wing). Todaythe two parties are allies of the SLFP, and en retain their parliamentary seats. Thus, despite JVP, they stay on in an alliance that includes political wilderness faces them if they leave .
The Trotskyites who left the LSSP in the 197 which underwent several splits in its short histo factions have always harboured illusions abou its chauvinist ideology. In their view, the chauv not inherent to it but incidental. Even if the assumption in 1971, events since 1987 could n illusion. The JVP saw through the weaknes exploited it to wreck the prospect of a g alternative for the country.
Sections of the JVP that abandoned it after 1971 forms, but none as a political party. Several in were attracted to Marxist Leninist ideolo determination and drive to rebuild as an org squandered opportunities offered by popular op the economic policies of successive governmen IMF and the World Bank.
NGOs have taken advantage of the frust unorganised leftists and some left leaders w funds. NGO funding has made such degenera even reject the need for political work, w priorities muddled and give first priority to NG priority to political work to unite the left forc associated with the NGOs denounce the JVP fo achieve very little through the NGOs, which rul
Marxist Leninists have consistently been cau bourgeois and populist approach of the JVP, lacking in Marxist analysis and increasingl approach. They have very much respect for t youth with a spirit of sacrifice and thirst for so and even betrayed by the JVP to lose their lif
ies of the SLFP, and entirely at its mercy to ary seats. Thus, despite their aversion for the n alliance that includes the JVP, for fear that es them if they leave .
eft the LSSP in the 1970s formed the NSSP, al splits in its short history. The NSSP and its arboured illusions about cleaning the JVP of . In their view, the chauvinism of the JVP was incidental. Even if there was basis for this ents since 1987 could not have left cause for w through the weakness of the NSSP and the prospect of a genuine left political try.
t abandoned it after 1971 regrouped in various olitical party. Several individuals and groups arxist Leninist ideology, but lacked the ve to rebuild as an organisation. They thus es offered by popular opposition to war and to of successive governments, as dictated by the nk.
dvantage of the frustration of politically d some left leaders who are desperate for as made such degenerates of some that they for political work, while others get their give first priority to NGO projects and second rk to unite the left forces. While the leftists Os denounce the JVP for its chauvinism, they gh the NGOs, which rule out political work.
e consistently been cautious about the petit t approach of the JVP, which was seriously nalysis and increasingly opportunist in its very much respect for the thousands of JVP acrifice and thirst for social justice but misled the JVP to lose their life in vain in strugglesthat only helped to reinforce the repressive st strengthen the grip of the imperialism and i recognise that attraction to the JVP today is for but many left-oriented Sinhala youth support t see it as the only viable force on the left. Mar building of a credible left alliance for revolu rather than to win parliamentary seats as the populism and political frustration leading to fasc
5. THE JVP AND THE INTERNATIONAL LEFT
The JVP, despite its lack of ideological commi its increasingly chauvinistic stand, certainly d international ‘Marxist’ parties. In the 1970’s it socialist China because the Communist Party recognise it as a Marxist party. Its use of the C not enough to endear it to Cuba either. accusations about North Korean involvement in of 1971, there was no formal link between the Workers’ Party. The JVP’s negative approach class and its claim that the youth as a socia revolution could not have endeared the JVP to calling itself Marxist. The strange triangle of political intrigue Wijeweera, the leader of the JVP, JR Jayaward UNP, and Bala Tampoe, a politically bankrupt possible the resurrection of the JVP under W and the endorsement of the JVP in 1978 as a ‘Fourth International’. This recognition really JVP was more interested in chauvinistic politics
The credibility of the JVP as a party inspir destroyed by its conduct in its 1987-89 insurrec as a significant political force in 1999 and i Marxism in its mass rallies appear to have pers Party of Nepal (UML), the biggest parliamenta to invite the JVP to its National Congress in 20
inforce the repressive state machinery and to the imperialism and its local agents. They n to the JVP today is for less idealistic reasons, Sinhala youth support the JVP, because they le force on the left. Marxist Leninists see the left alliance for revolutionary mass politics liamentary seats as the only way to combat frustration leading to fascism.
ck of ideological commitment to Marxism and inistic stand, certainly desires recognition by parties. In the 1970’s it was hostile to the then e the Communist Party of China would not st party. Its use of the Che Guevera label was ar it to Cuba either. Despite unfounded h Korean involvement in the JVP insurrection formal link between the JVP and the Korean VP’s negative approach towards the working at the youth as a social group would make ave endeared the JVP to any party worthy of
of political intrigue involving Rohana of the JVP, JR Jayawardane, the leader of the e, a politically bankrupt Trotskyite that made on of the JVP under Wijeweera’s leadership, f the JVP in 1978 as a ‘Marxist’ party by a This recognition really meant nothing as the d in chauvinistic politics.
JVP as a party inspired by Marxism was t in its 1987-89 insurrection. Its re-emergence al force in 1999 and its identification with llies appear to have persuaded the Communist , the biggest parliamentary left party in Nepal, National Congress in 2000. Marxist Leninistsand other leftists protested against this, and sin no formal invitation to the JVP from any partici The JVP, however, gathered some mileage ou present itself as a Marxist party with internation
The JVP during the past three years has descen as a chauvinistic opportunist organisation, with ideology to guide its theory or practice. circumstances that the Communist Party of Ind ties with the revisionist CP of Sri Lanka, and th India (Marxist), which developed an affinity revisionists less than four years ago, had inv respective National Congresses in March this ye
Varatharajan, the Secretary of the CPI(M questioned by the BBC interviewer in the Ta Tamilosai went to the extent of defending the c as a response to LTTE separatism. He saw socialist virtues in the JVP, something that the the JVP five years ago but sees after the rapi JVP since 2002. The truth is that the CPI and the CPI(M) are co in name and would hardly qualify even as so have no agenda besides parliamentary po shamelessly bureaucratic trade unions as a m parliamentary goals, which is clinging on to p West Bengal and Tripura, and regaining Kera keen to share power at the centre with the C pretext of defending ‘secularism’, while the tw serving the cause of Indian hegemony by th national liberation struggles within India a countries, including Sri Lanka.
Their attraction for the JVP is that it is now th establishment, owing to its bitter hostility towa the peace process. The fact that the CPI and th JVP as one of their kind is used by sworn
sted against this, and since then there has been the JVP from any participants at that congress. thered some mileage out of that invitation to ist party with international recognition.
st three years has descended to its lowest level tunist organisation, without a shred of Marxist ts theory or practice. It is under these Communist Party of India, which has formal t CP of Sri Lanka, and the Communist Party of h developed an affinity for the Sri Lankan four years ago, had invited the JVP to their ngresses in March this year.
cretary of the CPI(M) Tamilnadu when C interviewer in the Tamil news programme extent of defending the chauvinism of the JVP TE separatism. He saw anti-imperialist and JVP, something that the CPI(M) did not see in but sees after the rapid degeneration of the
PI and the CPI(M) are communist parties only rdly qualify even as social democrats. They ides parliamentary politics and use their tic trade unions as a means to serve their hich is clinging on to power in the states of ura, and regaining Kerala. The leadership is at the centre with the Congress Party in the secularism’, while the two parties are in fact Indian hegemony by their hostility towards ruggles within India and in several other
JVP is that it is now the darling of the Indian o its bitter hostility towards the LTTE and to fact that the CPI and the CPM recognise the kind is used by sworn enemies of Marxismamong Sinhala chauvinists as well as by Tamil the JVP as a classical Marxist party and thereby
The genuine Marxist forces of India who brok in 1967 and suffered ruthless suppression b regime in the 1970s, and now reorganised as Maoist communist parties and groups, have n JVP. It is heartening to note that they are steadi in several states in India and are in the proce based revolutionary unity against imperialist, oppression.
It is particularly important to keep the internatio movements across the world informed about t JVP. Criticism of the JVP from a Marxist pers important, since much of the criticism of the J media is based on its conduct during the tw mainstream media portray the JVP as an insurre implication revolutionary and Marxist. This i discredit Marxism by attributing Marxist char while attacking it for its misdeeds.
Thus, facts about the JVP and Marxist analyses be placed before the international left mo Exposure of the JVP and its new opportunist a CPI(M) will help to dispel illusions about the J the youth and oppressed Sinhalese masses. Th the Sinhalese should match its criticism of th action to build an effective mass political left al
ists as well as by Tamil nationalists to identify
arxist party and thereby discredit Marxism.
orces of India who broke off with the CPI(M) ruthless suppression by the Indira Gandhi nd now reorganised as Marxist-Leninist and ties and groups, have never approved of the note that they are steadily growing in strength dia and are in the process of building broad- ity against imperialist, bourgeois and feudal
tant to keep the international left and liberation world informed about the true nature of the VP from a Marxist perspective is particularly of the criticism of the JVP in the Sri Lankan conduct during the two insurrections. The ray the JVP as an insurrectionary force, and by ry and Marxist. This is a deliberate effort to attributing Marxist characteristics to the JVP s misdeeds.
VP and Marxist analyses of its conduct should international left movement for scrutiny. nd its new opportunist allies like the CPI and spel illusions about the JVP among sections of ed Sinhalese masses. The genuine left among atch its criticism of the JVP with concrete tive mass political left alternative.
NDP pays homage to veteran Comrad Sithamparam
Comrade S Si of the comm long standing away in Kilin 85. Comrade born in Kan and was attrac Party as a you founded in th War II. He r communist id good commun his last on 26
A native of Kankesanthurai, he played a leadin the Party in Kankesanthurai. In a climate of untouchability that prevailed at the time, he conscious militant comrade. He placed ded Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought a communist fighter in several respects. He served as a leading member of the Mas Elimination of Untouchability of 1966-1971, g Leninist Communist Party, and opened the batt Maviddapuram temple entry struggle by Government Agent, the temple trustee and the appeal by the Kankesanthurai branch of the behalf of the people of the oppressed castes of t
Comrade Sithamparam was a true Marxist Le deed and integrated himself closely with the a even in his old age. He was among the six
age to veteran Comrade
Comrade S Sithamparam, a veteran of the communist movement and long standing Party activist passed away in Kilinochchi at the age of 85. Comrade Sithamparam, was born in Kankesanthurai in 1920, and was attracted to the Communist Party as a youth when the Party was founded in the North during World War II. He remained loyal to his communist ideals and lived as a good communist until he breathed his last on 26th March 2005.
hurai, he played a leading role in developing thurai. In a climate of caste oppression and vailed at the time, he developed as a class mrade. He placed dedication and trust in o Zedong Thought and was therefore a veral respects. ng member of the Mass Movement for the hability of 1966-1971, guided by the Marxist arty, and opened the battle front of the famous e entry struggle by submitting to the temple trustee and the Inspector of Police an anthurai branch of the Movement, made on the oppressed castes of the region.
was a true Marxist Leninist in word and in mself closely with the activities of the NDP He was among the six veteran communistmilitant comrades to be honoured at the 25 An held in Jaffna in 2003.
Representatives of the Party Central Committ Regional Committee paid their respect to Com his funeral in Kilinochchi.
NDP pays homage to Comrade Chand Comrade Perumal Chandrakumar (11.11.1969 – 18. 2. 2005), joined the Sri Lanka Democratic Youth Movement in 1992 and the NDP in 1995. He was a member of the Hill Country Regional Committee of the Party. Until his death of sudden illness, he played an active and inspiring role in the struggle of the hill country people against oppression. A teacher by profession, he taught with dedication, honesty and sincerity. He was also an effective political activist and a brilliant orator.
We give below the tribute by the NDP Central C
Revolutionary tribute to the late Comrade The departure of Comrade Perumal Chandraku thirteen years carried out ceaseless struggle fo suppressed people, is a great loss to the Party, Country and communist fighters throughout the a member of the Party within three years of Democratic Youth Movement, he carried forw and developed his personality as a communist of the Hill Country Regional Committee. H national congresses of the Party and made a so
honoured at the 25th Anniversary of the NDP
Party Central Committee and the Northern aid their respect to Comrade Sithamparam at hi.
age to Comrade Chandrakumar
handrakumar 2005), joined cratic Youth d the NDP in er of the Hill mittee of the h of sudden active and ruggle of the ple against by profession, tion, honesty as also an tivist and a
ute by the NDP Central Committee.
ibute to the late Comrade Chandrakumar rade Perumal Chandrakumar, who for the past ut ceaseless struggle for the liberation of the great loss to the Party, the people of the Hill st fighters throughout the world. On becoming within three years of joining the Sri Lanka vement, he carried forward intense struggles, onality as a communist to become a member Regional Committee. He participated in the the Party and made a solid contribution to thedevelopment of theoretical and practical work liberation of the oppressed people of the whole
Comrade Chandrakumar contested the Provinc according to Party decision. He was conf challenges which he courageously overcame. every action that was hostile to the working pe to defeat it. He proved his mettle in the demons town against the Bindunuweva massacre. He ac police sought to suppress it and was at the fore and party leaders.
He was well aware of the negative aspects o Project and worked in collaboration with the against the Upper Kotmale Project. He parti signature campaign and protest demonstrations
He worked with dedication to set up a b organisation under the leadership of the enthusiastically to build the New Democratic was also keen to impress upon the teachers the that the problems of the teachers should be app scientific point of view, and to develop that ap programmes to achieve that purpose at meeting Ragala and Hatton. He critically ridiculed orga under the patronage of reactionary trade unions
Comrade Chandrakumar understood the negat life of isolation under conditions of globalisatio which trash from India was making people developed a character that befitted a great com in putting it into practice. He achieved within what would have taken a long life. As he integ lives of the oppressed people, he was also subje hygiene faced by the hill country plantation wor
Comrade Chandrakumar, who had the wide ran a communist, only days before he fell ill, pr carrying forward organisational work in the
tical and practical work programmes for the sed people of the whole country.
ar contested the Provincial Council elections ecision. He was confronted with various courageously overcame. He severely oppose ostile to the working people and acted firmly his mettle in the demonstration in Talawakelle nuweva massacre. He acted skilfully when the ss it and was at the fore to protect the people
the negative aspects of the Upper Kotmale n collaboration with the people’s movement tmale Project. He participated keenly in the
protest demonstrations against the scheme.
ication to set up a broad-based teachers’ he leadership of the NDP and worked ld the New Democratic Teachers Union. He ss upon the teachers the position of the NDP e teachers should be approached from a social , and to develop that approach. He proposed that purpose at meetings in Vavunia, Jaffna, critically ridiculed organisations functioning reactionary trade unions in the hill country.
ar understood the negative tendencies of the onditions of globalisation and privatisation, in ia was making people mentally ill, and he that befitted a great communist and succeeded tice. He achieved within his life of 35 years a long life. As he integrated himself with the eople, he was also subject to the perils of poor ll country plantation workers.
r, who had the wide range of great qualities of ys before he fell ill, proposed a scheme for anisational work in the Hatton-Talawakelleregion and addressed a meeting, introducing the cultivated.
Comrade Chandrakumar whose memory is hearts of Party comrades, has, through binding the life of struggle of the people of the hill cou in the hearts of all.
Our revolutionary tribute to him will be to co towards the goals for which he dedicated his lif sorrow into strength.
Central Committee of the N
Press Communiqué of the NDP
Comrade SK Senthivel, in his communiqué to th 2005 in connection with recent incidents of ra North-East, made the following observation:
It is three years since the Memorandum of U Ceasefire Agreement came into effect. During of the armed forces have continued to commi women in regions under the control of the Arm women have been raped and murdered. The members of the armed forces last week in Ne Kalikai are a continuation of this trend. The N strongly condemns the two incidents. At the wishes to point out that the main cause for suc the existence of large and small military cam amid residences of the people and that it is e removed.
The communiqué further added that, recently, has been forcefully subject to sexual abus Vavuniya, a woman was raped and murdered. T incidents of sexual violence in the East, which h in the press. They have now occurred in Ne
meeting, introducing the comrades that he had
ar whose memory is deeply etched in the es, has, through binding himself closely with he people of the hill country, has won a place
ute to him will be to continue in the journey hich he dedicated his life by transforming our
entral Committee of the New Democratic Party 18. 02. 2005
iqué of the NDP
, in his communiqué to the press on 13th March th recent incidents of rape and murder in the ollowing observation:
the Memorandum of Understanding and the ame into effect. During this period, members ave continued to commit acts of rape against er the control of the Army. In some instances, ed and murdered. The incidents of rape by forces last week in Neerveli and Thunnalai- tion of this trend. The New Democratic Party two incidents. At the same time, the Party t the main cause for such incidents of rape is and small military camps and check points people and that it is essential that they are
er added that, recently, in Mannar, a student subject to sexual abuse. Prior to that, in as raped and murdered. There have been many ence in the East, which have not been reported ve now occurred in Neerveli and Thunnalai-Kalikai. The reason for such incidents to take pl large and small military camps and check poi residences, work centres, schools and other pub women, in particular, face the risk of rape an time. Also, the students and the people go thro fear and panic. Besides, the existence of th residences seems to encourage social misc degeneration. Also accidents involving mili tension and conflict between the population a Hence it is essential that large and small milit points should be moved out of residential ar people move about. The only way to ensure tha means to solve the national question that has war. It is essential that the negotiations that h drift are resumed without delay and a pol thereby. The Party points out that it is only w are removed from among residential areas and d life are restored that people, especially wome without fear.
General Secretary, N
Seminar on the Current Political Situa
A political seminar under the heading “The P the Tsunami and International Interference Auditorium of the Multi-Purpose Co-operative Jaffna at 3.30 p.m. on 20th March 2005. The Comrade K Kathirgamanathan, Secretary, ND was addressed by Comrade SK Senthivel, Ge Democratic Party, Comrade K Thanigasalam, the New Democratic Party, and M Thiyagarajah union activist. The meeting was well attended a followed by a lively discussion.
such incidents to take place is the existence of ry camps and check points amid settlements, s, schools and other public places. As a result, face the risk of rape and harassment at any s and the people go through their daily life is es, the existence of the armed forces amid encourage social misconduct and cultural ccidents involving military vehicles lead to etween the population and the armed forces. at large and small military camps and check ed out of residential areas and areas where e only way to ensure that is to find immediate ional question that has been transformed into t the negotiations that have been allowed to thout delay and a political solution found nts out that it is only when military positions ng residential areas and democracy and normal people, especially women, can live free and
SK Senthivel General Secretary, New Democratic Party 13. 3. 2005
Current Political Situation
der the heading “The Political Situation after ternational Interference” was held at the lti-Purpose Co-operative Society Building in 20 March 2005. The seminar, chaired by anathan, Secretary, NDP Northern Region, rade SK Senthivel, General Secretary, New rade K Thanigasalam, Member, Politburo of arty, and M Thiyagarajah, a humanitarian trade ting was well attended and the addresses were cussion.[The address by Comrade Senthivel is included Convention of Activists of the People Against the Upper Kotmale Project
The co-ordinators of the People’s Campaign Kotmale Project organised a meeting of camp April 2005 at the Christian Workers Fellowsh meeting was attended by over five hundre following parties and groups:
1. The New Democratic Party 2. The Nava Samasamaja Party–New Left F 3. Democratic Left Front 4. National Union of Workers 5. Ceylon Workers’ Alliance 6. Western Province People’s Front 7. Railway Workers’ Alliance 8. The January Movement 9. The New Cultural Organisation 10. Puthiya Malaiyagam 11. Sri Lanka Democratic Youth Front
An Executive Committee of sixteen was elect Thambiah as Organiser, Comrades L Senevir Prabakaran as Co-ordinators and S Shanmugara
The Convention made the following declaration
The Upper Kotmale Electrical Power Gen launched at the heart of the Nuwara Eliya highlands and endowed with great natural s of aggression funded by aid from the Japan project will lead to disastrous consequenc workers of the Hill Country and for the Muslim people of Sri Lanka.
de Senthivel is included in this issue.] Activists of the People’s Campaign per Kotmale Project
the People’s Campaign Against the Upper ised a meeting of campaign activists on 10th istian Workers Fellowship Hall, Hatton. The by over five hundred and included the roups: cratic Party samaja Party–New Left Front
Front of Workers ’ Alliance e People’s Front s’ Alliance vement al Organisation gam cratic Youth Front
tee of sixteen was elected, with Comrades E r, Comrades L Seneviratne and Comrade P ators and S Shanmugarajah as Treasurer.
the following declaration:
e Electrical Power Generation Project to be rt of the Nuwara Eliya District in the central wed with great natural splendour is a scheme d by aid from the Japanese government. This disastrous consequences for the plantation ll Country and for the Sinhala, Tamil, and ri Lanka.This project will be a cause for the d environment and human life.
This project, which is potentially disastrous political, geographical, biological and econ definitely be defeated.
This Conference has determined that the abandonment of this project will be carried united struggle of the Hill Country Tamils.
It warmly invites all progressive and democ the People’s Campaign Against the Upper K against this project, defeat it, and ensure vict
It invites all political parties, trade unions, vo youth associations, media persons, educat students to undertake the historic responsib Project which is a major threat to the existen Tamils.
The Convention adopted the following resolut the campaign against the Upper Kotmale Projec
1. The Convention resolves to carry o propaganda campaign to educate the peo of the project.
2. The Convention calls upon all political and other organisations to take up th project in their May Day rallies.
3. The Convention resolves to hold protes project across the country from May 2 t
4. The Convention resolves to observe a P
of May, the day of demise of Martyr Siv
5. The Convention resolves to carry out a v
be a cause for the destruction of natural man life.
is potentially disastrous in the social, cultural, cal, biological and economic spheres, should d.
as determined that the struggle for the total s project will be carried forward through the e Hill Country Tamils.
l progressive and democratic forces to join in ign Against the Upper Kotmale Project to fight defeat it, and ensure victory to the people.
l parties, trade unions, voluntary organisations, media persons, educationists, teachers and e the historic responsibility of defeating this ajor threat to the existence of the Hill Country
ed the following resolutions to carry forward
e Upper Kotmale Project.
n resolves to carry out a house-to-house paign to educate the people about the disasters
calls upon all political parties, trade unions nisations to take up the protest against this
ay Day rallies.
resolves to hold protest meetings against the e country from May 2nd to May 15th.
n resolves to observe a Protest Day on the 15th
of demise of Martyr Sivanu Letchumanan.
resolves to carry out a variety of agitations in6. The Convention resolves to carry out p
Sri Lanka as well as in Japan in order to facilities offered by the Japan Internation
7. The Convention resolved to carry out in of ceaseless agitation through the paren as by its International Branch that has be Revolutionary May Day 2005 of the N Democratic Party
The New Democratic Party will mark May Day north and at Ragala Hill Country with pro meetings.
The May Day procession and meeting in Jaffn following matters:
The setting up of a joint mechanism to carr the North-East Opposing to chauvinistic oppression Demanding workers’ rights Demanding an end to privatisation
The May Day procession and meeting in Raga following matters:
Opposition to the Upper Kotmale Project Emphasising the rights of plantation worker Opposing to chauvinistic oppression Emphasing the revolutionary path for the Country Tamils The Party warmly invites its supporters progressive sections of the masses to join and the meetings.
resolves to carry out pressure campaigns in ll as in Japan in order to get cancelled the loan
by the Japan International Agency Bank.
resolved to carry out international campaigns tation through the parent organisation as well tional Branch that has been set up in London. May Day 2005 of the New rty
arty will mark May Day 2005 in Jaffna in the Hill Country with processions and public
ion and meeting in Jaffna will emphasise the
joint mechanism to carry out tsunami relief in
inistic oppression s’ rights to privatisation
ion and meeting in Ragala will emphasise the
pper Kotmale Project ghts of plantation workers inistic oppression volutionary path for the struggle of the Hill
invites its supporters and all other s of the masses to join in the processions
Saved by the Tsunami, Sunk by Tsuna
The UFPA government was facing a dire financ 2004. The prospect of steadying the tottering ec and a half billion dollar foreign aid pack international community for rebuilding the w seemed bleak, since the ‘aid’ package was tied peace process. With the JVP, controlling 30 se a section of the SLFP hostile to meaningfu including Anura Bandaranayake and Laxm government was not merely unable to restart t but actually contributing to the deterioration of
The unwillingness of the government to negoti the basis of the Interim Self Governing Autho LTTE as the basis for resuming the peace talk harden attitudes on both sides, and the governm to speak with one voice on the question negotiations. Meanwhile, the Tamil-Muslim co subsided, with the government paying more at Lanka Muslim Congress MPs and, in the pro SLMC and causing bitter clashes within the M the East. Meantime, fratricidal killings within resumed in a big way.
Friction between the JVP and the SLFP cam public statements of disagreement on various power sharing within the government to poli leaders made remarks harshly critical of Presid in turn challenged the JVP to quit if they d
Sri Lankan Events
sunami, Sunk by Tsunami Aid?
t was facing a dire financial crisis in December steadying the tottering economy using the four ollar foreign aid package pledged by the ty for rebuilding the war-wrecked economy e ‘aid’ package was tied to progress with the e JVP, controlling 30 seats in Parliament, and P hostile to meaningful peace negotiations, daranayake and Laxman Kadirgamar, the erely unable to restart the stalled peace talks g to the deterioration of the situation.
he government to negotiate with the LTTE on Self Governing Authority proposed by the resuming the peace talks has only helped to h sides, and the government has not been able voice on the question of resuming peace le, the Tamil-Muslim conflict in the East had ernment paying more attention to buying Sri ss MPs and, in the process, weakening the tter clashes within the Muslim community in atricidal killings within the Tamil community
JVP and the SLFP came into the open with isagreement on various matters ranging from the government to policy matters. The JVP arshly critical of President Kumaratunga who JVP to quit if they do not like to stay ingovernment. It was an uneasy alliance which w of its election promises. The popularity of the g wane, but the UNP was hardly the alternative.
The UNP had no policy alternatives, and government’s handling of the peace process lac was the UNP that was responsible for the process. Meantime, President Kumaratunga’s targeting individuals in the UNP. Legal action former ministers for corruption while one pro UNP was made minister even before he crosse was confounded by this attack and, rather than facing the people, has among its main targets minister SB Dissanayake who was handed a s for ‘contempt of court’.
It was in a political climate where both gover were totally lost amid deepening political and the tsunami struck the island. The governmen generosity of the international community and of million dollars as aid for rebuilding the tsuna started to play politics. Sadly, both governmen insensitive to the implications of foreign aid f the country.
The US which was chastised for being mea suddenly became generous towards Sri Lanka a happened was that US marines were in Sri L relief work. Although 500 servicemen were sa actual number was probably several hundred m about the presence of US troops was given expr organisations outside parliament. The US Marin be replaced by intelligence personnel and other The Indian elite are concerned about t US i However, they seem to assert themselves throug the government.
uneasy alliance which was unable to keep any . The popularity of the government was on the
hardly the alternative.
olicy alternatives, and its criticism of the of the peace process lacked substance, since it as responsible for the stalling of the peace resident Kumaratunga’s government started the UNP. Legal action was initiated against orruption while one prominent MP from the er even before he crossed the floor. The UNP s attack and, rather than address the real issues among its main targets the release of former ke who was handed a stiff two-year sentence .
imate where both government and opposition deepening political and economic crises that island. The government, emboldened by the ational community and the offer of hundreds for rebuilding the tsunami-ravaged economy, . Sadly, both government and opposition were ications of foreign aid for the sovereignty of
hastised for being mean with tsunami aid, rous towards Sri Lanka and the next thing that marines were in Sri Lankan in the name of 500 servicemen were said to be involved, the bably several hundred more. Public resentment S troops was given expression by only the left arliament. The US Marines left in February, to nce personnel and other subversive elements . oncerned about t US interest in Sri Lanka. assert themselves through indirect pressure onThe government used the opportunity to ma rivals and to weaken the LTTE by monopolisin the clumsy way in which it handled relie incompetence, corruption and outright discrim of the east coast, who were among the worst relief. Even along the south coast and the affect coast, which received more attention from the charges of discrimination on political lines as w
Relief to Tamils, especially in LTTE-controlle from voluntary contributions and through NG agreed to co-operate with the government to i and consented to a joint mechanism for the pur has yet to agree and is under pressure from the mechanism.
The JVP has also tried to use the opportunity to tsunami affected regions with predominantly populations, and this has met with stiff r communities. But the JVP has not given up on its power as a member of a ruling coalition to ac
The initial decision of the government to prohib m from the coastline was revised to 100 imposition of the rule has led to local resentme where it is impractical. There is also ange allowing existing buildings within the proscrib damage to remain but not rebuilding, as this wil and big businesses but not the poor. It is also the big operators of tourism will eventually stretches of beach for themselves while those w for a livelihood will face restrictions.
Much was said soon after the tsunami that the unite the people and that the country will be reb weeks, chauvinism and political and bureaucra their teeth. Big businesses controlling the fin media used the aftermath of the tragedy for thei
the opportunity to marginalise its political he LTTE by monopolising tsunami relief. But which it handled relief work exposed its ion and outright discrimination. The Muslims were among the worst hit, received minimal outh coast and the affected portion of the west more attention from the government, there are on on political lines as well as on ethnic basis.
cially in LTTE-controlled areas, was initially butions and through NGOs. The LTTE had ith the government to implement relief work t mechanism for the purpose. The government under pressure from the JVP to resist the joint
to use the opportunity to settle Sinhalese in the ons with predominantly Muslim and Tamil has met with stiff resistance from local VP has not given up on its efforts and is using of a ruling coalition to achieve its goal.
the government to prohibit building within 200 e was revised to 100 m. However, blind has led to local resentment, especially in areas al. There is also anger about government ings within the proscribed zone with partial ot rebuilding, as this will benefit tourist hotels not the poor. It is also justifiably feared that tourism will eventually lay claim to large hemselves while those who depend on the sea e restrictions.
fter the tsunami that the national tragedy will at the country will be rebuilt. But within a few political and bureaucratic cynicism exposed esses controlling the finance sector and the th of the tragedy for their own publicity. LocalNGOs have a field day with funding channelled sponsors. Meanwhile, local construction bus experts are queuing up for their cut in the tsunam
The tragedy has only worsened the prospects solution to the national question. The Cea increasingly observed in breach by both p enthusiasm of the government about the peac signal to encourage acts of provocation by m within the armed forces. The recent surge in armed forces and the public in the north is no public anger against callous conduct by membe needed no prompting by the LTTE.
In the east, the Karuna faction that split from t encouragement from the government. Since leading members of the LTTE, including it regional commander, were killed, with the Ka responsibility; and opponents of the LTTE in th the Karuna faction, which are supportive of t also been killed in matching numbers. The collusion between the armed forces and the K credibility following evidence that the Karuna army controlled territory.
Sadly, no parliamentary political party is alive sovereignty of the country being subverted in t the country. The US is making its bid for presence in the island. India, which concluded with Sri Lanka a few years ago, is being p Lankan government to conclude a defence agr shown much haste, partly because of internal p is eventually likely to secure a deal to its bene is exerting pressure on several economic environmentally hazardous Upper Kotmale hy threatens the livelihood of a sizeable section Tamils and its existence as a community.
with funding channelled through international local construction businesses and technical for their cut in the tsunami relief spin-off.
worsened the prospects for an early peaceful nal question. The Ceasefire Agreement is in breach by both parties. The lack of ernment about the peace talks seems to be a cts of provocation by mischievous elements es. The recent surge in conflicts between the public in the north is not a healthy sign; and llous conduct by members of the armed forces y the LTTE.
faction that split from the LTTE has received the government. Since the tsunami, several the LTTE, including its Batticaloa-Amparai ere killed, with the Karuna faction claiming onents of the LTTE in the EPDP, EPRLF and hich are supportive of the government, have matching numbers. The LTTE’s charge of armed forces and the Karuna faction gained vidence that the Karuna faction operates from
y political party is alive to the danger of the ntry being subverted in the name of rebuilding is making its bid for a permanent military India, which concluded an unequal trade pact years ago, is being pressurised by the Sri conclude a defence agreement. India has not tly because of internal political wrangling, but secure a deal to its benefit. Japan, meanwhile, on several economic fronts, including the dous Upper Kotmale hydropower project that d of a sizeable section of the Hill Country e as a community.The euphoria due to the increase in foreign cu inflow tsunami relief funds and the temporary exchange rate of the Rupee is now gone. Realis that only part of the over a billion dollars pledg relief would arrive, and much of it with strings reliance on foreign aid has for long been the economy.
The tsunami gave the government a short repr tsunami relief work was carried out in a spirit o than to gain political mileage, there may have fresh start in the right spirit. The tsunami was, winners among the greedy businessmen, co government officers, and NGO officials. But people, there have only been losers, and to tha the peace process and the sovereignty of the cou
e increase in foreign currency reserves by the unds and the temporary arrest of the foreign upee is now gone. Realisation is just sinking in er a billion dollars pledged as aid for tsunami much of it with strings attached. In any event, has for long been the bane of the national
government a short reprieve, and if the post- s carried out in a spirit of reconciliation rather mileage, there may have been a chance for a spirit. The tsunami was, however, not without reedy businessmen, corrupt politicians and nd NGO officials. But among the affected y been losers, and to that list should be added he sovereignty of the country.Internatio
The Passing Away of Pope John Paul II
Catholics across the world mourned the passin Paul II. The Pope assumed office when the Ea governments were in crisis. The crisis, in pa about domination by the Soviet Union, which with the US for global domination, led to the re
The Pope encouraged the right-wing, anti-go movement, Solidarity (which was also a benef his native Poland by expressing his moral su wrong to claim that the fall of socialist govern was due to him, despite his significant role.
On many issues, his views were diametrically o short-lived and much liked predecessor whose John Paul II as Pope, the Vatican took a hard on divorce, abortion and birth control, and the religion and society. His conservatism also o Theology, which sought common ground be Christianity in the struggle against oppression in
Yet, despite his rejection of Marxism, he denou against Cuba and criticised imperialist globalisa Vatican to be on the anti-imperialist front with However, it soon realised that the interests of those of the Catholic Church did not coincid enemy’ was subdued. Right wing evangelical C which were close to the US imperialist estab undermining the authority of the Catholic Ch that siding with US imperialism in the era o
of Pope John Paul II
orld mourned the passing away of Pope John med office when the East European socialist crisis. The crisis, in part due to resentment the Soviet Union, which was in competition domination, led to the rejection of socialism.
the right-wing, anti-government trade union (which was also a beneficiary of the CIA), in expressing his moral support. It is, however, e fall of socialist governments in East Europe
his significant role.
ws were diametrically opposed to those of his liked predecessor whose name he took. With the Vatican took a hard conservative position d birth control, and the position of women in His conservatism also obstructed Liberation ght common ground between Marxism and
gle against oppression in Latin America.
on of Marxism, he denounced the US embargo ised imperialist globalisation. It is too early for ti-imperialist front with the oppressed masses. sed that the interests of US imperialism and Church did not coincide once the ‘common ight wing evangelical Christian organisations, the US imperialist establishment, were busy rity of the Catholic Church everywhere, so mperialism in the era of globalisation wouldhave only further isolated Vatican from the wo community.
For whatever reason, in the past decade, the P people struggling against imperialism on key commended for it.
Bihar & Jharkhand: Electoral Snub to Ind
The recent elections to the state assemblies of only helped to expose the divisions within the centre. The BJP and its allies were the main b able to form the government in Jharkhand, whi not be formed in Bihar.
While in some parts of Jharkhand the Mao effectively campaigned to boycott polling, CPI(ML) performed well to win a seat and co two others. The revisionist CPI and CPI(M) Bihar, the CPI(ML) won seven seats an revisionists with the CPI winning one seat so the CPI(ML) is stronger than the revisionists p the two states.
Lebanon: A Slap in the Face for Bush
The former Lebanese Prime Minister, Rafik Ha bomb on 14th February. George Bush instantl insisted on the immediate withdrawal of Syria Lebanon, although reputed observers suspect t the handiwork of Israeli intelligence. Well-or demonstrations on the streets of Beirut deman the government and immediate withdrawal Lebanon.
The US pushed through the UN resolution 155 withdrawal and militia disarmament. The pu Syria as an aggressor, whereas Syrian milita
ted Vatican from the world’s Roman Catholic
n the past decade, the Pope has stood by the nst imperialism on key issues and should be
d: Electoral Snub to Indian Revisionists
the state assemblies of Bihar and Jharkhand the divisions within the ruling alliance at the s allies were the main beneficiaries, and were ment in Jharkhand, while a government could .
of Jharkhand the Maoist Communist Party d to boycott polling, in some others the ell to win a seat and come a close second in ionist CPI and CPI(M) performed badly. In won seven seats and outperformed the PI winning one seat so that, even electorally, r than the revisionists put together in each of
the Face for Bush
rime Minister, Rafik Hariri was killed by a car y. George Bush instantly accused Syria, and iate withdrawal of Syrian troops stationed in uted observers suspect that the bombing was eli intelligence. Well-orchestrated anti-Syrian streets of Beirut demanded the resignation of immediate withdrawal of Syrian troops in
h the UN resolution 1559 calling for a Syrian a disarmament. The purpose was to portray , whereas Syrian military presence was bynational consensus under the1989 Ta’if Accord 1975-90 civil war that killed 150 000. Thus, S pullout in time for the elections in May, but not A massive counter-demonstration by half a seventh of the Lebanese population) on 8t Mar put things in perspective, and Premier Karam resign following the US orchestrated demonstra and the Syrian position on troop pullout wa attempted coup by the US to destabilise Leba depends on the outcome of the forthcoming elec question remains: When will Israel pull out of Palestine?
North Korea: Calling the American Bluff
North Korea announced in February that it h thus calling the bluff of the US, which has used against it. It also declared that they were deve against US attack and that no negotiation on th is possible until US President George Bush a Condoleeza Rice withdraw their statement th terrorist state.
Latin America: Bold and Defiant
Venezuela: In March 2005 President Hugo Cha that the path to a new, better and possible world socialism. This supplements his earlier commen Forum (WSF) in Brazil in January, and is seen b part of increasingly overt agitation for socialism
Uruguay: Uruguay swore in its first leftist Pres on 1st March, who shortly after restored full dip Cuba, and announced that he would re-esta
er the1989 Ta’if Accord that ended Lebanon’s killed 150 000. Thus, Syria agreed to a troop lections in May, but not immediately. monstration by half a million people (one e population) on 8th March in support of Syria ive, and Premier Karami who was forced to S orchestrated demonstrations was reappointed n on troop pullout was accepted. Thus, an US to destabilise Lebanon failed, but much e of the forthcoming elections in May. The big n will Israel pull out of occupied territory in
ing the American Bluff
d in February that it has nuclear warheads, f the US, which has used all manner of threats red that they were developed to defend itself that no negotiation on the nuclear programme resident George Bush and Secretary of State draw their statement that North Korea is a
ld and Defiant
005 President Hugo Chavez declared in public better and possible world, is not capitalism but ents his earlier comments at the World Social in January, and is seen by political analysts as rt agitation for socialism by Chavez.
ore in its first leftist President Tabare Vazquez tly after restored full diplomatic relations with that he would re-establish, maintain, andstrengthen diplomatic relations with all South and work for regional integration.
Bolivia: President Carlos Mesa Gisbert resign taking office one and a half years ago, followin and murderous regime of Gonzalo Sánchez de Vice President, took over and pledged to act to natural resources, social, economic and politica justice the killers of civilians during in the Oct put an end to the earlier regime. Mesa’s compr nationals and the Bolivian elite led to protests his resignation was unexpected and could have pressure for not being repressive enough. Th depends on how well the masses are mobilised needs to draw up a common agenda.
Guatemala: Over 25 000 farmers, workers and Guatemala City and across Guatemala, began a the ratification of a Free Trade Agreement with intensified after its ratification by the Legislatu police shooting killed two protesters on 16 Ma planned, as there is strong opposition to the Ag also plans to challenge its ratification in the nati
Iraqi Elections: the American Farce and A
The US media claim that the Iraqi elections democratic, giving us more reason for not takin Sunni Muslims were boycotting, some Shiite c miss out on the opportunity for access to pow allied of the aggressor wanted to capitalise o Sunnis. After two months of wrangling Iraq Kurdish president, probably a Shiite premi resentment, and a 120 000 strong US occupyin and unlikely to withdraw.
relations with all South American countries, ntegration.
los Mesa Gisbert resigned on 7th March after half years ago, following the fall of the hated of Gonzalo Sánchez de Lozada. Mesa, then er and pledged to act to reclaim for Bolivia its al, economic and political reform and bring to vilians during in the October 2003 protest that r regime. Mesa’s compromise with the multi- ian elite led to protests and strikes. However, xpected and could have been under right-wing repressive enough. The future for Bolivia e masses are mobilised by the left, which still mon agenda.
00 farmers, workers and indigenous people, in ross Guatemala, began a day of protest against e Trade Agreement with the US. The protests fication by the Legislature on 11th March and wo protesters on 16th March. More protests are ng opposition to the Agreement, and there are its ratification in the nation’s courts.
American Farce and After
that the Iraqi elections of 30th January were ore reason for not taking them seriously. The oycotting, some Shiite clerics did not want to tunity for access to power, and the Kurdish r wanted to capitalise on the boycott by the nths of wrangling Iraq is to end up with a obably a Shiite premier, continuing Sunni 000 strong US occupying force still in place w.The outright rejection of the US favourite, in Ayad Allawi does not mean that the Iraqi Americans in a hurry. Aggressors rarely leave Nevertheless, a handful of sectarian elements Sunni frustration to incite anti-Shiite viole imperialist unity and could lead to the fragmen much to the advantage of the US imperialists.
It is important that the leadership of the anti- with the forces of Iraqi unity and is not pervert The reality is that the resistance to occupation is lacks coherence. Thus, the emergence of a un mass struggle against aggression is a neces liberation, and can emerge only in the cours event, US occupation will cost the imperialists will escalate by the day.
of the US favourite, interim Prime Minister t mean that the Iraqis can be rid of the Aggressors rarely leave; they are driven out. l of sectarian elements taking advantage of incite anti-Shiite violence will hurt anti- ould lead to the fragmentation of the country, of the US imperialists.
leadership of the anti-imperialist struggle is unity and is not perverted by fanatical forces. esistance to occupation is still spontaneous and , the emergence of a united front to lead the aggression is a necessary precondition for erge only in the course of struggle. In any will cost the imperialists dearly, and the cost .Fire churning from within* Pannaamaththuk Kaviraaya Tea flourishes and thrives on the highlands manured by the dead bodies of great grandfathers, grandfathers, children and women buried beneath.
The hands of those who poured sweat and bloo on the hilly woodlands ... no, no, they are wante Driven away from the roll call site, they are now out in the street.
The tender descendents of those who made the arrived like the smoke exhaled by the factory ch to roam like the spirits of the dead on the roadside ... the bazaar ... the street junc The infants, who once leant against the beautiful breas covered by tender fresh cloth have now been thrown on the roadside to suffer a plight worse than a dog’s, as prey to the can The faint moan of the meek was inaudible on the streets that the honourable live – only their self respect went cheap. Women with nothing else to sell sell their bodies to stave off hunger. To demonstrate their chastity by hanging or drowning themselves in the well – are they a mere few in number? They let another touch their body before Yama could take away their lives.
The tender femininity whose tender fingers plucked tender leaf is falling charred in the street. Damn the society of the honourable. A fire is churning in the belly.
[*Plantation workers thrown out of the plantations in 1973-74 w
ire churning from within* annaamaththuk Kaviraayar
by randfathers, grandfathers, d beneath.
who poured sweat and blood ds ... no, no, they are wanted no more. call site, eet. dents of those who made the roads ke exhaled by the factory chimney rits of the dead the bazaar ... the street junctions. nt against the beautiful breasts of their mothers oth
the roadside n a dog’s, as prey to the cannibals. he meek was inaudible he honourable live – ct went cheap. g else to sell
tity emselves in the well – mber? ir body way their lives. ty rs plucked tender leaf the street. onourable. lly.
the plantations in 1973-74 were reduced to begging.Epitaph On the Soldier Fallen at the Time of the Signing
by Grigor Vitez (B. 1911, Croatia, Yugoslavia)
The news flow swifter than the bird, and swifter than the wind, and swifter than the lightening. The ether vibrated happiness. But the news came late.
For those fallen it was much too late.
And had it come an hour earlier,
he would shaking hands with comrades – laugh and had it come a day earlier,
many more w and had it come a much earlier,
still more w
They should have sent the message
much, before there was the need for any dea
(From An Anthology of Mo Ed. Janko Lartvin, Lond
__________ Published by E Thambiah of 47, 3rd Floor, CCSM C Phone: 011 2435117; Fax: 011 2473757; E-mail: newdem
Printed at the Gowri Printers, Colom
Epitaph n at the Time of the Signing of the Armistice
by Grigor Vitez 1911, Croatia, Yugoslavia)
swifter than the bird, n the wind, n the lightening. ted happiness. ame late.
it was much too late.
e an hour earlier,
he would now be alive, with comrades – laughing; e a day earlier,
many more would be alive; e a much earlier,
still more would be alive.
ve sent the message
much, much earlier, s the need for any dead.
(From An Anthology of Modern Yugoslav Poems, Ed. Janko Lartvin, London: John Calder, 1962)
______ iah of 47, 3rd Floor, CCSM Complex, Colombo 11 11 2473757; E-mail: email@example.com at the Gowri Printers, Colombo 13