கவனிக்க: இந்த மின்னூலைத் தனிப்பட்ட வாசிப்பு, உசாத்துணைத் தேவைகளுக்கு மட்டுமே பயன்படுத்தலாம். வேறு பயன்பாடுகளுக்கு ஆசிரியரின்/பதிப்புரிமையாளரின் அனுமதி பெறப்பட வேண்டும்.
இது கூகிள் எழுத்துணரியால் தானியக்கமாக உருவாக்கப்பட்ட கோப்பு. இந்த மின்னூல் மெய்ப்புப் பார்க்கப்படவில்லை.
இந்தப் படைப்பின் நூலகப் பக்கத்தினை பார்வையிட பின்வரும் இணைப்புக்குச் செல்லவும்: Tamil Times 1988.08
WL W|| NL. ISSN D
TENSIONS AHEAD IN
or TES or THE SUNDAY TIMES St relay
ONE YEAR OF INDO - SRL
265-4,488 AUGUST 1988
N TAMIL, NADU – Page 4
ING THE STORM
ON SOUTH - Page 6
ANKA AGREEMENT - Page 15
2 TA' TES
A Hare-brained idea............................ 2
Reaction to Kanthasamy's abduction.2
DMK calls for ceasefire........................ 3
Eros insists in permanent merger........ 3
ISSN 0266ANNUAL SUBSCR
UK/india/Sri Lanka. . . All other countries. . .
Published monthl TAM TIMSS
P.O. BOX 12
Madras Newsletter.............................. 4. SUTಣ್ಣs S
GD Limited Options on South.................... 6
Views expressed by contributors
Commentary....................................... 9 those of the editor or the publis
The publishers assume no respon
Basis of accord is Wrong.................... 11 unsolicited manuscripts, photogr
The exchanges via public statements between India and the
Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) are becoming more
acrimonious and accusatory of each other following the total breakdown of informal talks' between Indian officials and the
Rajiv Gandhi's recent denunciation of the LTTE for
repeatedly going back on the assurances it had given has been matched by LTTE's accusation that India was hell-bent on imposing 'a charter for servility" under the pretext of the Indo-Sri Lanka Agreement. The allegation by the Indian High Commissioner, G.N. Dixit, following the recent discovery of a SAM7 missile in Jaffna that LTTE is being armed by sinister foreign agencies provoked the LTTE response that India had prior knowledge of LTTE's possession of and in fact had given training in the use of such missiles to LTTE cadres. Rajiv Gandhi rejects the call for a ceasefire in the present circumstances' on the basis that the LTTE was "terrorising the Tamils with fire power and brutal violence, and the LT TE charges that India's refusal to order a ceasefire reflected its aim to liquidate the LTTE.
Trading in charges and counter-charges is not a productive excercise in the context in which the Tamil people are placed. Avoidance of public denunciations will lead to better understanding for mutual benefit.
Operations are being intensified, casualties are mounting and the people are suffering from the continuation of this undeclared "war". Restoration of peace and normalcy seem a far Cry.
Preparations are being undertaken to hold the North-East
REACTION TO KANTHAS
It is over two months since K. Kanthasamy was abducted. To date his whereabouts or the fate that has befallen him remains a mystery. Unconfirmed reports that are circulating indicate that the worst would have happened to him. If that is true, those who have known him and his dedicated work to the Tamil community when it was most needed will be filled
with indescribable sorrow.
The perpetrators of this crime would appear to have
perceived its diabolical nature for they have not had the courage to admit it nor to justify it. It may be that the perpetrators thought that they stood to gain in some way by Kanthasamy's disappearance. But the Tamil community has not only lost Kanthasamy's services, but also it has already begun to suffer from the consequences of the manner in which he was made to 'disappear.
The aid giving agencies who have contributed substantial surns for the relief and rehabilitation of Tamil areas have suspended their aid. It is said that any further development or humanitarian aid would not be forthcoming diectly to Tamil areas, and if such aid is to be given in the future, it is more likely to be routed through the government in Colombo.
Agencies which furnish developmental or humanitarian aid and international human rights organisations place much value upon the work of independent human rights and
4488 Left India in fear of his life.................. 11
PTION Readers' Forum................................ 12 E10/US$20
E15/USS30 One year of Indo Lanka agreement...15 y by LTD No more talks with RAW.................... 19
A. . . 3 TD India knew We had SAM missiles....... 19
India buys Gandhiletters................... 2O
ure not necessarily hers. Sri Lankan Stone Technology........... 20 sibility for return of phs and artwork. Classified advertisements................. 22
rovincial Council Elections with or without an agreement ith the LTTE. Such a venture would not lead to the Solution the problem. We have warned in these columns that in the ontext of the situation in the Tamil areas, an attempt to hold ections without an agreement with the Tamil militant roups, particularly with the dominant LT TE, would be olhardy and impractical. People will not simply participate vote. Even the entire might of the IPKF would not 2rsuade them to venture out and vote. Any such elections ill turn out to be a sham and a counter-productive exercise.
From the angle of the Sri Lankan government, the onstitutional imperatives may compel elections in the north nd east to be held as soon as possible to facilitate the olding of the Presidential election which has to be held efore January 3, and the general elections before Septemar next year. It is this constitutional compulsion placed on e Sri Lankan government that may persuade India to go ong with the rather hare-brained idea of holding the rovincial Council elections in the Tamil areas Without an greement with the LTTE.
The Indian government by taking for granted too many ings in the past already finds itself embroiled in a situation hich it had not intended or bargained. Let it not be said that had not been warned by those who are well disposed to dia, its government and its people that are going along with e idea of holding elections without an agreement with the TTE is predestined to end in failure and may damage dia's position further.
umanitarian activists, workers and organisations. Today, hey see in Sri Lanka, both in the Tamil areas and the South if the island, a grave danger to such workers and Organisaons. In the south, the JVP is targetting independent human ights activists and organisations who have carried on their work impartially highlighted the violations of human rights ommitted against the Tamil people. In the Tamil areas they ee that not only people like Kanthasamy and Fr. Chandra ernando are being targeted, but also a determined attempt p intimidate and influence the composition and work of the itizens Committees and Rehabilitation organisations. The eriousness with which the international human rights and umanitarian community view this dangerous development as already demonstrated itself on two fronts. Firstly by the uspension of aid by donor agencies. Secondly, many lon-Governmental Organisations and Members attending he current Session of the UN Sub-Commission on the Prevention of Discrimination and Protection of Minorities generally referred to as the Human Rights Sub2ommission) have expressed serious concern and called pon all parties in Sri Lanka to respect the right and freedom findependent humanitarian and human rights organisations ind individuals to carry on their work without pressure,
timidation or threats aimed at their physical existence.
DMK CALLS F
The DMK President, Mr M. Karunanidhi, announced that the Executive Committee and the General Council of the party would meet shortly to decide on a struggle to seek an end to the Sri Lankan ethnic crisis. The struggle would be to make the Indian Government realise the situation and initiate immediate steps to settle the issue, he said.
"Before this, I extend my final appeal to the Prime Minister, Mr Rajiv Gandhi, to find a solution to the problem, he added.
Mr Karunanidhi was addressing a public meeting at Royapuram to highlight the failure of the Indo-Sri Lanka Accord and protest against the killing of Tamils, on the first anniversary of the Agreement.
The DMK chief made it clear that the party would not rest until a solution was found to the ethnic issue. His party had been championing the cause of Sri Lankan Tamils since 1956 and "it is not a part-time affair for us nor are we trying to secure political gains out of it he added.
Mr Karunanidhi said that the genocide in Sri Lanka was on for the past five years. First it was by the Sinhalese, then by the Sri Lankan Army and now the IPKF has taken over.”
Referring to the support extended to the Indo-Sri Lankan Accord by the former Chief Minister, Mr M. G. Ramachandran, in a meeting on the Marina on August 2 last year in the
presence of the Karunanidhi sa dran was not
accord. But he v ing it. Hence he U.S. for a me before the meet Government sav tickets were can to support the a
On reports of dent, Mr. J.R. J ing whether t wanted a new nidhi asked wh perative to imp agreement whic signed. The accC as it was signed ence of the LTT bakaran, one of involved. He : accepted just peace to retur areas.' And that did not condem the beginning, h
called for a refer the merger of th ern Provinces, t that he smelt a manipulated to demand itself. I cited the Indian tion of the plea Kashmir so that State remaining Pakistan could
V. Balakumar, leader of the Eelam Revolutionary Organisation of Students, says his group will never accept any solution without the permanent merger of the Northern and Eastern Provinces of Sri Lanka.
In an interview with India abroad at his office here the other day, he said that the two provinces made up the homeland of the Tamils. It is a single entity. There is no question of a temporary merger (pending a referendum),” he declared.
Balakumar, who is in touch with leaders of the most-dominant militant group, the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam, said that he was sure that the LTTE would not conclude any agreement with the Indians” unless a permanent merger was assured.
He said that he expressed the same opinion during talks with Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi in New Delhi three days before the signing of the Indo-Sri Lankan agreement of July 29, 1987. He accused India of indifference towards Tamil aspirations.
The Indian's the Jayewarde charged. They because the acc minute Jayewal “However, Ra, SaaSSlace down the Tamil his word.'
Balakumar se demand was t separate are f origin living in try. This area w the Sinhala Tamils of India by the British ago. Asked if reasinable, Ba the plantation and their basic nised.
There are a
Uva provinces can constitute However, I agr
TAM TIMES 3
Prime Minister, Mr d: 'Mr Ramachansatisfied with the as afraid of expressried to leave for the ical check-up even Ing. But the Indian to it that his flight selled and forced him cord, he added.
he Sri Lankan presiayewardene wonderhe DMK President accord, Mr Karunather it was not imlement properly the h had already been rd was ab initio void without the concurrE leader, Mr V. Prahe important parties aid "even that we because we wanted to the strife-torn , was why the DMK the accord much in e said.
the provision which 2ndum with regard to e Northern and Easthe DMK leader said rat as this could be
defeat the merger n this connection, he Government's rejecfor a referendum in , the question of that with India or joining be settled. He asked
'what right has India to accept a referendum in Sri Lanka?” Mr Karunanidhi charged that the substantial time given for holding this referendum, in December this year, was to reduce the number of Tamils living in the Eastern Province by methods of massacre and Sinhalese colonisation. The colonisation had been carried out effectively, he said and accused the Indian Government of having no guts to prevent or question it. 'Is it the way to implement the accord?' he asked.
Quoting profusely from various nevspapersandmagazines, MrKarunanidhi sought to paint a picture of what he called atrocities by the IPKF against innocent Tamils including a large number of women. He also quoted the Economic and Political Weekly commenting that the Indo-Sri Lankan Accord, instead of bringing about a political solution to the problem, had become one connected with the bilateral relations between the two countries and their security.
Mr Karunanidhi urged the Indian Government to declare a ceasefire immediately which would pave the way for surrender of arms by the LTTE. This had been openly acceptted by the LTTE, he added.
According to him, the insistence of the Indian Government on surrender of arms by the militants before declaring ceasefire was not a practical proposition. 'Why should you stand on unwanted prestige?"
MANENT MERGER OF N & E
op priority is to save ne government he will go to any extent ord will fall flat the dene is out.”
iv Gandhi has given that he would not let ... I hope he will keep
id his group's second e demarcation of a r Tamils of Indian he central hill counas historically part of ingdom where the origin were settled more than a century uch a demand was akumar replied that amils lived like slaves ghts should be recog
eas in which Tamilis faith the central and he said. These areas a separate province. e these things should
be discussed at a round-table conference and sorted out.'
He accused the leader of the Ceylon Workers Congress, Sauma Moorthy Thondaman, of 'exploiting his own people - he is good at dual acting.' He also said that Thondaman had failed "to fulfill the aspirations of the Tamils of Indian origin.'
The EROS, he said, is cooperating with Indian peace-keeping forces in areas where the sufferings of the Tamil people could be reduced.” Members of his organisation are active in rehabilitation and reconstruction. work, he said, adding:
We have a number of farms. At the moment, we are lying low and working these farms. But we are definite that the accord will not work. When the period of so-called accord implementation is over, we will rise again. We have not given up our revolutionary ideas. When the time comes, we will be the flagbearers of the Tamil people.'
Tamil Nadu politics is getting murkier and murkier every day! When the long-awaited elections do come around - the furthest could be December this year or January 1989 -
they could probably turn out to be the
most bitterly contested in Tamil Nadu's history; and given any spillover in likely developments in NorthEast Sri Lanka, they could even turn violent. This is the grim prospect facing the Rajiv Gandhi government right now.
While Chief Minister MGR held the reins of power for over ten years, whatever the plus or minus points of his rule, and his failing health notwithstanding, he cracked the whip and everyone fell in line - all the men and the two women in his life. Even the Congress-I, desperate as it was to gain power in what it considered the weakest southern state, chose to go along with MGR; courting him with flattery and an over-manifested concern for his health because he was considered, and rightly so, the only counterweight against the return to power of Delhi's biggest bugbear - DMK chief Karunanidhi. With MGR's death on December 24 last year, all power-seekers saw a large vacuum lying ahead.
The power struggle began with the two women, both Js, wife Janaki and political protege Jayalalitha Jayaram, with strongman R.M.Veerappan backing the former and four other heavyweights, exMinisters V.R. Nedunchezhiyan, S.(Pandurutti) Ramachandran, S.Thirunavukkarasu, and C. Aranganayagam ranging eventually behind the latter. During the brief interim period Nedunchezhiyan who as No.2 in the MGR cabinet staked his personal claim to the MGR podium but was quickly upstaged by Veerappan, and on 3 January, the then governor Khura na called upon Janaki Ramachandran to form the government. She was sworn in on the 7th as Tamil Nadu's first woman Chief Minister, and she barely lasted a month in power, after Tamil Nadu witnessed the most uproarious scenes in its State Assembly, with Speaker Pandiyan making his name as the world's most controversial Speaker On January 30, the Janaki Ministry was dismissed, President's rule imposed and Governor Khurana was himself eased out. The Centre had taken the first step towards the fulfil
ment of the Congress-I ambitions in
As long as hopes wen the elections would tak the 6-month Governor' July 28, individual amb the Jayalalitha camp b No one was prepared to or jeopardise their exist Once it was known tha rule was to be re-impose six months, the dam bu began, and whether the hand in it as was allege confusion in the Dravida was an auspicious eve point of view of the Cong ed by a powerful Brahmi within seven months of the party that he founde the second time - a thr
Nedunchezhiyan uvith Thiru,
The four men who behind Jayalalitha as a now seem to be seeing m the latter Sacked by J August 2, the dissident have now "expelled" J turn! As to whose sack matters, is something t decided in course of tim and file of the Jayalalit faction. But it is already in a society that has bee cinema and glamour, p( ma is what matters, an plausible alternative to except one, and that is
The rumblings within camp began with the s “Pandrutti” Ramachan one time became cor MGR’s chosen spokesmi Lankan Tamil question, secret parleys with Ne possible alliance with th a development which ce have interfered with the own ambition to step shoes; but could have b)
e raised that e place before s rule ending bitions within ecame stifled. rock the boat ing positions.
for a further rst. Intrigues Centre had a d, or not, any a party ranks ent from the ress-1, backn lobby. Now, MGR's exit, d has split for ee-way split.
all benefit to the former. The next issue concerned party funds. Treasurer of the party Thirunavukkarasu who had always stood by Jayalalitha even during intra-party quarrels during MGR's lifetime was being left out in the cold. He had a valid grouse. Party funds, he protested, were being credited to the personal acccount of Jayalalitha. While it is a Treasurer who is usually asked the question, here was a Treasurer himself asking for accounts! And getting no reply. But what was most irritating to the four stalwarts was what they called Jayalalitha's "style of functioning", and her dependence on an extra-party coterie of persons headed by "family friends” - the Natarajans. Natarajan is a public official, the Deputy Director of Information in the State government, but apparently enjoying long leave at present. The latest is that he has got himself warded for ’ulcers”.
The question now is, will there be three AIADMKs, each competing with the other two for MGR's legacy, or will the 'gang of four try to team up with the Janaki faction in a bid to
unavukkarasu (left), S. Ramachandran and Aranganayagam
earlier stood gainst Janaki
ore virtues in
ayalalitha on group of four ayalalitha in ing of whom
hat has to be
e by the rank ha AIADMK r evident that n nurtured in opular charisld there is no Karunanidhi Jayalalitha.
the Jayalitha uspicion that dran who at nspicuous as an on the Sri was holding w Delhi om a le Congress-I, rtainly would comely lady's
into MGR’S rought politic
bring down Jayalalitha? But party insiders in the Janaki camp say that while Janaki would like to keep that option open, Weerappan who has been her strong prop will have none of it. Being a radical Dravidian', he would rather go over to the DMK than hobnob with those of dubious Dravidian convictions. It is also no secret that Congess-I chief Moopanar will be weighing his own chances as Chief Minister, and would not mind if it comes to a crunch seek an alliance with the Janaki faction if Veerappan could be eased out! Sivaji Ganeshan, the dissident Congressman who has been building a rapport with the Janaki camp will in that event be left high and dry. In the highly unprincipled state of politics in Tamil Nadu, and as the days pass, no one can predict with certainty, what strange polarisations would occur
The DMK is the only party that is insulated from all these uncertainties, despite some different shades of opinion, particularly on issues related to the party stances on the Sri Lankan
question and the LTTE. For example, party M.P.Murasoli Maran is not known to be sympathetic towards the LTTE, while another M.P., Y.Gopalaswami is a fiery protagonist. But as far as national issues are concerned there is no doubt whatever that the DMK is a solid monolithic grouping, which whether in power or out of power has a permanent mass base in the State.
The DMK's hands have been further strengthened by a new development’ that occurred on August 6. Seven Indian Opposition parties have come together to form a National Front to contest the next Lok Sabha elections, and the DMK is one of them. The others are - Janata, Lok Dal, Congress(S), Telugu Desam, Assom Gana Parishad and Jan Morcha. They will have a common manifesto and programme and will set up a Secretariat in Delhi. DMK leader M. Karunanidhi who was visiting the Indian capital, New Delhi, after four years, was very forthright in his views. He accused the Congress-1 of misusing the Central Intelligence agencies including the Research and Analysis Wing (RAW) for political purposes and directly charged the Rajiv Gandhi administration with responsibility for the split in the AIADMK after MGR's death. He said the government's efforts to split the AIADMK were aimed at weakening the Jayalalitha faction and make it submissive to Congress-1.
When asked at the Press Conference about the issues that would be placed before the electorate, he said, 'Sri Lanka will naturally be one of them'. Asked about the Congress-I claim that its electoral prospects in Tamil Nadu were bright, Mr.Karunanidhi sarcastically remarked that even during the Allahabad byelection, Mr.Rajiv Gandhi had been confident about his party's victory. The DMK general council and working committee would be meeting shortly to chalk out a programme of action, a non-violent one he asserted, to see that elections in Tamil Nadu are not postponed any further.
As per the constitutional requirements, elections to the Tamil Nadu Assembly will have to be completed before January 29, 1989 next year, when the State will complete one year of President's rule. There is no provision for extending the President's rule beyond January 29, 1989, unless the Constitution is amended, but that is ruled out since the Congress-I does not command the two-thirds majority in the Rajya Sabha now, required for
effecting a constitutional amendment.
Theswoop on the LTTE
Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi's recent hectic tour of the Thanjavur and Tiruchi districts in Tamil Nadu virtually represented the inauguration of the Congress-I election campaign.
Jayalalitha: Wi blind eye?
However muc like to dodge question in 1 ahead, the rea come that it possibly expla meeting he damning the II going back on tioning 'Kittu shot of the Pri that at midn swooped on offices at Indi nabha Nagar, custody, took sealed the of always remail under house : the security a
The former Sı ter Mrs.Sirim won a defar State-owned c the highest da a Sri Lanka) District Judg August 1 o! “Dinamina” n. millions as cor daranaike.
The newspa lished in Jan National Secu Athudlathmuda ment that M made a “trait the armed fo that althoug was covered vileges, the na such freedom newpaper, the of Ceylon Ltd. ment-owned, against the ju
AMİ MES 5
ping a tear or turning a
h the Congress-I would the Sri Lankan Tamil he election campaign lisation has apparently
is not possible. This ins why at every other addressed he kept on TTE, accusing them of their word, even men
by name: and the upme Minister's visit was ight August 7, Police the LTTE's political ra Nagar and Padma
took all inmates into away documents and fices. Kittu who had hed at Thiruvanmayur arrest was spared, but round him was streng
thened. The next day and night,
Police went on a manhunt, taking in
not only suspected LTTE cadres and sympathisers but even youths suspected to belong to other groups, drop-outs and whoever happened to be available. Hundreds of them are now lodged in bug-infested cells at Madras Central Jail.
Meanwhile, an emergency meeting of the administrative committee of the DMK has been convened for August 13, and although no agenda has been fixed, it seems certain that the swoop on the LTTE will figure. In a strongly-worded statement on August 9, Mr.Karunanidhi condemned the arrests of more than 150 LTTE men "evidently as a follow-up to Prime Minister Rajiv Ghandi’s statements on LTTE during his recent visit to Tamil Nadu". While he was not against action to crack down on crimes, such large-scale arrests, he felt, were designed to cast a slur on the LTTE cadres. He demanded the immediate release of the arrested persons.
All indications are that the coming months will witness a tension-ridden atmosphere in Tamil Nadu. Opposition parties which have joined forces in the National Front see in the mishandling of the Sri Lankan Tamil question an easy opportunity to discredit the Rajiv Gandhi administration. September 16 has been fixed as the day for the formal launching of the Opposition National Front in
. Madras. The political fall-out - there
is no reason to doubt it - will be to the DMK's advantage, and any overreaction by the Government could heighten the tensions in the State.
damages ever ed to Mrs.B
i Lankan Prime Minisavo Bandaranaike has nation suit against a aily and been awarded images ever allowed by court. The Colombo e, Mr.M.B.Moraes on dered the Sinhalese 2wspaper to pay Rs.1.4 pensation to Mrs. Ban
per, in a report publary 1985, quoted the rity Minister Mr. Lalith li as alleging in Parlia(rs. Bandaranaike had orous speech insulting ces". The Judge held Mr. Althulathmudali by Parliamentary priwspaper did not enjoy The owners of the Associated Newpapers which is fully Governsaid they will appeal lgement.
Engineers Seek Parity with Doctors
Engineers in the service of the government of Sri Lanka are demanding salaries and other perks similar to those enjoyed by medical doctors.
The engineers claim that there are wide disparities between the salaries paid to them and those paid to the doctors. Similar to the perks enjoyed by doctors, the engineers want duty free imported cars, a specialisation allowance, a 50 acre plot of land for a professional housing complexin Kotte to be built as a model town with shops
and other facilities and loans for houses.
299 Sri Lankan Tamil refugee families arrived at Kankesanturai from India on August 6. They were received under arrangements made by the IPKF. Another batch of 127 families consisting of 553 members had arrived at Talaimannar three days earlier, according to a IPKF press release.
6 TAM TIMES
by Kendall Hopman
Almost 20 years ago, a group of German tourists visiting Yala saw a disturbing sight on the beach at Kirinde. They saw a group of youth at target practice. Their manoeuvres were so perturbing that the tourists reported what they had seen to the government.
Around the same time, a group of UNPers sought an appointment with the Governor General William Gopallawa to voice fears about a new group they had heard of. This group, calling itself the Janata Vimukthi Peramuna, intended disrupting the general elections of 1970, the UNPers feared. The Sri Lanka Freedom Party, in the opposition at that time, saw the developments as an attempt by the UNP to postpone general elections. About a year and a half later, the SLFP government was ordering its security forces and police to wipe out the JVP at any cost.
Today the country's troops and the so-called People's Liberation Front are still locked in battle. Both have come a long way. The troops have refined their anti-guerrilla arsenal, and the JVP has learnt many lessons from its abortive insurrection of 1971. But little else has changed.
Ask a government politician today how he intends solving the problem of southern terrorism and he will shrug. “What would you suggest?" will be his most likely reply. He may also add "We have done what we could. It is up to them (the JVP) to respond.”
Go to an opposition politician and the stock answer will be "The government is not serious about solving the problem. They must talk to the JVP.'
The country's options, it would appear, are limited. But so are those of the JVP.
If the JVP saw its performance at the Presidential elections of 1982 as justification of its status as a political party, it must know today that it has lost most of its electoral support. Even if its leaders find the courage to come out of hiding, its chances of winning an election are remote.
So the JVP has to depend on the bullet to attain its objectives. And the government has to reply in kind.
The country's options, it would appear, are limited. How many more July twenty nineths will it have to observe?
That leaves Sri Lanka with a not too pleasant spectre. How many July twenty nineths will it have to observe as it did recently?
July 29 had an important lesson for Sri Lanka. The people of this country
will have to be far more they are to live with Vimukthi Peramuna.
They will have to see th and its fighting arm the Janatha Vyaparaya for ae.
A group of revolutiona rapidly passing the point A group whose arsena
Troops in Matara: The mili
psychological weapons guns and bullets.
They will have to realis be their own individual r decisions which will prov the effectiveness of the p. JVP. That the JVP c present, have the capaci its decrees on a countryw that the JVP objective public reaction because the fear psychosis on wh muna thrives.
But that is not a sol problem. The violence is fizzle out suddenly. It wi either stamped out, or r tically.
Government is trying unsuccessfully at the mo the former. The latter, it a realistic option. The people, the SLFP and se JVP included, who seer general election will sol lem. But they are presu UNP will be defeated.
If it is, the SLFP wil
intelligent if the Janata
e Peramuna Deshapremi what they
ries, who are of no return. l has more
se that it will eactions and e or disprove sy-war of the loes not, at ty to enforce ide scale and is a passive this will fuel ich the pera
ution to the not going to ll have to be 2medied poli
- somewhat ment — to do seems, is not e are many ctions of the n to think a ve the probning that the
l inherit the
鲨塞 * ፨ م.
problem. But the UNP obviously does not want to lose. It will fight hard to win and perhaps succeed. This is not likely to change the JVP's stance and the violence will continue.
So it is in the interests of the UNP to find a solution to the problem. Yet the political initiatives are at a standstill. Government appears to be depending on a military solution to the problem of the JVP, and a long-term political solution to the problems of the South.
The JVP seems set to escalate violence in the South and several other
parts of the country. The massacre of five members of DIG (South) Premadasa Udugampola's family was a frightening omen. The war will get dirtier. The security forces could be provoked to react with equal ferocity.
"What is needed is a military solution on one hand, and a long term political revolution on the other."
Since it proscribed the JVP in 1983, the only positive political intiative the government has taken was the lifting of the proscription in May this year. Since then, the government has repeatedly invited the JVP for talks.
The JVP has not responded positively at all, except to issue a long list of demands. The demands were made shortly after the notorious K.C. Senanayake hoax, but they implied that the JVP was willing to give up violence if they were met. But some of the demands were obviously unrealistic.
It is equally unrealistic to expect Rohana Wijeweera and his colleagues to surface and take their chances with
the families of all their victims. The JVP leader now finds himself in the same predicament that Velupillai Prabakaran, the Tiger leader finds himself. There will always be someone somewhere who wants them dead.
The impasse leaves many questions unanswered. Has the government done everything possible it could to solve the problem? Was lifting the proscription the best it could do to convince the JVP to give up violence?
Has the government made any efforts to initiate talks with the JVP leadership? Has it studied the JVP demands with a view to granting at least some of them?
Is the government serious about its invitation to the JVP to come forward and negotiate? Do the JVP leaders have reasonable grounds to fear prosecution if they do? If so, can the government remedy the problem?
A cohesive imaginative plan to solve the problem does not seem to be available. There isn't an accord in sight.
And most important, is the govern- ment continuously reviewing its options on the South or is playing things by ear?
The answers differ from one Cabinet minister to another. Here are the views of two senior ministers who for obvious reasons cannot be identified: (1) "The problem of the JVP has to be solved by the security forces and the police. And it is possible. What we have to do is to remove the leadership and the hardcore cadres of the JVP. The rest of the hangers on will find an alternate stream to pursue their politics. For this, the security forces have to cooperate with the politicians. They do not have to undertake a hearts and minds operation'. The people are already there, and they are with us. We are confident that if we have a general election, 85 per cent will vote, and at least 35-40 per cent of the people will vote with us. Of the rest 10 per cent or so will vote accordingly to the situation at that time. We can win, or if we don't we will still be an important factor. What is needed is a military solution on the one hand, as a temporary solution, and a long term programme to resolve the problems of the southern people through our economic policies.
The problem is that the JVP is not being tackled properly by the security forces. We do not have the intelligence we need. The security forces are not really treating this as a crisis. For their own purposes, they are letting the problem continue, and trying to blame the politicians.
“What must be understood is that
the JVP problem is part of the revolutionary upheaval we have to undergo. It would have come up anyway. The
JVP was looking for issues to pin their
revolution on, accord, and ge] them the oppor issues had not
would have foun ultimate objectiv government. Th chance of doing So they have to too is doomed to
“I cannot fores the problem by coalition. How c. cies of the SLF those of the JVP not last. There months but the continue.
"It is futile to negotiated settle The JVP knows cannot give in Even if it did, a the mainstream have to depend people, which it
“The only pol has made is in t back in 1968 whi born. It dealt wi ism, and appeaI situation. The JV wicket if it we points on this.
“On the milita] is somebody wit one who can dos routine military why we wantec Algama to coord
"Make no mist have the public the Indo-Lanka; much to the p What they are I are problems which have to government. An the North and I harness public s fight for the pe the people do no JVP's policies.
"From the g view, what mor expect the JVP heart and come as far as Wijew has nothing to ment because ł for any particu dent Jayeward he would grant cadres if they g
(2) *Of cours constantly revi the southern ph we do? Nowhe such problems t The governmen It lifted the pro and did not rei the JVP contin barbarism. We : part. The onus :
and the Indo-Lanka heral elections gave tunity. If these two been available, they d some others. Their e is to form their own ley do not have a this democratically. do it militarily. That failure.
see the SLFP solving giving the JVP a an the economic poliP be reconciled with . Such an alliance will may be peace for six in the problems will
hope for a politically ment to the problem. that the government to all its demands. und the JVP entered of politics, it would on the vote of the won't get. itical point the JVP he third lecture, way en the movement was th Indian expansion'ed to foresee today’s VP will be on a strong re to score political
ry side, what we need h imagination. Somesomething beyond the operations. That is
linate the South.
ake, the JVP does not
support. Issues like accord don't matter so eople in the South. more concerned about like unemployment, be addressed by the d unlike the Tigers in East, the JVP cannot upport by claiming to bple, because most of t sympathise with the
overnment point of 2 can it do? We cannot to have a change of
forward for talks. But
eera is concerned, he fear from the governhe cannot be indicted lar crime. And Presiene has assured that an amnesty to all JVP ave up violence.'
e the government is ewing its options on oblem. But what can e in the world have een solved overnight. ; has kept its promise. scription on the JVP mpose it even though ued with its acts of eel we have done our s on the JVP to come
forward. Either that, or the Sri Lanka Freedom Party must get involved and play the role of midwife.
"A large section in the government subscribe to the view that the JVP is not responsible for all the violence that is taking place, and that the SLFP is also involved to some degree. The SLFP does not seem to realise it is playing with fire. The JVP is blamed for everything that happens and the SLFP takes the credit. We feel the SLFP should persuade the JVP to give up violence.
Wijeweera and Prabhakaran are in the same predicament. There will always be someone somewhere who Wants them dead.
"But how can the JVP leaders come out of hiding after all the murders they have been responsible for? They fear the revenge of the families of their victims. The government does not need to campaign against the JVP. They will be beaten before they start. Rohana Wijeweera who got just 200,000 votes at the Presidential elections in 1982 knows he does not have a prayer now.
“Ultimately the solution to the problem is a long-term one. One of the most crucial issues that will have to be resolved is the problem in the universities. Even though the system of admission has been structured to help students from the under privileged areas, they cannot compete
with the urban-based students. They
have problems with the English language requirement for jobs. There are
many deep-rooted problems that nur
ture frustration among the southern youth. Until these problems are systematically remedied, the problem of unrest will not be solved.
"Wijeweera may want some guarantees from the government regarding his personal safety and that of his colleagues, if he is to come forward and join in talks with the gowdhment. If that is the case what is stopping him from making contact with the government through an intermediary? The JVP must respond to the government's intiatives - lifting the proscription and inviting it for talks - if the problem is to be tackled. But it has not. Who knows who is printing all the leaflets and posters that come up?”
A cohesive, imaginative plan to solve the problem of southern terrorism does not appear to be available. There isn't an accord in sight. The southern problem is here to stay. We will have to learn to live with it.
And, as of now, decide on what our own individual reaction to the problem is to be. That decision taken collectively may well shape our destiny and our immediate future.
By courtesy of the Sunday Times, 31 July 1988
8 TAMIL TIMES
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It is with states as it is with individuals: one goes through convulsions of birth, is pampered in infancy, enjoys childhood and is mischievous in adolescence. One of them grows up. As it is with individuals, it is also with states: there are those who will not follow the usual pattern, who refuse to grow up and conform. The similarity continues: some rebels, due precisely to their operating outside the rules, chart new paths and become examples to the rest: others become outcast, a blight.
It looked as if Sri Lanka was on the way to ending its adolescence on July 29th, 1989. The Indo-Sri Lanka agreement to establish peace and normalcy in Sri Lanka' (implying, thereby, that there wasn't peace or normalcy in the country before) had a fundamentally important statement at the beginning. 'Acknowledging that Sri Lanka is a multi-ethnic and multilingual plural society consisting, inter alia, of Singhalese, Tamils, Muslims (Moors) and Burghers, That avowal was thirty nine years, five months and twenty four days late. It should have been - should have always been - in the Constitution. Still, that is a part of growing up.
One year later, it is clear that the accord has so far failed: though not for the glib reason often given in the south, that India has not fulfilled its obligations. It's not only India that is to blame here. But before we get there, we must find out why there was an agreement in the first place.
The great myth about the accord is that it was imposed on this country as part of the devious Indian conspiracy to dismember it. The first part of that statement is correct. However, Rajiv Gandhi's government never had a serious intention to divide this country. The objective of Indian regional policy has been to bring the entirety of South Asia within the sphere of its influence. (Another instance of which was to be seen in Mr Gandhi averring recently that he would not like to see an Islamic fundamentalist govern
ment in Afghanistan - as if it was any
of his business.) You can't have the whole of Sri Lanka 'responsive to India's political and security concerns' and be plotting at the same time to cut it in half.
No, there was an accord because India's 'concerns' could only be met by ethnic peace, political stability and national unity in Sri Lanka. It was
imposed becau Tamils had de the former, th sidering the o niously and eq country.
The common that the June what would ha tory against th ers, the Tige further from t of time, India sentatives of a (except PLOT anti-aircraft gi
always had th
groups these w cantly altering as the United tan after suppl. the Mujahideel
Even if this would be no fir troops used at fresh from tra the Sri Lanka adequate pers cessful operat enough men to of Vadamarad bulk of the gue into the heart ( And even if t “Operation Li pleted, and Ja member that t number of tro and had more casualties in built-up area would again ha niya and Mull; day. As they d
There canno solution to a problem. That inflicting a crı gers, decided This was basec many, that th nent peace in t the co-operatio the guerrillas ( ginalised, whi around as a more of that la
It is import takes made on the past yea against the spi than its letter. tion, the powe. Provincial cou inadequate ev.
TAL TIES 9
མག by Ouadri Ismails
ng in Lanka
se the Sinhalese and monstrated, especially at they were not conption of living harmouitably together in one
Sinhala assumption is 4th air-drop prevented ve been a famous vice Tamils, or their fight's. Nothing could be he truth. At that point was training reprell the militant groups ) in the handling of uns and missiles. They e option of giving the feapons and so signifithe military balance, States did in Afghanisying Stinger missiles to
. |al victory
did not happen, there hal victory. Some of the Vadamaradchchi were ining, and even then in Army did not have onnel for a totally sucion. There were not cover the eastern coast chchi, from where the rrillas exfiltrated back of the Jaffna peninsula. he next two phases of beration' were comuffna taken - and rehe IPKP used twice the ops that the SLA did than four times the fighting in a heavily - the Tiger guerrillas ave escaped into Vavuaitivu, to fight another id with the Indians.
it be a solely military n essentially political , is why India, after ishing blow to the Tito open negotiations. on the fact, obvious to ere cannot be permahe Tamil areas without n of the LTTE. At best, sould be militarily march means they will be political nuisance. But ter.
ant to look at the misthe Sri Lankan side in r, most of which go rit of the accord, rather With regard to devolu's finally granted to the ncils were objected to as 2n by the moderates in
the TULF. Fresh Sinhala colonisation of the Eastern province continued after the accord. For instance, 8,000 new acres were opened in Weli Oya and people sent there. (This is where the latest Tiger massacre took place this week.) Sinhala refugees from the east have been largely resettled with a grant of Rs 25,000 per family. No serious rehabilitation efforts have been made for the Tamils, though it is possible in many areas.
Apart from this, there has been failure to stick to certain definite aspects of the accord. Still, many members of non-Tiger groups are in custody for no good reason, though an amnesty and release was promised. The groups themselves have handed over weapons and accepted the accord. Though the accord promises special rehabilitation efforts for them, nothing has been done for those released. They were not even issued with identity cards - thus making a return to and life in their homes, a hazardous process. And we had the famous incident where seventeen Tigers were caught at sea and were to be brought down to Colombo on the grounds that some of them had committed terrorist crimes outside the North and East. The accord, of course, makes no mention of this, it states that a general amnesty will be granted, with no geographic area mentioned. (As a matter of record, these guerrillas had only three machine-guns and some ammunition, they were bringing back documents, not arms, from Madras.)
It was with all this in the back of his mind that Sathisawam Krishnakumar, in Madras in April, explained why the LTTE was not considering direct negotiations with the Sri Lanka government.'What have they done' he asked, "To make us trust them? Everything they have done since the accord makes us think that they don't want to treat us as equal." In response to this, an important Minister asked whether mistakes could be publicly admitted on this side and a fresh beginning sought thereafter, said: 'How can we do it'.
The accord was also meant to bring an attitudinal change outside the north and east. If it failed to do so, it had to fail in its larger purpose. And this has been as much a contributor to its failure as has been LTTE intransigence, fundamentalism and powerhunger, as has been the Indian inabil
it calls the accord, in a quaint choice of language,'a mid result of the triangul
greed to install a Sinhala-Buddist state in the island, Indian sensitivity regarding the security of the South Asian region and the commitment of the Tamil people to reiterate their right to self-determination.'
. Thia statement mahea no maeration af permanent merger, or even of a ceasefire. The LTTE states eaterieally that, it is our pealitiate earhead
our ea-operation for the
aspirations are abguarded. Significantly, it eantained none of the rhetorical flourishes of the 'eharter of aervility statement of 9th
The Army which suffered the most the NCC number of casualties lost 646 person- Of attal of 120 state nel vhile the Police ina escond than twelve continaeter lost 268. The Navy lost 37 men ad inland at present the Air Foree löst 27. There are fial ye
The government paid out millions anong those who had of rupees as to the The students
notyetben psidany Compation. Čate s ce
JANAKI'S RETURN tical problems now facing
The AIADMK leader and Chief must be prepared for Minister for a time, Mrs Janaki alteration of the economy Ramachandran returned to Madras of industrialination, high on August 5, from New York where production ad aoderni she had gone for a medical check-up. service sector, he aid.
She was received at the airport by y Dr Corea abso omphalaid
large gathering of partymen, inchind for South-South co-op
maer Ministers and Speaker aald, and be a
豐器醬 later R ே aainas that they would content by the negatin- promy. (Afer all, a kat a money is at mated to tak state), ut, if the Tigerudant give up tiva in their dreaea, we cannot he fir ang that baka iba na Un
Jakens the inapomnible
the . Unbrain, the
re-think in LATT, esthese Tamil groupa, and the gewarnment of Indianit dawn around n High Com- a table and decide not to get up until Primae Minis- they have sorted things out and oficials, and dravvn anev social and political conis now. The tract for this country. The Indons have not Laika agreeaent is not an ead in e are indica- itself. It failed fundamentally because e against the a parties to the conflict, all interest the next few groups, were not consulted and taken
rae far Mr ina aeeeat when it was drawa.
luch a neeting eould have the
na liber in very different directieas. The asse ese a enere eny entire rising in the west. stal anarchy Good evening, Sri Lanka
FOREIGN STUDENTS EAVE FOR HOME
student of talks and talk about a settlement of lical Celage the dispute, but no lectures. Their yin initsit- continued stay would only be a fruitdesperation lens waste of time and money, the is wait for a students complained. e concerning The epeiases incurred by the students during the last one year had Ma, aat. Baere been a total waste. Besides, on an unain the average each student had paid 20,000
US dollars by way of fees. mr students Some students have sought legal ket. * , opinion tos stae the NCMC for return of
d been only for additional damages.
CONOMY, MADURA BANK у ROBBED .
er The Bank of Madurai in K.K.Nagar d the annual on the outskirts of Madurai was robSri Lankan bed of Rs.62 lakhs on Saturday Authat there gust 6, in what was described as a Sri Lanka's daring but smooth operation". In rom the poli- what appeared to be a thoroughly the country. professional job, the culprits were able ge Sri Lanka to complete their work in leas than 15 a structural minutes and make good their escape r, in the form without causing any physical vioagricultural lence. The Police ruled out the possisation of the bility of the involvement of any Sri Lankan militants or their supporters. and the need The gang members, including a eration, fer woman, conversed among themselves re peod, he in Tamil and the leader spoke with a
necent, according to a news
“BASIS OF ACCO
The President of the Ceylon Workers Congress and Minister of Rural Industries, Mr. S. Thondaman in a statement issued on the anniversary of the Indo Sri Lanka Accord said that India had acted in good faith in entering into the agreement with Sri Lanka. Though the IPKF actions had caused much hardship, one could not deny that the Tamil people wanted the Indian army to enter Sri Lanka. But the main reason for the lack of success of the agreement was its wrong basis, he added.
The following is the full text of Mr. Thondaman's statement:
"The Indo-Lanka Peace Accord came into existence because India wanted a peaceful solution to the Tamil demand for a separate state. Though India did not endorse the Tamil claim, it did recognise the fact that the Tamils were fighting for their legitimate rights. One cannot I think, doubt India's good intentions in conceiving the Accord and entering the island with substantial arms in the form of a Peace-Keeping Force.
"After India moved in, however, it found that it did not possess the resources to implement the Accord. And since it had signed
an agreement wit Government, it honour the ter quently began to
"The main reasc events was th Accord. Rather two principal p the AgreementLankan Goverr Tamils-with Ind it, the Accord wa two governments ing the Tamils din CeSS.
"Though India good faith in the Tamils, as it has c its subsequent ac not really unders tions of the Tam that a minimund tion under the Acc fy the Tamil peopl The Tamil dema centre on a mer East, substantial power and a halt t ments in the Ea The crux of the ma Tamils and the G
LEFT INDIA IN FEAR OF H
By M.R. NARAYAN SWAMY
The LTTE leader Velupillai Prabhakaran says in a new biography of him that he left India for Sri Lanka in January 1987 because he feared for his life.
Prabhakaran, 34, is quoted as saying that plans had been made to have him killed in New Delhi or Madras on the pretext of engaging him in talks.
The revelation forms part of a book on the leader of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam by P. Nedumaran, who heads the Tamil Nadu Kamaraj Congress Party and is a close associate of the guerilla leader.
"The danger will continue as long as I am here. Our struggle will intensify further if I return to Eelam. So I am going there.' Prabhakaran reportedly told Nedumaran before leaving Tamil Nadu in the first week of January.
Until He Crosses Sea
"The danger will remain only till I cross the sea. After that, no one can do anything he added.
Reports in the press had then said that Prabhakaran was shifting to the Tiger stronghold of the Jaffna Peninsula to clip the wings of his deputy, Sathasivan Krishnakumar alias Kittu, who was said to be emerging as a threat to his boss.
The 104-page book in Tamil, published last month, does not say when
or how Prabhakar the murder plots or were actually made
But Nedumaran, Prabhakaran for ye said all this, T brother) showed proof for all this. I w surprised.’
The book is rep biographical sketch and is based on co Tiger leaders, som dead. Nedumara another book two clandestine visit to t Sri Lanka in 1985.
Prabhakaran is that the Indian gove cial training to mem People's Revolutio Front (EPRLF) and Liberation Organis murder him in Indi were also given hu modern weapons b added.
Nedumaran says Analysis Wing (RA nal intelligence age attempts to assassil with the help of author also blamed ing the relations b and New Delhi.
TAMIL TIMES 11
RD IS WRONG
n the Sri Lankan was anxious to ns, and conseesort to military
n for this turn of basis of the han having the otagonists sign hat is, the Sri ment and the a underwriting s signed by the without involvectly in the pro
negotiated with interests of the emonstrated by tions, India did and the aspirapeople. It felt egree of devoluord would satise. But it did not. nds at present ged North and
devolution of o Sinhala settlestern Province. tter is that if the overnment had
been the main negotiators and India only a guarantor, this problem would not have arisen. India did not understand the true aspirations of the Tamils and found that it had to use the IPKF against the very people whose interests it came to protect.
"Though the IPKF actions have caused much hardship to the Tamil public, one cannot deny the fact that the Tamils, too wanted the Indian Army to enter Sri Lanka. The IPKF is here to fulfil a specific task - the implementation of the Accord.
"And since they have been called in by the Sri Lankan Head of State, who feels that is the best thing, there is nothing that can be done about it. The best solution to this problem would be for India to recognise and acknowledge the aspirations of the Tamil people, and drav up a satisfactory formula which would meet the just demands of the Tamils. This will lead to the gradual cessation of hostilities after which the IKPF will not have need to resort to militarism to control the Tamil people.'
an learned about whether attempts
on his life. who has known ars, says, “Having
me documentary as furious but not
ortedly the first
of Prabhakaran nversations with e of whom now n had written years ago on his he Tamil areas of
uoted as saying rnment gave spebers of the Eelam nary Liberation the Tamil Eelam ation (TELO) to l. The two groups ge quantities of 7 New Delhi, he
the Research and W) , India’s externcy , was behind ate Prabhakaran ival groups. The
RAW for straintween the LTTE
says LTTE leader.
Prabhakaran says Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi became angry with him after he refused to accept a negotiated settlement to the ethnic conflict during the November 1986 summit of the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) at Bangalore.
Prabhakaran was flown from Madras to Bangalore then amid reports that he was to meet Sri Lankan President Junius Jayewardene for an agreement to end the campaign for Eelam. The meeting never took place.
Nedumaran quotes Prabhakaran as saying that the LTTE attacked the TELO in May 1986 after learning that RAW had made plans to have the LTTE wiped out. "If we had not taken action, TELO would have tried to destroy us' he said.
The LTTE-TELO clashes, the first major intercene war in Sri Lanka, led to the death of at least 150 TELO cadres and its leader Sri Sabaratnam and effectively destroyed the latter in Jaffna Peninsula.
The book also says that: O Prabhakaran's daughter, Dwarka, died for lack of medical treatment after the Indian military offensive in October 1987. O Prabhakaran did not tell his parents about his marriage (in 1985) and they came to know about it only after he had a son, named Charles. O In 1987, after Sri Lanka launched
Continued on Page 19
ABDUCTION OF KANTHASA
I write with a sense of outrage, dis
may and anger at the abduction and
possible murder of K. Kanthasamy, the former Director of the Tamil Information Centre in London and the Central British Fund for Tamil Refugee Rehabilitation (CBFTRR). He was kidnapped by a group of Tamil men (let us stop this nonsense of calling them 'boys') from his Jaffna residence on Sunday 19 June 1988 and has not been seen since. Although there is a remote possibility that he is still alive, the probability is that he has been "eliminated'.
No group has had the courage to admit to this dastardly crime. But disturbing events that occured prior to his kidnapping concern the Tamil militant group, Eelam Revolutionary Organisation (EROS). Kanthasamy, who kept a careful diary which is now in the possession of his friends in London had documented a number of meetings he had with some members of this organisation at their own demand during which he had been threatened that unless he stopped his rehabilitation work and fell in line with the policy of EROS, he would be “dealth with'. He was sufficiently concerned about these threats that he even made contact with the EROS high command in London (which I confirmed with an EROS spokesman subsequent to the kidnapping) asking that he be allowed to carry on with his rehabilitation work with safety. The same spokesman did not disguise his displeasure about Kanthasamy's activities, but denied that EROS had had a hand in the abduction and attempted rather unconvincingly to incriminate a small unknown group of Tamil militants. On July 2 EROS belatedly released a statement denying responsibility and threatening dire consequences upon those who pointed an accusing finger at them. I also have information from reliable sources in Sri Lanka that there were eye-winesses to Kanthasamy's abduction. Since then, these witnesses have melted away possibly fearing 'consequences.
If EROS and other Tamil militant groups which are endeavouring to establish themselves as leaders of the Tamil people are not to go the same way as the much despised "Tristar' and other quisling groups, they have an obligation to get at those criminals who committed the abduction, and make an honest effort to find and get Kanthasamy released. No such effort has been made.
What crime did Kanthasamy commit to deserve abduction and possible
assassination ?. His onl that he was determined his work of rehabilitatio struction of the devastate Tamil civilian population and Trincomalee. He work in Sri Lanka wil London. For obvious reas to rely on people in Jaffr parts of the North and E out the programme. Aftel of the Peace Accord, Kant London in January 1988 Sri Lanka to continue th tion work. Some in Jaffna his closer supervision forces with a group of Tam allegedly EROS who thou rehabilitation schemes some unknown reason, their purview. When K stood firm and stated th: mandate from a large NGOs such as church gro rights groups and several this work, he was warne then dealth with. At the
abduction, he was setting
tium of NGOs to undert: rehabilitation programme vastated Tamil areas of S
Kanthasamy, an advoc fession, was a commit rights and rehabilitation : er with a distinguished achievements over some 2 was a quiet, unassuming unlimited energy who wo reward, financial or other rare human being. Afte work in his native Jaffna the displeasure of the government and in the safety, arrived in London. his attic-like office in a de ing in Clapham, London founder member of the Ta. Rehabilitation Organisati 1977), the Director of t British Fund for Tamil R. habilitation (CBFTRR, Lc and the Tamil Informat (TIC London, Madras a 1984). He was a prime setting up the Theepar Institute (Jaffa 1980), an ment for integration of R Repatriates (MIRT. Madu
I first met Kanthasam at the TIC some yers ago on a mission to solicit su commendable struggle of people. His help was inv arranged for me to mee Avebury, Chairman of Rights group of the Bri ment, Dame Judith H another distinguished hu
y crime was to continue
n and recon-.
'd lives of the
in Jaffna started this nile still in sons, he had la and other last to carry the signing thasamy left
to return to
e rehabilitadid not like and joined hil militants, ight that all should, for come under Kanthasamy at he had a number of ups, human others to do d twice and time of his
up a consorake refugee 's in the deri Lanka. ate by proted human social workrecord of 5 years. He man with rked for no wise-truly a er years of he earned
Sri Lankan interests of
Working in relict buildhe was a mil Refugee ion (TRRO, he Central efugees Reondon 1980) ion Centre hd Madurai mover in n Research d the moveefugees and
y in London while I was pport for the
aluable. He t with Lord the Human Ltish Parliaart MPPC uman rights
activist, British media personnel, senior members of the British Foreign Office, and several others. I found Kanthasamy a truly remarkable man. Quiet-spoken, self-effacing almost to a fault and totally averse to publicity or position, he functioned at the TIC as Director, clerk, office boy and kitchen hand. With tireless energy, wearing an old worn-out pair of tennis shoes, he would trek across London unobstrusively arranging interviews with some of the most inaccessible men in London. There are many other things Kanthasamy has done for me and others which I do not want to detail since, if he is alive, he would shun the publicity.
If Kanthasamy has been murdered the damage done would be far more than the loss of a fine man. Serious damage will be done to the rehabilitation programme and hence to the devastated Tamil civilian population about whom no one, including their supposed 'liberators, seem to care. Serious damage will be done to the entire militant movement because of
the barbaric behaviour of a handful of
hoodlums-terrorists in the true sense of the word. Damage will be done to the liberation struggle of the Tamil people. What goes on today is what will go on in Eelam, if and when it is obtained. If an AK47 rifle is how differing approaches to a problem are settled, the question must be asked whether the terrorists in Eelam will be any better than the terrorists of the Sinhala regime in Colombo or the terrorism of the Indian PeaceKeeping force.
The greatest damage that could be done by Kanthasamy's death is to the thousands of hopeless Tamil refugeesthe victims of this senseless war. Kanthasamy, for very good reasons, had the unqualified support of an array of organisations who were prepared to pour vast sums of money into the rehabilitation effort. It would be unrealistically naive to expect them to make these funds available to a band of brigands, whatever title they choose to style themselves. The money simply will not be available until an acceptable replacement is found. In the light of Kanthasamy's fate, few will be prepared to offer themselves for a mission that might result in a similar fate.
Revenge was not in Kanthasamy's vocabulary but at the same time, his abduction and possible death must not be allowed to be lost in the sea of destruction that has befallen the Tamil people. Kanthasamy was a man of action, as his achievements amply demonstrate. Some positive effect or even a change in the insanity that currently prevails in Sri Lanka must be generated by his abduction and possible death. The least his numerous friends and admirers both in London and Sri Lanka can do is to organise a world-wide protest and see that a sense of outrage is conveyed to
those in Jaffna who are responsible for this heinous crime. It might save the lives of other prominent civilians who would be on the hit-list of one or other of these groups of maniacs. If by Kanthasamy's ordeal he saves other lives, his agony and possible death would not have been in vain.
The Tamil people of the North and East of Sri Lanka in whose service Kanthasamy paid this terrible price, have a responsibility. Whatever the threats (these have already been issued by those responsible), people must register their disapproval of what has happened. However difficult this may be under the tyrannical conditions in which they live, their very future, their existence and their safety might well depend on a effective protest being registerednow. A lack of protest will encourage those terrorists and murdereers to repeat their cowerdly act. It is worth remembering that no militant movement, however powerful, will survive if it does not have grass roots support. If this support is withdrawn, neither an AK47 nor a T56 rifle will save those who carry them.
The Sri Lankan government and the Indian Peace Keeping Force must carry some responsibility for the current spate of insane killings. Recently the saintly Rev. Fr. Chandra Fernando was gunned down in his church, allegedly by a senior member of PLOTE, who did not take kindly to Rev. Fernando's objection regarding the siting of an office. Now another social worker has disappeared. These crimes are far less likely to occur if Amnesty International, International Red Cross and independent observers are allowed into the Tamil areas. If the government of the country and the self-appointed peace-keepers cannot keep peace or maintain law and order, the least they can do is to allow unrestricted access to those who can monitor what goes on in the Tamil areas. If Kanthasamy's ordeal results in a massive international protest and pressure the Indian and Sri Lankan governments to admit internationally-respected human rights organisations into Sri Lanka, Kanthasamy, a dedicated human rights worker, would not have lost his life in vain. The "Save Kanthasamy Appeal' signed by some 30 international organisations stated, “we cannot forget the fact that no individual has given so much to the promotion of human rights in general and in particular to the alleviation of the sufferings of the Tamil community for the past 11 years'. If by some chance, however remote, he is still alive, may I appeal to those who are holding him to release him forthwith. He has had serious heart surgery and will not stand much physical or mental strain. If he has been killed, may the soul of this great man rest in peace.
Queensland Dr. Brian Senewiratne
India as the pea Sri Lanka Tam Government
tremendous an ity. It is current tions with the L able militant g suade it to ac implementatio Lanka peace ac enduring and bi on justice and t
Since the Sri has now no dir LTTE and the ment of India ; political parties the sad predica Tamils should a a spirit of true, ism to the follov
(1) To bring : mony among all and the TUL groups willy-ni safeguard the T. the process they ly. LTTE's bete | notably its Secr Amithalingam. ' is not at all g interests of the TULF has mal soned politician indispensable to Therefore they s ences with the the Tamils.
(11) There sho an end to all i fratricidal kil groups.
(111) All part to join the mains democratic life participate with free and fair ele cial Council for where the Tam lived for centuri Tamils who shou sentatives withc
(iv) The Tami idence in the Mus East by their The Tamils and cordial relatior Muslim Membel the East were ol The Tamils shoi with the Sinhal
(v) Before Indi ing hand it shc peace in the No. the possibility violence. Under will remain its 1 its undertaker.
ce maker between the ls and the Sri Lanka nas undertaken a
delicate responsibily engaged in negotiaTE, the most formidoup in order to perept and help in the n of the India-Sri :ord. Any peace to be hding should be based 'uth.
ect dealings with the se " .
TULF, the Governand the Tamil Nadu sympathising with ment of the Lankan ddress their minds in altruism and humanring points. about peace and harl the militant groups F. All the militant ly took up arms to amils interests and in all suffered immensenoire is the TULF and etary General Mr. A. This attitude of LTTE food and not in the unity of the Tamils.
ny mature and sea- "
s whose services are the LTTE and others. hould patch up differCULF for the unity of
uld be once and for all nternecine feuds and lings among rival
ies and groups opting stream of political and should be allowed to out fear psychosis in ctions to one Provinthe North and East ils have traditionally es. Ultimately it is the uld choose their repreut fear of the bullet.
ls should infuse confislims of the North and conciliatory conduct. Muslims have lived in s for centuries.Two 's of Parliament from nce Federal members, uld also live in amity Se.
a withdraws its helpuld firmly establish rth and East without of recrudescence of the peace pact India under-writer and not
Dr. K. Subramanian, Colombo.
TAMIL TIMES 13
Kindly include my name also in the appeal to save Mr. K. Kanthasamy. Before he went back to Eelam, he was with me in Uppsala and we became good friends.
Peter Schalk Professor in the History of Religions at the University of Uppsala. Gerd Falk Activist for Human Rights.
IN Prison CLASH
Two remand prisoners were killed and several injured on 30 July in a clash between suspected JVP (Peoples Liberation Front) remand inmates and another group of remand prisoners at the Negombo prisons. Seventeen prisoners who received serious injuries were admitted to the Negombo and Colombo hospitals.
One of those killed in the fight was identified as a JVP suspect while the other was an ordinary remand prisOle. According to prison sources, the JVP suspects had attempted to hold a demonstration and hoist black flags in protest against the Indo-Sri Lanka Agreement within the prison complex. The clash was sparked off when those belonging to the JVP demanded
the participation of other prisoners in
the protest demonstration.
Sticks and stones are reported to have been used in the clash, and prison officials had great difficulty in stopping the fight and bringing the situation under control.
Following the incident, all JVP suspects were transferred to the Magazine prison in Colombo.
Youths Arrested by IPKF
The IPKF arrested several hundred Tamil youths in a cordon and search operation in the eastern city of Batticoloa on 23 July. It was claimed that these operations were carried out following an alleged order from the LTTE leader to his cadres to mount attacks upon the IPKF in the run up to the first anniversary (July 29) of the Indo-Sri Lanka Agreement.
Among the youths arrested were a large number of students sitting the GCEA Level examination which commenced on 23 July. The request by the Education authorities in Batticaloa not to arrest those with examination admission cards was apparently ignored by the IPKF.
14 TAMIL TIMES
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ONE YEAR OF IND
by JUSTICE SATCHI PONNAMBALAM
(Being an address delivered at a Meeting om the ocasion af the First Year af the Indo-Sri Lanka Agreement held on 30th July 1988 at airleigh Diebinson Universiy, New Jersey) One year ago, on 29 July 1987, the Indo-Sri Lanka Agreement or the Gandhi-Jayewardene Accord was signed by these two men in Colombo. It was said to be an Agreement to establish peace and normalcy in Sri Lanka', and so the news media has christerned it the “Peace Accord”. The first year of its operation has brought neither peace or normalcy, but instead war by the Indian army on the innocent and defenceless Tamil civilians in their homes, towns and villages, all over North and East Sri Lanka
Rajiv Gandhi and Jayewardene signed the Agreement, worked out in secret talks the weeks before in New Delhi and Colombo. Both the Sinhalese and the Tamil people and also the Sri Lankan and the Indian news media were kept in the darkThere was no mandate whatever by the Sinhalese or the Tamil people for the Agreement and the calling in of the Indian army into the country.In fact, the Tamil leader Prabhakaran was under guard in a New Delhi hotel after he had described the Agreement to the Indian authorities as a 'stab in the back'. In Colombo, there was rioting by angry Sinhalese mobs and over 70 people were killed as police and soldiers resorted to rifle fire to contain the rioting. All island curfew was declared and soldiers were mobilised to keep demonstrators from approaching President's residence, where the Agreement was signed. President Jayewardene's vacation home in the South called the TRed Chiffs' was set on fire and burnt. The 'signing ceremony was boycotted by Prime Minister Premadasa and other cabinet Ministers. We remember, however, Jayewardene's charade, a few years ago, of summoning the All Party Conference several times, and
sing the Tamil problem. But in drafting this indo - Sri Lanka Agreement, he consulted nobody. Thus, the essential characteristic of this Agreement remains as one that was forced on the Sinhalese and the Tamil people.
We all know what the Agreement says. We will come to that shortly. But none of us know, not even today, one year later, how this Agreement, or how this "deal' came about.
The Agreement states that the -Tamils are an ethnic group and that the Northern and Eastern Provinces have been areas of historical habita
tion of Sri L peoples, who h to lived togeth other ethnic g history that Agreement d Tamils area in and the East homelands ort self - determi acceptable, he they may be, ernment, as it Thimpu.
The Agreem tion anything question of sta aided Sinhale Tamil areas of fact, any men lously avoided, as seen from 18th Amendin state - aided colonisation of would say tha Accord that de this state-spon colonisation of even touch the problem in Sri with the Indoor the Rajiv Accord.
The Indo-S provided for a merger first a referendum oft
ment of Sri La ceasefire and t by militant g. army will be c camps.The pro arms and the barracks will b hours of the effect. Sri Lau give a general priso held in custody
nkan Tamil speaking ave at all times hitherPrinthis territory with oups. This is some new s being written. The es not say that the ation or that the Nerth
are their traditional hat they are entitled to nation. These are unwever true and real to the Sri Lanka Govwas to its delegation at
ent also does not menat all about the vexed e-sponsored and statebe colonisation of the the North and East. In tion of this is scrupufor the clear intention, the provisions of the ent is to continue the and state - sponsored Tamil areas. And, we it any Agreement or »es not put an end to sored and state-aided Tamil areas does not fringes of the Tamil i Lanka. And so it is Sri Lanka Agreement Gandhi-Jayewardene
i Lanka Agreement interim government, hd later separation by he Northern and Eastnd Provincial Councils , a Chief Minister and isters. The Agreement nil and English to be nguages, along with ri Lanka Government he back on this official ment in regard to Enh Amendment to the passed in November for Tamil also to be an ge, but in regard to English shall be the What that means is
nderwies i Lanka Agreement within 48 hours of the Agreement, a ceasefire effect all over the s held by the militant urrendered to authornated by the Governka. Consequent to the he surrender of arms oups, the Sri Lanka Infined to barracks in ess of surrendering of confining of army to 2 completed within 72 :easefire coming into ka Government will amnesty and free all ers and combatants
The Agreement contained that if the Government of Sri Lanka requests the Government of India to afford military assistance to implement these proposals, the Government of India will give such military assistance. .
The Agreement also provided that
the two Governments will ensure the
physical security of all communities in the Northern and Eastern Provinces. The Government of India agreed to underwrite and guarantee the resolutions, and cooperate in the implementation of the proposals of the Agreement.
in entering into this Agreement, it did not matter to Jayewardene that he was bringing in foreign military intervention, so long as he could achieve his objective of decimating the Tamil liberation struggle and put
ting the Eelam demand to rest. To
achieve these, he had earlier obtained the assistance of the British éx-SAS and the Keenie Meanie Services (KMS) mercenaries, who were hired by Rhodesia's an Smith and South Africa. The Israeli involvinent in Sri Lanka Government's brutal war with the Tamils started with the opening of the Israeli Interests Section in the US Embassy in Colombo. Then came the Israeli Mossads, and the Shin Bet, the Israel's domestic Intelligence Agency. These were responsible for the atrocities of the ial Task Forces against the Tamils in the Eastern Province. When all these could
not tame the Tigers, Jayewardene felt he had nowhere to turn except to
Rajiv Gandhi felt that the Agreement provided India with an opportunity to succeed in its peace-making mission and to bring to end the ethnic strife in neighbouring Sri Lanka. But he left the chances of success not to the written provisions in the Agreement but to the good intentions of President Jayewardene. Hence, his
optimism was not well founded,
although he articulated them with enthusiasm. On 31 July 1987, in the Indian Parliament, he said:
"This Agreement meets the basic aspirations which animated the Tamils' struggle, namely, the desire to be recognised as a distinct ethnic entity; political autonomy for managing their political future; and appropriate devolution of governmental power to meet this objective, the recognition of the ! Northern and Eastern Pro'vinces of Sri Lanka as areas of historical habitation of the :Tamils and the acknowledgement and designation of Tamil
as an official language...'
16 TAMIL TIMES
At a public meeting in Madras, explaining the Agreement, Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi said:
"The Agreement secures everything that the Sri Lankan Tamils had demanded, short of breaking Sri Lanka's unity. In fact, it goes well beyond the initial demands of the Sri Lankan Tamils. Under the Agreement, approximately one-third of Sri Lankan territory will be made a single province, where the Tamils will have a clear majority. They will have regional autonomy, comparable to the State Governments in India." (THE HINDU, I.E. 8/8/1987.)
It is on this view of the Agreement that the Government of India signed the Agreement without consulting * - representatives of the Tamil people, who were protecting the Tamil people and fighting the Tamil cause. When it found that they were unwilling to accept the Agreement, then it forced them to accept, denying them the right to disagree. Then Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi gave several assurances that the Agreement will be implemented safeguarding the interests of the Tamils. Because of these assurances, the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) accepted the agreement (vide Prabhakaran’s Interview, INDIA TODAY, 15/8/1987)
LTTE's unequivocal acceptance of the accord At a public meeting in Jaffna, LTTE leader Prabhakaran said:
"Even though the Accord does not fulfil our demands, we hand over our arms in the presence of
the IPKFs because we want to
respect India, which we love and also show our regards to the assurances given by the Indian Prime Minister. But, at the same time, as we hand over our arms in the presence of the IPKFs, we hand over responsibility of protecting our people also, which we were doing all these days, to the IPKFs.'
The LTTE was the only liberation organisation to publicly hand over a substantial stock of its arms and ammunitions to the IPKF in terms of the Indo-Sri Lanka Agreement. The LTTE had publicly committed itself to surrendering all its arms to the IPKFs. Its acceptance of the Indo-Sri Lanka Agreement had become unequivocal. However, before the hand over of all arms could be completed, there were armed attacks on LTTE cadres by other groups and by Sinhala Home Guards on the Tamil people. This derailed the surrender of arms, leading to conflicts over nomination to the interim administration and finally the peace process being overtaken by Thileepan's Fast Unto Death. Thileepan's death and the arrest, de
tention and death commanders and 1 in the hands of IPl discord and estral LTTE and India.
The interim gove the LTTE was assul
India was not form
the Northern and into one administr aged by the Indo-S ment did not take e government Was because the persons LTTE from the were found unaccep Jayewardene and nominate his persor nameS.
The Provincial C the centre-piece oft Agreement.
We do remember year political histor ple and their polit earlier advocated ; federal structure of later a separate stat In the “B Chelvanayakam Pa compromise agreen accepted Regional ( widest powers of dev gamation.
There has never by any Tamil or fo anyone in Sri Lanll Councils. Yet, in th Agreement, to Sril governments, Pro have been found to put an end to the ble a separate state.
The law to brir Councils into effect by the 13th Amenc stitution, which ca November 1987. E Council election ha Northern and Ea Hence, the Provinci Tamil areas haven tion.
The present co Lanka, which wa Jayewardene Gov perpetuated the hit itary system and in centralised execu government with liamentary system constitution, whi Lanka a “unitary s highly centralised presidential systen Lanka Agreeme Amendiment engri Councils with dev the face of it, one ci ly antagonistic an cepts and insti together in a hotch of political exped stalemate than di
of two regional senior members F brought about rement between
nment, in which d a major role by l. The merger of astern Provinces tive unit, envisi Lanka Agreefect. The interim pt put in place nominated by the astern Province able to President he proceeded to to fill the LTTE
uncil constitutes e Indo-Sri Lanka
hat in the past 35 y, the Tamil peocal parties have und demanded a government and e of Tamil Eelam. an dar a nai ke - ct' of 1957, as a hent, the Tamils Youncils, with the 'olution and amal
been any demand r that matter by ka, for Provincial e Indo-Sri Lanka Lanka and Indian vincial Councils be the solution to body war to create
g the Provincial has been enacted ment to the Conme into force in ut no Provincial ; been held in the stern Provinces. al Councils for the t come into opera
Institution of Sri
enacted by the rnment in 1987, herto existing untroduced a highly tive presidential a devalued par
It is upon this h proclaims Sri ate' and having a and authoritarian that the Indo-Sri and the 13th ft the Provincial lved powers. On only see mutualconflicting conutions brought otch, for the sake incy to end the rising viable and
durable institutions representing structures of compromise, recognising Tamil national identity so as to launch the united nation-state on a course of nation-building. In the scheme that is bound to emerge, the Provincial Councils, as presently devised will be stunted at birth, crippled in growth and deformed at old age.
The devolution of power to the Provincial Councils under the 13th Amendment, is the same for the Councils in the Sinhalese and Tamil areas. Therefore, it cannot be contended that any special dispensation or concession has been made to the Tamils. The devolution of power to the Provincial Councils is a very miniture form, in no way comparable to those of the States under the Constitution of India. The existing unitary system and centralised presidential government preclude a genuine devolution of power.
Although every legal provision effectuating this reform is textually based upon a comparable provision in : the constitution of India, nevertheless subtle changes and departures have been incorporated in certain places which make the Sri Lankan provisions differ from their Indian counterparts. Most of such Sri Lankan mutations will go to further constrict and cripple the miniature devolution of power and prevent the Provincial Councils from growing and developing into genuine institutions of autonomy and internal self-government.
How much of a sham the devolution of power to the Provincial Councils can be seen from the sensitive subject of land. It is instructive to see how the subject of land has been dealt with in the constitution of India. Land is in the State List. It is stated as: "Land, that is to say, rights in or over land, land tenures including the relation of landlord and tenant and the collection of rents; transfer and alienation of agricultural land; land improvement and agricultural loans; colonization.' The land question Under the 13th Amendment, 9.1 of Provincial Council List states: “Agriculture, including agricultural extention, promotion and education for provincial purposes and agricultural services (other than inter-provincial irrigation and land settlement schemes, state lands and plantation agriculture). 18.1 of the Provincial Council List states: "Land - Land, that is to say, rights in or over land, land tenure, transfer and alienation of land, land use, land settlement and land improvement, to the extent set out in Appendix 11.
Appendix 11 states: "State land shall continue to vest in the Republic and may be disposed of in accordance with Article 33(d) and written law governing the matter.
Subject as aforesaid, land shall be a Provincial Council Subject, subject to the following special provisions:-
1. State land:-
1:1 State Land required for the purposes of the Government in a Province, in respect of a reserved or concurrent subject may be utilised by the government in accordance with the laws governing the matter. The Government shall consult the relevant Provincial Council with regard to the utilisation of such land in respect of such subject.
1:2 Government shall make available to every Provincial Council State land within the province required by such Council for Provincial Council subject. The Provincial Council shall administer, control and utilise such State land, in accordance with the laws and statutes governing the matter.
1:3 Alienation or disposition of the State land within a Province to any citizen or to any organisation shall be by the President, on the advice of the relevant Provincial Council, in accordance with the laws governing the matter.
2. Inter-Provincial Irrigation and Land Development Projects
2:1 Such projects would comprise irrigation and land development schemes:-
(a) within the Province initiated by the State and which utilise water from rivers flowing through more than one Province: a Provincial Council however, may also initiate irrigation and land development schemes within its province utilizing water from such rivers;
(b) within the Province which utilizes water through diversions from water systems from outside the Province; and
(c) all schemes where the command area falls within two or more Provinces such as the Mahaweli Development Project. 2:2 These projects will be the responsibility of the government of Sri Lanka. In the Concurrent List are:
17:1 Water storage and management, drainage and embankments, flood protection, planning and water resources: 17:2 Services provided for interprovincial land and irrigation schemes, such as those relating to rural development, health, education, vocational training, co-operatives and other facilities'. From a consideration of the totality of the provisions concerning land, we can see that the nominal power over land given to the Provincial Councils by item 18:1 of the Provincial Council List is substantially circumscribed
and limited by th arbitrary concep the so-called int tion and land di Land and land de the first item to scheme of region the Sri Lanka’s s the distrust of th to be vested with is manifest. The And that is colol and state-spons onisation of the Government of tinue. That is j behind the so-ca inter-provincial development proj No neutra
Although thi Agreement was no independent a ery was putin p ceasefire, the sur fighting groups a administration. A the existing lines in Colombo and ) military comma peace Agreement by the combatan sentatives, but al were required to ante. This proved ficult in the circul of initial minor pr to snowball into tween the Indi. Force and the LT two regional co senior members hands of the Il situation. With th escalating, the In Force resorted to in Jaffna from 10 six weeks. The and devastation indignities, suffer suffered by the in less Tamil people mothers, our bro as a result of th have been told an I do not propose te
For about a q small Sri Lanka been oppressed b Tamils were dep vidual and coll rights to langua ployment and fini tion in Parliame) minated, terrori their own State. fight for their s help of such a na forces went as were welcome as History will neve of arms against people as the T. peace-keepers. S trusted neutral in a foreign land.
TAMIL TIMES 17
2 introduction of the
of State Land and er-provincial irrigavelopment projects. velopment is usually be devolved in any al autonomy. But in :heme of devolution, e Provincial Council power over its land
reason is obvious. lisation. State-aided pred Sinhalese colTamil areas by the Sri Lanka will conust what is hiding led State land and rrigation and land 3ctS.
: Indo-Sri Lanka drafted and signed, ind neutral machinlace to usher in the ender of arms by all ld set up the interim ll these were left to of political command newly set up Indian (nd in Jaffna. The was not negotiated ts or by their repremost overnight they
restore status quo formidable and dif mstances. A number oblems were allowed confrontation bean Peace Keeping TE. The death of the mmanders and 10 of the LTTE in the PKF worsened the ne confrontation fast dian Peace Keeping a military offensive th October 1987 for deaths, destruction and the brutalities, ings and oppression nocent and defence- our fathers, our thers, our sisters, - e military offensive dretold many times. recount them here.
uarter century, the n Tamil nation has y its own State. The rived of their indiective fundamental uge, education, emally even representaht. They were discrised and bullied by They were driven to urvival. It is to the tion that the Indian peace-keepers. They friends and saviours. r absolve the taking such a nation of amils by the Indian uch act, violated the ole of peace-keeping “Peace-keepers have
a place and a role in international law. That has been violated. I will leave the matter at that.
The events of last year have brought about many changes in the external character of the Tamil problem. The actors have changed. The Indian forces have taken the place of the Sri Lankan forces. The Tigers who are holding their ground openly have gone underground. The focus has changed. Earlier, it was confronting the Tigers indirectly and not openly. Now, it is finding the Tigers in their jungle hideouts and disarming them. All these changes do not add even a wee bit to solving the Tamil problem. Indeed, the problem remains totally untouched by all these changes. It is misplaced belief in the power of military might to solve the Tamil problem that has brought all these irrelevent changes to the forefront. The Tamil problem has not been and will not be solved by any superior armed military might. It is a problem of a nation created by the denial of equality, justice and dignity. What the Tamil people want is to live in equality, justice and dignity. Restoration of these to them do not need any armed military might.
The restoration of these in the various forms cannot be done in vacua. It must be done in consultation with and in agreement with the representatives of the Tamil people. Such a settlement will bring about a lasting and durable solution to the Tamil problem in Sri Lanka.
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The Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), the dominant Tamil militant group which is currently in confrontation with the Indian Peace Keeping Force wants to continue negotiations with the Indian government, but not with officials of the Research Analysis Wing (RAW), the intelligence unit of the Indian government, according to a telephone interview given to the Colombo Sunday Times by Mr. Thilagar, a Central Committee member of the LTTE who is presently in London.
LTTE leaders in Madras including Sathasivam Krishnakumar (popularly known as Kittu) have been negotiating with RAW officials for the last several months. But recently the negotiations broke down.
Referring to LTTE's statement of July 9 which characterised the IndoSri Lanka Agreement as a 'charter for servility', Mr. Thilagar said that such
a description dic rejection of the
LTTE. Reiteratir vious position, M "The 13th Amen stitution and the Act are a dilutio from commitmen ments. We are al over our weapon the implementati we need certain two governments
The promises M to are a proclama Tamil dominated ern provinces, gn outlined in the LTTE had subm government, a ha Sinhalese in the e a ceasefire follow
NDA KNEMV MVEAD SAM
The Indian authorities accused unidentified foreign powers and agencies of assisting the LTTE following the recent discovery by the Indian Peace Keeping Force of a SAM missile among arms belonging to the LTTE.
The LTTE, in a press release issued said that the government of India had been aware for a long time that the LTTE possessed SAM missiles.
The press release has, in reference to a recent statement by the Indian Government that the IPKF has discovered a SAM missile in the LTTE arsenal and regretted that foreign powers were assisting the Tiger movement to prolong the unnecessary war to destabilise the region.
The LTTE press release further states, about one and a half years ago, before inviting our leader Prabhakaran to the Bangalore conference, the Government of India, confiscated our arms in Tamil Nadu as a pressure tactic.
The confiscated arms contained
SAM missiles a were later return the "Operation I launched by the ment, the gov arranged a trai! train our cadres missiles. During ernment of Ind which foreign fo these missiles.
At these times India was primal lizing us as theil secure its own Government of great disappoint) could not be uti since our movem ted to the cause aware of the cor ing foreign powe The Indian ir genocide practi troops against ou example of foreig
IPMF TOL-511 DEAL)
A total of 511 soldiers, including officers, of the Indian Peace Keeping Force (IPKF) in Sri Lanka were killed, and 1526 were injured between October 1987 and 17 July 1988 mainly in the course of their confrontation with the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE). This information was given by the Indian Defence Minister, K.C. Pant, in the Indian Upper House, the Rajya Sabha on 28 July.
According to the account given by the Defence Minister in the course of
a written reply,
of the IPKF in S Up to May 31 th million rupees ha in connection wit and operations o
Knowledgeab Tamil areas of t IKPF casualitie higher than wha ter was prepare position would men killed and they said.
TAM TIMES 1)
.A. MV. y
not amount to a Agreement by the g the LTTE's prer. Thilagar added, dment to the ConProvincial Councils and a withdrawal ts by both governways ready to hand s and co-operate in on of the accord, but promises from the first
r. Thilagar referred ion merging the two northern and easteater devolution as memorandum the itted to the Indian lt to colonisation by astern province and 2d by negotiations.
lso. These missiles ned to us. Following liberation' offensive Sri Lankan governernment of India ning programme tO in the use of SAM these times, the Govia, did not bother orces have supplued
, the Government of ily motivated in utimercenary force to interests. But the India realised to its ment that the LTTE ized as mercenaries 2nt is deeply commitof our people. We are sequences of involvrs in our struggle. volvement and the sed by the Indian ur people is a glaring in intervention.
the present strength i Lanka was 49,000. is year, a sum of 980 d already been spent h the IPKF presence n the island.
le sources in the he island claim that s were very much t the Defence Minisl to admit. The true e about 1200 IPKF about 3,000 injured,
U.S.A. Tells S.L.F. P.
The United Socialist Alliance (USA) is prepared to invite the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) to participate in its mass mobilisation campaign for the holding of general elections provided the SLFP is prepared to abandon its present anti-Tamil policies.
The USA, an alliance of left partiesSri I.anka Mahajana Party, Lanka Sama Samaja Party, Communist Party and Nava Sama Samaja Party, has worked out a programme to campaign for the holding of general elections immediately. The present government elected for six years in 1977 postponed the elections due in 1983 thereby extending its life without a mandate at a general election for a further period of six years.
Mr. Vasudeva Nanayakkara, the leader of the NSSP said that the USA would endeavour to obtain maximum participation of all political parties, trade unions and other peoples organisations for its campaign.
The SLFP also could participate in this campaign if it renounced its antiTamil politics and its opposition to the Indo-Sri Lanka Agreement, Provincial Councils and the granting of citizenship rights to Tamil plantation workers of Indian origin, said Mr. Nanayakkara.
He added that the campaign for the restoration of democracy would iso include Tamil militant groups such as the EPRLF and PLOTE.
Although the principal demand of the campaign was the holding of the general election, the campaign would also include a call for the holding of Provincial Council elections in the north and east of the island.
From Page 11.
the Vadamarach chi operation, Prabhakaran repeatedly sought military assistance from India. O In 1982, after Prabhakaran was arrested in Madras following a shootout with a rival rebel leader, several of his deputies wanted to jump to their death from the roof of the City's Life Insurance Corporation building to demand his release. But the plan was resolutely opposed by another aide, S. Subramaniam O Prabhakaran quit the LTTE and joined the TELO in 1981, but left the group at the end of that year. O Prabhakaran and his associates left TELO without any money and took to doing hard labour and hunting wild animals for food and living for a while. O When the LTTE was set up in 1976, all it had was a revolver. O Prabhakaran feels hurt even today that he doesn't know English well.
(Courtesy of India Abroad 1/7/88)
INDA BUYS GANDHI LETTERS
The Indian High Commission in London beat off strong competition to buy a series of letters written by Mahatma Gandhi to his legal partner Henry Polak for 95,000 pounds-three times the price expected by the auctioneers, Sotheby’s.
The letters, a series of more than 80, written between 1905-41, will go
to the National Archives of India.
When commissions and other charges are added, they will have cost the High Commission 104,500 pounds.
It also bought another collection of papers belonging to Polak for 24,200 pounds (estimate 1,200-1,500 pounds) and an autographed manuscript by Gandhi for 23,000 (estimate 300-400 pounds). He had been interviewed while under a vow of silence and had written down his answers in the fourpage document.
The High Commission dropped out of the bidding for two further lots in the sale, an autographed letter from Gandhi to the Rev. Norman Bennett, which fetched 9,900 pounds (estimate 300-400 pounds), and three autographed letters from his secretary to his biographer Ronald Duncan, which went for 3,850 pounds (estimate 300400 pounds). Both went to anonymous buyers.
The High Commission were mainly concerned to secure the letters to Polak, one of the three Europeans closest to Gandhi during his time in South Africa. Polak became Gandhi's article clerk and later his legal partner, and his English born wife Millie was governess to the Gandhi children. The letters span the period from the earliest days of passive resistance to shortly before Independence. The sale also included telegrams and early
pictures of Gandhi in South Africa
and glass plates of him later in India.
There was also a letter from Jawaharlal Nehru to Polak, expressing sympathy on the death of Polak's son in 1926, and some pages of corrected galley proofs of Gandhi's printed instructions for Satyagraha in South Africa.
LTTE: ACCORD HAS NOT SAFEGUARDED TAMIL INTERESTS
"The Indo-Sri Lanka accord as a whole aids and abets SinhalaBuddhist chauvinism. In such a situation, it is unreasonable and unjust for the Indian forces to engage in a war with our organisation to disarm us", said a statement issued by the LTTE.
The statement blamed the government of Sri Lanka for "failing to implement a single provision of the
accord fully". It says th earth, however formid pose a solution on a p genocide and oppressio)
The trust they (the on the government of long-standing friendshi had with the people of apart from these, consi force beyond our powe) placed before us this acc tion was to extend our c it as long as Tamil i aspirations are safeg statement adds.
Weapons were han accordance to this positi ment adds.
The accord has not sal interests of the Tamil interim administration constituted in accordar accord, an assurance by that autonomous proviu with power akin to thos Indian states has beer The Tamil language h given equal status, India failed to protect the Tam the Tamil homeland is b through Sinhala colonis:
The statement added:
"After an year, has safeguarded the interest tions of the Tamil peopl asked, pointing out tha administration till the ho tions, which should have tuted in accordance wit. has been disregarded; t of the Indian Prime M autonomous provincial be created with adequat
Sri La StOn
An advanced prehistol technology -of a type
Europe before 12,000
discovered in Sri Lanka 30,000 years ago.
A hundred tiny, yet stone barbs for harpoc which were found in t some sand dunes in th island, have for the fi gested that sophistical manufacturing technol developed outside Afric period.
Up until now, advanc of such early date have only in southern Africa
The stone barbs-know ric microliths-appear t used for hunting such porcupines, monkeys, g snakes and birds. U. blades-also hefted into the same sort of tiny s were probably used f meat and vegetables.
it no force on ble, can imople through
TTE) placed ndia and the that India EELAM and ering that a of influence ord, our posioperation for hterests and uarded, the
led over in on, the state
2guarded the people - an nas not been ce with the Rajiv Gandhi cial councils e enjoyed by
abandoned. as not been n forces have lil people and eing annexed ation.
this accord s and aspira?” the LTTE it an interim olding of elecbeen constih the accord, he assurance Minister that councils will 2 measures of
autonomy or powers enjoyed by the Indian States, has been abandoned; the Tamil language has not been given equal status, as stated by the government of India, Indian forces have failed to protect the Tamil people; and the Tamils homeland is being annexed through Sinhala colonisation with Sinhalese in the past five years.
TIGERS ROUNDED UPIN MADRAS
The police swooped down on cadres of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam operating in Tamil Nadu and took 154 militants into custody. Sixty-seven were seized in Madras and 78 in Madurai. The rest were from other parts of the state, police sources said.
The raids began early on Aug. 7 morning barely two days after Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi had warned at a public meeting at Mannargudi in Thanjavur district that the intransigence of the Tigers could not be allowed to continue.
This is the biggest crackdown on militants since the India-Sri Lanka accord was signed on July 29 last year.
Sathasian Krishnakumar, alias Kittu, the former Jaffna commander of the LTTE and its chief representative in India, has been under house arrest for sometime.
Most of the cadres in Tamil Nadu were put under arrest or surveillance just before the anniversary of the accord, when the Tigers had planned protests.
- The United News of india
inkan 30,000 year old e Technology found
ic stone tool not known in BC-has been and dated to
finely made ns or spears, wo caves and south of the
rst time sug- .. °
ed stone tool gy was being in that early
ed techniques come to light and Zaire.
Tn as geomet) have been creatures as ant squirrels,
ed as small
vood or boneone artifacts r cutting up
Wild breadfruit and wild banana seeds, as well as the bones of various types of prey, have been found together with the stone barbs and blades in the caves.
The same type of stone tool technology continued with very little change from 30,000 years ago until around 1,700 BC.
Archaeologists working in the
-a is caves have also unearthed the earliest
skeletal evidence of modern humans -Homo Sapiens-ever found in south Asia. Dating from 30,000 years ago, the bones are being analysed by 影 nell University in New York state.
An earlier type of human had also inhabited the island. A series of small stone tools, mostly less than five centimetres long, have been found under the sand dunes and probably date from 125,000 years ago.
The archaeological excavation and research work has been directed by Dr Siran Deraniyagala of the government of Sri Lanka’s Archaeological Survey Department.
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22 TAMIL TIMES
additional word 60
Tamil Hindu 42 years divorced with son settled in U.K. seeks suitable lady with view to marriage. Write with details to M 230, c/o Tamil Times. Jaffna Hindu Parents seek professionally qualified partner, working abroad, vegetarian, for their daughter, 29 years, tall, British qualified radiographer in U.K. Horoscope and details to M 241, C/o Tamil Times.
Tamil Christian parent seeks for their accountant daughter, fair, medium height, working in U.K., professionally qualified or graduate partner in early thirties. Reply giving details to M 242, C/O Tanni Tinnes.
Aunt seeks for Tamil Christian engineer, tall, holding good position, owning house in U.K. pretty girl, professionally qualified or graduate between 25 & 28 years, write all particulars to M 243, c/o Tamil Times.
Tamil Hindu brother seeks suitable groom for divorced sister, 36 years, employed and U.K. citizen. Details to M 244, C/o Tamil Times.
Jaffna Hindu parents seek working partner in U.K. for their 29 year old daughter, British citizen, employed in London. Students completing their studies also considered. Please reply to M 245, C/o Tamil Times.
August 21st 6.00pm. Musical Extravaby London Veena Group presented by Northern Tamil Association at Longsight Community Hall, Stockport Road, Manchester 14. For tickets telephone (O61) 224 5019.
September 24th 6.00pm Jaffna Central College Old Boys & Girls Association Dinner and Social at Lola Jones Hall, Greaves Place of Garratt Lane, Tooting, London SW17.
September 30th 7.30pm Bharatanatyam by Pushkalla Gopal & Unni KrishInnan at Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan, 4a Castletown Road, London W14.
Gnanasooriyar - Beloved husband of Vijayalaxmi, father of Sivakumaran, son of S. Kasilingam (Retired, Colombo Municipality) and Periyanayaki, brother of Dr. Saravanamuttu, Dr.. Vigneswaran, Dr. Pushparajan, Kugapalan,
Sivagnanapooshani, Harih. away. Funeral took place
On 15.6.88 - 33 Polwarth
castle Upon Tyne, U.K.
Elayatamby Saballinga husband of the late Malaric Dr. S. Jothilingam, Mrs Ka Poovendraraj, Mrs. Jeg Ananthapaskaran, Uthamé Uthayakumari Mahendran, Abayalingam and Mrs Naveendran passed away on 3.8.88 - "Kuruni, M. Hitchin, Herts SG4 7NH.
It is an irony of fate that
younger in age should
ceased me. Many years association entitles me appreciation of a person v achievements mainly in t education in our homelan acknowledged and cann surpassed. He had the un tion of having held the s of two leading educatic tions in the island.
Jaffna Central, one o centres of English educ island, had the good forta ing his services at a time and benefitted considera efficient and determined fill the expectations of the of Education and the sch ity at large. His memor main fresh in the mind nected to Jaffna Central. pinnacle of his long an career was his appointm cipal of the premier Hind
- Jaffna Hindu College,
try. That he made a su assignment is an und which its righ the annals of the great i I had know him for century and our associal school with Saba having contemporary of mine a du. He distinguished merely as a goed studer
ran passed many extra-curricular activities. He
it Nainativu came into the limelight as a goal Drive, New- keeper par excellence, among the
school soccer teams in the north. This special skill continued to flourish in other members of his family especially his younger brother and eldest son.
We came closer together at Kokuvil Hindu where Saba had the bulk of his teaching career. He did not take time to gafin recognition as a reputed teacher of Mathematics and Science through the Advanced Level clases. He came to be loved and admired by his students and was held in high esteem by his colleagues and the school community at large.
He made a distinct contribution in the development of the institution, extending his interest and dedication at all times connected with the growth and growing pains of Kokuvil Hindu. He was rewarded with a grade 1 special post early in his life there. Subsequently he was elevated to the post of Deputy Principal. The rich experience he gathered at Koku
m Beloved vil Hindu over two decades stood him thi, father of in great stead in the advancement of tipakambigai his subsequent successful career. atnambigai Even when he was at the helm of tlingam, Mrs affairs in the educational sphere hold Jeyalingam, ing in succession the stewardships of Kalaichelvi the two leading institutions in Jaffna,
r i he felt proud to make emphatic menm tion of his gratitude to Kokuvil Hindu, and described his experience in educational planning there as the ION secret of his success. Kokuvil Hindu in turn never failed to feel proud of Saba, much the achievements of its distinguished have prede- product. of our close A special mention must be made of to write an the fact that he was one of the only whose record two Tamil Heads of Schools to be he sphere of awarded by the department of educa
d, are widely tion the highest rank of selection ot be easily Grade Principal, equivalent to that of ique distinc- the Regional Director.
tewardships He was in the main stream of public nal institul life in Jaffna and held positions of
responsibility and honour, not only in f the oldest the sphere of education but also in a tion in the multitude of other social organisaine of secur- tions. He was keenly interested in fgreat need the activities of Hindu religious bodies bly from his and contributed in no small measure
effort to full- towards their advancement. department Saba was very closely attached to bol commun- me and the mutual affection between y should re- us was so deep rooted that it endured i of all con- the trials and tests of time and rePerhaps the mained as fresh and harmonious as at
i successful the beginning. ent as Prin- My family too is deeply grieved over
ಙ್ಗಚಲ his passing away but we feel consoled un e f that he was among and in the midst of ñtဓါး fact his children during his last days. His } place in children led by his eldest illustrious
w 8 son, Jothi, would no doubt bring greastitution. ter glory to the memory of their over half a distinguished father. May Saba rest on began at in peace at the feet of God.
been a junior C.K. KANTHASWAMI Jaffna. Hin (EMERITUS PRINCIPALKOKUVILHINDU). himself not 4/12 York street, Indooroopilly, QLD 4068
; but also in AUSTRALIA
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