கவனிக்க: இந்த மின்னூலைத் தனிப்பட்ட வாசிப்பு, உசாத்துணைத் தேவைகளுக்கு மட்டுமே பயன்படுத்தலாம். வேறு பயன்பாடுகளுக்கு ஆசிரியரின்/பதிப்புரிமையாளரின் அனுமதி பெறப்பட வேண்டும்.
இது கூகிள் எழுத்துணரியால் தானியக்கமாக உருவாக்கப்பட்ட கோப்பு. இந்த மின்னூல் மெய்ப்புப் பார்க்கப்படவில்லை.
இந்தப் படைப்பின் நூலகப் பக்கத்தினை பார்வையிட பின்வரும் இணைப்புக்குச் செல்லவும்: Tamil Times 1984.10
Published monthly by
MIL TIMES LTD
The first round o
saga of the All Part is seemingly at an be? The proposed the brainchild of dene, the aging Th as the London-base is to serve as a Cc Conference Presu thing els of import country which is co place among the p Asia, except to ind gant luxury of com ences, and cont. arrhoea.
If the APC had long months and b mouse-like soluti problem in Sri La been celebrated a ment of the polit pygmies who hav genital incapacity complications and national question society and whom to have as its leac seats of power, spiritual.
In the first place have even been col pressure from Indi 1983 anti-Tamil pi ence, which was to all political partie itself into an amo! tion of all and Sund prelates and profit ing groups. The d the APC to find an the so-called Ta thwarted by the when he invited a of the most extrel tionary Sinhala ch cluding the Buddh
for the ethnic pro and who, secondl
opposed any negot
ALL PARTY CONFERENCE
AN EXERCISE N FUTILITY
f the long-running y Conference (APC) end. Or is it not to
Second Chamber, President Jayawarird World autocrat 'd "Guardian put it, ontinuing All Party mably there is noance to be done in a mpeting for the last borest nations in all ulge in the extravafabulations, conferinuing verbal di
laboured for nine rought forth even a on to the ethnic nka, it would have s a great achieveical and religious
e displayed a con- ,
to comprehend the
complexities of the
in a multi-ethnic Sri Lanka is ill-fated ers at the elevated both temporal and
, the APC would not nvened if not for the a following the July grom. The conferbe one comprising , soon transformed phous conglomerary, including 'pious" eering private trad2clared intention of 2gotiated solution to mil problem was
President himself ; participants some ne, rabid and reacauvinist groups, inst clergy who were 2 in the first place blem in Sri Lanka have consistently ated political settle
ments by meeting the legitimate aspirations of the Tamil people.
The Sri Lanka Freedom Pařty (SLFP), the major Sinhala opposition party, refused to participate from the commencement of the APC, putting forward the pre-condition that its leader’s (Mrs S. Bandaranaike's) civic rights, which had been deprived by President Jayawardene, should be restored if the party were to participate. This party, which had employed Sinhala chauvinism to its maximum in the
President Jayawardene past to gain power, opportunistically chose to wait in the wings to accuse the ruling United National Party of having 'betrayed the Sinhala-Buddhists' and ride back to power in case the APC decided to grant any concessions to the Tamils.
The APC commenced with an act of downright political chicanery on the party of President Jayawardene, when he scuttled "Annexure C' (see box page 5) which he had co-authored with the Indian Special Envoy, Mr G. Parthasarathy. He disowned it no sooner he heard murmurs of protests from the Mathews within his party and Buddhist monks outside.
Annexure C provided for the establishment of regional councils in the predominantly Tamil populated PLEASE TURN TO PAGE 3
2 TAMIL TIMES
A FARCE 8
What emerged as the "consen-jor island-wide sus' imposed by Presidential Tamil violence pronouncement upon the Ali. Party Conference (APC) does not touch even the surfcae of: the deep-rooted problems fac- i: ing the Tamil people, or for that matter the political crisis afflicting the whole country. The gov ernment and the Sinhala politicall leadership (including the . . . opposition) have again demonstrated their incapacity to seiz the opportunity of the APC to arrive at a lasting solution to th national question 蕊、
Since he ca has presided
major outbrea 'violence in \ perished and t troyed. His wa Sinhala people
、リ anti-Tamil po 1977.x.
His infamou on July 11, 1 “not worried ab the Tamil peo signalled the anti-Tami blo August 1983. unleashed hi death squads
cedented an atrocities agai ple, bringing the dark year
Not that many had any illu...sions about the outcome of the
APC considering the chief actor. behind this whole drama. it. would have constituted a remarkable deviation from the traditional role that President Jayawardene had played right through his political career, had he came up with any meaningful solution to the ethnic conflict to which he had contributed in no small measure during th last forty years
... Even as th tinuing, his mi ary were mul their hundre properties a women. ForC Tamils settled
· niya, Mullaiti etc., to give W tlers brought taking place. his military m ing foreign mt murderous M
Mr Jayawardene rose to poli tical prominence by entering the
· State Council in 1944 as mem... ber for the Kelaniya seat where
he defeated the elder statesman the late Mr E.W. Perera, by rais ing the anti-Christian and pro
5. Buddhist cry. Unashamedly he prides himself as the pioneer of 'Sinhala only for he was the first
ne to move a resolution for. 'Sinhala only in 1944 in the State Council. He played a lead ingrole in compelling the United National Party to adopt 'Sinhala only at the Kelaniya Convention
These are r governmento looks forward peaceful solu tems facing They are the lical preparati had resolved ace of resis 'Buddhist.
His countrywide campaign against the Bandaranaike-Chel... vanayakam Pact and to 'sav : the Sinhala-Buddhist race' no only resulted in the unilatera abrogation of the pact, but also contributed to the first ever r
achieve total subjugation of the Tamil nation.
me to power, he Why the leadership of the over at least five TULF continued to participate in ks of anti-Tamil APC even after it became dewhich thousand monstrably clear that nothing heir property des-. ould come out of it to the r cry in 1977, Th benefit of the Tamil people reare saying, a mains a mystery. At least the it if it be war, let i ruthless campaign of arson and e peace, let it be murder by the armed forces in riggered off the the Tamil areas should have grom in August prompted the TULF's immediate
spronouncement. Even parties operating in the 983, that he was South like the Communist Party out the opinion of withdrew from the APC protestple or their lives' ing against the government's green light for th attempt to unilaterally impose a odbath in July- "consensus, abandoning reSince then, he has gional councils in favour of a s uncontrollable Second Chamber. Had the TULF of the Sri Lanka refused to participate once Annto commit unpre- exure C was scuttled, the Presid un imaginable iš , i dent could not have continued nst the Tamil peo with this farce with even an iota back memories O. f credibility. What the TULF has "s; in Hitler’s Ger- done, in continuing to partici
- pate, was to have given undeserved credibility to an otherwise worthless exercise, an exrcise in futility as Mr Amirtha
e APC Was con inions in the milit dering Tamils i is, burning thei nd raping thei ed evacuation of
in areas of Vavu vu, Trincomalee ay to Sinhala setfrom outside were he was martialling
Having played for time through the long-running farce of the APC and in the meantime martialled his military muscle, the President has offered the Tamil people nothing tangible. Even a thousand second class Second Chambers or the devalued and discredited District i Councils as proposed will not satisfy the legitimate aspira
, .people :-::۔ خ3ـ::.:.:::"
ot the actions of a a President who to reasonable an ions to the prob he Tamil people, Ictions and diaboons of those who , to wipe out any tence to Sinhala egemony an
The inter-district co-ordination between District Councils on limited matters on common interest such as dealing with a river flowing through their districts is of no concern to the
tered and burnt. There is only
the river of blood presently flowing in the Tamil areas as a consequence of the atrocities committed by the armed forces
The Tamil people have come too far, suffered too much, sacrificed too many lives and lost most of their property. They have been harassed and humiliated beyond endurance. They have been taunted and tortured too many times. They have been hacked to death and burnt alive."
Their homes and businesses even in the Tamil traditional homelands have been and are being ravaged and ransacked,
plundered and pillaged, bat
one apt description for the .." crimes committed against the
Tamil people and that is GENO
The pathetic patiatives st offered by the President do not constitute even a partial soluis tion to the plight of the Tamil people. They are a farce and a fraud. They ought be rejected, and rejected unreservedly and absolutely. Those who consider collaborating in this fraud will be committing a grave act of betrayal against the Tamil nation. . . . . :
The fate and future of the Tamil people can no longer de- . pend on the temper tantrums or . periodic protestations of those paranoid prelates of the Maha Sangha. They can no longer be left to the vagaries of Sinhala political opinion. The fate and future of the Tamil people can be assured only when they take their destiny in their own hands. And that does not happen by accident. The struggle for national self-determination has
already begun. It must be prose. cuted more effectively, efficientlly, unitedly and resolutely
I FROM PAGE 1 Northern and Ea Tamil United Lib. was not satisfied councils for thes hoped to achieve both these provin However, when A doned by the Pre little hope that th much headway ir proposals.
In the meant through his Primi ters, and not exc sections of the B menced a sustai anti-Indian camp, and as months pa the 'good office progressively les no influence at a played for time
At long last, th drawn on Act On which had surviv of Scenes, starting the contents of til longed postponen outs, come-back contradictions, le anything but ev, with discord and Amidst the cha the cast on the S this tragi-comedy dene, had to app rrate the rest of th curtains down ab actors another scribed as the Sec they could contin "unbridgeable ga Spoke, have now device called 'c imposed on all p
The "President page 15), which h a "large measure not been accept party or import basic elements of OSals are the c Chamber and D
When the Pres of a Second Ch; representing the ties suggested Chamber of Mi have any releve the problems of Island of 17.8.8 "There has emerg discussions a pro envisaged Second ber of Minorities and protect minc
"This new line ( informed sources
tern provinces. The ration Front (TULF)
with two regional
two provinces and ne single council for es through the APC. nexure C was abanident, there seemed TULF would make pushing forward its
me, the President, Minister and Minisuding the extremist iddhist clergy, comned and continuous ign within Sri Lanka ssed, the influence of of India became and less, and finally l. The President had and won. - - - - -
e curtains are being
2 of the APC, an Act ed a record number ; with dog-fights over ne agenda, then proents, walk-outs, pulls, broken promises, -downs and, in Short, erything compatible
dissension. aos and confusion of tage, the director of President Jayawarear in person to nahe story and bring the
ruptly promising the
stage, which he deond Chamber, where ue with Act Two. The ps' about which he been bridged by a onsensus' which he articipants.
's proposals' (see box e described as having 2 of consensus', have
ed by any political
ant group. The two the President's propreation of a Second strict Councils. ident mooted the idea amber, those parties minority communithe setting up of a orities if it were to 1ce to the Solution to the minorities. The 4 reported: ed in recent inter-party osal to re-structure the Chamber as a ‘Chamthat would represent rity interests. f thought, according to
visualises the creation
of a second chamber comprising elected members representing racial and religious minorities and having vetoing powers in the case of legislation affecting minorities.
Sources said that the idea would be to model the Chamber of Minorities on the USSR 'Chamber of Nationalities. The vetoing power would be on the lines of Section 29 (2) of the old Soulbury Constitution and relate to legislation affecting minorities.
"Proposals to restructure the Second Chamber on the abovementioned lines have emerged in discussions held among organisations such as the CWC, TULF, ACTC, DWC, CP, LSSP, Council of Muslims and Muslim League, etc. Although there has been no uniformity of opinion among these parties on the Second Chamber a general understanding on the feasibility of converting the Second Chamber into a Chamber of Minorities having the power to veto particular types of legislation is said to have been arrived at.
The TULF and the Tamil Congress, the major Sri Lankan Tamil parties, while remaining opposed to the Second Chamber as an alternative to Tamil aspirations, are not averse to it becoming a Chamber of Minorities.
“The CWC is learnt to be keen on the idea of a Chamber of Minorities, and is of the view that each of the 25 districts should elect two members who are minorities - race or religion wise. This would meam representation on an exclusive basis for Sri Lankan Tamils. Tamils of Indian origin, Moors, Malays, Burghers and also non-Buddhist Sinhalese. Certain minority sections in the UNP are also said to be in favour."
However, the proposed Second Chamber (SC) serves only to enhance the extraordinary powers which the executive President already enjoys. The President's contention that the SC represents a bridge between two unbridgeable positions, namely the demand for Regional Councils by the Tamil people and the refusal by those
sections of the majority Sinhala Com
munity to go beyond District Councils as the highest sub-unit of devolution is absolutely untenable. The SC has no logical or organic connection with the
question of devolution of power.
According to Rev. Fr. Tissa BalaSunya:
"The proposed second chamber will have little or no effective power concerning legislation. It can only debate bills prior to their second reading or main debate in Parliament. Even then, there should be a definite exclusion of powers in relation to constitutional amendments, money bills, pub lic security, foreign relations and any other 'sensitive areas'.
"This leaves it little scope of any major significance even in ethnic relations. Further, when any issue becomes “Sensitive” the Second Chamber
PLEASE TURN OVER
4 TAM TIMES
CONTINUED FROM PAGE 3 would be powerless concerning it.
Further discussions may be without media publicity'. This may ensure confidentiality, but not the impact of and on public opinion.
"The intention seems for it to be "in
ference'. The working of the so-called APC during the past 8-9 months is not so encouraging as to make the country happy with such similarity.
"The Second Chamber as proposed will have no control over the Executive. On the contrary the Executive President, with Parliament which he presently controls, will be able to nominate one-third of the members of the Senate. Since the ruling party controls most of the district councils in the country, most of the 50 members elected by the district councils (other than from the North and East) will be supporters of the ruling party and of the Executive President. The President will therefore have an absolute majority in the Senate, at least till the next General Elections which are not due till 1989. The representation in the Second Chamber may therefore not necessarily be representative of public opinion in the country.
“Since "the President may choose Cabinet and non-Cabinet ministers from the Second Chamber', this proposal will give the President power to
appoint Cabinet M side of Parliament. even the presentl: ment which too has MPS. This Second
result in increase C
Executive Presides, the Legislature or
"In this proposed the ethnic minorit continue to be a min out of 50 member district councils; fu minority represe nominated by the F liament' and hence ly represent differel sions. The minoriti be ineffectively re Chamber too."
Under the propo. passed by the Seco become law unless President. How the depend on a Preside of the worst holoc succumbed to the "1 the Sinhala people' Sixth Amendment t ing the entire Tamil legislation protectil difficult to contemp A former Minis Cabinet said that chambers would be we went into the ro
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inisters from outHe can thus bypass devalued parliaseveral nominated Chamber will thus f the powers of the
Cy’’ rather than of pf the people.
Second Chamber les will not only ority - of about 16 s elected by the rther the balance ntatives will be President and Parmay not adequateht political persuaes will continue to presented in the
sal, no legislation nd Chamber shall approved by the Tamil people can nt who in the midst aust they faced, natural demand of and enacted the hus disenfranchispeople, to approve ng their rights, is olate. ter in the SLFP even a hundred ineffective "unless ots of the problem
and solved it there. We must have more than a bridge in order to settle the problem for all time
The APC, described as "an Indone
sian shadoro play" by the prOgreSSÍVe Sinhalese journalist Mervyn de Silva. toyed with such units of Governments as "provincial councils', 'cross-provincial councils' and 'Zonal councils' after the President scuttled the idea of 'regional councils'.
The wholesale betrayal of the Tamil people is most manifest in the President succumbing to the ultimatist position of some of the extremist chauvinist sections within his party and the Buddhist clergy that nothing more than District Councils should be set up as the highest sub-unit on which certain powers and functions could be devolved.
The proposed District Councils are nothing more than a rehash, albeit with a few modifications, of the powerless quasi-purposive discredited District Development Councils which were created two and a half years ago following the two-year round of talks with the TULF and which proved a total and absolute disaster.
The leader of the TULF, Mr A. Amirthalingam, who continued to
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In terms of paragraph six of the Presi. dent's statement of December 1st, 1983. the following propos als which have emerged as a result of discussions in Colombo and New Delhi are appended for consideration by the All Party Conference. These proposals are in the context of the unity and integrity of Sri Lanka and will form a basis for formulating the Agenda of the All Party Conference.
(1) The District Development Councils in a Province be permitted to combine into one or more Regional Councils if they so agree by decisions of the Councils and approved by Referendum in that district, (2) In the case of the District Councils in the Northern and Eastern Provinces respectively, as they are not functioning due to the resignation of the majority of members, their union within each province to be accepted.
(3) Each region will have a Regional Council if so decided. The convention will be established that the leader of the party
which commands a majority in the Re
gional Council would be formally appointed by the President as the Chief Minister of the Region. The Chief Minister will constitute a Committee of Ministers of the Region.
(4) The President and the Parliament will continue to have overall responsibility over all subjects not transferred to the regions and generally for all other matters relating to the maintenance of the sovereignty, integrity, unity and security and progress and development of the Republic as a whole.
(5) The legislative power of the Region
attend the APC, with occasional threats of 'walk-out', was clearly "disappointed' with the President's proposals. He called it an exercise in futility. He said: "We expected something more precise, more tangible to be presented to the APC. Last time the President gave me the impression that he would come out with a scheme of devolution to a unit larger than the district, formulating and defining the powers, legislative and executive, to be devolved. The present proposal is far too vague and intangible to satisfy the Tamil aspirations.'
It is a pity that Mr Amirthalingam seems to be placing too much reliance on the 'impression' given by the everchanging President Jayawardeme, even after the bitter and fruitless experience he must have had with the never-ending talks he has had with Mr Jayawardene during the last several years. Now the government and President Jayawardene have indicated the maximum extent to which they would go. It remains to be seen what the TULF response is going to be. Judging from the 'Soft criticism' of the proposals, one would not be surprised with the TULFos lamentable lack of a clear political perspective or strategy.
The reaction of the Tamil militant groups would be predictable. They
would be vested in ti which would be empt and exercise executi thereto on certain spe including the mainter and Order in the Reg tion of Justice, Socia velopment, Cultural Policy. The list of su allocated to the Reg out in detail.
(6) The Regional C the power to levy taxe mobilise resources th ceeds of which will solidated Fund set u Region to which al grants, allocations () by the Republic. Fini be apportioned to recommendations of nance Commission ap time.
(7) Provision will b ing High Courts in Supreme Court of Sri appellate and consti (8) Each Region w Service consisting of public servants of the other officers and p may be seconded t Region will have a vice Commission for exercising disciplinal the members of the
(9) The armed forc
have, even befor proposals, rejecte meaningless and v One typical comme group stated:
'While a war is peace process is t ombo. This “Peace cerned about the w; ched against the concerned about
Are yo a frien the Tica
Perhaps you bor friend or even fo may Wish to rece by post.
Complete this fo return it today to PO Box 304, Lor
SSL L S L LCLLLSL SLSLSSLLSLSLLSLSSSLSLSL S S LLLL S S
Regional Councils wered to enact laws e powers in relation ified listed subjects ance of internal Law on, the Administra
and Economic DeMatters and Land bjects which will be ons will be worked
uncils will also have s, cess or fees and to ough loans, the proe credited to a Confor that particular 0 will be credited ° subventions made Incial resources will he Regions on the a representative Fipointed from time to
made for constituteach Region. The Lanka will exercise utional jurisdiction. ill have a Regional a) officers and other Region and (b) such ublic servants who the Region. Each Regional Public Serrecruitment and for 'y powers relating to Regional Service. es of Sri Lanka will
e the President's 'd the APC as a worthless exercise. ent from a militant
raging in Jaffna, a aking place in Col! Talk' is not conar of genocide launTamils. It is not massa CreS, maSS
AMI I I MYNS O
adequately reflect the national ethnie position. In the Northern and Eastern Regions, the Police forces for internal security will also reflect the ethnic composition of these Regions.
(10) A Port Authority under the Central Government will be set up for administering the Trincomalee Port and Harbour. The area which will come under the admimistration of the Port Authority as weil as the powers to be assigned to it will be further discussed.
(11) A national policy on land settlement and the basis on which the Government will undertake land colonisation will have to be worked out. All settlement schemes should be based on ethnic proportions so as not to alter the demographic balance subject to agreement being reached on major projects.
(12) The Constitution and other laws dealing with the official language Sinhala and the national language Tamil be accepted and implemented as well as similar laws dealing with the National Flag and Anthem.
(13) The Conference should appoint a committee to work out constitutional and legal changes that may be necessary to implement these decisions. The Government would provide its Secretariat and necessary legal offices,
(14) The consensus of opinion of the All Party Conference will itself be considered by the United National Party Executive Committee and presumably by the executive body of the other parties as well, before being placed before Parliament for legislative action.
murders, mass arrests and the massive destruction of public property. It is simply concerned about vague concepts, loose generalisations and illogical propositions. It is a dialogue of empty words. This dialogue has been going on for decades ever since the birth of the federal party. It may go on for ever until the death of the Tamil nation. The world is sceptical about a
PLEASE TURN TO PAGE 1.5
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6 | AMLTIMES
TAML PASSE N ARMY HIJA(
It is a telling paradox that the footprints of the killers and rapists from the Sri Lankan army who waylaid a coach proceeding from Colombo to Jaffna on September 11 should have commenced near the statue of the compassionate Lord Buddha at Vavuniya (a town 90 miles from Jaffna).
Fourteen Tamil and one Muslim passengers were killed on the spot and several injured when an armed gang, some in uniform and identified as members of the security forces, opened fire at point-blank range with sub-machine guns after hijacking the coach during the early hours of September 11, 1984. The coach was carrying 45 passengers which included seven women and two children. Two of the young women, both from Jayanthi Nagar, Kilinochchi were gang-raped by the gunmen in the nearby jungle (see separate story).
Even before the entire details of this gruesome massacre and rape could emerge, the Sri Lankan government began a cover-up. The Minister of National Security, Mr Lalith Athulathmudali, has, of late, developed a new line to expain away army excesses and atrocities against Tamil people and their property - that, they were committed by "Tamil terrorists' with a view to tarnishing the image of the army
Following this line, the Defence Ministry spokesman said the passengers might have been killed by Tamil militants with the view to discrediting the army. Finding it difficult to explain as to how the Sinhalese passengers in the coach were allowed to go unharmed, the Defence Ministry later suggested three possibilities: firstly, that Tamil militants carried out the killings; secondly, that it could have been done by former soldiers who were recently discharged for misconduct; and thirdly, that it could have been the work of some extremist Sinhala group.
In offering these possibilities, the intention of the government was demonstrably clear. It wanted to cover up the misdeeds of its armed forces.
However, the story that emerges from the survivors of this massacre leads one to the irresistable conclusion that the killings were carried out by a death squad of the Sri Lankan armed forces, apparently in retalia
tion for the at colleagues by nearby town ( before.
Our special has pieced tog ness accounts, this gruesome civilians was C dark hours of September 11 i Vavuniya.
The following when an arme the Sri Lanka jacked the coa Sengers were
1. Sornalinga alias Babu (28 2. Kandasamy old), Chetty S Director Ravi dent. 3. K. Simnadur Karaveddy. 4. N. Nazeer, 5. M. Siva, Co 6. P. Sivasha Kokulam, Batt 7. Sara van an Odduchuddlan. 8. Ratnasabap Vaddakachchi. 9. Moham me ombo. 10. Sebamalai, 11. Veeerasing nakam. 12. Nadesu makam. 13. E. Bernard 14. S. Parama 15. Sinn a tha Kaithady. 16. S. Jeyasing Died after adr 17. R. Rajend after admissio The injured nathan of Sara unawaram, T. wasala, Kelani sein (30) of Ak Two young names are wit rian reasons) : the army pers
NGERS KILLED CK TWO WOMEN RAPED
ack on Some of their amil militants in the Mullaitivu the day
Jaffna correspondent ther, through eyewitwhat transpired when Thassacre of innocent arried out during the he early morning of the thick jungles of
-- S OF THE CRE
persons were killed d group belonging to in security forces hiich in which 45 pastravelling, and shot
m Ekadhaya paran
years) thurai Ravi (23 years treet Lane, Nallur. & Raj Co., law stu
'ai, Driver of coach,
lombo. nmuganathan alias icaloa.
u tt u Thiyagesar,
l Laiku de en, Col
Jaffna. am Murugiah Chun
Turu gavel, Chun
, Chulipuram. anathan, Uduvil. m by J e g en dran,
ham, Vaddukoddai. ission to hospital. an (24 years) Died
included Atputhaavai Mill of ThirSuresh (18) of Wanaa and Appran Hus
aa. 'amil girls (whose held for humanitaere gang-raped by nnel.
Surviving driver’s tale
One of the two drivers of the coach who miraculously escaped death and who was at the steering wheel when the hijacking took place, reported:
"I was driving the coach. The other driver was resting in a front seat. At Vavuniya, some persons standing across the road by the side of the Lord Buddha statue signalled the coach to Stop.
"Since this is a usual army checkpoint, I halted the coach. They placed a gun against my head and ordered me in Tamil (spoken with a distinct Sinhalese accent) to drive the coach along Mannar Road. At the sixth mile post, in the middle of a thick jungle, they ordered me to stop.
"I was asked to switch off the headlights. The second driver was then ordered to get off the bus and was fired upon. Then the other passengers were pushed out of the bus in batches and shot. I had by then left the driver's seat and moved over to a passenger seat. I was pushed out with the passengers and fell on the ground outside. I managed to crawl under the chassis of the coach unnoticed and crawled out of the opposite side and bolted for cover into the jungle.'
Hussain Appran, a 30-year-old Muslim from Colombo, who was among the injured, narrated:
"After stopping the coach, the driver was ordered by the armed men to start it. The coach proceeded for about 10 to 15 minutes. I do not know the area. Then they ordered the driver to stop. I heard someone asking whether there were any Sinhalese in it. Three or four men came up. They were assaulted and asked to run away.'
A 30-year-old Tamil youth, who lived in Colombo with his parents and who was travelling to Jaffna with his father to attend a funeral, had the following harrowing story to tell:
"I was in one of the back seats of the bus and watched with a fluttering heart the passengers from the front seats being pulled out and shot. I told two of the armed men that l was a resident of Colombo and not of Jaffna and that my father was a retired serviceman. "I pleaded for mercy. "Do you know what happened at Mullaitivu?'' they asked.
(I was not aware at that time that some troops had been ambushed in Mullaitivu barely 24 hours earlier.) At this stage my father spoke to them and convinced them of the fact that he
was an ex-serviceman. As a result, our lives were spared.
Twenty-three-year-old Thedohanamoorthy from Thachchanrthopu relived his nightmare and recalled:
“On the day of the incident I was travelling seated on the last row of the coach. ''Witness', a feature film, was being screened on the TV mounted in the bus. Some were watching the film while others were dozing off. The time was around 2.30a.m. I was awakened from my sleep suddenly as the coach halted and the TV was switched off. Five armed men had boarded the coach. One man with mousta che and beard looked really frightening. Two of them were in army uniform and carried sub-machine guns. They said something in Sinhala.
“I then noticed that the coach had
... been diverted through a narrow road closely engulfed on all sides by thick vegetation. It was a thick jungle. The coach was stopped.
"The men then pulled out the reserve driver of the coach. Then I heard gunshots. Someone said that he had been shot. They then returned to the coach and at gun-point snatched whatever money and jewellery we had on our persons. In mortal fear, all the passengers handed over their belongings without as much as a whimper or a protest.
“While two of the men stripped us of our belongings from the front seat backwards, the other men dragged the passengers, who had been relieved of their belongings, out of the coach and shot them down. We realised that we were all on the brink of death. We wept, some were praying to Lord Jesus to save us. The faces of my sisters at home and other neighbours flashed through my mind.
"It was now my turn to be pulled out of the coach. I fell at the feet of my would-be killers and cried, praying for mercy. “I worship you as if you were my God and pray for mercy. Please don't kill me,' I pleaded. They responded to my prayers by pushing me down the aisle of the coach, trampling om me and hammering me mercilessly with the butts of their weapons. A lady, whom I have never seen or spoken to before and who was travelling in the coach, must have been so moved by the mauling I got that she pleaded with my assailants to spare me and told them that she was my wife. It was all of no use. They battered me some more.
Pretended to be dead
"They dragged me and two others who were Seated near me along the aisle and hurled us out of the coach.
Murderers are tho ple. Rapists are women. How do those who cover murderers and ra] be much differenc One can under agony of those Sri ashamed and hu: publicity that the due to the contii arson and murde country's armed those Sinhala rac: the cover-up of at against the Tamil be exposed for wil The bankruptcy cist propaganda m is revealed by the lent story which September 1984 iss ROW” with banne the killing of Ta Vavuniya on Sept The "SILVARRO Owner Mr Silva although a Sri L. mouthpiece from i engage in openly Tamil propagand the July 1983 antiSilva and his “Si shed their masks : colours through t freely distributed
The free distribu ble by the consic
receives from the
advertisements, ir the Sri Lankan porations, which the paper. Besid ments, the paper nothing but photo tions of material w during the previ State-owned Dai. Lanka News (wee Suddenly, Mr S VARROW have cerned about the p (lower caste people really touching. W like him, who nee According to M ROW, the harijans ern and eastern
Lanka have appe.
As we crashed on there was a burst young man who with me was ridic Screamed along motionless along in abject fear. I v blood spurting o! They came up to
e who murder peo
those who rape
es one categorise p for and protect istS? There Cannot 2 between the two. ;tand the genuine Lankans who feel it by the adverse r country attracts uing atrocities of attributed to the forces. However, sts who engage in rocities committed people deserve to at they truly are. of the Sinhala raachinery in the UK front page frauduappeared in the ue of the “SILVARer headlines about mil passengers at ember 11. W', named after its (Suriyasena Silva), ; nkan government ts inception, did not racist and antia. However, since Tamil pogrom, Mr lvarrow' began to and show their true he columns of this paper. ution is made possierable income he e several pages of cluding those from government’s corfill up almost half les the advertisenormally contains bgraphic reproducJhich had appeared bus month in the ly News and Sri kly). Silva and his SILpecome very contight of the harijans ) and his concern is hen one has friends ds enemies? r Silva S SILVARliving in the northprovinces of Sri aled for protection
against harassment by Tamil terrorists'. The story alleges that many harijans have been killed and their bodies were found scattered in the Jaffna district. No one is named as having made this appeal, nor does it identify to whom this appeal has been made.
Again, the SILVARROW has gone a step further tham the Sri Lankan government in its attempt to cover up the gruesome massacre of a coachload of Tamils by the death squads of the armed forces.
The September issue of this paper carried a front-page diabolical false story under the heading ' 15 HARIJANS SHOT DEAD BY TERRORISTS'. At least the government speculated three possibilities as to who the killers might have been and it did not claim the murdered Tamils to be harijans. But Mr Silva's SILVARROW was absolutely sure on both these counts
Unlike the Sinhala army and the racist mobs who have killed and who continue to kill all Tamils, no matter what caste, sex or age group they belong to, the so-called Tamil "terrorists' have not attacked defenceless Sinhalese civilians. Their targets are invariably members of the security forces who have over the years harassed, tortured and killed Tamils and burnt their property.
Therefore, the SILVARROW and those who desire to malign and slander the Tamil militants and falsify what really happens in Sri Lanka have conjured up this baseless 'harijan story'. It is not that Mr Silva or his SILVARROW do not know the truth.
This is not the first time that SILVARROW has indulged in this type of falsification. When the Church of Our Lady of Refuge in Jaffna was shelled and damaged by the security forces in April this year, the SILVARROW published a photograph of the undamaged rear view of the church and attempted to cover up the truth.
If the Sinhala racist propaganda lobby think that they can get away with such blatant falsehoods to cover up the genocidal atrocities committed against the Tamil people of Sri Lanka, they are living in a fool's paradise.
to the bare ground, of gunfire and one was thrown along led with bullets. I with him and lay with his dead body as Splattered with ut from his body. me and kicked me
with their boots. I pretended to be dead.
“They went into the coach, pulled out more people and shot them. I still shudder to think of the nightmare experience of lying motionless by a dead body, soaked in the blood pouring from it and with bullets flying all PLEASE TURN TO PAGE 18
OG I AML I IME-S
Many questions still remain unanswered about the recent visit of Mr Douglas Liyanage to Israel, although he has resigned from his top-level post, Secretary to the Ministry of State and Information.
The government has attempted to underplay the matter, stating that his visit was a private one. But Mr Liyanage is no ordinary public officer. He was a senior civil servant when he was arrested in 1962 and charged as
the prime conspirator in the coup
d'etat organised by senior officers of the armed services and police against the then government and later convicted and sentenced to prison. He was released from jail only when his conviction was set aside on a technical point by the House of Lords.
Mr Liyanage was rehabilitated during the 1965-70 UNP regime and soon rose to prominent positions again. When Mr J.R. Jayewardene came to power in 1977, he was appointed to the important post of Secretary to the Ministry of State and Information.
In addition to this position, he was appointed "competent authority' for several subjects and chief censor of news and information under the Emergency. He was the first person to come up with the unbelievable theory that the left parties were behind the July 1983 violence and the government soon adopted this theory as its own.
No one believes that the visit of Mr Liyanage to Israel was a private one and this is demonstrated by the fact that he was met by senior officials of
the Israeli FC visit was purel is no fool to Israeli press to Cy matterS an The story of to be manufa ment and later be called for a ing reaction f the statements in an interview newspaper 'Je He said that the PLO could Colombo, "ther have equality Mir Liyamage v government p contradicted th claim that the Israeli 'interes lead to the resu tic relations wi
Another fact Liyanage's inte government's c. tries fully und ment’s decision "interests sect. Liyanage had s had put strong p to end its links had not been a
Besides the se all Arab newsp. ment's decision ! section', it is no
The following is the text of an appeal made by the Parents' Association of Jaffna to President Jayawardene through the Government Agent, Jaffna.
The deputation which met the G.A. on behalf of the Parents' Association included Messrs K. Nesiah, S. Subramaniam Mahasivam, President, All Ceylon Tamil Teachers' Union and several Principals of Schools:
It is with deep regret that the Parents' Association of Jaffna wishes to point out that the arrest, assault and detention of Tamil students and youths, believed to be breadwinners of hundreds of familes, has produced deep sorrow throughout Jaffna. There is still wailing in Tamil homes owing to the massacre of innocents and their continued detention.
The education Jaffna is in jeop tions, namely, aminations, Te aminations, E etc., have alrea definitely as a violence in the
Very recently civil dress stop Kandarmadam led a Jaffna H (CENSORED) g his College at 8.) his bicycle int assaulted him ) came unconscio to the army can
eign Ministry. If his private, Mr Liyanage we interviews to the |ching on foreign poli
bilateral relations. he private visit had ured by the governhis resignation had to a result of the mountm Arab countries to made by Mr Liyanage he gave to the Israeli usalem Post'. if Arab countries and
have embasssies in is no reason not to with Israel. Although as in fact reflecting licy, his statement government's public establishment of the S section' would not nption of full diplomath Israel.
that cane out of Mr rview was that the laim that Arab counerstood the governto open the Israeli ion' was false. Mr aid, "Arab countries reSsure on Sri Lanka with Israel, but this cpted'. vere condemnation in apers of the governo set up the "interests Secret that the Arab
countries have already taken certain retaliatory measures against Sri Lanka and more are likely to follow. Ambassadors from certain Arab countries have already left Colombo and there is no prospect of their return. Sri Lanka, which depends heavily on trade with many Arab countries and on massive loans to balance its budget deficits, is likely to face further reprisals. The plight of over 300.000 Sri Lankans working in the Middle Eastern countries is anybody's guess.
In the light of the serious consequiences that may eventuate, very few are prepared to forget the Liyanage episode with his resignation and dismiss his visit as a private one in which the government had no say. They refuse to believe that President Jayawardene who authorised Mr Liyanage going abroad and Mr Anandatissa de Alwis, the Minister of State, did not know about his visit to Israel.
It is difficult to believe that so senior a public officer as Mr Liyanage, whom the government had entrusted with a number of special tasks, would have made such remarks on Such delicate and sensitive matters or gone without leave to Israel.
Informed Colombo circles suggest that Mr Liyanage did in fact undertake a special mission to Israel on behalf of the government, and in view of the unexpected strong reaction that resulted, he had now been made a scapegoat and made to resign to save the government's skin.
of Tamil children in ardy; many examinathe University exchnical College exglish competitions, y been postponed inresult of the army |orth.
some army men in ed their vehicles at unction, Jaffna, pulndu College student ing on his bicycle to a.m. pushed him and
their vehicle and ercilessly till he bei. They then took him
at Palaly and many
hours later dropped him at an unknown place, from where he returned home with much difficulty as a result of his body-pain.
A student of Nadeswara College, (CENSORED), Son of a teacher, was assaulted near the Cement factory service station when he was on his way to his college. This led to students deserting their schools for fear of life and to the cancellation of the English Competition in the Kankesanthurai Circuit.
Earlier a Manipay Hindu College student, (CENSORED) was taken into custody for not producing his identity card when he was travelling to Kilinochchi. He has still not been released despite repeated requests. His continued detention has led to boycott of schools by the students.
The Parents' Association of Jaffna considers the attack on Hartley College, Point Pedro, by the army as an insult and a challenge to the education of the Tamil students in Jaffna. They had smashed the laboratory and set fire to the library consisting of about 7,500 volumes of valuable books; the new block of the college has also been burnt down. This recalls the burning of the Jaffna Public Library, which was unbearable to the Tamil people and this gives rise to the fear whether it is a continued attempt on our cultural heritage.
There is a police commando group camped very close to this college.
The army has taken over and is now in occupation of the Sithivinayagar school situated in the Kankesanthurai area. The school children are unable to continue their education there.
As a result of the army violence the students in the district are unable to travel with any degree of safety to their schools and we the parents are scared to send them there.
It is, therefore, clear that the violence of the armed forces must be stopped. We the parents of Jaffna urge on your excellency to: O Withdraw the armed forces from Jaffna territory. This alone will help to improve the relations between the Tamil people and the government; there is already a marked deterioration of such relations. O Release the Tamil students and youths whom we know to be breadwinners and are languishing in detention for no reasons of their own. O Hand over the schools now in occupation of the army.
(Courtesy of 'Saturday Review'
HARTLEY COLLEGE O.B.A. (UK Branch)
for Hartleyites and their friends
Saturday 16th DeCember at 1.00pm
Lola Jones Hall, Greaves Place, off Garratt Lane, Tooting, London SW17
Adults E3 Children Tickets available from:
S. Ganeson 01-845 7900 C. Krishnamoorthy O1-5052068 TT. Pushpananthan 0-640 1844 D.r K.S. Rajah 021-455 0657 A.T.A. Ratmasingham 0-9467890 R. Ravindralingam O1-554 0216 R. Ravindran O29332869 A. Sriharan O1-5618652 C.J.T. Thamotherann O1-567322 M. Theva 0883 48005 Dr K. Thiagarajah O908 72170
"We are mothers. seeing our childr is unable to ea everyone in the Please hand ba delegation of Va. tithurai and I mothers told Bri atne om 25th Sep
Calming thes down became qu legation of other chy Citizens' Con gadier to ask hir children who are South, Boosa, Ga
The Governme M. Panchalingar this meeting. Th wives and siste) were in the dele
Dr M.C. M. Kalee of the United Nati Cabinet Minister : political personal the key to the Se problem in Sri : Sinhala and Tami State languages t try irrespective o ity are Tamils o ticular area.'
Dr Kaleel, in a ly News', August: history of the eth "It is therefore cause of the T troversy is mai differences. Stra ties are not ver language issue b want Sinhalese language, with Tamils for the re; in the Tamil-sp Northern and E:
Help achieve F.
“The Tamils pr the Tamil speak will help them te or Eelam for thei
"If the policy President at Ma ery citizen of Sri settle down in should utilise th Way, every citiz right to come to down there.
PARENTS CALL FOR ELEASE OF CHILDREN
We can't live without in. Our entire family any food because
family is weeping. ek our children’, a lamaradchy (Valvet"oint Pedro area) adier Nalin Senevirtember. 2 wailing mothers ite a problem. A des from Vadamaradimittees met the Brin to hamd back their now held in the deep lle. nt Agent, Jaffna, Mr in, had arranged for a mothers, including 's of the detainees, gation.
The Valvai Citizens' Committee delegation first met the Brigadier.
The Brigadier explained to the delegation that, at present, there are only 67 youths detained at Boosa. They are under interrogation, and he had instructed the Boosa Camp authorities to send back the detainees immediately the investigations are over. But, he said, he could not request them to send them to the camps here.
He also emphasised that youths who were taken into custody on the 4th and 5th August are not in any physical danger and that if anything like that happened, he said, "I am responsible'.
The names of 13 people who had been released on 24th August were read out at this stage. The mothers of the other youths began wailing aloud at this point.
TAMMIL ALSO AAN OFFICIAL WGUAGE - Former UNP Minister
l, a lifelong member onal Party, a former and a leading Muslim ity, has declared that blution of the ethnic Lanka is that "both l should be made the throughout the counf whether the major* Sinhalese in a par
lengthy article ("Dai27, 1984), covering the nic problem, stated: , seen that the root amil-Sinhalese conlly due to language 1ge to say, both pary keen to solve the ecause the Sinhalese bnly to be the state a concession to the asonable use of Tamil 2aking areas of the stern Provinces.
efer to have Tamil in ing areas because it achieve Federalism rown majority areas.
proclaimed by the hiyangana that “ʻ EvLanka had a right to the north and they at right. In the same an in the North has a the South and settle
It is a sine qua non that both Sinhala and Tamil should be made the State Languages throughout the country irrespective of whether the majority are Tamils or Sinhalese in any particular area. This I believe is the key to the solution of the problems between the different ethnic groups in this country.
"Every citizen in Sri Lanka irrespective of nationality, language, caste or creed can enjoy full freedom and equality of status to move about in any part of the country or settle down in any part of the country in accordance with his legal rights.
Only one problem
"There is only one problem, it needs an amendment to the constitution to amend the 'Sinhalese only, with reasonable use of Tamil' to a 'recognitiom of both Sinhalese and Tamil” as official languages. This does not mean as some writers have pointed out that every Sinhalese must learn Tamil and every Tamil must learn Sinhalese.
It is ridiculous to expect to expect a Tamil from Point Pedro to learn Sinhalese, and a Sinhalese peasant in Dondra head to learn Tamil. But each of them should be permitted to use his own mother tongue in whichever part of the country he may happen to be in because both languages are officially recognised.
In passing, may I also add that in every school whether the medium of instruction is Sinhala or Tamil, English should also be taught as a second language to every child.'
(Sukhan's diary of events
SEPTEMBER 5, 1984
The Jaffna Citizens Committee members visited Point Pedro, to assess the damage caused by the Army rampage. They also spoke to eyewitnesses to the massacre. Among those fired at by the army were a young couple who had been married that very same day. As they ducked for cover, the bullets riddled the legs of 65-year-old Mrs Aachimuttu Chellappah who was behind them. The result? The 65-year-old lady terrorist is convalescing at Manthikai Hospital following an amputation of both her legs.
女 女 女
* 'ಟಿ: *:::: .
The mothers of the youths taken away b." the army praying for their early release
The Valvettithurai Citizens Committee has released a Press statement to the effect that of the 500 Tamil children and youths "kidnapped' by the security forces at Valvettithurai, 348 were held as "hostages' at the Boosa Army Camp at Galle, while the fate of the balance 152 was not known. They have also complained to the Government Agent of Jaffna that among the 500 Tamil children taken away by the Army were Some who had had either their father or mother slaughtered by the security forces just before capfure and in some instances brothers have been taken
女 女 女
Students of Victoria College, Chulipuram, staged a demonstration on bicycles protesting about the incineration of Hartley College and seeking protection for their school.
女 女 女
At a police-public relations committee meeting that took place at the Central College Hall at Batticaloa, Mr S.E. Kamalanathan, the Principal of St Michael's College, a leading school in the Batticaloa District in Eastern Sri Lanka, reported how students of his school who were playing at the school grounds had been whisked away in trucks by the troops to an army camp without any provocation whatsoever. They had been released after the Regional Director of Education had gotin
touch with the CC the area.
A few days l; troops in civil at precincts of the si why they had cc questioned his rig mOVementS.
Following an in truck in which th were travelling houses along the attacked by the si al houses and fis ary huts along th migrant fisher fishing parapher - in salted form been set on fire b oddai and Inbaro days. People fro koddai have fled the safety of Alvi Aadai, where the in school building
The fund is urge the people of Jaf Brigade' for the ( recurring acts of ing by troops.
A delegation of from the Jaffna D Nalin Seneviratre the security forc Province, at the Nagar. They pro the indiscriminate schoolboys and t dents from Man Jaffna Hindu and Nadeswara Colleg plied that he was these incidents.
A section of the dem schoolboys
that any schoolbo sessing or distrit pamphlet or leafle by the Army and Camp,
OG 1 Ub3b-HR 1984
in the occupied Tamil areas)
mmanding officer of
ater he found some tire in a jeep in the :hool and asked them ime. The troops had ght to ask about their
cident involving the Le police commandos on 1.9.84, several sea front had been 2curity forces. Severning waadis (tempore sea coast put up by men, where their malia and their catch - are stored ) have y the troops at Sakkoty over the last few m Tikkam and Sakfrom their homes to ai South and Vathirri y have sought refuge
ntly being raised by fna to set up a "Fire
listrict to combat the arson and fire-rais
BER 6, 1984
Principals of schools istrict met Brigadier 2, who is in charge of es in the Northern Army Camp at Guru tested to him about 2 assault by troops on he detention of stutpay Hindu College, Central Colleges and ge. The Brigadier re
not aware of any of
told the delegation y who is found posputing any form of st would be arrested prought to the Army
女 女 女
All students from the Jaffna District boycotted classes today protesting against the intimidation, harassment, assault and detention suffered by Jaffna schoolboys at the hands of the security forces. The boycott was 100 per cent successful.
女 女 女
Troops arriving in a jeep in civils opened fire on innocent shoppers at "Murugesu Stores' at Mallavi junction last night, killing five and injuring many others. Mr V. Shanmugam (58 years) of Alaveddy, the owner of the shop, Master S. Selvaratnam (12 years) of Yoga puram, Visuvar Nadarajah (29 years) of Vavunikulam suffered serious injuries and were transferred to Jaffna Hospital from Mallavi Hospital today.
It has been reported that security forces have gone on the rampage in the village of Mankulam two days back and had set fire to several shops. Seven shops were completely gutted. If not for the timely action by the villagers in putting out the fire, more shops would have been razed to the ground. The Government Agent of Mullaitivu has brought this to the notice of the army authorities.
In a massive indiscriminate operation launched by the security forces in the town of Vavuniya yesterday, it is reported that 500 Tamil youths under the age of 30 years had been taken away. Their whereabouts are not known.
女 女 女
Harbour View Hotel, Kankesanthurai, the only sea front tourist hotel in the North, has been commandeered by the security forces.
女 女 女
Forty Tamil youths from Batticaloa, Vavuniya, Mannar and Jaffna, who were arrested in a Colombo hotel by the Maradana police were released today after two days of interrogation. These innocent youths had come to Colombo to attend to various matterS pertaining to employment in foreign
女 女 女
SEPTEMBER 7, 1984
The Valvettithurai Citizens' Committee had complained to the Government Agent, Jaffna, about the continuous booming of cannon fire along the coastal belts of Thondamanmar and Valvettithurai. This Navy shelling from the
sea is said to be continuing daily to maintain a state of panic and frenzy among the people. Heart patients and pregnant women are Said to be affected most.
SEPTEMBER 8, 1984
Two more citizens' committees have been formed in the Jaffna District for the areas of Kokuvil and Point Pedro. This comes in the wake of the formation of the Jaffna Citizens Committee following the July 1983 Tamil pogrom and the Valvettithurai Citizens' Committee following the massacre of Walvettithurai last month. Consequently, the 'shutting out of Tamil MPs from Parliament by an amendment to the constitution brought by President Jayawardene last year, these citizens' committees play the role of “protes
ters' against army atrocities in the
SEPTEMBER 10, 1984
Students from the Jaffna District began a week-long boycott of schools in protest against harassment and assault by troops on schoolboys. The boycott was 100 per cent successful.
Sivanathan (29 years) of Meesalai, a lorry owner from Meesalai was shot dead by the troops at Karanavai Road while proceeding in his lorry to buy some spare parts for his vehicle.
SEPTEMBER 11, 1984
A private coach carrying passengers from Colombo to Jaffna was "hijacked' by troops at Vavuniya and several were shot dead at point-blank range. (See separate article for details.)
女 女 女
Two farmers from Mulliyawallai, Ponniah (43 years) and Selladurai Karunaharam alias Kannan (24 years), were killed by the security forces.
女 女 女
The huts of several farmers in the village of Aandan Kulam were set on fire by security forces.
女 女 女
Troops went on the rampage at Nedunkerni, setting fire to four shops and injuring several people.
女 女 女
The Mothers' Front of the Jaffna District has forwarded a memorandum to the President of Sri Lanka citing specific instances of Army assaults om schoolboys. This included:
a) a 15-year-old stu du College who wa troops on his way to an Army truck, w ropes till he becam then thrown out of palai, 12 miles awa b) three students a years from Jaffna who were in a simil an Army truck, me and thrown out;
c) a 15-year-old stu wara College, Kar was thrashed brutal his way to school. Th thousands of Tam away as hostages forces over the pas appealed to the cons ident himself a fat father to spare th these dastardly att
Jaffna students boy day staged a dem day-long fast at Po attention on Army a the area joined th demonstration and ing solidarity with private transport w horns of their minib crescendo to expre the students when t in the ravaged P Centre.
Undergraduates O Jaffna staged a tota and examinations t with schoolboys.
Not a single candida Bachelor of Arts
undergraduates is condemning (a) th schoolboys by the A assault on schoolbo of schools by the . commandeering of: occupation by the
About 50 leading e Jaffna District han memorandum to Education of the and the Governm protesting about A innocent Tamil Sch ding the withdraw forces from Jaffna
Pensioners from t have been request the Government A Over at the Jaffn 17.9.84 to collect sions, which had be
at Post Offices
ent of Jaffna Hin
captured by the school, taken into ipped with nylon unconscious and he truck at Tellipfrom the school; ed between 12-13
Central College, ar way taken into cilessly assaulted
ident from Nadeskesanthurai, who ly by the troops on ey also referred to il children taken
by the security few weeks. They cience of the Presher and a grandir children from acks.
R 12, 1984
cotting schools toonstration and a int Pedro to focus rocities. People of e students at the the fast, express
them. Scores of rorkers tooted the uses in a deafening ss solidarity with hey demonstrated oint Pedro town
if the University of l boycott of classes oday in solidarity
te turned up at the examination. The sued a pamphlet e "kidnapping' of rmy, (b) the Army ys, (c) the burning 'Army, and (d) the school buildings for Army.
ducationists of the ded over a lengthy the Director of Northern Province nt Agent, Jaffna, rmy atrocities on Dolboys and demanall of the security
R 14, 1984
me Jaffna Disrtict 2d by the office of ent, Jaffna, to call Esplanade from heir monthly penenhitherto paid out
女 女 女
The public in the Jaffna District observed a complete stoppage of work in solidarity with the students who are boycotting schools. Government departments, private sector enterprises and transport ground to a halt. All streets remained deserted.
女 女 女
Consequent to a Cabinet decision of 12.9.84, the Department of Highways (Pallai, Kayts, Poonagari and Jaffna Divisions) withdrew their road repair squads who were busy repairing the recently rain-ravaged roads in these areas, which in any case had been in a poor state of neglect over the years. Department sources said that they had received orders from Colombo to stop even simple repair work.
女 女 女
A Sri Lanka Air Force plane, with red and white markings on it, circled low over the south coast of the tiny island of Mandativu (one of the several islands of the Jaffna coast), firing into the coastal belt and the adjourning plantations. -
The remnants of the shell used by the security forces on 15.9.84
SEPTEMBER 16, 1984
A 19-year-old pregnant girl died ot brain damage following multiple comminuted fractures of her skull, following a missile attack by Sri Lankan security forces just before midnight yesterday in the coastal village of Karanavai. Mrs Kalavathy Thangathurai had just settled down to sleep on a mat on the floor of her mud and palmyrah leaf thatched hut at Kottawattai, Kumulankoodal, when the missile ripped through the palmyrah-leaf thatched wall killing her and injuring her husband, Nallathamby Thangathurai (23 years) on his legs and shoulders.
gg -- < · .... · · · : Four months pregnant Kalavathy Thangathurai killed om 15.9.84
PLEASE TURN TO PAGE 20
CENTURY OF ETHNIC CONFLICT
POLITICAL RC TO PLANTATI By Kumari Jayawardene WMO R K
From the 1930s to the present day, the history of the plantation sector in Sri Lanka has been a grim record of the denial of economic and social justice and basic democratic rights to the largest section of the island's working-class, namely the workers of Indian origin, whose labour on tea and rubber plantations has provided the country with its main exports and largest foreign exchange earnings.
The onslaught was carried out through several means; by stripping the workers of their voting rights in stages - thereby depriving them of representation at local government and parliamentary level; by creating a mass of stateless persons and eventually subjecting a large section of them to what amounted to forced repatriation to India; by refusing them many of the wage, education, health and social benefits available to other sections of the population; by exposing them to the ordeal of famine conditions in the 1970s, and finally by subjecting them to death, rape, loot and arson during periods of ethnic violence in 1977, 1981 and in July 1983. This article, however, specifically deals with the political attacks on these workers and the strengthening of ra cist ideology a mong the Sinhalese in the twenty years between 1928 - the year of the first opposition to Indian workers' franchise - and 1948, when they were finally deprived of citizenship rights.
The strategy of the political exclusion of plantation workers was Spearheaded by the Sinhala bourgeoisie in the late 1920s. The Sinhala politicians used the cry of "swamping' to avert the real threat that a class-conscious plantation proletariat might pose to the system, especially if it joined forces with other sections of the Sri Lanka working people.
However, although racist propaganda against the political rights of Indian workers on plantations was first raised by the Sinhala politicians in the late 1920s, the Sinhala working
class, under th leadership of A. a peak period of solidarity, and tion against pla When in the 19 sinha's policies ( the Left gave r and opposed eve the rights of In urban and planta the question of v rights of the pla working-class p, 1928 to 1948, fi plantation worke of the bourgeois paigned for the d The earlier al discussed the for la-Buddhist cons Sultant conflicts la or non-Buddh Christians, the Malayalis. In a ethnic conflict fli against member However, ethn lead, not only persons and pro the case of planta tions of the fund civic rights of a It is very reve from 1830 to the 1 Indian migrants creased signific issue' did not be cern of Sinhala period. In 1911, numbèred 530,00 the population of majority were pla their dependents mainly traders By 1921, the nu 602,000 of which tion workers and The presence in large group of rei have been expec ment and open lity. But the taI Buddhists, from t
These articles are based om a paper presented to a seminar of the Social Scientists Association and the Institute of Social Studies (The Hague) by Dr Kumari Jayawardena, Associate Professor, Colombo University, in December 1983. Reproduced by courtesy of the LANKA GUARDIAN.
e social-democratic 2. Goonesinha, was at 2thnic unity and class opposed discriminantation workers. 30s and 1940s Goonehanged on this issue, on-racist leadership ry attempt to restrict dian workers in the tion sectors. Thus on oting and citizenship ntation workers, the arties in the period rmly supported the rs, while the parties ie consistently camenial of these rights. ticles in this series mation of the Sinhaciousness and the rewith other non-Sinhaist elements – the Muslims and the all these instances, ared up into violence s of these groups. ic antagonism could to violence against berty, but also, as in tion labour, to violaamental human and
minority group. aling that, although 930s, the numbers of on plantations inantly, the “Indian come a central congitation during this the Indian Tamils } or 12.9 per cent of 4.1 million; the vast Intation workers and and the others were nd urban workers. mbers had risen to 536,000 were planta
dependants. Sri Lanka of such a 'ent migrants might ed to cause resentxpressions of hostigets of the Sinhala he 1880s, were other
minority groups, even though they were numerically much smaller than the Indian Tamils.
It would of course be wrong to say that the presence of several hundred thousand migrant workers caused no resentment among the Sinhalese. Anagarika Dharmapala often made passing disparaging remarks about Indian workers, complaining in 1902, for example, that "under the English administration, the outcastes of Southern India are allowed to immi
grate into the island'. Similarly, con
temptuous references to plantation workers were made by Sinhalese leaders and the word "coolie' was used derogatorily in common parlance.
The structure of the plantation system was geared to this "new form of slavery'. The migrant workers were subject to a military style, hierarchica domination by British management, to the patriachal control of the kangani or labour recruiter and to the ultimate violence of the colonial state apparatus with its police, regressive
laws and prisons.
The workers were kept in "line' rooms on plantations and were prevented from leaving by both the estate security services and the laws of the land; their health and education levels were deplorable and wages remained, for over a century up to 1927, at a bare subsistence daily rate of 33 cents for men and 25 for women.
However, what was crucial in terms of ethnic relations was that the Sinhalese were not competing for the same jobs as the plantation workers. One of the generally accepted myths is that Sinhalese did not work on plantations because they were not willing to be degraded to the level of 'coolies', being proud of their race, religion and status.
Recent studies have shown that Sinhala peasants refused to work as wage labour on plantations because, even after the advent of plantation capitalism, they continued to have
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access to Some land; in short the system had not pauperised the Sinhalese to the extent that they had no options but to join the plantation proletariat.
Hence, in the 19th and early 20th centuries the estate Tamils were not targets of ethnic violence; nor was there agitation for their repatriation.
As long as they remained a captive labour force, isolated geographically in the hills with no trade unions or other types of organisation, possessing neither economic nor political rights, and posing no threat or competition in terms of employment, they could be tolerated in spite of their numbers.
Universal franchise and the Indian vote
The first concerted attack on the rights of plantation workers by the Sinhala bourgeoisie occurred when the question of universal suffrage was raised in the late 1920s, during the discussion on constitutional reform.
Plantation workers were vital to the economy but not to the political process, their near slave status was accepted but the prospect of their gaining voting rights and influencing the outcome of elections resulted in a chauvinistic campaign led by elections of the Sinhala bourgeoisie who stirred up fears among the Sinhalese that they would become a minority in certain electoral districts.
Before the Donoughmore reforms, 4 per cent of the population was entitled to vote at elections to the Legislative Council, the franachise being based on income, property and literacy qualifications. Under this system, the Indian workers were not entitled to the vote but "Indian interests' were represented by two nominated memberS.
The Donoughmore Commission, which had come to Sri Lanka in 1927, abolished ethnic representation and recommended that the franchise be open to all over 21, stating, however, that "the privilege of voting should be confined to those who have an abiding interest in the country or who may be regarded as permanently settled in the island'.
The debate in the Legislative Council
The issue of universal suffrage and especially the enfranchisement of women and Indian workers aroused much public controversy in 1928. In the Legislative Council, all but one of the Sinhala representatives openly voiced fears that the Sinhalese would be politically swamped by the Indian vote.
D.S. Senamaya recommendation which had caused was the proposal t ise to Indians. He the Sinhalese wer in respect to Indi, "victims' of injus "The Sinhales tumate c0mmuni have been misu their generosity not think there is ity like the Sinha sented to pena order to give pri the Indians . . . ) We have only th for ourselves . . . try for ourselve 1928. Emphasis
Other Sinhalese legislature expres Francis Molanur warnings on the "Ir timely:
"It is a question question of self-p | are voicing the st majority of the tion . . . In the pa red to Ceylon as den; perhaps in will refer to Cey Banyan Tree.'
Molamure clearl of racism as a slo tions based on univ Replying to his c) electoral defeat fo cating non-discrim "I throw out this ( go to the country platform cry “Sel not make any tween Ceylo Ceylonese'; let "My policy is to : Ceylonese”. (Har
In this debate, C also referred to th labour which w permament popu) that those who di enfranchisement v to be traitors. (H Another class ang was given by V. nayake, a membe 'What I fear mos on the estate . Indian living in Indian labourer. in the morning cooly lines at . . does he know of e therefore I s competent to giv political (Hansas
e stated that the if the Commission he greatest alarm, extend the franchoiced the view that not only a minority but were also the ce. are . . . an unfory . . . the Sinhalese derstood and even forgotten . . . I do any other communlese who have conse themselves in illeges to others . . . ave a big country. s small bit of land we want this coun.." (Hansard, 8 Nov dded.)
politicians in the
sed similar views; claimed that his dian menace' were
of foresight; it is a reservation . . . we intiments of a good population penetrast . . . people refer
Liptons Tea Gar
the future people lon as the Indian
y saw the potential gan in future elec’ersal suffrage. itics he predicted rcandidates advoinatory policies. hallenge. Let them and make this their ld me in and I shall liscrimination bees e a n d n on - his opponent say ave Ceylon for the sard, 15 Nov. 1928)
„W.W. Kannangara 2 menace of Indian puld swamp "the ation' and hinted not oppose Indian ould be considered msard, 8 Nov.1928) e on this question De S. Wickramaof the legislature. is the Indian cooly rather than the Colombo . . The goes to work at 6 ind returns to his 6 at night; What 'ents in the island? y he is not fit or a vote on matters , 2 Nov. 1928).
TAM TIMES 13
The Labour Party and the Indian Question
The one exception among the Sinhala Legislative Councillors was C.H.Z. Fernando, a member of the Labour Party, who for a decade had been active in support of the urban labour movement. He refuted the alarmist views om ‘swamping” calling them "unfounded in fact' and derided the "mythical dangers of Indian domination'. However, he did not underestimate the harmful possibilities of racist electioneering; quoting Dr W. A. de Silva, he said:
"The Congress President . . . stated that if it is pointed out to the masses that we want to hand over the destinies of the country to Indians who have no permanent interests here, the masses would rise up to express themselves very strongly on the subject. I quite agree . . . that if anyone were to go among the masses with that cry, which I submit is not an honest cry - it would be very easy indeed to move the masses to some precipitate action (Hansard, 2 Nov. 1928). Several minority Legislators - who were at the same time supporters of the Labour Party - also warned of the dangers of racism. These included Natesa Aiyar and A. Mahadeva, who stated: "The Labour Party says . . we want the Indians and we want them on equal terms with the Ceylonese. (Hansard, 8 Nov.1928)
Although not in the Labour Party himself, T.B. Jayah (a Malay), supported Indian franchise rights and claimed: "The Labour Party is strongly in favour of the grant of the franchise to the Indian Community. Their accredited leader says that the Sinhalese labourer will not stand in the way of the grant of the franchise to his Indian brother.' (Hansard, 8 Nov.1928. Emphasis added)
The "accredited leader' A. E. Goonesinha, who was at the height of his power as Colombo's trade union leader, supported the franchise rights of Indian workers, since his policies were based on class solidarity and ethnic unity. While sections of the Sinhala press were stirring up racist propaganda, A.E. Goonesinha, in 1928, chaired a meeting of the Gandhi Sangham in Price Park and came out in favour of Indian workers' rights; the Ceylon Daily News (10 September 1928), reported Goonesinha's attack on the Sinhala leaders.
“A few plutocrats spoke of the Indians as being a menace to the Sinhalese workmen. What had these conscientious patriotic plutocrats done . . . for their workmen in their
times of trouble and hardships? Instead of helping their poor fellow countrymen, the plutocrats had expended their energies in driving out the poor villager from his plot of land. Now these men had developed a sense of patriotism. What was the reason for this solicitude? It was the result of the poor man being given the vote. It was the same plutocrats who went before the Special Commission and opposed. . . the grant of universal suffrage. Having failed in their scheme they now talk of depriving Indians in Ceylon of the right to vote.
The courageous stand that A.E. Goonesinha took in these years, risking criticism and unpopularity by championing the rights of the plantation workers, was in stark contrast to - his volte face on minority rights in the
When the amended reforms were finally implemented, the franchise was given to those with a Ceylon domicile of origin or choice based on 5 years residence, literacy, property and income qualifications or the possession of a certificate of permanent settlement, given to those with 5 years continuous residence and intention to settle in the country. Under this law, a section of plantation workers were able, for the first time, to exercise franchise rights.
During the first general elections in Ceylon in 1931, there was considerable political campaigning in the plantation areas. Two candidates of Indian origin were elected S.P. Wytilingam (Talawakelle) and Peri Sunderam (Hatton), who became the Minister of Labour, Industry and Commerce in the new State Council. There was renewed political agitation in the plantation areas in 1936, when the number of Indian voters had risen to 145,000.
At the general election in 1936, two Indians were returned, S.P. Vytilingam (Talawakelle) and the trade union leader K. Natesa Aiyar (Hatton). As general elections were to be held every five years, there was active preparation for the anticipated 1941 elections, (which were postponed because of the World War). By this date the Indian electorate had risen to 225,000 and the election enthusiasm which had spread to the plantation sector also led to a political awakening which facilitated the spread of trade unionism after 1939.
Denial of village franchise
The grant of the franchise, even with certain limitations, to plantation workers and their keenness to regis
ter and vote, apprehension am tical leaders. Ha' franchise this gro tary level, an ef launched to deny at the local gove
Under the Villa nance of 1889, pa committees was d Burghers and Ind that they did not f of village life.
In 1937, law was a tax on estates areas, and to give Burghers and Eu Indians, thereby e ers from a share i There were lou legislation; many in Sri Lanka accu cil of trying to dep political rights an India alleged tha on racial discri Perera, the LSS State Council, ma policies of the BC "They have no chising Europ Those . . . who exploit the peopl the word are enf it comes to the has not the fortu he is not enfr; bogey of swamp aginary and has handful of people the Indian labo mass of peasants country are the against the capit they are Indians sard 1937, p.415 As a result of th another amendm plantation labou race, of the villag er, since there we la residents on es the legislation w against Indian wi The uncertainti an minorities in and Tamil) were late 1930s, when sed enforcing re' riation on urban origin. The contin also led to a disc migration (from plantations, whic functioning of th economy.
Ironically, the which had campa riataion of urbal said to be in com workers, were ag
ed to feelings of ing the Sinhala poliing failed to disenlp at the parliamenort was thereafter them the franchise rnment level.
e Committees Ordirticipation in these enied to Europeans, ians, on the ground brm an organic part
amended to impose within the village village franchise to ropeans, but not to xcluded these workn local government. d protests over this Indian associations sed the State Counrive Indians of their d the government of t the Bill was based nination. Dr N.M. P member in the de an attack on the pard of Ministers: objection to enfranean planters . . . have property who e in the true sense of anchised. But when poor labourer who ine to possess land, anchised . . . This bing is entirely imbeen created by a . . . . the interests of Irers and the vast and workers in this same. The fight is alist class, whether or Ceylonese, (Han)
protests there was ent, depriving all r, irrespective of 2 franchise. Howev
ce only a few Sinha
tates, the effect of as to discriminate
rkers. es faced by the IndiSri Lanka (Malayali aggravated in the measures were pasirement and repatworkers of Indian uing unemployment ssion on the issue of India) for work on was vital for the key sector of the
Sinhala bourgeoisie igned for the repat
labour, who were etition with Sinhala inst the banning of
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immigration from India for work on estates, since it went against the interests of the plantation economy. However, the Indian government in 1939, in retaliation for the repatriation of urban labour, banned immigration from India.
Militancy of plantation workers
The unionisation and subsequent militant struggles of plantation workers were also factors in increasing Sinhala fears about the potential political influence of these workers. K. Natesa Aiyer had formed the first plantation trade union in 1931, but this never made rapid strides due to adverse economic conditions during the depression. By the 1930s, however, the situation had changed; the Lanka Sama Samaja Party started organising the plantation workers and led some very militant strikes in 1939 and 1940, against which the employers retaliated with violence.
The Ceylon Indian Congress, inaugurated with Nehru's patronage in 1939, also began trade union activity, organising a wave of strikes, which set the whole of the hill country ablaze in 1940. The planters were caught off their guard, having for generations been used to "docile coolies'; the colonial officials were also alarmed at the unrest, which occurred after the outbreak of the World War. Recognition was hastily given to the unions and a collective agreement was signed in 1940, between the unions and the Planters' Asociations.
The sudden eruption of violence and labour agitation on the plantations also unnerved the Sinhala leaders, who began to see the "dangers' of an organised plantation proletariat having links with the Left parties. Alarms about the “red peril' were further sounded after the end of the World War, when urban labour, led by the Left, erupted in a series of militant strikes in 1945 and 1946, culminating in the general strike of 1947; the spectre of joint revolutionary agitation, involving plantation and urban labour, was to further haunt the bourgeoisie, after the unforeseen successes of the Left parties in the parliamentary elections of 1947, when their representation increased (from 2 at the previous election) to 20.
The election also highlighted the political potential of the plantation sector, the Ceylon Indian Congress had, by returning 7 members to parliament. In electorates which they did not contest, the plantation workers generally supported candidates of the Left parties, their roles being decisive in around 14 constituencies. which had returned Left candidates.
AN EXERCISE INFUTL
FROM PAGE 5
positive outcome. Even the Indian leaders are disappointed and disillusioned. The monks of Maha Sanga are arrogant and unappeasable. Sinhala
opposition parties Only person who is is Amirthalingam puzzled and dazzl assertion of a pi
THE PRESIDENT’S PROPOSA
The following are the proposals presented by the Sri Lankan President Mr J.R. Jayawardene, to the All Party Confer6፲1ሮ£ :
'Systems of Government: The basic unit of government to be the pradesheeya mandalaya covering an assistant government agent's area. The actual composition of it members will have to be decided. "The next unit to be urban councils and municipal councils as at present constituted.
“The third unit should be district councils and their composition and method of election and powers and functions will have to be redefined. Their area of operation to be the present districts.
"The district councils would be directly elected by the people of the districts. The chairman and the vice-chairman would be the first and second names in the list of the party receiving the highest vote, if the election were held on the basis of proportional representation.
‘‘Inter-district co-ordination and collaboration: Inter-district co-ordination to be permitted in defined spheres of activity. District councils must vote for this co-ordination. If they wish to have a referendum in the district a referendum should be held.
"If units are constituted for this purpose they should include the chairman and the vice-chairman of each district council and a limit number of additional representatives elected by each district council. The relationship between such institutions and the district councils from which they are constituted has to be worked out.
''Second Chamber: There are several precedents where the instrument of a second chamber has been successfully employed to ensure a more equitable exercise of political power by all members or sectors of a multi-ethnic society.
'To that extent, if any proposal to establish inter-district collaboration or cooperation is required well-defined spheres of activities may very well be examined, since this proposal offers the possibility of various combinations of two or more districts for different purposes as well as the establishment of co-ordinating bodies for inter-district functional operations. The chairman and the vice-chairman of each district council would be ex-officio members of the Second Chamber. Since these members of the Second Chamber are those who enjoy the confidence of the majority of the members of the district council or the units of co-ordination between districts, the Second Chamber would be a reservoir for the purpose of appointing Ministers to function for interdistrict co-ordinating units.
'Ministers who enjoy the support of the majority in either the inter-district coordination units or in a district council could be appointed by the President and removed also by him. Their functions, duties and obligations have to be discussed. The question of these Ministers being
answerable to the the exercise of thei will have to be studie implementing any have to be worked
'Composition of St regard to the compo; functions of the Seco eration should be pa memorandum prese Conference on the si osal on July 23rd 19 ''The Second Chat tuted as a chamber sentation for all ma. communities.
'Provision may sentation of minorit: districts where ther significant concentra ity communities. Th the respective distric nominate such mem ethnic groups on the Sri Lanka Tamils al Indian origin and Mu resented in such a representation which of fair participation. ''The two members be directly elected at a general election. Th term of office, there that of the first cham dissolution of Parlian the dissolution of bi district will be the c "Some powers of There must be a sha: tween the two chamb exercise of legislative all proposed legisla damental rights an guaranteed under the regard, no proposed become law unless ap dent.
"The Second Cham with the implementat of Chapter IV, Sectio tion dealing with the Tamil.
“The Second Cha mł tute select committee report on all aspects such as those relating sions, educational fac of comunities. Land of language and cult velopment of backw also be considered. Th of committee 'B' will context.
''The stateless: Th for the proposal refer report that the state them) be given citize graph 9 (3) of the rel
'Ethnic violence a was acceptance too ethnic violence and al in all parts of the cou cated — vide paragra!
re staying out. The ubilant and hopeful The whole world is i about his positive gress” in talks.”
LS -ordinating units in executive functions and a procedure for ecisions taken will ut. ond Chamber: With tion, the powers and ld Chamber, considd to the President's ted to the All Party ond chamber prop4. ber may be constifith adequate reprepr and minor ethnic
e made for repre
communities from are substantial or tions of such minordistrict councils in is could also elect or Ders. Thus the four island, the Sinhala, d Tamils of recent slims should be repway as to ensure will create a source
from each district to the same time as at e Second Chamber's fore, coincides with ber. When there is a ment, it would mean oth chambers. The bnstituency.
Second Chamber: ring of powers beers in regard to the power in respect of ion affecting funlanguage rights Constitution. In this legislation should proved by the Presi
per may be vested on of the provisions
22 of the Constitunational language,
*r could also constito inquire into and of ethnic disputes 0 university admislities, employment ttlement, exercise ral rights and derd regions would
recommendations considered in this
e was support too d to earlier in this SS (some 90,000 of ship — vide para
rt. terrorism: There at the causes of orms of terrorism ry must be eradi(4) of the report.'
CONDEMNS ORGANSED PERSECUTION OF TAMLS
The following is the text of a resolution adopted by the Asia-Pacific Regional Committee of the International Union of Food and Allied Workers Association (UF):
The Asia-Pacific Regional Committee meeting in Tokyo is deeply concerned about the organised persecution of the Tamil minority and the economic, social and political sequels of the attack on Tamil persons, institutions, and business enterprises in July 1983, and calls on the Government of Sri Lanka. :
To take immediate steps to rehabilitate the economic sectors affected by the attacks and re-establish the jobs of the workers who lost their employment through the destruction of the production facilities of their employers, in particular:
(a) Through ensuring prompt and full compensation payment (by insurance companies or other institutions) and
(b) Through making reinvestment into production facilities mandatory for such compensation payments, by legislation or incentive schemes;
To lift the State of Emergency and to re-establish conditions for the free exercise of democratic and trade union rights in order to make possible democratic solutions to the present crisis.
TAM ISSUE RASED IN AUSTRALIAN
Two members of the Australian Parliament, Mr Kent and Mr Macarthur gave notice of the following motion in the House of Representatives on August 21, 1984: "That this House - (1) noteS -
(a) with revulsion the new outbreaks of violence against the Tamil minority in Sri Lanka, and (b) that the Sri Lankan armed forces and navy is engaged in indiscriminate shooting of inno
PLEASE TURN OVER
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cent by-standers and shelling villages in Tamil areas;
(2) calls on the government -
(a) to express to the Jayewardene
Government the abhorrence and opposition of the Australian people to racial violence, and to take up the plight of the long-Suffering Tamils in international forums such as the United nations. (c) to refuse any request by the Sri Lankan government for military aid, but instead to provide aid to the Tamil minority through the International Red Cross.
The flagrant breach of human rights in Sri Lanka was also raised by Senator Childs in the Australian Senate. On August 22, he asked the Minister of Foreign Affairs whether he would condemn the Sri Lankan government in regard to the flagrant and
well-publicised breach of human
rights' and "for its failure to control its troops'. He also urged the minister to exert diplomatic pressure on the Sri Lankan government to ensure that there was no repetition of such
On behalf of the Foreign Minister, Senator Gareth Evans replied:
"The government is certainly aware of the recent deterioration in communal relations in Sri Lanka and the concomitant increase in violence there. We are most concerned at the situation that continues to develop.
"The present crisis seems to have been precipitated by terrorist attacks in northern Sri Lanka. Those attacks have been met by what might be described as firm action by the gov ernment. It is clear that the government's security forces have, on severall occasions at least, gone well beyond the bounds of acceptable behaviour. Reprisals have been directed at innocent Tamil civilians and numbers of Tamils have been killed, including in Mannar.
Registered our concern
'I am advised by the Minister for Foreign Affairs that we have registered our concern about the communal situation many times with the Sri Lankan government. Most recently, on 14 August, our High Commissioner in Colombo spoke with Sri Lankan President Jayewardene, the
Reproduced, wit two letters whic Australian press
I HAVE just sp Australia en rout Port Moresby, w. try's delegation appalled to read: misleading head torted views of Lanka in the las
I am a Tamil member of the UI (a non-communal dent Jayawarde Many Tamils like the ethnic proble be solved by P dene’s governme cussion. To achie been meeting at a ence and continue is in sight.
However, the solving this prob movement, whic the Tamil cause. acts, including gé people who do them, have bec cently.
Their acts aga stitutions and pel ated in the pre areas of the north view to provoking Sinhalese people where the major live interminglin They succeede 1983 and the w believe that the dulged in “ genoc
The security charged with eli ists and while t pathisers of the people living ou indulge in false ing them of gen
I appeal to all r not to Support t their propagand
ity Minister and Since then, the M Affairs has writtel
counterpart. In th
expressed our gov
ILEsЕростон нEPLIEs O TAMMTILL MINISTER
hout comment, are h appeared in the (August 17 and 27):
pent a weekend in e t0 Sri Lanka from here I led my counto CHOGRM. I am Some of the media's lines and some disthe situation in Sri it few days.
and I have been a lited National Party i partyled by Presiene) for 20 years. myself believe that ms of Sri Lanka can 'resident Jayawarnt by peaceful diswe this end we have round table confere to do so. A solution
major obstacle to lem is the terrorist h purports to fight Their many violent enocide of the Tamil not co-operate with an accelerated re
inst government inrsonnel are perpetu2dominantly Tamil 1 of Sri Lanka with a g reactions from the in the other areas, ity of Tamil people g with the Sinhalese. d in doing so in July orld was made to Sinhalese people inide of Tamils”.
forces have been minating the terrorhey do so the symterrorists, mostly utside the country, propaganda, accusocide and excesses. ight-thinking people hese terrorists and
DEVANAYAGAM ri Lankan Minister for Home Affairs Canberra
the National Secur
Several officials. inister for Foreign n to his Sri Lankan tat letter, he again 'ernments concern
女 女 女 女 女
MAY I reply to the letter from the Sri Lankan Home Affairs Minister Mr K.W. Devanayagam (17/8).
I have just returned from Sri Lanka after trying to sort out fact from fiction. This was necessary be
cause of President Jayawardene's
stranglehold on the press which prevents any mews other tham government propaganda leaving the country.
1. Mr Devanayagam refers to the media headlines in Australia as “misleading' and “distorted' On the contrary, the reports in The Australian (and particularly news broadcasts by the BBC, London) have been accurate and if anything an understatement of the Tamil genocide by the Sri Lankan “security forces' now in progress in Sri Lanka.
2. Mr Devanayagam believes that the Sri Lankan problem can be settled by negotiation. Yes, if politicians such as himself, Jayawardene and before him Bandaranaike were politically honest, this might have been possible. The round table conference referred to has now gone on for almost a year. Apart from giving Jayawardene time to equip the security forces with American-supplied sophisticated weapons, it has done nothing.
3. He refers to the July 1983 massacre where between 500 and 2,000 Tamils (depending on who does the counting) were butchered. The less said of this disgraceful blot on Sri Lanka the better. The reluctance of Devanayagam's government to hold an inquiry into who was responsible for this bloodbath is about as damning as anything such an inquiry could unearth. A.
What is urgently needed is to appreciate that despite Mr Devanayagam's propaganda (which he is paid to do), the country is at the brink of a civil war, and the most urgent need is to get an international peacekeeping force into Sri Lanka before the next massacre of innocent civilians, which is imminent.
(Dr) BRIAN SENEWIRATNE
over the state of communal relations and reiterated our hope that all groups in Sri Lanka Will eschew violence and will work together to achieve a lasting solution to Sri Lanka's communal difficulties.
“Sri Lanka: Racism
A multitude of publications have appeared on Sri Lanka in recent years, especially after the 1983 pogroms. Some have concentrated on listing the immediate atrocities, some others have attempted to vindicate the government and/or the Sinhala people. But nome had challenged us to think afresh - until Race & Class brought out their special issue, Sri Lanka: Racism and the Authoritarian State.
“Ever since independence', write the editors, 'successive governments have done everything in their power, from state-sponsored racism to state-sponSored pogroms, to render the Tamils a
separate people, and inferior - and
then cried out against that separatism when the Tamils embraced it to carve out their dignity and future.
This volume of Race & Class, the
journal of the Institute of Race Relations in London, not only includes a narration of the events of 1983 but looks to their causes. Sanmugathasan tells the "Story of the Holocaust'. Kumari Jayawardene sheds new light on communalism and class formation in 19th century Ceylon. "Plantation politics' by Rachel Kurian and others examines the discrimination and manipulation of plantation Tamils in the overall examination of state racism.
The journal also gives vivid examples of the culture of racism as politial diatribe by reproducing some speeches by Industries Minister Cyril Mathew, translated from Sinhala for the first time. Included in the issue are vital background materials on discrimination and state aggression against Tamil people, human rights violations and the first comprehensive bibliography on July 1983 which has been compiled by the well-known bibliographer H.A.I. Goonetileke.
Every article and report and note and document in this work has the ring of honesty and commitment - and the mere presence of both Sinhala and Tamil writers in its pages promises some hope for the future.
But the article, above all, which in addition to all this disabuses our minds of our prejudices and falsehoods and allows us to see again the country's history in the light of truth is Sivanandan’s ‘Racism and the politics of underdevelopment'. He throws away
many stock notions and formulations
to write a history of state racism in Sri Lanka that has never before been discussed in such depth.
Unlike many of tuals and activi; not "revise' hist conclusion; unlil does not preach gans. Instead, he allectical materia examine Sri La racist and class elucidates the im the different "so Lanka and the types of racism thing about his ar Way people have and the Tamil q
Sivanandan loc Crete terms. He colluders in rac: Buddhist clergy racialist politics; armies of thugs strikes, intimidat and carry out ra firmly rejects : SLFP (by being capitalist tham th racist.
In fact, he takt step through the institutionalised tion, state capita tion schemes. An of state racism in development and So as to provide which to unders lems in other Th
Finally, his ar Symbiotic relatio ism and dictators - with Sri Lanka ple. And for th strategy for over the authoritarian on it includes a m part of both the peoples.
Taken the lead
In that struggl fighters have alr But “Tamil libe: Won, writes Siva weakening of the within, socialism through strug nationalist'. And is no socialism af ism is the proce beration is won.
With character Jayawardene shc
and the ate”
Sri Lanka’s intellecits Sivanandan does ry or begin with a e the "Marxists' he orthodoxes and slouses the tool of dilism to cut open and ukan society and its
contradictions. He pact of colonialism. On :ial functions” of Sri lifferent classes and it threw up. Everyalysis challenges the looked at Sri Lanka uestion. ks at racism in conexposes the 'Left' as Sm; he attacks the for giving a lead in he shows how private
are used to break e political opponents list pogroms. And he any notion that the more "left' and less e UNP) were any less
es the reader step by ways that racism was via import substitulism and nationalisad he sets his analysis the context of underimperialist strategy a framework within tand similar probird World countries. alysis points to the onship between racship in such countries as its clearest examat very reason his throwing racism and | state which thrives ass movement on the Sinhala and Tamil
e the Tamil freedom 'eady taken the lead. ration is the easier nandan, "through the 2 Sinhala State from the surer achieved gles not narrowly he concludes: "There ter liberation; socialss through which li
istic clarity, Kumari ws up the ideological
AMIL TIMES 17
interconnection between the development of Sinhala merchant capitalism and the Buddhist revival. The SinhalaBuddhist hegemonistic claims were based on three interconnected myths: the myths of the "Aryan race' and that Sinhalese belonged to the Aryan race; the myth of the landing of Vijaya and the founding of the Sinhala race; and the myth of Buddha's visit to Sri Lanka and his special relationship with the island.
The implications of the SinhalaBuddhist ideology were that Sri Lanka was the land of the Sinhalese and non-Sinhalese were there by the grace and favour of the 'master-race'. However reactionary or untenable it may be, the hegemonistic claim of Sinhala-Buddhism is re-asserted with the backing of the full might of the state power, in the present context of accentuated inter-ethnic conflict; "Sri Lanka is a Sinhala Buddhist country although non-Sinhalese and nonBuddhists too have lived here for a long time. This fact should not be forgotten by Sinhala Buddhists as well as non-Sinhalese and non-Buddhists,' (Cyril Mathew, Minister of Industries in "Diabolical Conspiracy').
On another occasion, this modern standard-bearer of Sinhala-Buddhism asserted, "Sri Lanka history is a Sinhala history and nothing else'.
Nancy Murray, in her chapter "The State against the Tamils', concludes that the Sri Lankan state, which uses its armed forces to terrorise its 20 per cent Tamil population, will have at hand a ready-made machinery of repression against the whole population. Ian Goonetileke's bibliography basically is in two sections: A - "The National Question: perception and performance'; and B - July 1983: outrage and outcome'. While his bibliography is characteristically thorough, Ian's preamble, written in his inimitable style, constitutes a devastating indictment of the Sri Lankan regime.
Describing the July 1983 "unprecedented communal holocaust in which the Tamil community in Sri Lanka suffered enormous destruction and life' as a "massive haemorrhage', he draws attention to the strenuous attempts at covering up, that are continuing to be made in order that the true dimensions by these sad and tragic events may be concealed.
Ian Goonetileke makes caustic com
TAMPASSENGERS KILLED IN ARN
- TWO WOMEN RAPED
FROM PAGE 7
around me. Another person who must have been lying motionless like me on the ground crawled up to see whether the assailants had gone, only to be greeted by a spray of bullets and he was dead the next minute.
"After some time, which appeared to be a lifetime, I decided to get up. I was not sure whether our killers had gone away but it did not matter any more if I were to be killed. After all, I had witnessed so many people being slaughtered around me. I got up and walked a short distance. The killers had apparently left. I heard someone crying. I found it to be another man who had escaped death like me.
“We roamed the jungles for the next three hours without any purpose or direction. When the first streaks of dawn penetrated the jungles, we came to the place where the incident had taken place. We saw there the two
young girls who into the jungle
Night of shock
'On seeing us, Wept. I feel too f disgust to recou us about their horror in the jur poison. We prefe return to our ho they declared. W took them along maze of blood, c belongings strew
Another young who chose to 1 gave the followi
Coach was full
"I went to Colo) in regard to get was returning : The coach was passengers.
FROM PREVIOUS PAGE ments concerning the degenerating trends in public life since the present regime came into power in 1977: the democratic process had been eroded by a combination of ad hoc constitutional amendments and legislative enactments; demogogy accompanied by overt and covert forms of thuggery had virtually institutionalised political violence; the final coup de grace inflicted on the electoral process in 1982 (a reference to the extension of the life of parliament to 12 years without an election); and the most menacing and open indictment of racist prejudice at the highest levels. Asserting that a high degree of politicall pusillanimity and moral cowardice have contributed to this “crisis of civilisation' in a Buddhist land, he laments "that little, if anything, had been learned and even less forgotten after the tragic catastrophe of July 1983'.
Ian Goonetileke considers that the much talked about Round Table Conference had 'raised more problems than it agreed to solve' and frequent adjournments and changes in dramatis personae have neither increased the climate of accommodation nor diminished the potential for conflict. The continuing reliance on a military Solution, repressive legislation, and a near-permanent Emergency has vitiated the arena of reconciliation and mutual trust. The conduct of the conference itself appears to have favoured the exacerbation of conflict positions and inflexible attitudes without advancing, in any significant mea
SRI LANKA: R AUTHORTAR & Class, Summ 烷3.50。
Institute of Rac Pentonville FRoa
sure, an accepta enduring politica. lem of an oppress through institutio tion of power.
While referring pressions of nar part of the majol bravura of a na their serious lac and failure to fact their respective : world, within and borders, Ian G. “deny the Tamils their legitimated faction of natio) dignity and the fi same privileges which the Sinhale laim as their sol
And he conclud acting as a whol Sent tendencies : past and future the country out "mare'.
This book is e everyone concer affairs.
lad been taken away y Our assailants.
they Screamed and ozen with shock and it all what they told light of shock and gles. "Give us some * to die here than to uses in this state,' e consoled them and with us through this rpses, and personal all over the place.' Tamil passenger, emain anonymous, lig account:
mbo for an interview ing a job abroad. I fter the interview. full, with about 45
ACISM AND THE IANSTATE (Race er 1984) 200 pages,
e Relations, 247-9 ad, London N1
able approach to an solution of the probed national minority, ns of genuine devolu
to the "frenzied exrow bigotry' on the ity and the "quixotic ional minority' and k of self-awareness up to the realities of ituations in the real without the national onetileke does not the right to espouse emands for the satisal self-respect and eedom to pursue the and opportunities se now seek to proce prerogative'.
s: “Only Sri Lankans in defiance of prend mindful of their estinies can deliver if its current night
sential reading for ed with Sri Lankan
'Two miles from Eerra Periyakulam, five men, three in army uniform, and armed with sub-machine guns, beckoned the coach to stop. They then
(, into the coach and ordered it to be diverted in the direction of Mannar.
“We all began to panic. The coach proceeded along Mannar Road and was ordered to stop by the side of the road, near the sixth mile post. They snatched the journey's collections from the driver who had driven the coach when we started from Colombo and pulled him out. Then there was a sudden burst of gunfire followed by the agonising screams of the driver.
Six at a time
"Then others in the coach were pullled out - six at a time. Some were standing and others lying on the ground when they were fired upon. With the gunfire and Screams of the people outside, those inside the coach also screamed in fear. We could hear the people who had been shot crying out for water. The gunmen silenced them with another burst of gunfire. "They had pulled out the younger men first; the elderly and the women were still inside the coach.
"One of the attackers was heard to tell another of the gang in Sinhala that he had run out of ammunition. The fact that they had to shoot indiscriminately in the dark at those who jumped out of the coach and ran might have been the reason that they ran out of ammunition; probably that is why we escaped death.
"I saw two young girls being dragged away by the armed men amidst Screams. I do not know what happened to them or where they took them. They disappeared into the jungle.
"About 13 or 14 of us escaped the shooting but we sustained injuries when they assaulted us inside the coach. We reached some huts and asked for help. They told us not to go any further because the jungles were elephant infested and that there were army camps nearby.
Wept till morning
"We waited there and wept till morning thinking about our fate. At 6a.m. we walked back to the scene of the crime and found dead bodies of young as well as old people strewn about the place. We saw the corpse of a young boy with his intestines projecting out. We saw a bus belonging to the northern depot of the Sri Lanka Transport Board going from Mannar on the way to Jaffna. We got into the bus and having admitted six badly injured passengers at the Vavuniya Hospital returned to Jaffna.'
“TAMILTIMES, TAMIL INFORMATION AND “TAMIL LINK'
I have been a subscriber to the "Timil Times for the last two years, and I value the service it does in highlighting the problems facing the Tamil people of Sri Lanka and the continuing atrocities committed against them. I am sure the Tamil poeple would be grateful for the work the
Tamil Times' has done so far.
Recently, I happened to see two further publications, namely "Tamil Link' published by the Tamil Information Centre in Madras and "Tamil International' (which has since changed its name to "Tamil Information') printed in Madras and financed
by the Tamil Information Centre
operating from London.
At a time when the meagre resources at the disposal of the Tamil people must be applied in the most efficient and economical manner, is it necessary for, or can we afford the luxury of having three or four journals which will certainly have to cover more or less the same ground? Monies are required for various types of work covering a variety of areas if we, as Tamils, are going to fight against the oppression by the Sri Lankan government.
Instead of pooling our resources, both men and material, and undertaking co-ordinated work on behalf of the suffering Tamil people, engaging in an area of work already done by one group of people by others, however well intentioned they may be, in my humble opinion, results in unneccesary duplication and wasteful applicatiom of meagre resources. More dan gerously, it can also give rise to self-defeating rivalry.
We share the sentinents of our correspondent. But it must be observed that "Tamil Times' was started in October 1981 following the burning of the Jaffna Public Library and the anti-Tamil pogrom during August 1981. At that time, there was no other political journal to speak on behalf of the Tamil people. The need to fill this Vacuum resulted in the birth of the *Tamil Times". Not a penny mor a rich backer or a grant from any aid agency was a Vailable at the time the “Taunil Times ' Vyas bor"n. The first. issue was printed and distributed free, the cost for which was met by small contributions ranging from £1 to £25 fron a few well-wishers. From then on, the paper has continued publication with subscriptions and dona
I refer to your C 'Saudi Gazette September 1984 is Times:
'' President Ja talking about (Isra ing the army aga had Said last mo shake hands with Little did he know done it.'
I disagree with The Saudi Gazett conclusions.
It is true that the to Sri Lanka to edu troops on anti-g Strategy, to export expertise.
But, I am sure, th day the Mossad wi educated - indoc Jayewardene strat eyes of political II imum security j Tamil blood to L. raping women ir amidst dead and dy and also import ba
Siappa expertise ol
In a recent interv Indian Express', Jayewardene has Tamil guerrillas re they will be welcom the all-party confe If renouncement
pre-condition to sit
then the first peop kicked out of the mediately are Pr dene and his Min
tions from well-wis assure the readers were very small Wonder as to how these three years. dedication and the and determined gir" resolved to serve th a voluntary basis.
Saturday Review tion from Jaffna in active considerati afford all the supp muster for this ho, Discussions with with the 'Saturday that, because of th repressive conditid the uninterrupted paper could not b they insisted tha should continue to
totation from the editorial in the sue of the Tamil
rewardene, while eli) help for trainmSt the terrorists. th that "I would
the devil itself'. nat he had already
the last sentence. has rushed into
Mossad has come cate the Sinhalese errilla warfare their West Bank
at at the end of the return to Israrel trinated with the egy of gouging out risoners in maxails, sacrificing ord Buddha, and pools of blood ring human bodies ck home the Kasn homocide.
I reter to Samantha Perera ta Sinhalese) in the December 1983 issue of the Tamil Times:
''The record of the early Sinhala kings was one of continuous, incessant struggle for the throne, fratricidal and patricidal killings, conspiracies and intrigues. Very few kings succeeded their predecessors by peaceful means. According to the Mahavamsa, of the 54 kings of the Great Dynasty (543BC to AD275), 11 kings were forcibly overthrown, six were assassinated, 13 were killed in battle and 22 were murdered by their sucessors. The period following until the arrival of the western colonisers was no less prone to violence. How Kassiappa buried alive his own father in a wall of concrete to become king himself is a well-known story.'
So, at stumps, it could very well end up with the Israeli PM realising that it was he, repeat he, who had shaken hands with the devil
S. K. Samy New South Wales, Australia.
THE OPPRESSOR AND THE OPPRESSED
'iew given to the President J. R. old that once the nounce terrorism e to participate in rell Ce.
of terrorism is a at the round table, le who should be pow wow“ imesident Jayewarister of National
Security, Lalith Athulathmudali. Because it is they who are the architects of one of the most savage forms of 'state terrorism' in modern world history.
instrument of State
The Tamil guerrillas attack the armed services because it is the instrument of the state which foisted
TURN TO NEXT PAGE
hers and we can that the donations indeed. One may
we managed all The secret is the Sacrifice of a few up of individuals 2 people purely on
” began publica'982 and that time in Was given to rt that one could те-based paper.
those connected Review' revealed 9 oppressive and ns in Sri Lanka, Lublication of that guaranteed and 'Tamil Times' e published. The
soundness of this view was confirmed by subsequent events when "Saturday Review' was ordered to be closed by the government. When the former editor of 'Saturday Review', Mr Sivanayagan, went over to India, he became a regular contributor to "Tamil Times'.
We have set out these facts to place before our readers the circumstances in which the "Tamil Times" was born and how it had continued publication for the last three years.
It is not for us to comment when others concerned in Tamil affairs start a new journal. For our part we would certainly have taken into consideration all the important points that our correspondent raises if we were thinking of launching a new journal when there is already one in existence serving the same purpose.
FROM PREVIOUS PAGE repression on the Tamil nation. They have never killed Sinhalese civilians. But the Sinhalese troops who are directly answerable to Jayewardene and Athulathmudali slaughter innocent Tamil civilians.
Will Jayewardene and Athulathmudali expel themselves from the all-party conference?
West Germany C. Kunalan
CONCETTINAID OFREFUGEE CHILDREN
Kamahl, the Australian singing superstar and holder of 76 gold and 14 platinum records during the course of his illustrious international career, will return to Carnegie Hall in New York for a special singing engagement on November 29.
Sponsors of the concert are the Sri Lankan Tamils of the United States.
Professor S. Vit Chancellor of the has made the foll Lankans abroad.
'I wish to appe umns to Sri Lanka cial aid for the U "The University beginnings in 1974 as a campus of th Lanka. It was gr January 1979 and i the University of
'There are thr University of Jaffr Arts, Science and batch of medical this year. The Uni“ mission has appro establishment of a ture. We have al establishment of gineering and dis try, Veterinary Foreign funding is
FROM PAGE 11
A worker in the shoe industry, Thangathurai and his brother had been previously employed at a shoe factory in Malwatte Road, Colombo. During the July 1983 pogrom his house had been ravaged by Sinhala mobs and they returned to Jaffna as refugees lucky to escape alive. They then worked in a shop owned by their father at the Point Pedro town centre. This was recently set on fire by the troops, making them redundant.
The missile attack that had killed beautiful Kalavathy, four months pregnant, had shaved the hood off a 70foot tall palmyrah palm and also made gaping holes in their hut. A few weeks earlier another missile attack had been fired by the security forces from the sea, barely 2/2 miles away.
The Government Agent, Jaffna, has brought this incident to the notice of the Commanding Officer of the Northern detachment, the Minister of Internal Security and the Secretary, Ministry of Defence. Meanwhile, the Jaffna Citizens' Committee visited Karanavai today to inquire into the incident.
SEPTEMBER 17, 1984
Public life in the districts of Jaffna, Killinochi and Batticaloa came to a standstill today as people observed a day of hartal (stoppage of work) to protest against mounting atrocities committed by security forces against innocent Tamil civilians and to express solidarity with schoolboys who have decided to extend their week-long
and successful boy full second week.
Nearly a thousan ing men and won the infirm conve Esplanade from t lect their pensior all parts of the J sickly persons p Rs.100-150 as car meagre pensions (E16). They had to Sun for as long a their payments; s in the process.
Four fishermen Koodal, Pandath plained to their li sion services soc mercilessly assa Navy personnel w that the outboard their two fishing by the Navy and
They had suffere and had only ma shore alive after
The Jaffna Citiz lodged a strong p dent of Sri Lanll which it refers to ing from the sea men of Jaffna co on 15.9.84, from 8 ing the death ( injuring several extensive dama
nian anthan, Viceniversity of Jaffna, wing appeal to Sri
il through your colls abroad for finanliversity of Jaffna. of Jaffna had its when it was founded e University of Sri anted autonomy in now functioning as Jaffna. le Faculties in the a - the Faculties of . Medicine. The first students graduated rersity Grants Comved in principle the Faculty of Agriculso pressed for the a Faculty of Enciplines like DentisScience and Law. required for capital
Vice-Chamcellor Vithiamantham expenditure for these Faculties. The Government has allocated 250 acres of land in Kilinochchi for the establishment of the Agriculture and Engineering Faculties.
'The University of Jaffna welcomes donations from Sri Lankans abroad for equipment, books and publications and also for various projects undertaken by the existing Faculties.'
"cott of classes into a
d pensioners, includnen, and the old and rged on the Jaffna „wilight hours to colls. They came from affna district, some laying as much as
hire to collect their of around Rs.500
stand in the blazing s six hours to collect everal people fainted
ER 18, 1984
from Maareesan rruppu, have concal fisheries exteniety that they were ulted by Sri Lanka hile out fishing and motors attached to boats were removed thrown into the sea. d extensive injuries naged to reach the
ens” Committee has otest with the Presia in a telegram in "the extensive shellby Sri Lankan Navy astline, in particular m to midnight, causf a pregnant lady, others and causing ge to property and
places of worship, including St. Thomas Church, Point Pedro.
ܠܳܐ ܥܳܛܰà ܥܳܛܰà
Sri Lanka troops from the Mankulam camp. today hijacked a private coach travelling from Colombo to Jaffna with 17 passengers, including a woman from just outside the camp 13 miles out towards Mullaitivu. The passengers expected another massacre. But having dropped some of their members the others came back to Mankulam and allowed the coach to proceed to Jaffna.
SEPTEMBER 20, 1984
Another citizens’ committee has been inaugurated at Karaveddy in the Jaffna District.
SEPTEMBER 23, 1984
Sri Lankan Navy personnel resumed the shelling from the sea of the Jaffna coastal belt at 7pm last night at Mathagal, resulting in hundreds of civilians fleeing inland for safety, abandoning their homes. Several people have taken refuge at the Mathagal
Nunassai Murugamoorthy temple.
Mother seeks a Jaffna Hindu bride below 32 years for a post-graduate engineering student in UK, preferably with Mars in the Seventh House, Box No. M10, c/o Tamil Times. Mother seeks Jaffna Hindu groom above 36, for charming Singaroean teacher daughter. Details: Toa Payoh North, P.O. Box 708, Singapore 9131.
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1-2 | AML TIMES
BHARATHA NATYA ARANGETRAM
Chevanthy, 16-year-old daughter of the late Dr N. Kandasamy and Mrs Kandasamy and grand-daughter of Mr K.C. Praesoody of Tooting. London SW 17. gave a scintillating Bharatha Natya performance on 29th September 1984, at Merton Civic hall. Wimbledon, on the occasion of her Arangetram. Mr Tony Bastable, the well-known writer and TV producer. and Mrs Bastable were the chief guests.
Chevanthy was accompanied by a live orchestra from the Jaffna Kalai Manram directed by Mr Ram Cumarasanny with Mrs Thiru Yoganantham and Miss Rathika Perinpanayagam (nattuvangam), Mrs Sathiabama Rajalingam and Mrs Jana Rajmohan (vocal), Mrs Rudrani Balakrishnan (violin), Mr A.S. Ramanathan (mridangam) and Mr M. Yogeswaran (flute). There can be no better description of the performance than the speech made by Mr Bastable on this occasion. His speech appears below:
There is a story about an elephant and a mouse. They met together at the edge of the forest. The mouse looked at the elephant and said: 'Why are you so large?'. The elephant replied: "My son, all my people have always been large. Largeness is an integral part of being an elephant. For thousands of years we have developed a culture based on largeness. It would be impossible to imagine any of us as other than large. It's very difficult to explain but if you're really interested I can arrange some evening classes for you.' But, said the elephant, changing the subject, why are you so small'? 'It's nothing,' said the mouse, "I haven't been very well recently.'
Now the point of the tale is this. This evening, I feel just like the mouse, a
as P. Chief guests Tony with Chevanthy very , Small crea come to terms wit complicated art í roots that stretch when we in Britai: messing about wi ask you to accept for the honour spokesman tonigh your pardon in ad task. After all, you of experience in th it were, have only the evening class
It is to me q consider the impl have seen here thi a moment set asid the quality of the will return to this consider that the something in an all only last for more actually flourish a time, and can the being transported home into another
That it can dos
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Bastable and his wife
ture attempting to h a giant and hugely orm with historical l back to the time n were probably still th flint axeheads. I my thanks therefore of acting as your ut, but also I crave vance if I fail in the I all have 3,000 years is sort of thing. I, as just started going to eS.”
lite remarkable to ications of what we sevening. Let us for e our appreciation of performance - we in a moment - and 2re really must be rt form which cannot than 2,000 years, but und grow during that in stand the shock of 7,000 miles from its quite different land. 0 indicates its essen
tial integrity; that it can do so, so well is a true reflection of its essential elegance - but more important than all this - that anyone would want to do so is surely a sign of that rarest and most desirable human quality - the quality of true civilisation. The whole Tamil nation must surely be congratu lated for providing we mice here in the West with an object lesson in what culture and pride in achievement are really all about.
A few words
It would be explicable - but only just - if we could say in truth that what we have seen has been a wholly imported exhibition. But if you wil! permit me a few words about our dancer you will surely agree that the triumph we have witnessed on this stage tonight transcends even that Chevanthy was not born in Jaffna. She was born in Portsmouth. She did not spend four years in Colombo - she spent four years in Canada. She did not undertake her ardous years of training and practice in South India - but in South West London. And although she is very conscious indeed of her late and distinguished father's wish that one day she should perform an aranget ram, her duty to that wish is only a small part of her desire to perform for us. Chevanthy has embraced the disci, plines of the Barathanatyam for love of the dance form itself, for pride in her cultural heritage, and like so much which is typical of the Tamil people - for simple joy!
It is these qualities which have enabled her to present us tonight a per formance of rare eloquence. We have witnessed the birds fluttering from her hands - the flowers magically growing from her fingertips. We have seen happiness and sadness. We have been
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moved by the sadness, felt a frisson of fear and been uplifted by the infinite subtleties of mime and movement. One can well imagine the years of agonising practice, the depth of dedication and understanding and the degree of perseverance required for any artiste to achieve such excellence, to have done so om one’s own land would have been impressive. To have done so against a background of a totally different culture has turned a success story into a triumph. This young lady has not merely done great credit to her cultural heritage. She has added to that heritage and further ensured its survival.
In this, of course, she has been helped. Such intricacy must be taught and thus there must be a teacher. Chevanthy's guru Rathika is an excep
tional dancer in her own right- I may ...
say that even though I have not had the privilege of watching her dance. And yet, and yet perhaps I have - for surely what we have seen this evening is an example of enthusiasm and motivation from mistress to student Rathika must be congratulated for this evening - for it is her triumph too.
And none of this triumph could possible have occurred without the music. The musical ensemble, who have travelled halfway across the globe to
play for us thi complemented of the dance. Th cated Western e that one hesita make even a ( performance fo the crime of und bound to congr on all our behalf apposite interp rythimn.
So very lucky
You are all so representatives proud people. Y which is perhap tongue in the v forms of immeas a troubled world of hope and fairn been asked here t an honour. To Speak is a distin wholly unworthy. teach us here in th much this eveni. by the experience is beginning - j stand why the ele so large because and gentle heart.
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evening, has truly le grace and rythmn music, to my unedur, is so very complex es in attempting to impliment about its
fear of committing rstatement but I am ulate the musicians for their delicate and tation of lyric and
very lucky. You are of an ancient and pu have a language s the oldest spoken orld. You have art urable complexity. In ou stand as a beacon 2ss to us all. To have his evening is in itself have been asked to ction of which I am You have so much to le West. I have learnt g and I am humbled . Perhaps the mouse ust a little to underphant is so large. It is it has such a big -
TAM TIMES 23
KOKUVILHINDU COLLEGE OLD STUDENTS
On Sunday September 2, 1984, there was a get-together of the old students of Kokuvil Hindu College resident in the UK, at the YMCA Hall in Dingwall Road, Croydon.
The chief guest of the occasion was Mr C.K. Kanthaswami, former principal of the College, who had been associated with the institution for Over 30 years. It was a happy coincidence that Mr E. Sabalingam who was one time vice-principal of the College was also in England and was able to attend the function as a guest of honour.
The presence of the two revered old teachers gave the occasion a special flavour. On behalf of those present, Mr S. Kanagasunderam requested the chief guest to address the gathering. Mr Kanthaswami reminded those present that this happy event was taking place in the 75th year of the life of the institution and said that he earnestly hoped that this occasion would serve as a forerunner for the old students resident in the UK to organise themselves as a branch of the Alumni Association. Such a body functioning actively, he said, could play a vital role in furthering the development of their alma mater.
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