கவனிக்க: இந்த மின்னூலைத் தனிப்பட்ட வாசிப்பு, உசாத்துணைத் தேவைகளுக்கு மட்டுமே பயன்படுத்தலாம். வேறு பயன்பாடுகளுக்கு ஆசிரியரின்/பதிப்புரிமையாளரின் அனுமதி பெறப்பட வேண்டும்.
இது கூகிள் எழுத்துணரியால் தானியக்கமாக உருவாக்கப்பட்ட கோப்பு. இந்த மின்னூல் மெய்ப்புப் பார்க்கப்படவில்லை.
இந்தப் படைப்பின் நூலகப் பக்கத்தினை பார்வையிட பின்வரும் இணைப்புக்குச் செல்லவும்: Tamil Times 1988.10
Wo W| No.11 ISSN O25
NORTH-EAST PC ELE
jk POLLS & THE GAT.
x Welf Oya Outrage
k REMEMBERING FOR
-4BE) OCTOBER 1988
ECTIONS, A CHAOS
k Juggling with Japanese Aid
On Kanthasamy's Abduction
Wall ar (Kittu
2 TAMIL TIMES
Colombo Newsletter............................ 3 ANNUAL SU
UK/India/Sri Lank Polls & The Gathering Storm............... 4 All other Countric
Kittu & Other LT TE men freed.............. 6 TAM T
P.O. BC SUTTON, SURF The Vali-Oya Outrage......................... 7 UNITED
Views expressed by contri those of the editor or the
Remembering the Future.................. 10
The publishers assume no − unsolicited manuscripts, p
Mrs. Sirima Bandaranaike has been adopted by an alliance of opposition parties in Sri Lanka as their common candidate in the forthcoming Presidential election. She may become the next all powerful executive President of Sri Lanka. At a public meeting On 7 October, she said:
"Almost 95 per cent of the people of Sri Lanka were opposed to the Indo-Sri Lankan Accord. That included the LTTE. As Sri Lankans, we must get together and discuss our problems. We have to deal with the grievances of the minorities. I firmly believe that a new government under my leadership can bring the communities together on the basis of equality and by dispelling the mistrust that was there with the present government".
With her past track record and that of her Sri Lankan Freedom Party, can one place any trust on Mrs. B to 'deal with the grievances of the minorities' and bring the communities together on the basis of equality'?
As leader of the SLFP and Prime Minister in 1956, her late husband S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike set alight the flames of Sinhala Chauvinism and anti-Tamil Communalism with his demagogic 'Sinhala Only in 24 hours'. He presided over the first ever island-wide anti-Tamil pogrom in 1958 which set the pernicious precedent for many more such pogroms in the future. The popular wave of sympathy that followed her husband's untimely tragic demise in 1959, catapulted Mrs. Bandaranaike into power and prominence. As Prime Minister, she further fanned the flames of ethnic tension and Conflict. What her late husband enacted into law, she implemented in practice with a vengeance against the Tamil people. Tamil government employees who failed to qualify in Sinhala were compulsorily retired or discriminated against. Sinhala was imposed as the operational language in the law courts. When the Tamil politicians began a Gandhyan style non-violent campaign against governmental discriminatory and oppressive measures, she sent her military into the Tamil areas in the early 1960s and from then on her army remained as an occupying force in these areas. She and her party aided and abetted by the extremist sections of the Buddhist clergy thwarted any attempt at a negotiated solution to the ethnic problem.
Her regime of 1970 to 1977 presided over some of the most direct assaults on the minorities, especially the Tamil people. Her Constitution of 1972 removed all
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SHOULD COME CLEAN
vestiges of constitutional guarantees for the minorities. Sinhala was enshrined in the Constitution as the only official language and Buddhism elevated almost to the position of the State Religion. A moratorium on the recruitment of those belonging to the Tamil community into the armed and police services was introduced so much so that by the time she was defeated in 1977, nearly 97 per cent of the armed services comprised of those belonging to the majority Sinhala community. Recruitment to the Civil and Administrative services in the government sector was subjected to an institutionalised policy of flagrant discrimination against the Tamil community. Admissions to universities, medical colleges and institutions of higher education were based on a viciously anti-Tamil policy of discrimination so much so that Tamil students who obtained higher marks were shut out while those Sinhala students who obtained lower marks were made eligible for admission. It was during her time, for the first time, members of the Tamil community particularly the youth began to be detained without trial for prolonged periods. It was the policies and measures pursued so vigorously by her and the SLFP during this period that drove even the moderate Federal Party to raise the demand of a separate state. History is certain to assail her regime of 1970 to 1977 as the one which gave birth, substance and justification for Tamil militancy.
Even after the tragedy of the July 1983 island-wide anti-Tamil pogrom in which an estimated 2,000 Tamils perished, Mrs. Bandaranaike and her party have persistently thwarted any attempt to settle the ethnic problem by negotiation.
Today, they oppose the Indo-Sri Lankan Agreement. They oppose the establishment of Provincial Councils. They oppose the merger of the northern and eastern provinces.
With such a damning track record, does Mrs. Bandaranaike expect anyone to believe her when she claims that she and her party would bring the communities together on the basis of equality under her leadership? So far neither she nor her party has spelt out their policy to resolve the ethnic problem. Now that she has been adopted by the All Ceylon Tamil Congress along with Some opposition political parties as their common Presidential candidate, Mrs. Bandaranaike and her party should come clean and openly spell out their agenda for the resolution of the ethnic conflict and restoration of peace and harmony.
OCTOBER 1988 గశళ్లు
NORTH-EAST PC ELECTIONS IN CHAOS
A chaotic situation prevails in respect of the elections to the merged Northern and Eastern Provincial Council scheduled to be held on November 19. When nominations closed on 10 October, besides a few nominations from candidates belonging to the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress (SLMC) and the ruling United National Party (UNP) for seats in the Eastern province, the majority of nominations were filed by candidates belonging to three Tamil militant groups, the Eelam Peoples Revolutionary Liberation Front (EPRLF), Eelam National Democratic Liberation Front (ENDLF) and Tamil Eelam Liberation Organisation (TELO)
Three main well known Tamil militant groups, Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), Peoples Liberation Organisation of Tamil Eelam (PLOTE) and Eelam Revolutionary Organisers (EROS) had already indicated that they would not participate in the Provincial Council elections. The LTTE openly called for a boycott of the elections and issued warnings against those who participated in whatever form and organised a 'hartal on the closing day for nominations. The warnings extended to government employees who, by virtue of their official position, were bound to receive nominations and make arrangements for the elections. Most of the Government Agent's offices in the north and east remained closed on nomination day in keeping with the warning from the LTTE.
The Tamil United Liberation Front (TULF) also declined to participate in the elections while appealing to the Tamil people of the north and east “to extend their full support to the efforts to activate the democratic process'. The TULF statement stated that the democratic process in the Northern and Eastern Provinces was the necessary means to consolidate the gains obtained through the Indo-Sri Lanka Agreement. Although the Government of India unilaterally declared a ceasefire for ten days to enable the LTTE to come into the politicalmainstream, the TULF expressed its disappointment at the LTTE to respond positively to the gesture of the Indian Government. This failure has created a situation in which it was difficult for an unarmed non-violent political party like the TULF to field candidates at the PC elections. However, the TULF was conscious that the Tamil speaking people were fully supportive of the efforts of the Indian government to institu
tionalise the ach Agreement and er of the commitmer ments to the sch through an elected cial Council.
The non-partici militant groups a resulted in the E) some TELO candi tested in many oft in the north and ea a total of twelve uncontested in M niya (4) and Ki EPRLF had 24 of it tested comprising and 5 in the Man Trincomalee distr belonging to thest uncontested as the UNP candidates y tests were expecte and Amparai dis candidates from th had submitted no ably violence has b groups participatir and those not doi been many instan Following these d have publicly withd tions. TELO has ti the elections.
There is speculat attempt at the elec north and east wo view of the chaotic
Prior to the anr for nominations, t ment ordered a unil five days in the fi ning 15 September LTTE to surrendel LTTE responded welcoming the ceas it to be a permanen Indian government for negotiations. A cease-fire for a fur ordered by India, bu accede to the demar of weapons. Before pired on 25 Septem citizens from the no High Commissione September and urg the cease-fire for lo was declined.
On 9 September, dene issued a procl ing the merger of eastern provinces, a
lievements of the sure the fulfilment t for the improveeme of devolution North-East Provin
pation by the other nd the TULF has \DLF, EPRLF and dates being unconhe electoral districts st. The ENDLF had
of its candidates ullaitivu (5), Vavulinochchi (3). The is candidates uncon9 for Jaffna district nar district. In the ict too, candidates 2 two groups were 2 nominations from vere rejected. Cond in the Batticaloa tricts where some he UNP and SLMC minations. Predictbroken out between ng in the elections ng so. There have ces of killings too. evelopments, some |rawn their nominaotally pulled out of
tion that the whole toral process in the uld be called off in
state of affairs. e-Fire nouncement calling he Indian governateral cease-fire for rst instance beginand called upon the its weapons. The with a statement e-fire but asked for tone and urged the to invite the LTTE n extension of the ther five days was ut the LTTE did not ld for the surrender the cease-fire exber, leading Tamil rth met the Indian ", Mr. Dixit, on 24 ged him to extend onger period which
Duncement President Jayewarlamation announcthe northern and und nominated Mr.
TAMIL TIMES 3
Shelton Ranarajah, the present Depu
ty Minister of Justice, as Governor for the merged North-East Province.
A communique issued by the Presidential Secretariat on 19 September stated that necessary legislation would be enacted before the actual date of the elelctions for the North-East Provincial council to make 'Sinhala and Tamil as operational official languages'. The communique added that all Tamils held in detention would be released. Since then a substantial number of detainees have already been released.
The battlelines for the forthcoming Presidential elections are already being drawn. The elections are expected to be held sometime during the third week of December and nominations will close by the end of November.
President Jayewardene, after much deliberation, has abandoned the idea of running for a third term. The Working Committee of the ruling United National Party which met on 16 September decided to nominate Prime Minister R. Premadas as its Presidential candidate. He was proposed by Jayewardene and seconded by the Minister of National Security, Lalith Athulathmudali and the Minister for Lands and Mahaveli Development, Gamini Dissanayake.
The Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) had already decided to nominate Mrs. S. Bandaranaike as its candidate. However, now an eight-party coalition has adopted her as their common Presidential candidate. The eight political parties in this alliance are the SLFP, Mahajana Eksath Peramuna (MEP), Eksath Lanka Jathika Pakshaya (EL.JP), All Ceylon Tamil Congress (ACTC), Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP), Sri Lanka Muslim Congress (SLMC), Democratic Workers Congress (DWC) and the Liberal Party.
Most of the parties in the opposition alliance are against the Indo-Sri Lanka Agreement and the presence of the IPKF, and one of its constituents the JVP is engaged in an armed confrontation with the government. Except the All Ceylon Tamil Congress led by Kumar Ponnampalam, DWC, SLMC and Liberal Party, all other parties of this alliance are opposed to any meaningful devolution of powers to Tamil areas. In this context, how the Tamil Congress can find common cause in such an alliance is somewhat intriguing.
Already, Mrs. Bandaranaike has thrown a challenge to the UNP's nominee Premadasa, as to what his attitude to the Indo-Sri Lanka Agreement would be. It is a known fact that Mr. Premadasa was opposed to the agreement when it was signed and he boycotted the ceremonies when Rajiv Continued on page 6
4 TAMIL TIMES
Polls AND THEc
As I write this - the clock on the wall gives one the nervous feeling that it is ticking with great urgency. By the time this reaches the reader, it is quite likely that events would have overtaken what appears in cold print.
Indian policy on Sri Lanka, which looked flawed by indecisiveness these past few months, now seems to be going on a set course. Phase 3 of "Operation Checkmate' covering the jungle belt in the Vavuniya-Mullaitivu sector is taking on a more determined direction, and as to what the-eventual consequence of it would be, is a matter of speculation. But whatever the outcome, it cannot be something that could bring permanent peace to the Tamil people. With several elections in the offing within the next 4/5 months, all of them threatening to be controversial and acrimonious, and the political climate in the entire South Asian subcontinent - Pakistan, Burma, Sri Lanka, Afghanistan (India including), enveloped in dark clouds, there is the aura of a gathering storm that could engulf the entire region.
As the scenario presents itself at this point of time, the first of the elections could be in November — for a Provincial Council for a merged Northern and Eastern provinces in Sri Lanka. Quick on the heels of that, possibly in December, there might take place the Sri Lankan Presidential election. Elections to Tamil Nadu Assembly are likely in early January in the coming year. The Sri Lanka General Parliamentary elections are also due sometime in the first half of 1989. There is more than a tenuous link between each of them, and the fate of one could disturb the schedule of the other. Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi himself ends his 5-year term late next year, and the prospects of elections being advanced cannot be ruled out, with the Indian Opposition coming for the first time in four years within striking distance of capturing power.
Time is running short In the region itself, the political
ferment in Burma and Pakistan and
the growing agitation for the restoration of democracy in both countries and their logical sequel will certainly have a bearing on Indian policy approaches in the region, and could even have an indirect bearing on Indian perceptions on the Sri Lankan and Tamil questions. While the complexities around are building up, time is running short for Prime Minister Gandhi, left as he is with a bare four months to prove that his accord with President Jayewardene has worked, before his Congress-I party faces the Tamil Nadu voter. That could imply only one thing - that the Tamils are destined to go through another critical phase in their life. Had
હું S. Siv (Former Edito
we assumed tha North-East Sri through the wor likely to happel worse than wil through in Oct even that is an cannot safely res tlessness about over which neith ment, nor the Liberation Tiger firm controli, cau by the mistakes Wise assessmel tions of the pa makers on all si back on knee-j stitutes for poli
It is obvious elections, all pushed back be frames, there is expected becau. back the demo peaceful it wi happened in SI Mrs Bandaran after seven yea worse if Presi cides to have ge after 12 years. be in proportio ponement; wha Burma and Pa ples. Between cipation in the the emergence distinct connec Popula Whatever t are in Democ system that re the compulsiol of the people. mon Americ Stevenson sai
by Mnayagam Saturday Review)
the Tamils living in
Lanka have gone zt, and nothing is now n that could be any hat they had gone
assumption that we it on. There is a relenthe march of events her the Indian GovernSri Lankan, nor the s appear to have any ght up as they all are , miscalculations, unhts and impetuous acst one year.Decision des seem to be falling erk reactions as SubCy. in each one of these of which have been ond their original time danger lurking that is e the longer you hold ratic process, the less turn out to be. It
Lanka in 1977 when ike went to the polls s and it is bound to be ent Jayewardene deheral elections in 1989 h fact the violence may
to the period of postwe witness today in istan are visible examenial of popular partiffairs of a country and of violence there is a
susceptibility 2 shortcomings there acy, that is the only ognises, or at least has to recognise the rights ut as the late uncomn statesman Adlai
"Government by the
consent of the governed is the most difficult system of all because it depends for its success and viability on the good judgements and wise decisions of so many of us.' But unfortunately in the experience of the postcolonial, newly emergent Asian democracies, particularly in Sri Lanka, so many of us do not judge or decide when it comes to election issues. We merely emote. That goes for both the Tamil and Sinhala voters. I remember as a schoolboy, joining a procession in Jaff. na that kept on raising the slogan in Tamil — “Our “palam” (strength) is Ponnampalam.' That was the time when the Cambridge-returned G.G. Ponnambalam was riding a wave. In the south the trend began with another orator S. W.R.D. Bandaranaike, Oxford-returned, who came to power in 1956 by thundering for the ushering in of the 'age of the common man”.
May be, a major weakness in democracy is popular susceptibility to platform eloquence, in which rational thought gets submerged. Dictatorships do not necessarily arise from coups and army interventions. It could so happen that because of the lack of vigilance or the loss of courage on the part of the people, the media and the judiciary, democracy may yield to authoritarian
ism. It happened in Germany in the
thirties when Parliament turned over its constitutional authority to Hitler; out of which emerged the Third Reich which Hitler boasted would last for a thousand years. Mercifully it lasted
only 12 years, but remember the dam
age it did for the German psyche? In Sri Lanka it has happened - a duly
elected Parliament surrendering its
authority to one man and committing suicide, although its body lingers on at Jaya war dhanapura in a semi
embalmed state. But the point one has
to make is, given all these pitfalls, it would be foolish to adduce these as arguments against Democracy itself or for the postponing of any democratic process such as electoral polls; or even for the avoidance of them. It would be like arguing against sex because it can lead to adultery or crime.
The Trojan horse
These thoughts become pertinent in view of the proposed election to the north-east provincial council. Here is a
terrible dilema facing the Tamil peo
ple, but are we fully conscious of it? It is easy to talk or write about events after they have happened. Shouldn't we anticipate the consequences of a developing situation, and try to prevent or minimise them if the consequences prove disastrous? On the one hand, the facts are these:- President Jayewardene tells the UNP working committee on August 29 that a proclamation would be made shortly, link
ing the northern and eastern provinces under the Provincial Councils Act, after which the election would take place. He also said Indian troops would help the Sri Lankan security forces and the police to provide security for the holding of the elections. On the same day in the Indian Parliament in Delhi, Minister for External Affairs Mr.P.V.Narasimha Rao rejects the plea for a cease fire; which means the offensive against the LTTE will go on. Both governments are reportedly determined to go ahead with what on paper is a democratic course; but in the Tamil perception, the very democracy that they need more badly than anyone else, is arriving in the form of a Trojan horse Memory is still fresh with what happened in Jaffna in the run up to previous local polls, the District Development Council elections of 1981: TULF participation, LTTE boycott, shots at an election meeting, killings, burnings of the Jaffna Public Library, TULF office, Eelanadu office the house of the Jaffna MP etc. disappearances of ballot boxes, and of course a voter turn-out of 10% or under.
Colombo's argument to Delhi is, that if President Jayewardene could hold provincial council elections in the south despite JVP threats and a heavy toll of human life, why cannot the Indian government help him to hold similar elections in the north-east, particularly when it is argued that normalcy has returned? That is an argument that is difficult to counter. There is also a hidden implication – if President Jayewardene is prepared to sacrifice Sinhala lives, why should the Indian government hesitate to sacrifice some more Tamil lives.?
If the argument goes that should the LTTE call for a boycott, the public would have little choice but to back the LTTE and abstain from going to the polling booths, the counter argument from both governments is that they would be satisfied with a low turn-out. It is not even relevant they say, the important thing was to go through with the elections, and establish civil authority. Even on the possibility of a total boycott, the Tamils are not in a position to ensure that, given on the one hand, the will and might of two governments, and on the other hand the absence of a Tamil consensus.
It has to be remembered that the EPRLF is already a registered party and EROS is planning to contest the elections under the banner of "Eelavar Munnani'. Other elements too may jump into the fray, for differing reasons and with different objectives. Whatever cosiderations that impel them they have very little to do with the accord, or the question of autonomy, least of all the goal of Tamil Eelam. Plain and simple, what is shaping is a power struggle.
Not that power st any country. Citize come participants place within the par cratic framework. going to dictate th destined to go throug violence and loss which might distri desired political ob there are only two w us from further wou which the option rest LTTE:
l. An understanding government (not neci ment), which is still provided the element restored through som on the part of the L what helps to defuse not mutual obondonm but positive gestures formulos. A re-echo stotesmon like sentim LTTE leader Prabhoko malai meeting in Aug on honest effort to trc Oction would go a lon the situation from further.
2. A conscious, unil furn-about in the pres which without compron Tamil interests, con he charge of civil admir certainly calls for flexit another kind and reposi the people, and enteri process either directly After all, the position government has always souring of the atmos months, that they were an LTTE administrati Prabhakoran agreement vide for it.
As for the Tamil pec have to deal with the light of the failures o with a great measure for the future; whether a part of the soil stre and bones, or living ou free from the death st mands a sense of p mere emotion. If the ab lities fail to materialis go from here? What “track record' as a peop years of "independence' off than what we were we better placed than colonialism? Neither. political aspects what is society today?
A sensitive expatri spent a few days in told me that killings, tortions, are happen come to be accepted part of their way of lif
TAM MES 5
gles are alien to themselves bemen those take eters of a demot if bullets are ballot, we are another cycle of further lives, t uS from the ctives. Possibly, is that can save ding, in both of largely with the
with the Indion sorily on agreenot impossible, F mutual trust is healthy gesture
TE. Very often, isis situations is ent of positions, and face soving ng of the very nts expressed by on at the Suthust lost year, and nslate them into way to prevent deteriorating
terol, dromotic ent LTTE stand, mising long-term lp them to take histration. That bility, courage of ng confidence in ng the political r or by proxy. of the Indion been, until the here in recent not opposed to on. The Dixitdid in fact pro
'e ple at large, we present in the the past, and of responsiblity we are living as wn with skulls as expatriates ench. That degmatism, not ve two possibi, where do we has been our during the 40 Are we better n 1948, or are luring British et alone the he state of our
e friend who affna recently Yductions, exg that have by people as Which is bad
enough. What was infinitely worse, he said, was the ingrowing distrust among the people themselves. No one man is inclined to trust the other, brother, kinsman, friend or neighbour. No one is sure of the other - his intentions, his motives, his manner of survival. Where is the hope for a Society that learns to survive on mistrust? The old and the infirm are losing their will to survive. The active and the middle-aged are ready to forego certain cherished values in order to survive. The young generation is growing with hate in their hearts, and with scorn and resentment in their attitudes; they are prepared to lash out at anything that stands on their way, be they elders, teachers or parents. An unseen generation war is brewing, overshadowed by the brutality of other wars, the war between the LTTE and IPKF, the warring between militant groups, and private feuds between families and individuals. How many more generations are we prepared to sacrifice before Tamils can live on their land without fear and with hope?
Emotion and escapism
It could be said that one major reason for Tamil failure in preserving our rights and dignity and self respect is that we have survived far too long on two tangents - Emotion at one end, and Escapism on the other. Tamil politics whether in Sri Lanka or Tamil Nadu, has been built on the loose foundations of Emotion, backed by the flow of the spoken language. The insiduous factor that brought politicians and political parties into power has been platform oratory. The once ‘uncrowned king of Jaffna Mr. G.G.Ponnambalam, had the skill in good measure, and if the late Mr.S.J.V.Chelvanayakam did not have it, others in the party made up for it. I am not talking of the rights and wrongs of policies; only of the means of achieving leadership.
But over the last fifteen years there has been a qualititative change, a very desirable change, in the thinking of our new generation. While a large section of the older generation continued to be escapist in outlook, the new generation that had seen enough of fruitless emotion and the habit of . running away, turned to inspired, selfless idealism.
Velupillai Prabhakaran today remains a shining symbol of that. But, of course, that idealism did not come unaccompanied. On the passenger seat was a new face - a face, until then unknown to the tradition-bound, peace-bent, conservative Tamil society. That new face belonged to VIOLENCEl The youths knew of no other recourse, and the political leadership could not come up with any other alternative in the face of the spiralling Sinhala mob and State violence. As for
the people they were left with no choice in the matter. Helvetius said it long ago: 'Every period has its great men, and if these are lacking, it invents them!' Prabhakaran was a totally unlikely leader to emerge out of a society that looked up to a formally "educated', professional class, for leadership, a society that prided on its old values and placed much store on age, experience, caste, affluence, all adding up to one totality - a leadership of compromise. It was the turbulence of the period that "inVentedo Prabhakaran!
Compromise from strength
Now, compromisers are not necessarily bad people. The human struggle for Life itself is an eternal compromise. But in public life, it all depends on the rationale behind the compromise, the acumen, the timing, choosing the tactical moment to seek a compromise. The motivation should also be free from thoughts of personal benefit. Mr. G.G. Ponnambalamm's compromise in 1948 and his entering the D.S. Senanayake cabinet was a worthless one. When Mr. Chelvanayakam entered into a pact with Mr.S.W. R.D. Bandaranaike in 1957, ten months before the May 1958 riots broke out, that could have proved a useful and tactical compromise, but unfortunately for both the Tamils and Sinhalese, the other party went back on it. In contrast, the TULF's compromise following the aftermath of the 1977 elections proved barren. Had a non-violent, agitational struggle been sustained with the direct participation of the people, there would have been no need to fill the growing aspirational vacuum with guns. In essence, compromise should be sought from a position of strength and not from a state of weakness.
But there comes a point in an armed struggle, where the human cost factor is important, when the leader himself has to take Stock of the prevailing odds, and decide whether
to go forward, o or to temporize, That is a decisio possibly comme large, unlike in tion or a mass s not active partic except whateve be taken fast a ing point of ti) LTTE leader mi, words of Che Gu before he was ki not mean that v There were man trying to reach Everest, but in t was conquered. romanticism th; what he was, Prabhakaran w purely military pression of incr defiance of hi armed machine daring against are undoubtedly admiration. He national headl years than ma ments in the con are all these the of the crisis loor today? We cann the great Lenir goes without s without romanti better than a always been in : tionary romanti agreed with the Tamil dilemma what we need Romanticism Pragmatism.
Gandhi came ti At a recent anaike alleged, Rajiv Gandhi be no change towards this is: sa's leadership secret agreen Prime Ministe However, M his position v special session ber when he w Presidential c.
"The Indo-S accord reache and the Prim President ele whole countr such an ag elected by t power to ab ment . . . I hi with a Frienc ter reciprocit, sovereignty, the unitary land. If we a India, we mu
ause and gain time, even compromise. that no one else can on, because by and revolutionary situaIggle, the people are ants in the struggle; ecision it is, it has to his rapidly develop2. But possibly the it well respond in the rara who said shortly 2d: "My defeat would tory is unattainable. who were beaten in the summit of Mt. e final result Everest
That is the kind of
, made Che Guevara und probably makes at he is. Looked at in erms, and as an exdible motivation, his own government's and his continuing regional superpower worthy of the highest as earned more internes these past five ny heads of governtemporary world. But answer to the gravity ning before the Tamils ot do better than quote himself. He said "It aying, we cannot do cism. An excess of it is deficiency. We have sympathy with revolucs, even when we dism.” That points to the today. In other words at this moment is plus; the plus being
h page 3
Colombo in July 1987. meeting, Mrs. Bandar"Indian Prime Minister as said that there will in Sri Lanka's policy ue under Mr. PremadaI feel he has come to a ent with the Indian to continue this policy'.
. Premadasa spelt out hen he addressed the of the UNP on 9 Octosadopted as the party's ldidate:
Lanka Accord is an between our President Minister of India. The d by the people of the is empowered to reach ement. A President people has also the 3ate any such agreee to replace the Accord ip Treaty having greaind in keeping with the rritorial integrity and aracter of our motherde or give anything to get a similar thing in
return. This is called reciprocity. If there is no reciprocity, our country gets devalued. Our sovereignty wil get devalued. .
"The presence of a foreign force in any country is an irritant. The Indian Peace Keeping Force came here at the invitation of our President. India confirms that the Peace Keeping Force will leave our shores at anytime the the President requests them to do so....I understand that India is keen to withdraw the Indian Peace Keeping Force. It is reported that the Peace Keeping Force is staying in Sri Lanka until the Provincial Council elections in the North and East are completed.
"One thing is clear. Everyone, every community and every shade of opinion in Sri Lanka is agreed in their opposition to the continued presence of the Indian Peace Keeping Force in our motherland . . . .This is an issue on which all are in agreement unreservedly and unconditionally. If by the time I am elected President, the Indian Peace Keeping Force have not left, I shall ensure that they are withdrawn.
“The Northern and Eastern Provinces have now been merged. You may remember that in my speech in Parliament I prayed that this should not happen. That was my wish. However, the two Provinces have been temporarily merged. The people of the Eastern Province will be provided with an opportunity to decide whether their Province should be separated from the Northern Province or not. This verdict will be given by the people of the Eastern at a poll to be held within an year. When I am elected President, I will extend this opportunity to the people of the Eastern Province as early as possible. I am personally opposed to the merger, as the ratio of Tamil, Muslim and Sinhala people in the Eastern Province is almost equal'.
κITτυ και OTHERLTTE
One of the LTTE's top leaders, Sathasivam Krishnakumar, better known as Kittu and over a hundred other LTTE members who have been detained in India were released and flown to Jaff. na on 10 October.
Kittu, in a letter addressed to the Indian PM, had previously indicated that he was going to undertake a fast unto death commencing October 10 if he and other LTTE men were not released. It would seem that action of the Indian government was prompted by their desire to avoid the edverse publicity resulting from Kittu's threatened fast.
It is reported that Kittu and many other LTTE men were released in Jaffna on 12 October in the presence of the members of the Co-ordinating Committee of the Joint Citizens Council for the Northern and Eastern Provinces.
COLONISATION OF TAMIL AREAS
st The injustice and irreparable damage being inflicted by the Sri Lankan government through her continuing colonization of traditional Tamil homeland with the Sinhala community are herein, focussed.
If it is allowed to succeed, the Vali-Oya Scheme will definitely sever the linkage between the North and the East of our country with dire and permanent consesquences to our people and will also be a repudiation of the spirit and intent of the July accord of
We are driven to cry out in anguish:
"Woe unto the Tamil speaking people of Sri Lanka, even unto those of whom, in their innocence, have placed their trust and hopes in the July, 87 Accord”.
Brutality and disaster continue to befall our hapless people, the Accord notwithstanding. Dispossession and Sinhala colonization of our traditional homelands continue unabated and with full fury.
Ever since Ceylon was granted her independence in 1948 by the British there has been a planned and wellorchestrated move by successive Sinhala governments to de-stabilise and destroy the fundamental rights, the civil liberties, the economy and the very identity of the Tamil-speaking people of this country. Many were driven away from their places of habitation in predominantly Sinhala areas under the claims that these lands were to be declared sacred Buddhist areas or that these were to be parts of large settlement schemes. Sinhala Buddhist upheavals, sponsored by successive governments, drove many more of our people away from their lands and properties, especially in the years: 1956, 1958, 1961, 1966, 1971, 1976, 1977 and 1983. In many instances the racist Sinhala gangs were led or directed onto their path of murder and mayhem by the very ministers and M.PP. of the State.
The whole Island, from Point Pedro to Dondra Head, was openly acclaimed by the Government as Sinhala Buddhist country of pristine glory and the Tamil community, including those of the upcountry plantation sector, has been fair game for the government's relentless and institutionalized suppression. To gain political clout based on racism, predominantly Tamil Districts were settled with the Sinhala community in large numbers. The extent of this aggression can be gauged
Reproduced from a publication by the Tamil militant group Eelam Revolutionary Organisation. (dated 8.8.1988).
when, as an exal the Eastern P population of 4.5 increased to 33.0 The Maduru-Oy instance where
adduced at that
found to be a c Tamils with Sinh
Then came a tervention, first, tention of succo people of Jaffna a of a solemn accor the downtrodden days of the Ta were very soon carrot that was h speaking people and East of the every chance to for our hopes and there is the dictu permanent, whils is not, in interna be, it is foreseein, at present, that a our community e tions against thi rest adopted a w the LTTE opting cions and dist Jayawardena gov sand in the eyes ment with incred India has proved to the Sri Lanka latter's effort t speaking people waywardness an under a cloak of tability.
The Sri Lank continued her su fracturing the gei of the North-East on the basis of e her activities esp ing of the Accord. were being crea community in n and, in recent tim ly motivated sch Sinhala families families) was co Aru (a hitherto changed to Vali-C ing of the same m was possible only Tamils from thei) and those who ha upcountry Tamil of earlier Sinhala in the vicinity we the rest forced to face of the onsla ment’s military : itself 29 villager
TAMIL TIMES 7
imple, we find that, in "rovince a Sinhala 5% in 1938, has now % - an eight-fold leap! a project is another whole Tamil villages though the motives time have later been over to supplant the lalese.
long the Indian inwith the avowed inuring the famished und then as a partner 'd after assuring that and under-privileged mil-speaking people to end. The largest eld out to the Tamilwas that the North country would have merge. Alas, so much aspirations. After all, um that interests are st friendship or amity tional relations. May g such a situation, as sizeable proportion of xpressed its reserva2. Accord, whilst the ait-and-see attitude - to express its suspitrust openly. The fernment has thrown of the Indian governdible success. In fact to be a friend-in-need n government in the o visit the Tamilfurther with her ld foul deeds, now, international respec
an government has rreptitious efforts at ographical continuity region of our country thnicity, intensifying ecially after the signArtificial homelands ted for the Sinhala most Tamil Districts les, a special politicalheme for exclusively (for more than 3,000 mmenced at Manal Tamil name, now bya, a Sinhala rendereaning). This scheme by driving away the r own or leased lands d re-settled thither as refugees, the victims riots. Tamil villagers ere murdered and all flee in terror, in the ughts of the governmight. En one night s were murdered at
Othiyamalai, a hamlet furthermost from the Vali-Oya colony. A list of villages thus vacated by Tamils is given in appendix-I. Large areas further away were cordoned by the military after murdering or driving out all Tamil inhabitants. No civil officers were permitted to enter these zones where preliminary arrangements were being made to settle those of the Sinhala community. The laws and ordinances of the country were grossly violated as the government agents of the Mullaitivu and Vavuniya Districts, in which parts of the Vali-Oya scheme encroach were totally non-plussed about the government's intents and machinations.
Even the new alienation, of the lands concerned, was done secretively and at Colombo (by the Ministry of Lands) instead of by the relevant government agent and their officials.
How can India disclaim her responsibility for the tearing asunder of the North and of the East of our country,
which have been contiguous geog
raphically and in their ethnicity for ages? The recent gazette notification (of 15th April, 1988) indicates that large chunks of land in the Mullaitivu and Vavuniya Districts, the very traditional lands of the Tamil speaking people, are to be forcibly vacated with the government's proclamation that these lands comprise a 'Special area forthwith. (Vide appendices — III & III). India doesn't enjoy sufficient rapport with the Tamil-speaking people of this country to realise that the present activities of the Sri Lankan government militate against their apsirations and hopes: and, incidentally, hold up the Accord to ridicule and derision and lead to ultimate failure, by not keeping to the intent and spirit of this agreement. The establishement of the ValiOya scheme and its blatant expansionism is the thin end of the wedge to fragment the North-East Tamil traditional region permanently and with disastroous consequences for our people. Meanwhile, India continues to look the other way, In her indifference and assumed naivete, whilst 42 of our historic villages are being gobbled up.
Wither the Sri Lankan Government's headlong plunge into religio-social hegemony? For how much longer will the credibility of the actions of the 2 signatories to the Accord continue to be eroded in the eyes of a desperate and abandoned people? Does India's long-avowed sympathy for the cause of the under-privileged Tamil-speaking people only manifest
Continued on page 9
8 TAM TIMES
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From page 7 itself in effecting cosmetic forms in civil discipline through her armed forces. Will the present situation lead to the permanent implantation and expansion of the Vali-Oya Sinhala colony and to the irrevocable severance of the North-East linkage, thus spelling the doom and perdition of the Tamilspeaking people of this country?
APPENDIX-I : 1. The following number of familie have been dispossessed of their land by the armed forces of the Sri Lankan government in the latter's bid to create new homlands for the Sinhala community being brought in from other Sinhala districts (based on figures of 1971).
Vavuniya – North Grama Sevaka Officer’s Division (Vavuniya District)
Name of Village No. of families Ootugulam O1 Vedivaithakallu 89 Sooriyanaru 83 Kallartrukulathiddam 01. Ariyakumdacholai 118
No. of Middle-Class farms each of 100 acres or more leased by Tamil business COCerS. (Vavuniya & Mullaitivu Districts) Radio Kamam
Ananda Trading Co.
Jegajothy & Co.
Cargo Boat Co.
Postal Group, etc. Kokkuthoduvai Grama Sevaka Officer's Division (Mullaitivu District) Name of village No. of families
Kokkuthoduvai 861 Karunartukerni 370 Sahalarthuveli O1 Kotaoakerni 19 Vatherthamerdu 19 Uuthiriyankulam 01. Kalnarti 01 Manalkerni O1 Alankulam 23 Vannathipalam 05
Kokkilai Grama Sevaka Officer's Division (Mullaitivu District)
Name of Village No. of families Kokkilai 508 Mariyamunai 04 Mahuthuvaram 1004
2. The following number of families are
to be dispossessed of their lands in the immediate future under the provisions
of the government's gazette notifica
tion of 14.4.88:-
Vavuniya – North Grama Sevaka Officer’s Division (Vavuniya District)
Name of village Kartupoovarasau Kanchuramotai Katkulam Sinnakoramotai Kovilpuliyakular Maruthodai Nochchikulam Paddadaimurinth Pattikudiyiruppu Thanikallu Thuvaraankulam Unchatkaddi Other Grama Sev Officers' Divisions
Name of Village
Aladikulam Arumuhathankul Naiyaru Thannimuriippu Andankulam Kumulamunai Puliyamunai
The details of få of Thanniyootn, l Karnatukerni, Periyakulam, S. Nedunkerni town paasi, Mamadu, T la sing am ku la Mamoolai, Othiya kalampulavu, A Karadipooval and District of Vavul and Villages in th trict (e.g. Til Kotakerni, Amari with a total a strength of 7,590 : to be included. Thi 13,288 families th sessed or will be homelands throug scheme a total of tion to the 14 or so by Tamil business
- Gazette of the De public of Sri Lanka -
THE MAHAWELI LANKA ACT No.2 UNDER SECTION
By virtue of the under Section 3(1) o Authority of Sri Lan. Lionel Gamini Diss Lands, Land Develc Development do he included in the Sch "Special Area
GAM Minis Develo M Ministry Ref.MD/WC Ministry of Mahawe No.500,T.B. Jayah M Colombo 10. 28th. March 1988
Schedule showing th of System L.
NORTH-Starting at the Nedunker Puliyankulam-Mulla running North Eastv
No. of families kulam 91.
aka (Mullaitivu District)
No of families
05 ΕΥ. 69 465 243 49 1164 16
milies of the villages Kanukerni, Murippu, Poothan avayal, snapulavu, part of Iththimadu, Palam"hatamalai, Madavam , Ko da li k a l lu, malai, Udanka, Erurumuhathankulam, many others in the niya and Mullaitivu le Trinocomalee Disn e n n a m a r a v a d i , vayal & Pulmoddai) pproximate family in addition, have yet s will make a total of at have been disposdispossessed of their h the government's 42 villages, in additracts held on leases COCES.
mocratic Socialist Re
1988 04 4
AUTHORITY OF SRI 3 OF 1979 ORDER () order No.6
Power vested in me Sri Lanka Mahaweli a Act No.23 of 1979 II, anayake, Minister of pment and Mahaweli by declare the area dule hereunder as a
INE DISSANAYAKE er of Lands and Land ment and Minister of haweli Development. GEN. 2 (II) 4 Development. awatha,
rom the Centre point Junction of the vu Main Road and rds along the Centre
TAMIL TIMES 9
line of this road upto the Centre point at the Tanniyuttu Junction.
EAST -From the last mentioned point turning South Eastwards and running along the Centre line of the TanniyuttuKumulamunai Road upto the bank of the Nayaru Lagoon, thence in a Southerly Direction along the Centre line of the Kumulamundi-Andankulam Road upto the
point where this road meets the Andank
ulam Forest Reserve Boundary, thence from this point turning South Eastwards and running along a straight line joining the said point and the Pulleyar Kovil Junction thence from this point turning South Westwards running along the Centre line of the Koddenkerni Tannawarawadi Road upto the Ferry at the Kokkilai Lagoon, thence turning Southward from this point running along the Centre line of the said road upto Tannamarrawadi thence turning South Eastwards and running along the Centre line of the Awaraviyal Road upto the point where this meets the Padaviya Pulmoddai Road.
SOUTH-From the last mentioned point turning Westwards running along the Centre line of the Kebitigollewa-Pulmoddai Road upto the point where the said Centre line meets the Padaviya Right Bank Canal and thence from this point turning Southwards running along the Padaviya Right Bank Canal upto the point where this Channel meets the Centre line of the Kebitigollewa-Pulmoddai Road, thence from this point turning South Westwards and running along the Centre line of this Road upto the point where the said road meets the Kebitigollewa-Padaviya road thence from this point turning Southwards and running along the Centre line of the Padaviya-Kebitigolewa Main Road upto the commencement point of the Padaviya Tank Reservation Boundary close to the 12th mile post thence from this point turning Westwards running along the said reservation boundary upto the Point where this Boundary meets the Mukunu Oya thence from this point turning South Eastwards along a straight line joining the said point and the Sinhya Ulphthhinna Trig Station Point, upto the Trig Station Point and thence from this point turning South Westwards run ni ng a l o ng the Mahahettiyawahinna Mountain Ridge upto the Mahettiyawahinne Trig Station Point.
WEST -From the last mentioned point turning North Westwards running along a straight line upto the Puliankulanlai Trig Station Point and thence from this point turning North Eastwards running along an arbitrary line up to the starting point.
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10 TAMIL TIMES
It was the wisdom of our forefathers that prayers are not intended to remove present pain, but to prevent the pain that is yet to come. It behoves us in India, therefore, to reflect on the impetuosity of the actions which have led us into the current impasse. For indeed, a people who do not learn from history are condemned to re-live it.
More than a year has passed since the signing of the Indo-Sri Lanka Agreement on July 29, 1987, and peace has not come closer by any means. In fact, the re-eruption last October of the conflict, this time between the LTTE and the IPKF, instead of the Sri Lankan security forces, has been markedly more intense and the casualties, on both sides, keep mounting day by day. Need for national debate.
The latest operation launched by the IPKF on August 15, 1988, seems to be aimed at liquidating the last remaining pockets of LTTE resistance, with little thought for the possible consequences. Looking beyond the immediate results it could have, of leaving the Tamil civilian population in the Northern and Eastern provinces totally defenseless, as and when the IPKF withdraws, it is possible to predict that if Prabrakaran were to die either in the fighting or by swallowing the ever present cyanide capsule hanging round the neck of every LTTE cadre, his martyrdom could give rise to an entirely new situation, where Eelam may become a real possibility in Sri Lanka, and disruptionist forces gain strength in Tamil Nadu. To kill a person is easy. To extinguish an idea is impossible.
The time has come for a national debate where the people of India and especially the people of Tamil Nadu can have a voice in moulding a concensus policy on this question. Instead of remaining silent spectators and unwilling abetitors of the mindless killings and counter-killings which are going on between the LTTE on the one hand and the IPKF on the other.
The root of the problem
The Indo-Sri Lanka agreement was long in rhetoric, but short in substamice. Because it ignored the realities of the situation, it has only exacerbated an already complicatd problem. For example, Article 1.5 of the Agreement speaks of 'a multi-ethnic, multi-lingual and multi-religious plural society, in which, all citizens can live in equality, safety and harmony and prosper and fulfil their aspirations.' But the problem has arisen precisely because the Tamils of Sri Lanka, who are a people bound together by a shared heritage, a common culture and a common language, have been denied their basic
- the tragedy of
Former Indian E
rights as equal citi the Sinhala popul
The minorities ethnic and religio to feel for too long part of the count had been systema since Ceylon was ence in February 1 Minister, D.S. Se appealed to the TI new Soulbury Co clared on behalf give the minorit sincere assurance you fear at our h The Tamils accep But events soon ta
To begin with, th were deprived of 1948 and thereaf in 1949 by the S soon after it assun was done, regula where proof of ci obligatory for emp lic and private sec travel documents cences and for tak or any other m These measures w tion of the Unive Human Rights whi one has a right to a shall be arbitrar nationality nor d change his nationa eternal shame th Agreements whic cluded with Sri La tion of persons of latter, who are Were ne Ver COS" about their future Lanka Agreemen which was oster
for the future
he Tamils in Sri Lanka
TESWARAN oreign Secretary.
zens with the rest of ation.
in Sri Lanka, both us, have been made that they are not a ry, and this process tically enlarged ever granted independ948. The first Prime nanayake, had then amils to accept the onstitution, and deof the Sinhalese. "I y communities the that no harm need land in Sri Lanka.” |ted this assurance. ook a different turn.
le plantation Tamils their citizenship in er, disenfranchised inhala Government led power. After this ions were enforced izenship was made loyment in the pubors, for the issue of , for obtaining ling part in business 2aningful activity. ere clearly in viola"sal Declaration on ch provides: "Everynationality. No one ly deprived of his nied the right to lity.” It is to India's at in the various have been conka on the repatriaIndian origin, the ntimately affected, lted at any stage So too, the India-Sri of July 29, 1987, sibly concluded to
make peace between the ethnic Tamils and the Sinhalese population of Sri Lanka, was concluded between the Government of India and the Government of Sri Lanka with no thought of consulting those whose fate was being determined by it.
Lopsided implementation What has been more reprehensible is that even the clauses of the Indo-Sri Lanka Agreement, such as they are, have largely remained a dead letter. Not merely because of the difference with the LTTE, but also because of the
manifest reluctance of the Sri Lankan
Government, from the very begining, to carry out its obligations. At least, the LTTE could claim that it was never a signatory to the Agreement, but no such plea can be put forward by Sri Lanka. On the other hand, the Sri Lankan authorities are pushing ahead with the so-called resettlement of displaced Sinhala families in the Eastern Province, while taking no corresponding steps to restore the land or properties of the Tamils who have been driven from their hearths and homes.
As Justice Krishna Iyer has pointed out in one of his erudite articles on the subject:
"These clauses form a package and stand or fall together. You cannot ask for surrender of arms, inflicting lethal disablement on the resistance movement which has gathered momentum, but do nothing to enforce the imperative undertakings of Sri Lanka's President. The Indian Prime Minister, obsessed with his (illusory) authority over the Tamil militants, talks all the time of surrender of arms as the essence of the accord. The soul of the agreement is to hold elections, to lift the Emergency, to grant amnesty and to begin the formation of a joint province. A priority item is the quantum and quality of the devolution of powers, so that the reality of autonomy
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may be brought home constitutionally to the minority consciousness.
"There is a pledge in Clause 14 that these matters will be resolved between India and Sri Lanka within a period of six weeks of signing the agreement, that is, before the middle of September 1987. This has certainly not been carried out . . . A monitoring body to review the progress of the implementation is provided for, so that failures on both sides may be exposed and complaints in that behalf heard. No such functional watchdog has yet been created.”
Confusion Worse Confounded
Frantic efforts have been made by the apologists of the Accord to take shelter behind the gains' which accrue to India from the letters exchanged along with it between the Sri Lankan President, Mr.J.R. Jayhewardene and the Prime Minister, Mr.Rajiv Gandhi, which provide assurances from the former to the latter on certain security issues. But it is conveniently overlooked that foreign military and intelligence personnel continue to be present in Sri Lanka and no efforts have been made to review the foreign broadcasting facilities set up on the island. The commitments on Tricomalee can only be tested over time. So the claims concerning India's security have no substance.
The irony of the situation is further highlighted by the absurdity of entrusting the "unofficial negotiations, which have been taking place with the LTTE in Madras, to the Research and Analysis wing (R&AW) of the Cabinet Secretariat. This body has all along been playing a shadowy and dubious role, interacting with the various militant Tamil groups. It is an open secret that, in an earlier phase of the internecine struggle which had occurred between the TELO and the LTTE, this organisation had played a negative role. There is little doubt that it is the undermining of the legitimate functions of different departments of Government, the order of business, that has resulted in the sorry state of affairs which we face today. The sooner this is realised and mended, the better it will be for us all.
The bizarre drama enacted some weeks ago by the Sri Lanka Government in its so-called negotiations with the Janata Vimukti Peramuna (JVP) for an agreement for granting amnesty to its cadres - which was immediately, after its signature, denouced by the JVP leadership as a forgery fabrication - shows the extent to which the Sinhala leadership is prepared to go in misleading public opinion. The exercise with the JVP was an obvious ploy to defuse the criticism by the SLFP, and timed for the Provincial elections in the South, through granting amnesty to JVP cadres. That the killings of the UNP members by the JVP continues and is now totalling nearly 400 victims
is proof, if proof is ne has not been taken mood to come to a s authorities.
The differenc hamhanded approac ment of India towa) the handling with ki by the Government in stark contrast, a observer can draw h from it. One may d the special consider by Mr. Jayerwarden with the intention o nisation's antipat. Tamils in Sri Lanka serve the negative p ernment.
The Tamils have ever since the daw ancient capital of A founded by the Tal century B.C. The T Jaffna was captured in 1621, a century landed in Ceylon an Sankili was then t hanged. Then came later the island pass of the British.
The very first Col Ceylon, Sir Hugh written,
“Two different na ancient period, have them the possession Sinhalese inhabiting Southern and West the Malabars (anoth Tamils) who possess Eastern districts. Tl differ entirely in the guage and manners”
It is clearly not a Government in Sri L the legitimate righ population in that col it equality with other totally unsustainable appearto condone su
Looking to ti
With all its faul Lanka Accord of Ju vides a basis, slende right some of the ma have been suffered the hands of the Sinh devolution would, hov enlarged, and guarar preventing a recurre those which had tak and after. For this forward, and for the the first step would b ment of India to or observe an immedia start to rebuild the trust of the Tamil C has been so severely eruption of hostiliti IPKF and the LTTE
TAMIL TIMES 11
ded, that the JVP
in, nor is it in a ttlement with the
between the h of the Governds the LTTE and gloves of the JVP f Sri Lanka stand ld any intelligent s own conclusions evoutly hope that ation being show to the JVP is not using that orgaly towards the and thereby subolicies of his Gov
been in Sri Lanka n of history. The nuradhapura was mil Kings in 3rd amil Kingdom of by the Portuguese
after, they had d the Tamil King aken to Goa and the Dutch, and ed into the hands
onial Secretary of Cleghorn, had
|tions, from very divided between of the island, the the interior in its ern parts . . . and er name for the the Northern and nese two nations 2ir religions, lan
cceptable for any anka to overlook ts of the Tamil untry nor to deny s. And it would be for India even to ch a policy. he future
ts, the Indo-Sri ly 1987 still pror though it is, to ny wrongs which by the Tamils at ala majority. The wever, have to be tees provided for nce ofevents like en place in 1983 process to move
wounds to heal, e for the Governder the IPKF to te ceasefire, and confidence and ommunity which y shaken by the les between the : on October last
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Going by the statements of the Government of India, such as they are, the effective resistance of the LTTE has now been largely overcome. The logic, then, of continuing a massive operation, which has been stepped up even last week, is far from clear and can only be counter-productive.
One of the resolutions adopted at the International Tamil Conference held in London in May this year has defined the problem well. While calling for a just political settlement of the conflict in Sri Lanka on the basis of the recognition of the political realities, it declares: "There exists in Sri Lanka today two nations - the Tamil Nation and the Sinhala Nation . . . the two nations may agree to live together by force of reason but cannot be compelled to live together by force or arms”. And so it shall bel
Courtesy of "The Hindu, 2.9.88
12 TAMIL TIMES
THE HINDU and editorial di
Someone had to say it, and TAMIL TIMES contributor Mr. Sachi. Sri. Kantha of Tokyo has said it. In a letter to the Editor in the HINDU (Aug. 19), which the paper was gracious enough to publish, Mr. Sachi. Sri Kantha Wrote:-
"Sir - Your editorial Peace in Sri Lanka: What needs to be done' (THE HINDU international edition, Aug.6) needs some comments. Having been a reader of THE HINDU : for the past 15 years, I could sense a change of direction in your reporting on the Sri Lankan scene since ; the 1987 Rajiv-Jayewardene peace i agreement. Until mid-May 1987, you had correctly portrayed the dictatorial whims of President Jayewardene in the editorials, articles and cartoons. Somehow, he had become your trusted Sri Lanka politician, from August 1, 1987.
"While commenting on the disbursing and monitoring of Rs.50 crores for the rehabilitation of LTTE cadres, your editorial implied th at the present rule of Jayewardene is a "legitimate sovereign government. Nothing is far from the truth. Early this year, one of the chief negotiators of the Rajiv-Jayewardene Agreement (former Finance Minister of Sri Lanka, Ronnie de Mel) had questioned the moral authority of the present Sri Lanka government which had extended its stay in power by undemo- , cratic means since 1983.
"The Sri Lanka citizens were nev
er given the opportunity to elect their parliamentary representatives in a general election for the past seven years. And you call it 'legitimate". Sri Lankan Tamils in particular (especially those in the Northern and Eastern provinces) never gave a mandate to the UNP to rule them in the last held 1977 general election. Only one Tamil M.P. was elected on the UNP ticket (in the Eastern province) by a slender majoriity of nearly 550 plurality votes. I do not question your right to support President Jayewardene But please do not insult the intelligence of Sri Lankan readers by making wild statements which lack common sense".
As Mr. Sachi Sri Kantha has said, THE HINDU has changed direction after July 29, 1987. Among the depressing fall-outs of the accord, this has been one. While Mr. Sachi. Kantha has in this instance confined himself to the aberrations in THE HINDU's comments, there is another aspect which calls for greater concern, and that is
the paper’s grov the reporting tendency that c paper that had tional reputatio ment is free, b responsible jour
As an examp ing on the par present here th incident carriec PRESS of Aug 1 of the same da PRESS reporte
rebels killed se
and injured fou attacks on the
link in north-ea trict on Saturda
man here said.
were clearing Kanakarayank north-bound tri exploded a lan man said. The left Colombo reached Vavun day morning a all-clear signal
In the second blasted the rail town farther ni train from proc
In contrast, reads thus :-
Madras, Aug the LTTE to bil passenger trair was today foile
THE 7 A DIS,
What a few st have done to or and what ther which they all been unble to s Tamil cause ba
K.Kanthasa hope I can still to say 'was') Tamil people o reason to be pr ing lawyer. H. might have fo many of his c paid commerci great deal of answered the c and devoted all the relief of th founder memb ary, of TRRO Rehabilitation
ring lack of decorum in of the news itself; a annot do any good to a
acquired an internaIn over the years. Comut facts are sacred in nalism.
le of motivated reportof THE HINDU, we e reports of the same in the INDIAN EX4, and in THE HINDU ay. The INDIAN EXl thus:-
g. 13 (AFP): Tamil ven Indian soldiers r in the first of two Colombo-Jaffna rail stern Vavuniya disy, a military spokesThe Indian soldiers the rail track in ulam village for the ain when the rebels d mine, the spokesJaffna train, which on Friday night, iya town on Saturnd was waiting the to proceed when the 2d, the official added. incident, guerrillas track in Mankulam orth, preventing the eeding...
THE HINDU version
. 13. An attempt by ow up a fully loaded in Vavuniya sector yd by the timely ac
tion of the IPKF. However, the
IPKF lost six of its personnel when
the LTTE blew up a culvert. An
IPKF press release issued here said the the LTTE had planned to blow up a passenger train in Vavuniya . sector and had placed four explosive devices on a culvert on the rail
track, six kms. south of Mankulam.
IPKF troops searching the track detected the explosive devices in time. The LTTE in panic blew up the culvert prematurely resulting in six casualties to IPKF personnel but the train was safely stopped at Puliyankulam and the passengers and the train were saved . . . .
The report was headlined - LTTE BID FOILED. According the the EXPRESS report, and in the minds of all intelligent and objective readers, the sequence of events was very clear. The LTTE blew up the track, preventing
the train from prooceeding. The IPKF
went to the spot to restore the track and in the process became victims of a LTTE-triggered land mine. It would be straining the credulity of Sri Lankan readers (both Tamils and Sinhalese that the LTTE could be so foolish as to blow up a train carrying hundreds of Tamil passengers; to ask readers to believe that they are politically 'intransigent' is one thing; but to tell them that the LTTE is capable of crass stuppidity is something which should be told to the marines. But the sad truth is, THE HINDU would have succeeded in misleading lakhs of Indian readers who depend upon the paper alone for their information.
The tragedy of THE HINDU is the
tragedy of newspaper editors who
allow themselves to be sucked into the
decision-making processes of their governments!
RAGEDY OF K. KANTHASAMY: ASTER FOR THE TAMIL CAUSE
upid and cowardly men he brave and good manest of the community to belong seem to have top - has put the entire ck by twenty years.
my is (I desperately say 'is' and do not have someone of whom the f Sri Lanka have every oud. He is an outstandLad he wished to, he lowed the example of blleagues: kept to wellal work, and made a money. Instead, he all of his people in need, his time and talents to eir suffering. He was a 2r, and the first Secret, The Tamil Refugees Organisation, and also
helped to found the Theepam Institute. For more than ten years, and at increasing risk to his health, he worked indefatigably for the relief of people in need, and for the vindication of their human rights. He played an active part in the Tamil Information Centres in London Madras, and Madurai. By his work, and the international respect he gained through it, he made a huge contribution to the recognition of the Tamil cause throughout the world.
As his reward, he has been kidnapped by a group of militants who claim to be working for the same cause as his. They call themselves EROS, the Eelam Revolutionary Organisers. First they threatened him, saying they would disruupt any rehabilitation work that did not conform with their policy- while refusing to say what their policy was. Then they threatened
TRRO. Finally, on 19 JUNE, they
came to his residence in a van and took
him away. Three months have gone by
since then, and Kanthasamy has not been seen again.
During a live broadcast in the BBC World Service earlier this year, in which President Jayawardene and I both took part, I accused his security forces of arranging 'disappearances'. I am profoundly shocked that I now have to repeat that accusation, this time against men who claim to be engaged in the liberation of their countrymen from oppression by those very same forces.
Making someone "disappear' is among the most contemptible things that men of violence do to those whom they fear. Whoever does it thereby renders themselves contemptible, whether they call themselves freedom fighters or security forces. And in invoking the world's justified contempt for their actions, they bring it down also on the cause they profess to serve. Apart from this shocking act, I know nothing of EROS, or of those of its members (they called themselves Ravi, Vasanthan, and Andrew Joseph) who took part in it, or of their leader Balakumar who authorised it. But I have a simple message for them. Here it is:
"If you think that you have ever done anything for the liberation of your people, you have now wilfully thrown it away. Without support in the international forum outside your Island, Tamil liberation is a lost cause.
EROS DENIES ABDUCTION OF KANTHASAMY
The Tamil militant group, Eelam Revolutionary Organisation, has officially denied responsibility for the abduction of K.Kanthasamy. In a statement issued on July 3, EROS stated:
"It has been our observation that the freedom struggle of the Tamilspeaking people, with its immense sacrifices, has also been beset with mysterious incidents from time to time. The news of such an occurrence, wherein Mr. Kandasamy has disappeared ever since 19th June is enough to shock the sensibilities of most people. Mr. Kandasamy, a stalwart of the TRRO, has been well known to us ever since he made our acquaintance on 1st August 1977 though his organisatin. At that time he was instrumental in our winning whole-hearted support for establishing our model farm at Kannati, thus contributing to the growth of our organisation. He laboured unceasingly to reveal to the world at large the incessant
That support d standing men is hurt or killed and it is you v that. So, if you the liberation genuine, then f to release him :
I hope that st
Your readers in the following represents our tion, and presur Kanthasamy, a on the present
August 6, 1988 Dear David,
... You may mutual friend Information Cer napped by ERO: killed. I have m Australia and O this is what Eel can fight whate but I’ll be opting
make TRRO fun
for their rehabil ised term for the He was warne abducted on 19 been seen since. . al, the Civil Righ ombo, and scores
miseries on Tam apart from fighti rights and othel
well aware of the
acterising his ac "There was n ated between us disagreed: and fact that we alw resolve our diffe logue.
"However we :
being responsib asamy's disapp being levelled ag tion. Similarly, a story that our responsible for t Jaffna Univers seminated. Such tion being ciri organisation, ini ical disavowals
exercise a meas in the future, to deliberate falsel forces inimical We earnestly ap tive of those wh his disappearan of the reasons t asamy be set fr
ands critically on oute Kanthasamy. If he he support is forfeited O are responsible for professed concern for of your people is their sake I ask you once.”
neone who reads this
13 TAMIL TIMES ^۔جم۔6,,\ 0 <۔. '............--ترجمہ۔۔۔۔...
message will ensure that it is delivered to those to whom it is addressed. And I also hope that the many others who will read it, or hear of it, will do all they can to ensure that my call is answered.
Paul Sieghart Chairman, JUSTICE London, WC1
HANGE OF LETTERS ON KANTHASAMY:
Brian Seneuviratne and David Selbourne
hay find some interest 2xchange of letters. It eaction to the abduced death, of our friend d sums up our feelings tuation in Sri Lanka.
have heard that our
anthasamy, ex-Tamil tre, London, was kidand almost certainly de my own protest in utside, saying that if am is all about, they 'er battles they want, out. He had refused to ds available to EROS itation' work - a civilpurchase of weapons! ed twice and then th June; he has not Amnesty Internationhts Movement in Col
of human rights and
il-speaking people, ng for their human benefits. We are munificence charions.
animosity generon the occasions we t is a well known lys endeavoured to ences through dia
re aware that false our organisation 2 for Mr. KantharanCe are IOW uinst our organisafew weeks ago the organisation was e goings-on at the y was being disinsidious informalated about our ite of our categornly prompts us to re of surveillance unter vicious and ods against us by our organisation. 2al that, irrespecare responsile for and irrespective reof, Mr. Kanthimmediately.”
church groups, and non-governmental
organizations, have mounted a huge
protest. The Tamils, characteristically, are for the most part silent. I've asked the question, "Why? Are you afraid of the friends of EROS and the LTTE?” .
I have also just returned from Nanuet, N.Y. The meeting was one of the best I've attended. The standard of papers was outstanding. I think you should listen to the tapes - I've got the entire proceedings on video. I'll trans
“cribe onto audio cassettes, and send
them to you. . . .
Kind regards, Brian
Sept 1, 1988. Dear Brian,
Thanks very much for your letter of August 6th, which I was happy to have.
... The disappearance and probable death of poor Kanthasamy has afflicted me like no other horror of the Sri Lankan Disaster. He was one of the very best and most honest of men, and equal to twenty of your Prabhakarans and other such tinpot heroes, who are leading the Tamils towards a longterm political and moral disaster, which the present savagery of the conflict, and the resolutions of support from this or that useless conference, prevent them from seeing.
That EROS could do this, and get away with it with such little genuine Tamil condemnation, condemns the Tamil cause itself to perdition. But there is no need for me to condemn it. It is self-condemning, and, after all, who am I? In any case, the Tamil cause itself, as a moral struggle for justice, had begun to be lost once the killings of innocent Sinhalese citizens, at the hands of Tamil freedom fighters, had begun a few years ago. Moreover, despite the struggle, I now think that there will neither be Eelam, nor ’true” federalism, nor genuine devolution, nor anything else which is just and fair to the Tamils this century,if ever. I had not wanted to say this out in the open earlier, because it would have lent some legitimacy to the wickedness of Colombo, which is incorrigible also. But since the presumed death of Kanthasamy, I think that such silence is pure cowardice.
Continued on page 15
14 TAMIL TIMES
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Continued from page 13
As for your role, it will always be remembered as absolutely heroic in its way, and you could do no less, and no more, than you have done. You were right to do it. But the truth is that despite the excellence of the talk in Nanuet, to which you have referred, it makes no difference to the fact that the Tamils have lost the moral war - and will eventually lose the political one also - even though they have 'won' a few of the guerrilla military battles, and will go on 'winning this or that encounter in the next 10 years. They will also go on bumping off innocent Sinhalese citizens - an easy matter to achieve - just as Sinhalese (and now Indians) will go on bumping off innocent Tamils. But without morally worthy and politically significant leaders the Tamils will get nowhere. Their struggle has often been courageous, but it has not got them where they think it has got them. You know that I don't think them any nearer real and lasting political advances now than they were 5 years ago. Your compatriots are far too skilful (and cynical) for them. But abducting and killing Kanthasamy! What low brutishness was that? What does it say of the men who did it? Answer: they are no better than the drunken gangsters who killed Rajasunderam in Welikade Prison . . . Yours ever,
MORE LETTERS ON ABDUCTION
Mr. Kandasamy, the selfless social worker dedicated his life time to the rehabilitation activities of the affected Tamil people and has also been an ardent advocate for Human Rights and a person deeply concerned with rehabilitation work in the Tamil areas which suffered under the ethnic disturb
He was a popular international personality well known and recognised among the non-governmental Organisations and funding agencies and have been their trusted personality through whom they implemented their funding activities as evidenced from the joint appeal made by all foreign agencles.
The news of his disappearance is a shock to the people of Mannar district for whom Mr. Kandasamy joined in our efforts towards relief and rehabilitation activities for the affected people. The affected fisher folk of Talaimannar village are in deep shock and sorrow and are grateful to this simple and self-effacing man whose honest and sincere objective was to rehabilitate the affected fishermen families to achieve a self reliant and decent life under the project activity funded by the Norwegian Refugee
Council through the Refugee Rehabi
litation Organisation Ltd., and implemented through the Mannar Asso
ciation for relief a
The presence o vital to the rehab tion and humanit affected Tamil p pray that he will serve the affected Rev. President for Relie
It is now three Kanthasamy was from his Jaffna r tragedy that his his existence is s abductors despite from human ri around the world and other, have n manner. They ha sponsibility nor their actions.
Fr. Chandra Fe approximately a Kanthasamy’s ab tions, by whoeve same result – dal the international nisations and resp. activists, have for struggle, which Lanka can ill affor also have the effe alienating the exp
Undoubtedly, whatever his affil been, has done an the Tamil commu beration struggle
It is important t moment — if Mr alive - to release will be an excellen ity and a tribut struggle (and the munity as a whole We sincerely a sponsible to releas without any furthe S Secretary, Aust of New South Wales,
DCTATOR In mid-August, raising trick resen ter magician, the the life of Pakista Zia ul Haq. On unexpected death political foe Benaz as saying: "I don't Zia'. I'm sure all c who respect dem rights, share Ben mentS.
Since 1983, Ger the central figur ethnic turmoil in S ary dictator he is, the Jayewardene press political opp and Sinhalese) ir
Mr. Kandasamy is litation, reconstrucarian services of the ople. We hope and ince again be able to
Fr. A. Xavier Croos
Mannar Association and Rehabilitation.
nonths since Mr K. reported abducted sidence. It is also a whereabouts or even till not known. The numerous appeals ghts organisations and activists, Tamils ot responded in any ve not accepted rehave they justified
rnando was killed month before Mr duction. These acr maybe, have the mage the sympathy governments, orgalected human rights the Tamil liberation the Tamils in Sri 'd at this time. They st of frustrating and atriate Tamils.
Mr. Kanthasamy, liations might have invaluable service to unity and Tamil li
For over a decade. hat even at this last Kanthasamy is still him immediately. It it service to human2 to the liberation pattered Tamil com). ppeal to those ree Mr. Kanthasamy r delay. 5.K. Somasundaram iralasian Federation Tamil Associations. Australia. 12.9.1988
oy a sudden hairmbling that of a masGrim Reaper zapped n's military dictator hearing about the of the dictator, his r Bhutto was quoted regret the death of ver the world, those ocracy and human azir Bhutto's senti
eral Zia was one of es involved in the ri Lanka. The militZia teamed up with government to suposition (both Tamil Sri Lanka. Most
TAMIL TIMES 15
importantly, General Zia provided military help (armaments, training facilities and personnel) to Jayewardene's regime for use against Tamil civilians and Tamil rebels. Many Indian journalist had reported that Pakistan's military pilots were employed for the aerial bombing in the Tamil regions of Sri Lanka.
Jayewardene and Zia became allies during the past decade, due to their shared interest in (a) the dictatorial style of governance; (b) contempt for democracy; and (c) humiliating the opposition political leaders. Both came to power in 1977. General Zia eliminated his predecessor Ali Bhutto by execution in 1979. Gratitude is one word which is missing in a dictator's dictionary. And General Zia provided an excellent example for this. Jayewardene, following Zia's lead, First deprived his predecessor Sirimavo Bandranaike's civic rights on flimsy grounds in 1980. Then in 1983, Jayewardene eliminated Tamil representation in the Sri Lankan parliament by an amendment to the document, which pass as “1978 Sri Lankan Republican Constitution'. It is an open secret that both, Zia and Jayewardene, shared a common professional enmity to Indira Gandhi. After Indira Gandhi's tragic death in 1984, her son Rajiv was irked by the ZiaJayewardene alliance. It had been reported in Indian and International press that the deployment of Indian military personnel in Sri Lanka was made to severe the Jayewardene-Zia military ties, which had created a mess in the southern front of India.
It should be interpreted that, rather than being a saviour of Sri Lankan Tamils, Rajiv Gandhi was acting more in concern for his own country's territorial defence. So Eelam Tamil issue became a pawn in international power play between India and Pakistan. Zia's intrusion into Sri Lankan military politics was one of the causes for Rajiv's flexing of military muscles in the Northern and Eastern regions of the island. Of course, I'm not defending Rajiv Gandhi's actions cince Aug. 1987. But, given the situation he faced (and importantly, the inexperience he has had in dealing with the wily dictators Zia and Jayewardene), one could grasp Rajiv's predicament. Rajiv's mother Indira knew the tricks of the trade of how to keep "cunning foxes' in their kennel. But Rajiv acted like a novice in international politics. And this explains his bungling of strategy since Aug. 1987.
Now that the Grim Reaper had played His card in removing General Zia from the scene, one fervently hopes that Rajiv Gandhi will come to his senses to provide some leadership, in which his grandfather and mother excelled themselves.
Sachi, Sri Kantha Tokyo
16 TAMIL TIMES
JUGGLING wITH TI
The dictionary defines juggle' as: (1) to keep (two or more balls or other objects) continuously moving from the hand into the air. (2) to manipulate dishonestly. What I meant in the title as juggling relates to the second definition and in this commentary, I wish to describe the Sri Lankan government's deals with Japan in getting the much wanted foreign aid and what has been happening on the Tokyo front for the past three years. This period also was noted for the change of status of the USA from the largest creditor nation to the largest debtor nation. Now, Japan has become the largest creditor nation and all "eyes and hands' are directed towards Tokyo.
As shown on Table 1, Japan is one of the principal trading partners of Sri Lanka. From Japan, industrial machinery, automobiles, household electrical items and farm equipments are imported by Sri Lanka. The exports to Japan are mostly marine food products, gem stones, black tea, spices and raw industrial materials such as ilmenite and graphite.
by Sachi. Sri University of T
finance a hydroelec Southern region oft TIMES, Aug 7. 1986 The then Prime Nakasone also pledg contribute another , a project to build a memorating the l Year of Shelter for pet project of Pri. madasa.
In 1986 fiscal ye ceived the fifth lal (next to Bangladesh pines and Burma) amount granted by million yen (approx US dollars). But the ment report relea stated that for th annual meeting wit cies in Japan wer Lanka, on how the
Table 1:Sri Lanka's Trade with Japan (in US$ 1000)
Imports from Japan
trade) 1980 260,378 12.8 1981 259,209 14.4 1982 268,848 15.2 1983 317,240 17.7 1984 307,525 16.6
Exports to Japan
(as % of global Amount
33,384 50,333 50,222 48,264 62,393
Source: UN — 1985 Year book of International Trade Stati
For 30 years, no Japanese Prime Minister had visited Sri Lanka; Nobusuke Kishi Was the last one to do so in 1957. After Rajiv-Jayewardene Peace Accord, Japan's Foreign Minister Tadashi Kuranari visited Colombo. He "pledged 145 million US dollars in yen loans and outright grants to the Sri Lanka government for development projects' (DAILY YOMIURI, Aug. 13, 1987). Of this, approximately 140 million dollars was to be in yen loans at a reduced interest rate of 0.275 percent per annum for financing, (a) hydropower projects (b) third phase of the Colombo Port expansion projects; and (c) commodity products. The outright grant of nearly 5 million dollars was for development of a genetic resources centre and the supply of musical instruments to school children..The way the Sri Lankan economy is sagging for the past five years, we have no doubt that the Jayewardene government will not keep its pledge of paying the reduced interest loan.
In 1985 and 1986, Japan extended to Sri Lanka 14.5 and 17 billion yen respectively (approximately 230 million US dollars in total) in loans to
(MAINCHI DAIL 1988). The defense Jayewardene’s pl creased from 30 mi to over 400 million
the aid money fron
been spent by Sri guess. But there i Japanese aid woul the Tamil speak Eastern Provinces The MAINICH) Aug. 25, 1987, rep an sentiments abol ign aids, last year has been publicl amount of aid it há also regrets the d Arab countries, p tionship with Israt Tel Aviv formilit modernization of munications net tribution (present third of total inti Lanka'.
The then Fina de Mel openly c. October 1987 for development anc million dollars t
HE JAPANESE AD
Kantha okyo, Japan
tric project in the he island (JAPAN S and Feb 4.1987). Minister Yasuhiro red that "Japan will 500,000 dollars for UN centre com987 International the Homeless, the me Minister Pre
ar, Sri Lanka regest grant in aid , Thailand, Philip
from Japan. The Japan was 9,145 imately 70 million e Japanese governised in last July e past few years, th the donor agene not held by Sri aid had been used
(as % of global
4.3 stics, Rome 1987.
NEWS July 12
expenditure under ‘esidency had inlion dollars in 1977 , last year. So, how n Japan would have Lanka is anybody's s no doubt that the dn't have benefited ing Northern and
DALY NEWS of ported the Sri Lankut the incoming fore: The United States y criticized for the is accorded. Colombo rying up of aid from rovoked by its relael. Colombo turned to ary needs, including its intelligence comwork. Japan's conly) amounts to onearnational aid to Sri
nce Minister Ronnie
'iticised the USA in
the decrease in U.S. food aid from 100 o 20 million dollars
between 1985 and 1987 (MAINICHI DAILYNEWS, Oct.4, 1987) Of course, the Reagan administration has been saddled with it's fiscal deficit and trade deficit problms. Furthermore, the US diplomatic intelligence would also have suggested that the Jayewardene government is following the path of Marcos-style deterioration. This explains for the reduction of American aid to the wily politician who had built his ಟ್ಗT with the nickname 'Yankee
The JAPAN TIMES of Nov. 6, 1987 reported that Japan will provide another 562 million yen (approximately 4.16 million dollars) to Sri Lanka "to help its fishing ports maintenance project'. Those fishing ports which are badly in need of maintenance are located in the Northern and Eastern provinces; but, I'll be a fool if I assert that this Japanese aid will be used to develop the Northern and Eastern fishing ports of Sri Lanka. In another recent news item, which appeared in the JAPAN TIMES, it became known that Japan is also providing millions of yen (amount not quoted) in terms of modern equipments for production of a grand Sinhalese Dictionary scheme.
Last year, Sri Lankan President's
science adviser, Prof. Cyril Ponnam
peruma informed the international sci
entific community that the Japanese
government had pledged to provide a
grant of 5.7 million dollars to the
Institute of Fundamental Studies in
Colombo (SCIENTIST, June 29, 1987), though they had requested only 2.8
million dollars in their proposal. Ponnamperuma was quoted as saying
that, this was the first instance in which his grant funding had been doubled rather than reduced, from the requested amount. But, how much of this research grant will be spent for research development in the Tamil
speaking provinces? Jayewardene and Ponnamperuma know it and we also know it.
After the Bangalore SAARC Summit in late 1986, the JAPAN TIMES wrote an editorial entitled, 'A Step toward Solving Tamil Problem (Nov.24, 1986). While correcting some of the factual errors in this editorial, I also wrote to this newspaper:
“... What you have overlooked is the fact that foreign aid (especially economic aid from Japan) should also be equitably distributed to the provinces where Tamils form a majority.
"To cite an instance of such discrimination, may I mention that a new teaching hospital for the University of Peradeniya in the predominantly Sinhala-speaking central region was
completed with Japanese aid in 1980. A similar offer by Japanese agencies to build a teaching hospital to the University of Jaffna in the northern region was stonewalled by the present government.
"If anyone were patient enough to
conduct a statistical survey on the distribution of Japanese aid in Sri Lanka over the past 20 years, and tabulate how much of it benefited Tamil-speaking regions, one would understand the anger of the younger generation of Tamils . . .”(JAPAN TIMES,Dec.8, 1988).
Obviously, the Sri Lankan Embassy in Tokyo was pricked by this exposure. So, they responded to my letter, through the name of one Mr.K.A. Gunasena of Tokyo. He wrote: "... The complaint that economic aid has been distributed in a discriminatory manner in Sri Lanka is without foundaton. Japanese assistance has been given for 'national’ projects, particularly in the area of infra-structure - modernization of Colombo's port and airport, telecommunications, television services, health and electric power developement. These projects benefit the country as a whole..."(JAPAN TIMES, Dec.26, 1986). But, the correspondent Gunasena didn't rebut my observation that the offer for building a teaching hospital at Jaffna was stonewalled by the Jayewardene government.
Battleground for dissidents
Tokyo has become a battleground between the Press Attaches of many repressive regimes and their dissidents (who expose the sleaze in their home countries). In the English newspapers of Japan, you could see continuous appearance of letters from the press officers of South African, Ethiopian, Cuban, Iranian, Northern Irish, Philippines (and Indian!) embassies, rebutting the descriptions of dissidents and opponents. In my three years in Tokyo, I’ve noticed that the Sri Lankan embassy here, conducts this function via individuals or through groups like "Sri Lanka Students' Association - Japan'. All the repressive regimes are concerned about bad publicity in Tokyo.
On May 3, 1986, the Air Lanka Tristar jetliner bomb blast tragedy which occurred at the Colombo International Airport killed 20 foreign tourists. There were eight Japanese (four young honeymooning couples) who had boarded that ill-fated plane, on their
way to Maldives. Of the four couples,
Kideyuki Mizusawa and his wife Cheiko from Takasaki, Gunma Prefecture of Japan were killed. Another couple (Toshiya Kobayashi and his wife Toshiko from Yokohama) suffered serious injuries. Other two couples miraculously escaped from any injuries. It was reported in the newspapers and TV that LTTE had claimed to
have planted th DAILYNEWS, M Jayewardene gov this misery to sin Tamils in the r media. This bon much publicity in red around the tin leading industria Free World GRO Tokyo for their Ar mit. At this gath Reagan's initiativ solution on intern When I visitec 1986, I saw hov covered in the ne OBSERVER (Aug page story writ jenaike, with the tells the story' wit Japanese victim tomb of the k Japanese inscript. aS “Showa 61, 29th ceremony was helt 1st May - Left N honeymoon
3rd May - Died of a bomb planted on the Colombo-M nayake Internatio
6th May — Cr. Cemetry, Kanatte 8th May - Ash Japan". h−
My other news newspapers in Sri how the Jayeward actively pursuing ket. Some exampl "Concerted cam Japanese market (OBSERVER, Sep “Boosting Sri L Japan” (ISLAND, "Boosting Lanka' (ISLAND, Nov.2,1
And Jayewarde miniscing about great speech at the Peace Treaty Con Japan (“My happ strengthened Sri ties; President, . VER, Oct.5, 1986)
". . . That was six years after the ended. When I vis cent of the city wa harbour was in a staying in a hote there were rats. Il which was too sho on the ground ...F
* San Francisco . . . ]
and several coun conference. Every Japan. When my t dha's words: "Hatri hatred but by love Japan had bomb created a great lo not take revenge
TAM TIMES 17
bomb (MAINICH ay 6, 1988). Then the ernment jumped on ear the Sri Lankan lass communication b tragedy received apan, since it occurLe when the Heads of ized nations of the JP SEVEN were in nual Economic Sumering, on President 2, they passed a reational terrorism.
Sri Lanka in late this tragedy was wspapers there. The 24, 1986) had a front en by Rajika Wi
caption, "The tomb h the photo of one of s mother and the illed couple. The on in the tomb read
April - Marriage at Takasaki Shrine Narita Airport on the
due to an explosion by Tamil terrorists, Iale flight, at Katunal Airport
emated at General
es were brought to
clippings of English Lanka also showed, ene government was the Japanese mareS: paign to capture to our handicraft” 5.21, 1986). ankan exports to Oct. 12, 1986) s image in Japan” 986). ne himself was renow he gave that 1951 San Francisco ference siding with ness - my speech Lankan - Japanese SUNDAY OBSER
n September 1951, Second World War ited Japan, 50 perin a shambles, the shambles. We were and in the hotel ad to sleep on a bed t for me and I slept rom there I went to ndia, China, Burma ries boycotted the ne spoke against rn came Lord Budi does not cease by came to my mind. d Sri Lanka and s. I said we should om Japan but lend
a helping hand to them to raise their head as a nation . . .”
Let us not be parochialistic. What Jayewardene gave at San Francisco was a memorable speech, supporting Japan. He had a good streak of foresight then. Now this brings me to that word known as 'strategy'.
The word 'strategy' is derived from the Greek word strategos, which means, the art of the general'. In a military sense, strategy could mean the following; (1) ways in which a general seeks to deceive an enemy (2) plans he makes for a campaign (3) ways he moves and disposes his forces in a war. The ENCYCLOPEDIA BRITANNICA states, "the term strategy has expanded far beyond its original military meaning. as society and warfare have steadily grown more complex, military factors have become more and more inseparable from the non-military in the conduct of war and in programs designed to secure peace . . . The strategist deals in many uncertainties and imponderables. Indeed the art of the strategist is the art of the 'calculated risk' ...” It is prudent to acknowledge that so far, the Jayewardene government had strategically used the Japanese economic aid for its advantage. It has also been pursuing the Japanese population to be on “their side'. The samething could be said in terms of the relationships between Jayewardene and Rajiv Gandhi from Aug. 1987. The present rift between the LTTE militants with the Indian administration is an excellent example of that proverb, “Do not put all the eggs in one basket'.
Bertrand Russell, in his social analysis on "Power', wrote fifty years ago: "The importance of economic factors in war steadily increases as war becomes more mechanised and scientific, but it is not safe to assume that the side with superior economic resources must necessarily be victorious. The importance of propaganda in generating national feeling has increased as much as that of economic factors”.
The theoreticians and strategists of Eelam should note the changing winds in the international scene. In the 1980s, Tokyo has become an international power centre in 'economic terms'. The NEWSWEEK of Sept. 12th 1988 commented on this new phenomenon: "Japan is now reaching out to the nations around it. It is increasing its foreign-aid budget, boosting imports and beginning to assert itself diplomatically throughout the region.
Tokyo's ultimate goal, Prime Minister
Noboru Takeshita told his Chinese hosts recently, is for Japan to fulfill an international role matching its increased economic power". There was a time, thirty years ago, the then French President Charles de Gaulle ridiculed the Japanese Prime Minister as a “transistor salesman', Now, wherever
Continued on page 19
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CHEKOW AND B
ONE problem facing the development of modern Tamil drama in Sri Lanka was the lack of a sufficiently large audience for serious and socially relevant drama. The difficulties in cultivating such an audience were huge in a situation where popular taste was conditioned by the Tamil cinema, notorious for its poor taste. Balendra and the Tamil Performing Arts Society were among the dedicated few whose efforts to build an audience both enthusiastic and discriminating in taste proved successful so that the Tamil speaking people could afford the luxury of one or two new Tamil theatre productions of quality every year. Serious Tamil drama too fell victim to the ethnic violence of 1983, with many talented artistes leaving Sri Lanka and those remaining facing difficulties on several fronts. It was heartening to know that members of the Tamil Performing Arts Society were able to regroup in London and continue their good work from where they left off in Sri Lanka. Most of the plays that they have staged so far in London had already been staged successfully by them in Sri Lanka. There have also been a few new productions like the shorter of the two plays staged on 1.10.88 at the Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan, London. Chekov and Brecht, the former a product of pre-revolutionary Russia and still cherished as the greatest Russian playwright and the latter the greatest German contribution to modern theatre. Both playwrights transcended their respective national boundaries through capturing the essence of human spirit and human relations and contributing to the cause of internationalism and equality of all human beings. The plays are of particular significance today, especially that of Brecht, with a very explicit message, in our social context where narrow nationalism is used to cloud and to suppress the more important questions of class and class struggle.
The adaption of Chekov's short play "Proposal' was cleverly done despite the occasional flaw that accompanies adaptations. (For instance the middleaged spinster and her suitor start to quarrel about their oxen and derogatory remarks are made about the teeth of an ox; the significance of teeth cannot be the same in the original where the animal in dispute is a horse and, consequently, the bitter argument loses some degree of seriousness.") The verbal exchange between the three characters was very lively and sounded quite real in the dialect of rural Jaffna, and the performance was flawless.
The adaptation of Brecht's The Ex
ception and t mam” — was a r was very well originally in Sr questions relat the adapted v style of Bre appeared at be adaptation was of the original
highly effective could always qu the tec
Staging the pla what limited re limited time a and the faciliti like this woul minor slips wh significance agi formance.
The music a contributed im of the play. The ful and highly ing and sets w The stage per and I cannot fa stage presence plays the role chant. I am appearance of been enhanced facial make-up masks; but the solved some of from the scale c of the cast.
It is appropia one problem re tion/adaptation standard langu, tricted to form some aspects of still used by sor but as a spoken alien (if not ste: problem of mod so far not bee with, so that on difficult and u tween the collo polished versior standard form. prefered in mo while the colloqu a considerable e and lighter the there was no pi was made in fa but the them appeared to den language. Thes tive that way a reflect everyda colloquial langu, have done harm on the whole, te formal language lapses into the c
TAMIL TIMES 9
of Two Plays
ne Rule' - 'Yugatharnore ambitious task and
received when staged Lanka. Some did raise ng to the faithfulness of rsion to the theatrical ht, but that debate st to be academic. The faithful to the essence and was presented in a manner, although one testion and comment on hniques us ed. y in London with somesources, relating to the vailable to the artistes es which a serious task d demand, resulted in ich, however, faded in ainsta good overall per
nd the powerful'rythm mensely to the success costumes were coloureffective, and the lightere efficiently handled. ormance was brilliant il to note the powerful
of Krishnarajah who of the heartless merof the view that the the cast would have by the use of colourful rather than white halfmasks, I should admit, the problems arising of the task and the size
te here to comment om lating to the translaof plays to Tamil. The age is now largely resal essays, letters and creative writing. It is ne in platform oratory; language it can sound rile-or even dead). The 2rnisation of Tamil has in satisfactorily dealt e is forced to make the indesirable choice bebduial language (or a of it) and the (or ap) The formal language is re traditional themes lial language is used to xtent in contemporary mes. In Chekov's play oblem once the choice vour of the colloquial, le of Brecht's play hand the use of formal Kongs were quite effecnd, since they did not y speech, the use of age in the verses could 1. Although the script, inded to adhere to the , there were occasional olloquial and the prob
lem could have been resolved satisfactorily by adhering to one or the other. The delivery was closer to everyday speech than to the oratorical style of olden days and that is a desirable thing, provided the style of language represents an idealised form of everyday speech. The script itself was in clear and simple language so that it posed no serious problem of communication and is commendable, given the decisions that have been made about language and style.
The Tamil Performing Arts Society deserves to be congratulated for their successful staging of the two plays and encouraged to contribute further to Tamil drama, for which the development of an interested and responsive
audience is essential. Punctuality and
good conduct appear to be qualities that the London Tamil audiences reserve for western events. Only a serious audience deserves serious theatre, and the development of a good tradition in any art form is a two-way process.
The Tamils in London are fortunate to have good and dedicated artistes like the TPAS in their midst and it will be a crying shame not to make full use of their talent.
Continued from page 17
the Japanese Prime Minister lands, there is a red carpet welcome. Many American scholars note that, if the 20th century is dubbed as the American century, the next one belongs to the Pacific rim Asian countries, predominantly Japan (and also China).
If Indian freedom struggle against the British took at least an 'intensive fifty year period’ (Mahatma Gandhi began his struggle in 1893 at South Africa and assumed the leadership in India in 1918; and thereafter he challenged the British for another three decades), certainly the freedom struggle of Sri Lankan Tamils is not going to come to fruition in another five or ten years. Even if Eelam, by some ingenious master-stroke, becomes a reality in the near future, the rest of the world is not anxious to wait in line to pour foreign aid for the Tamils, just because they had suffered for the last three decades. There are many who are fighting for sympathy of wealthy donors; Palestinians, Irish, Black South Africans etc. So, rather than living in false pretense that Eelam, when achieved, will be flowing with "milk and honey', we should cultivate the friendship of future global powers (China and Japan). It is not easy. But it has to be done. Better late than
20 TAMIL TIMES
THE END OF ANERA
DR. MAHENTHRAIN SELVARAJ PERNPANAYAGAM
TAMIL TIMES announces with great sadness the death of Dr M.S. Perinpanayagam Consultant Psychiatrist and benefactor, on 12th October 1988. He was the very first subscriber to this journal and we mourn the loss of a true and loyal friend.
Mahen was the eldest son of the late J.T.R. and Parimalam Perinpanayagam. JTR was head of the St Thomas’s Preparatory School, Colombo, the culmination of a long and successful teaching career. There perhaps was a starting point for many in the family who, irrespective of their chosen field of expertise, distinguished themselves as great teachers - Mahen was the foremost example. But that was just one facet of this remarkable man. An astute clinician, a caring and compassionate doctor, a philanthropist, akeen musician, the list is endless. Yet there was never anything halfhearted about what he did.
He graduated in Medicine from the University of Ceylon in 1953 and proceeded to England the following year to pursue post-graduate education. His initial training was at the Brook General and associated hospitals in Blackheath, covering many disciplines that included surgery, general medicine, pathology and paediatrics. He obtained his diploma in child health in 1956. He began his successful and highly acclaimed career in psychiatry in 1960 when he was appointed senior house officer at Bexley Hospital, Kent. He obtained his postgraduate diploma and became senior registrar at the Guys group of hospitals in 1964. He was tutored and influenced by Sir Stafford Clarke.
In 1967 he was appointed consultant psychiatrist to the Dartford and Gravesham health district, which post he held until his retirement from the Health Service in 1984. In addition to
his clinical responsil was appointed clinic ty of London, and v wardship for postgra education in the regi a remarkable series achievements in the ate education, hun passed through his psychiatrists, gene medical undergradu other para medica formed a constant si through Dartford.
The sad loss of Ma all who have had knowing him both I as a friend. For man in England especial World, he acted as must glow through unquenchably the s came, came with li faced them - their perhaps gained from texts. From word of perhaps heard the tones of re-assuranc man who would help with an inordiante a concern which stretc their families too.
He was closely as Royal College of P from its inception. B. he led the college provisions for postgr. psychiatry in the Ea In 1975 he was mac Royal College of Psy one of the founder bi-annual revision coi held in the University ford. For many year aminer for the preli the finals for the m Royal College of Psyc
He was a consulta) to the Home Office psychiatry in the Dic
He retired in 19 appointment as cor rist to the Board of Channel Islands. Des he was defiant and ried on his work w dedication.
When it came to knew no race, no rel creed. He was saddel of communal politics the tragic turn of e last decade distresse gave unflinching sup that were being mac rehabilitation work in lands and to the at made to highlight t violations that were innocent civilian Ta member of the Ge.
bilities in 1969 he al tutor, Universivas given the steaduate psychiatric on. There followed
of organisational field of postgradudreds of trainees hands - career ral practitioners, ates, nursing and
al professionals tream that flowed
hen will be felt by the privilege of professionally and y doctors arriving ly from the Third
a beacon which time and change ame'. Those who ttle idea of what scant knowledge standard literary mouth they had name 'Dr Peri' in e that here was a bd and this he did mount of care and hed and enveloped
sociated with the sychiatrists right etween 1974-1977 panel inspecting aduate training in st Anglian region. le a fellow of the 2hiatrists. He was organisers of the urse in psychiatry of Surrey, Guild's he was an eximinary test and embership of the chiatrists.
nt psychotherapist and an adviser in ocese of Rochester.
284 and took up 1sultant psychiatHealth, Guernsey, spite failing health courageously carith diligence and
helping, Mahen igion, no caste, no ned by the advent in Sri Lanka and vents during the d him deeply. He port to the efforts le with respect to n the Tamil hometempts that were he human rights a perpetrated on mils. He was a neral Council of
SCOT and was a source of considerable moral and financial support.
Mahen's approach to patients and colleagues was forthright and unequivocal. He infused confidence and his care and concern shines on as a light to us all. The memory of him on Christmas Eve touring each and every ward playing his accordion delighting his patients, the memory of him sharing the love of music that he nurtured with friends and family, remains with us all. His beaming smile lit all around and his charisma gave hope to those in distress. The joy he brought is indelibly OUS
Only a few months ago he returned to the mainland but sadly he is no longer with us. He is survived by his wife Pushpam, daughter Malli and brothers Gnani, Soundy and Selventhi.
Tamil Culture Course
The Department of Tamil Studies in Foreign Countries of the Tamil university of Thanjavur, South India proposes to conduct a 30 day course as an "Introduction to Tamil Culture' for foreign nationals from 1st to 30th December 1988. Those interested are expected to make their own travel arrangements to Thanjavur University and in addition are expected to send or pay on arrival two hundred U.S. dollars to cover registration, course fee and accomodation including food and local transport.
Further particulars may be obtained from Dr. S. Nagarajan, Professor of Foreign Studies, Tamil University, Thanjavur 613005, Tamil Nadu, S. India or in London from Mr. K. Gnanasoorian, Director, Institute for International Tamil Renaissance, Phone 01-531 6435, from whom application forms etc. may also be obtained not later than 5.11.88
VACANCY FOR ADMINISTRATIVE OFFICER
The South London Tamil Welfare Group requires an administrative officer who will be directly responsible to the management committee to deal with office administration and supervise case workers. The applicant must be fluent in Tamil and English and will be required to coordinate assistance to Tamil people in all areas of welfare work.
The salary will be £10,392 p.a. including outer London weighting. Applications should be made in writing to, The Chairman, SLTWG, 76 Queens Rd. Wimbledon, SW19 8NR, by Wednesday 2 Nov 1988, including a written curriculum vitae and giving two references.
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MATRIMONIAL Educated bride sought for 34 year old Jaffna Hindu chartered accountant living in Canada. Details to M250, C/o Tamil Times. Jaffna Tamil Hindu brother seeks suitable partner for 29 year old sister, A/L qualified working girl, permanent resident of Australia. Please reply to M251, C/o Tamil Times. Jaffna Tamil parents seek Hindu doctor brides for two well qualified doctor sons aged 31 and 27 working in U.K. Reply with full details to M252 C/O Tamil Times Jaffna Tamil uncle seeks suitable partner for niece 29 years, fair, medium height, lecturerMedical faculty. Just completed research abroad, only child. Reply with horoscope and details to M253, C/o Tamil Times.
Jaffna Parents seek suitable groom for divorced 32 year attractive graduate daughter employed in Australia. Please send details to M254, c/o Tamil Times.
Jaffna Hindu Parents seek suitable bridegroom, preferably in the states within the age group of 30-35 for their professionally well qualified daughter working abroad. Mars afflicted in 8th house, Please send horoscope and photograph to Raman, 915 University Avenue, Apartment 11, Las Cruces, NM 88001, U.S.A.
WEDONG BELLS We congratulate the following couples on their recent marriage.
Gerard (son of Mr.& Mrs. A.X. Fernando) and Marina Vivienne (daughter of the late Dr. C. Singarajah and Mrs. G. Singarajah on 16. 10.88 at St. Margaret's Church, Carshalton Beeches, Surrey - 70 Beeches Avenue, Carshalton Beeches, Surrey, U.K. Jeya Kanthan (son of Mr.& Mrs. Sivasithamparam, 8 Parcelsus Road, Tiwi, Darwin, N.T.0810) and Ramani (daughter of Mr. & Mrs. Selvajayam, 18 Colster Crescent, Wagaman, Darwin, N.T.0810) on 20. 1088 at Kalymnian Brotherhood Hall, Amy Johnson Avenue, Karama, Darwin, Australia. Vijayanathan (son of the late Mr. & Mrs. P. Arumugan of llavalai, Sri Lanka) and Radhika (daughter of Mr. & Mrs.N. Sivaneson, 69 Foxglove Close, Witham, Essex, U.K.) on 23.10.88 at London Sri Murugan Temple, Manor Park, London E126AF.
November 6, 1.00pm Skanda Varodaya Colege Old Students’ Association (U.K. Branch) Reunion Lunch at the Lola Jones Hall, Greaves Place, Off Garratt Lane, Tooting, London SW17. For tickets telephone 01-644 O972, 01-681 2052 and 01-7888271 November 12 7.30pm to 1a.m. Annual Dance and Fashion Show presented by Sri Lanka Christian Association at Kensington Town Hall, London W8. For details contact Charmaine. Tel 01-969 0598
The wedding took place Eelaventhan, and Dr.S. College, of Gangaikon between Tamil Nadu Brahminic Tamil custor Conducted the ceremo representative gatherin were present.
Gunaratnam Shanm G.S. Nathan) Medic attached to Harley S Royal Masonic Hospit Chest Hospital, Lo affached to Saudi Ara Institute, passed awa holiday on 26th Augus polaCe at South Lorn 3.9.88. He was the
Sotheeswary; loving Sangeetha and Lal Jeyasingham (Jafna (
Mrs Florence Ariya Born: 24
We mis As eac Until, With h. Left yo Is unm Our he
C. Rajasingham, Vasul Thevathasan, Selvi R:
adh in Madras of Yarzhini, daughter of Tamil Eelam political activist Mr M.K. Rajendran, Asst. Professor in the Tamil department of Madras Christian acholapuram, Thanjavur. Described as "the first notable marriage link and Tamil Eelam', the marriage was conducted according to non1. DMK leaders Messrs. M. Karunanidhi and Anbazahan presided and ny. A large number of Tamil scholars in Tamil Nadu, along with a of the Sri Lankan Tamil community in Madras, including TULF leaders
ganathan (known as al Scientist, formerly treet (Harvard Clinic), al; National Heart and indon; and recently bian Medical Research ty suddenly while on t 1988. Cremation took don Crematorium On beloved husband of father of Radhika, Smanan, brother of College, Vaddukoddai),
late Balasingham (Coventry, U.K.), late Tharmarajah (Lesotho), Rajamohan, Mrs Selvaratnam and Mrs Paramalingham (Canada); son in law of Subramaniam (Kantharmadam, Jaffna) and the late Mrs Subramaniam, brother in law of Parameswaran (Dartford, Kent, U.K.), Dr (Mrs) Sathialuxmy Selvadurai and Mr Selvadurai (Kantharmadam, Jaffna); and uncle of Kishani.
Dr. Ponniah Rajaratnam, Retired apothecary, husband of Ratnapoopathy, father of Sivathasan, Sivamalar, Senthilnathan, Sivaranjani Ramathas, and Puviraj (K.S.A.) expired on 11.788 at Rajagiri, Alaveddy, Sri Lanka. Informant: P. Naliah, Canada.
S.C.Karunananthan formerly of St John's College, Jaffna, Training Colleges of Nallur & Batticaloa; Education Department, Jaffna, and Sokoto, Nigeria passed away at his brother's residence in Australia (53 Streeton Parade, Everton Park, Brisbane, QLD 4053) Husband of Kirupa, father of Suhanthi, Thayalan, Krishanthi, Mitran and Damayanthi - U.K. Tel. O303-42O51
malar Rajasingham O7. 1922.
Rajasingham Manoharan Born 30.07. 1949
: you both more than we could have ever thought. day dawns the despair and the anger grows. le treacherous hand that killed you both
"Peace Keeping Force', and r bodies seven long days for dogs to feast, sked to reveal his role in these murders most foul,
rts will know no peace.
that your souls have found the peace we so sadly lack
their first death anniversary by Manoharan, Saratha and Priyan Manoharan, Dr Narendran, Manohari 2ndran, Neela Navaratnaraj, Jayadevan and Gowri Surendrakumar.
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