கவனிக்க: இந்த மின்னூலைத் தனிப்பட்ட வாசிப்பு, உசாத்துணைத் தேவைகளுக்கு மட்டுமே பயன்படுத்தலாம். வேறு பயன்பாடுகளுக்கு ஆசிரியரின்/பதிப்புரிமையாளரின் அனுமதி பெறப்பட வேண்டும்.
இது கூகிள் எழுத்துணரியால் தானியக்கமாக உருவாக்கப்பட்ட கோப்பு. இந்த மின்னூல் மெய்ப்புப் பார்க்கப்படவில்லை.
இந்தப் படைப்பின் நூலகப் பக்கத்தினை பார்வையிட பின்வரும் இணைப்புக்குச் செல்லவும்: Tamil Times 1994.07
Wo XI No. 7 ISSN 0266-4488 15 T
President D.B. Wijetunge in a political gamble
sk SECESSION, GUERRILLA
MOVEMENTS AND PEACE
Tamil Politic Reserw
L L S LL00LLLL LS LLLLLLLLYYLLLLLLL S S LLLLL LL LLLLLLLa
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ΑΝΝΙΑ ΠΕΕΠ που
SSAGE TO UNP, LOUD & CLEAR
TAMIL GROUPS IN CHAOTIC ELECTORAL SCRAMBLE
NEGOTIATING AMORAL PEACE
Chandrika KuTaranaturga, Wester Province Chief Minister - Leading the Opposition
2 TAMIL TIMES
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I do not agree with a word of what you say, but I'll defend to the death your right to say it.' 竇 * - Voltaire,
5 JULY 1994
TAM TIMES LTD P.O. BOX 121 SUTTON, SURREY SM13TD UNITED KINGOOM
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Election News Review. . . . . . . . . . . 4.
Message to UNP Seems Clear. ... 6
NeWS Review. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.
Elections - The Main lissues. . . . . . 9
Tamil Groups in a Scramble. . . . . O Problems and Prospects if the Opposition Wins. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13
Visit to War-torn Jaffna. . . . . . . . . 14
Negotiating a Moral Peace. . . . . . 15 How I Became a Freedom Fighter - V. Prabhakaran. . . . . . . 18 The Exclusive Right to Write Eelam History. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20 Secession, Nationalist Guerrilla Movements and Peace. . . . . . . . . 23
Readers' Forum. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26
Sub-Continental Scene. . . . . . . . . 27
President D.B. V. dissolving parlian the hallmarks of a by Week, more opposition Peopl Party (UNP), afte, of terminal disuni appear to have di Surprise in the e giving the opposi itself, then the UN
During the seve of the most violer the ethnic Conflic The ethnic Conflic means, has reSL displaced. The J terror in the late killed or 'disappe,
Springing from Corruption, briber endemic and Cha, have become rich Wall.
After ruling the the very problem people to place tr to abolish the ex corruption and br COnflict.
One of the rede neither the ruling engaged in a Ta. UNP and the SL champion of the prejudices and it SLFP-LSSP-CP I the Tamil and Mu, the outcome as to
Though the ele Controlled by the l substantial majori the LTTE has de extent, these elec View. However, W. the country will ce Concerning the c question.
One of the mosi long is the progre institutions of the machinery of thes that serve the ruli
The forthcomin challenge and an the way the gov Seventeen years.
TAMIL TIMES 3
IME FOR CHANGE
Vijetunga has taken a calculated risk in prematurely ent and going for general elections. His action has all political gamble by a person who was becoming week and more frightened of the growing strength of the es Alliance. On the other hand, the United National r seventeen years in power, has been displaying signs ty and disintegration. The President, therefore, would ecided on this course thereby taking the opposition by spectation that if the general election is held without tion the time and opportunity to organise and prepare WP may still have a chance of retaining power. anteen year rule by the UNP, the island witnessed one it periods in its long history. It produced no solution to in the northeast nor to the youth unrest in the south. t, which the government sought to resolve by military ilted in tens of thousands being killed and millions /P rebellion and the government's counter-insurgency 1980s were accompanied by tens of thousands being ared" in the south of the country.
the highest positions of the state, abuse of power, /, patronage, nepotism and racketeering have become racterise all aspects of governmental activity. The rich her and richer while the poor have been driven to the
country for seventeen years and having brought about is that the country faces today, it is difficult for the ust on the promises by the ruling party in its manifesto ecutive presidency, clean up public life by removing ibery and bring about a political solution to the ethnic
eming aspects of the current election campaign is that I party nor the main opposition Peoples Alliance is mil minority bashing campaign. In the past, both the FP had tried to Outbid each other for the role of the Sinhala-Buddhist electorate by appealing to their base stincts. In these elections, both the UNP and the ed Peoples Alliance seem to be interested in wooing slim voters whose support is recognised as decisive to
which party is going to be returned to power.
Ctions Cover the Whole island, in the areas of the north -TTE, particularly in the Jaffna and adjoining districts, a ty of the voters there will certainly not be taking part, as Clared its opposition to holding the elections. To that tions can be said to be flawed from a Tamil point of hat is of significance is that what happens in the rest of rtainly have a bearing on the future course of events Onduct of the War and the resolution of the ethnic
destructive features of one party being in powerforso assive disappearance of the distinctions between the state and those of the ruling party. The organs and state have been gradually transformed into instruments ng party and its interests. g general election offers for the first time a realistic opportunity to the people to bring about a change in ernment of the country has been run for the last
4 TAMIL TIMES
A Parliamentary Elections: 1140 candidates representing 39 politicall parties and independent groups are contesting the parliamentary general elections to be held on 16 August. Nominations closed on 15 July. Elections will be held in all 22 electoral districts, including the northern districts most areas of which are under LTTE control, for the island's 225 seat parliament196 of them will be directly elected, and the balance of 29 will be allocated in proportion to the votes each party receives at the election. Eleven million of the island's seventeen million people are entitled to vote.
Prime Minister Rani Wickremasinghe is leading the ruling United National Party campaign and the Chief Minister of the Western Provincial Council Mrs. Chandrika Kumaranatunga is leading the main opposition Peoples Alliance campaign. After 17 years in power, the UNP is facing a strong challenge from the PA. Some commentators predict a keenly fought election with a PA victory over the UNP which is riven by internal conflict, desertions and suffers from a lack of charismatic leadership.
On the other hand the Peoples Alliance has been strengthened of late by a number of intellectuals joining the SLFP beginning with the distinguished professor of law Mr. G.L. Peiris who resigned as Vice Chancellor of the University of Colombo two months ago to do full-time political work. Others who have been engaged in assisting Chandrika to draw up the PA's policy documents and manifesto include another distinguished economist Dr. Lal Jayawardene and Prof. Wishwa Warnapala. These intellectuals have helped the PA to draw up a comprehensive election manifesto.
On the day nominations closed, violence broke out between party activists of the opposition and government parties in several electoral districts including Colombo, Kandy, Galle and Anuradhapur. Police fired teargas to disperse thousands of supporters of the
as ELECTION NEWS REV
ruling UNP and
tion Peoples Al violence and thug pany the election serious worry to n worrying is whet be a repeat of t election violence, the UNP vas ret
tr Putting Party their time, conf
dene and R. Pre go for presidentia be followed by pa tions in the cour deployed the ful executive presid victory for the believe that Pre jetunga went fo elections first bec sure that he woul Peoples Allian whether it be Mr or Chandrika Ku the presidential e time before the and thereby he ha course which exp the risk of losing lost it.
fr Mrs. Prem Nomination: Bef closed, all the i that the wife and sinated former madasa would b nominations to c ombo Central al electorates respec ly neither wer nomination.
The disappoint late President, M madasa who had ombo Election Se cheri) to sign her ers, walked out a that nomination withdrawn by th this morning beca contest. But my there', she said to
The UNP hac overtures to Mrs. Sajith Premadasa the party ticket, reluctant. But the
15 JULY 1994
the main opposiliance. Whether gery will accomh campaign is a hany. Much more her there would he massive post as in 1977 when urned to power.
at Risk: During ident of victory, s J.R. Jayawarmadasa chose to l elections first to rliamentary elecse of which they ll might of the ency to achieve UNP. Observers sident D.B. Wir parliamentary cause he was und win against the ce candidate, 's. Bandaranaike maranatunga, in lection due anyend of this year as embarked on a oses his party to power before he
ada sa Denied Ore nominations indications were son of the assasPresident Pree granted UNP contest the Colnd Hambantota tively. Eventuale given party
2d widow of the Mrs. Hema Pregone to the Colcretariat (Kachnomination papfter discovering papers had been e UNP. I went use I wanted to name was not the press.
earlier made Premadasa and to contest under
but they were ly changed their
mind after being persuaded by President Wijetunga and UNP General Secretary, Dr. Gamini Wijesekera. The Premadasa family members feel that the denial of the party ticket at the last moment to the widow and son of the late President is a betrayal and deliberate attempt to insult and humiliate them.
Political analysts in Colombo feel that denying nomination to Mrs. Premadasa would be a setback to the ruling party as it would antagonise the followers of the late President Premadasa who had a substantial support base among the rural communities.
Ar Return of the JVP: The reemergence of the JVP under the guise of the National Salvation Front (Deshaya Galavaganeeme Peramuna) with the prospect of Mr. Somawansa Amarasinghe, who has been in self-imposed exile in Paris, returning to the island and becoming the Front's leader was predicted a few weeks before the parliament was dissolved. The NSF was to be a coalition of the JVP, the Sri Lanka Progressive Front led by Ariya Bullegoda and other nondescript political groups.
Since its crushing and murder of its leaders by the security forces in late 1989, the remnants of the JVP had been not only forced to go underground and incognito but also the JVP itself as an organisation rent asunder into three or more factions, of which reportedly Somawansa leads the major faction. Somawansa is the sole surviving member of the 13 member JVP politburo and the circumstances surroundinghis escape from capture have come under grave accusations of collaboration and betrayal from his erstwhile colleagues in the JVP. A close relative of cabinet minister Mr. Sirisena Cooray, Somawansa was the only known leader of the JVP who managed to escape capture. With the help from some highly placed personalities in the government itself and assisted by a senior army official, Somawansa escaped to India and lived there for many months and thereafter he managed to go to Europe. The army officer has since been punished by
15 JULY 1994
authorities for his part in Somawansa's escape.
As he had been declared a wanted JVP man, whether Somawansa would be taken into custody or not would depend on any 'understanding he might have come to with the government. From the UNP's point of view, it might be advantageous for the emergence of an extremist "third force' which would divide the antiUNP vote. Chandrika is already on record of having alleged that the government was instigating the creation of such a force.
The applications for the registration of the NSF as a political party was handed over to the Commissioner of Elections during the fourth week of June, but the Commissioner has refused registration as the application was submitted too late. Now the proJVP candidates are contesting the elections and campaign under the banner of the Sri Lanka Progressive Front which has put up candidates in 17 of the 22 electoral districts.
In the meantime, the NSSP's General Secretary Dr. Wickrema Bahu Kar un ar at ne has announced a split in the party. NSSP's most charismatic and popular le ader Vasu deva Nanayakkara and some of his close colleagues are reported to have been expelled by the Bahu faction which control's the NSSP. It is reported that Vasudeva has rejoined his old party the LSSP which is a constituent of the Peoples Alliance under which he will be contesting at the elections.
Dr. Bahu is reported as having told the press that he had sent a message to Somawansa urging him to return to the island to participate in a new alliance of Ariya Bulegoda's Progressive Front, JVP, NSSP and Muslim Progressive Front.
ir Elections in the Northeast: The LTTE will not countenance elections in the areas under its control, and that means substantial areas of the north including the Jaffna peninsula. Their attitude to the elections became self evident from the fact that the Government Agent of Jaffna, Mr. K. Manick
avasagar has been the Tigers from lea Colombo to receiv from the govern Commissioner of E the conduct of the government had GA to go to Colomb directing him to sh Secretariat in Jaffr an area controlled forces.
Speculation by I
LTTE, with a view
the other Tamil gro ing representation
might promote a group comprising th be supportive of th the elections has no
'We are not prepa or deceived. We di warming the seats and therefore we part in the gene LTTE spokesman t in Jaffna. "We have go to Colombo to a na...We have laid for an independer have strengthen tion. ..After the ge there may be a part sive ideas coming t party may call for a initiate talks with u pens, we will have t party', he added. I fact that the LTTE participation in t observers believe t the eastern provir whelmingly take pa LTTE will be ull mounting a disrupt In the north howeve in the Jaffna penir stantial majority of be prevented from voting. But in what "cleared areas of th ing the offshore isl tain pockets in the p and Vavuniya and tricts which are un trol will be able to p
But what is of c. the areas under go' trol in the northern sula accommodate 7,000 of the regist the north. In the being held in the bizarre outcome wi
TAMIL TIMES 5
prevented by ving Jaffna for e instructions ment and the lections as to elections. The ummoned the ) with a view to ift the election a to Tellipalai, by the security
many that the
to preventing ups from gainin parliament, h independent ose who would em to contest it materialised.
red to be fooled on't believe in of parliament shall not take ral elections”, (old a meeting no necessity to dminister Jaffthe foundation t Eelam and ed our posiheral elections, y with progreso power. That ceasefire and Ls. If that hapalks with that in spite of the has rejected he elections, hat people in ce will overrt and that the nsuccesful in ion campaign. :r, particularly Isula the subthe people will taking part of is described as * north includands and cereninsula itself Mannar disder army conarticipate.
oncern is that vernment conJaffna penin
only about red voters of vent of polls se areas, the l be that this
limited number of voters will be returning 13 Members of Parliament who would be deemed to represent some 600,000 people!
The Tamil United Liberation Front, the Tamil Congress and the EPRLF protested to the government and the Commissioner of elections that a fair and free elections could not be held in Jaffna and demanded that the elections there be postponed. The TULF's legal challenge filed in the courts in respect of holding the elections in Jaffna has proved unsuccesful.
Deputy Speaker Crosses Over to PA: Well known popular film star and former Deputy Speaker, Gamini Fonseka, who had been having a long running battle with the UNP leadership, has crossed over to the Peoples Alliance and promptly he was included in its National List. The ease with which this staunch UNP personality and known as an ardent loyalist of the former President Premadasa was admitted into the PA and given nomination has disturbed many Alliance supporters.
The PA called a press conference on 7 July to take full advantage of Gamini's cross-over, but soon he sparked off a row and a near walkout by journalists when he called the veteran and much respected journalist Lucian Rajakarunanayake 'a liar and 'a drunk'.
Mr. Fonseka during his comments to the press made allegations of corruption against four UNP cabinet ministers and alleged that parliamentary privilege had been used to frustrate investigations against them. In response, Lucian asked the former Deputy Speaker whether he himself had not used parliamentary privilege to prevent the investigation into allegation of a false claim he had made from the Insurance Corporation of Sri Lanka. This question from the journalist led to an acriminious argument between the two in the course of which Mr. Fonseka called the journalist a liar and a drunk. After protests by other journalists, Mr. Fonseka withdrew the offending words.
Continued on page 19
6 TAMIL TIMES
Message to the l Seems Loud and (
from Rita Sebastian, Colombo
Four political widows, at last count, joining the election fray. A sister and brother in a vicious slanging match. A leading politician threatening to visit the ghosts of 50,000 young men and women on the ruling party, and a former insurgent who has flown in from London to contest the poll. These are some of the bizarre ingredients of Sri Lanka's 1994 general election.
This round of elections, despite the farcical touches, are different from the 1989 election in that the contest seems to be personalityoriented rather than policy oriented.
Leading the campaign from the two opposing camps is Prime Ministerial aspirant Chandrika Kumaranatunge of the SLFP, and its present incumbent, the UNP's Ranill Wickremesinghe.
While Kumaranatunge is aggressive and pushy, Wickremesinghe is shy to the point of being self-effacive. In the island's rural electorate Kumaranatunge is seen as the new messiah, while the UNP bereft of “the man of the masses' former President Ranasinghe Premadasa, has still to find base.
Adding spice to the goings-on is the SLFP accusation that the UNP plagiarised its manifesto. This rather comical story tells its own tale.
There is for the first time in the history of SLFP - UNP politics a marked convergence of both economic and political policies. The SLFP led People's Alliance (PA), despite the fact that it has the old left on its bandwagon, is committed to the policies of the free market with only partial modifications. Chandrika Kumaranatunge, deputy leader of the SLFP, has made it plain that she wants
to reform the sys destroy it. The what she calls 'c and has promis human face.
This year's elec rent in that the lante death squa freely in the 198 absent. There is a fear, and debate specially in the ta
What is more, variously estimat million will be d moment it would SLFP with its olc affiliations would of the youth vote.
A spooky touc was introduced by Gunaratne knowr gue, that the haunted by the 50,000 youth kill JVP operations in a polemical point an issue few are about freely, and heartbreaking to
No doubt violen painful scars, par deep south. Wha going to be is yet t UNP's base could the haunting m 1980s massacres. Lankan public m iously short, but mined efforts by t deliberately rake
The UNP for its by publishing : which recall the h; Mrs. Bandaranaik the country was b and shortages.
However this i;
past to serve as ammunition. It is
15 JULY 1994
tem, rather than
SLFP is against
:rony capitalism'' ed to give it a
tion is also diffeshadow of vigids that operated 8-89 elections is lso an absence of 2 in the press, bloids is lively.
the youth vote ed at 1.8 - 2.4 ecisive. For the appear that the left - new left cream off most
h to the debate r SLFP MP, C.V. for his acid tonUNP must be ghosts of the led in the anti1988-89. This is but touches on willing to talk for many, too brush aside. ce has left many rticularly in the ut the result is o be seen but the | be affected by emories of the It is said that Sri emory is notorthere are deterhe opposition to up the past.
part has replied advertisements arrowing days of e's regime when eset with queues
s too far in the ready electoral the more recent
happenings in parliament, the extravagant and corrupt style of the UNP which is being made the focus of public attention.
It has been a tradition with the Sri Lankan voter to vote out governments rather than vote them in. So the SLFP alliance is counting on a fair measure of the antigovernment vote.
Although the UNP was able to woo and win the Ceylon Workers Congress (CWC), the powerful plantation trade union led by Minister S. Thondaman, into its fold, the once cohesive trade union has now several strands to it. There is its former General Secretary, S. Sellasamy expelled from the CWC, contesting on the PA ticket, and the Upcountry Plantation Workers Front led by young Chandrashekaran.
It is reported that intermediaries have tried to bring Chandrasekaran into the CWC fold by offering him a variety of inducements, including a senior position, but Chandrasekaran has rebuffed the blandishments, choosing to field his still fledging party against the well organised CWC.
As for the Sri Lankan Tamil parties they have decided not to align themselves with either of the two major parties. President Dingiri Banda Wijetunge’s analogy about the vine and the tree, the minorities being the vine and the majority Sinhala the tree, under which the minorities must seek shelter has cut deep into the Tamil psyche. They have decided not to wrap themselves around any tree.
But their tragedy is that deeply fragmented, most of them are going their own separate ways. And the Tamil vote therefore is going to be split among exmilitants and moderates.
While defections have become the name of the island's electoral game making for strange bedfellows, what has become increasingly evident is that a strong antigovernment wind is blowing right across the country. The ruling UNP’s 17 year rule has been unprecedented. So the message is loud and clear, 17 years has been too long, so out you go".
15 JULY 1994
CHANDRIKA PROMISESLTTE UNCONDITIONAL TALKS
The reports following the recent visit to Jaffna of Wasantha Raja, the producer and presenter of the BBC's Sinhala Service, 'Sandeshaya, have created great interest within the Tamil speaking community as to the desire on the part of the People's Alliance and in particular Chandrika Kumaranatunga to settle the protracted ethnic conflict.
Before setting off to Jaffna, Wasantha had met Chandrika in Colombo through whom she is reported to have sent a message to the LTTE leadership. It is learnt that the message was to the effect that, "I am prepared to invite the LTTE for unconditional talks, I am willing to expand the northern province to include Tamil areas in the east and make a single unit. I will redefine the eastern province and devolve more power'.
Chandrika's message as conveyed to the Tigers in Jaffna received wide publicity in the newspapers in Jaffna. Though Wasantha made a request to see and speak to the LTTE leader V. Prabhakaran, he could not. However, he met LTTE spokesman, Anton Balasingham who reportedly responded by saying that they did not trust the government or the parliamentary opposition, and they had lost faith in the constitutional politics of the south of the island. But they were willing to have a dialogue with the government or the opposition.
The following is the translation of what, according to the Tamil newspaper Uthayan published in Jaffna, Wasantha Raja said about his discussions with Chandrika:
“When I met Chandrika in her office, D.M. Jayaratne who is the General Secretary of the PA was also present. I asked them: "I am going to Jaffna. What am I to tell the Liberation Tigers? Are you prepared to talk to them unconditionally? Chandrika replied firmly as follows: Yes. We are prepared for that. Tell them that. We will speak to the Tigers once we come to power.
“The present provincial council system is useless. We will dissolve all the provincial councils along with that system of rule. The word "federal' has been abused in the past. Therefore we will avoid that word and implement devolution in a
meaningful man can be divided devolution, and i granted to them to find a solut problem by bring the Tamil areas one unit and givi powers', Chandri tha Raja).
If the Tigers : accept Chandrik can begin now sides. And throu can deal a prop Lankan governn
“The Tamils : desire that a s found to the prob The Sinhala peo this purpose tal with the Tamils Tigers. But the tinues to avoid Tigers and the together and talk UNP out. The pr experience and a that problems in solved through di understand this a Raja said.
★ EXPLOS WEAPONS FN
Security in Color with overt and including wide young Tamils, b the police and sec ing the discovery kilogram cache house at Dehiwel explosives in two and 27 June resp. tiya and at Padili tala just a few m ombo.
The discovery ( Dehiwela followed same day during vehicle with four males and two fe along Galle Road stopped and subj search at a secul the course of the tioning as to the the male passeng a cyanide capsule to the hospital w the subsequently examination by cial medical offic was identified as malingam Sasida
TAMIL TIMES 7
ner. The country into five units of vide powers can be It will be possible on to the ethnic ing the north and of the east under ng it the necessary ka told me (Wasan
announce that they a's invitation, talks tself between both gh that the Tigers er blow to the Sri lent.
and the Sinhalese olution should be lem in the country. ple desire that for ks should be held - the Liberation
it. Therefore the opposition can get , leaving the ruling esent international rrangements show any country can be scussions. We must and act', Wasantha
SIVES AND D IN COLOMBO
mbo was tightened covert operations, spread arrest of eing launched by urity forces followon 23 June of a 300 of explosives in a a, cache arms and 'safe houses' on 25 !ctively at Hunupiyatuduwa in Watmiles north of Col
f the explosives at an incident on the which a suspicious passengers - two males - travelling in Colombo was 2cted to a routine ity checkpoint. In search and quesr identity, one of ers had consumed who on admission as found dead. At held post-mortem he Colombo Judir, the dead man 22-year-old Dhar'an. Another per
son named Parameswaran who also attempted to commit suicide is now in hospital under heavy security.
Interrogation of the other passengers reportedly led the security forces to visit a house at Dehiwela where they found the explosives and also led to the arrest of three more persons including two females. Police sources said that the arrested persons had been registered with the police (as all persons arriving and residing in Colombo had to do) by an unsuspecting house owner who had rented out his house at Dehiwela to them for a monthly rent of Rs.5,000. The group members had claimed that they were staying in Colombo till they got their travel documents formalised to go abroad.
Information obtained from those arrested led to another discovery two days later on 25 June of a cache of explosives weaponry from a 'safe house' at Hunupityajust a few miles north of Colombo. The second find by the police Crime Detection Bureau included an AK-47 automatic rifle, a T-56 assault rifle, 9 hand grenades, 200 rounds of ammunition, batteries, switches, wire and devices needed to trigger explosions, two cellular phones and some explosives. The owner of the house, which had been allegedly used as an operational office, was taken into custody.
In the third find on 27 June in a house in Wattala, the cache of arms was buried in the compound of the rented house occupied by five suspects including females who were taken into custody. The cache included special battery packs used to trigger explosions, 8 hand grenades, 365 rounds of T-56 rifle ammunition, 95 rounds of 9mm ammunition, T-56 and 9mm pistol magazines, detonators remote control equipment and 8 cyanide capsules.
Police statements promptly ventured to suggest on the basis of alleged confessions by the arrested persons that they were part of a bigger suicide hit squad of Black Tigers that had been deployed to target important personalities and military installations including the Air Force Headquarters in Colombo. Claiming a connection between the discovery of the explosives at Dehiwela and the weapons from Hunupitiya and Wattala to the bombing of four hotels in Colombo in April this year, police sources said that as many as 15 suspected members of
Continued on page 8
8 TAM TIMES
Continued from page 7
the hit squad were already in custody, and they have mounted a hunt for the rest numbering between 12 and 15.
On 30 June, police found an Elf. van packed with 350 kg of high grade explosives ready to be detonated in a car park in Kotahena, Colombo. According to police sources, the explosives were packed in 13 metal boxes with millions of ball bearings and were well concealed and camouflaged between the rear and side panels of the van. It could have been set off by either a timing device or with a switch by the driver or a passenger.
Detectives from the Crime Detection Bureau located the bombvehicle following questioning of a 52-year-old resident of Wattala, who described a 26-year old person named "Thaya as the current custodian of a vehicle bomb. Parameshwaran alias Thaya had already been arrested in connection with an earlier incident. He had attempted to kill himself by chewing on a cyanide pellet, but was prevented by police officers. Parameshwaran, questioned after the lead given by the Wattala resident, directed detectives to an innocuous parking place in a temple compound, where he had left the white Isuzu van. He told detectives that he was awaiting orders regarding the target of vehicle-bomb.
BISHOPS BAN PRESToS BOOK
The Catholic Bishops of Sri Lanka have warned their flock against reading the controversial book titled "Mary and Human Liberation' written by the outspoken Fr. Tissa Balasuriya.
In a statement issued on behalf of the Catholic Bishops Conference, its Secretary General Bishop Oswald Gomes said that the contents of Fr. Balasuriya's book could be detrimental to the faith of the Catholics.
"The author has made an attempt to give a fresh interpretation to Jesus and Mary. It is obvious that he had cherished the hope of making these sublime figures more acceptable in our milieu - a milieu that is multi-religious in character and scarred by social injustices.
"As responsible pastors, we have sadly to state that the presentation is not compatible with the Faith of
the Church. Th today contains which can cause faith of our peo said.
In the stateme outlined what t four ‘glaring err iya’s book. They has portrayed sa Holy Scriptures creation of sol church-men'.
There has be from certain se including some against what th attack on the fre by the Bishops. entitled to his o the Bishops who express their ow ject of the book; the book the E advised the Cat contents of the the personal opin iya, said one prie to be identified.
Yr US DIPLO|
The government permission to til Colombo to send
staff to visit the
northern Sri I according to emb have included
LTTE leadershi peninsula.
The U.S. Amb to the State M Affairs, Mr. Jo the end of Mays the visit from t Following up Ambassador ha matter with the the Defence Sec
The governm embassy reques it would not be diplomat to un Jaffna in view situation there. close to the For that the govern) request was in tice of not grau members of the corps to visit the ple they point 1 last year of a Australian High ombo for one of Jaffna. The only
15 JULY 1994
book as we have serious deficiencies positive harm to the ple’, the statement
nt the Bishops have hey consider to be ors” in Fr. Balasursay that the priest :red tradition based as "an unwarranted ne self-interested
en strong reaction ctions of the laity church theologians Ley describe as an edom of expression Fr. Balasuriya was pinion as much as also had a right to n views on the subinstead of banning ishops could have holics to regard the book as containing mion of Fr. Balasurst who did not want
MAT REFUSED TO JAFFNA
E recently declined he US embassy in one of its diplomatic Jaffna peninsula in Lanka. The visit, assy officials, might
discussions with which control the
assador had written inister for Foreign hn Amaratunga at eeking clearance for he foreign ministry. he letter, the US d also discussed the Prime Minister and retary.
ent declined the US ; on the ground that
opportune for the lertake the visit to
of the prevailing
However, sources eign Ministry state ment's refusal of the ccord with its practing permission to
foreign diplomatic north. As an examo a similar refusal
request from the Commission in Colits officials to visit exception made to
the government's practice was in the case of a Norwegian diplomat who had sought and obtained permission to visit Jaffna in his capacity as the head of a Norwegian N.G.O.
Granting permission to the US diplomat to visit Jaffna would have meant setting a precedent entailing regular and direct contacts between officials from western embassies and missions and the LTTE which the government did not approve and therefore would not want to encourage,
A BUDDHIST CONGRESS COMPLAINS AGAINST NOSY MOSQUES
The All Ceylon Buddhist Congress wants the government to prohibit the use of loudspeakers in mosques islandwide. In a statement released to the press and sent to President Wijetunga, the ACBC points out that the use of noisy loudspeakers for prayers in mosques undermines and disturbs the Buddhist cultural environment in both urban and rural areas.
The statement adds that the sounds of Islam heard five times a day over loudspeakers tend to make Buddhists believe that Sri Lanka is no more a Buddhist country and produce psychologically devastating effects on non-Muslims.
The ACBC has asked the government not to establish or maintain any religious schools and abandon the current state policy of establishing separate schools for Muslim students under the designation of Muslim Vidyaalaya and Muslim Maha Vidyalaya.
The ACBC also calls upon the government, in the light of recent developments and having observed with dismay the rapid growth of activities directed towards undermining Buddhism in Sri Lanka, to:
(a) enact legislation so as to ensure that Buddhism truly occupies the foremost place among religions and the Buddha Sasana is well protected and fostered in the country, and
(b) amend the Constitution by placing qualification on the freedom granted to every Citizen to manifest his religion or belief in worship, observance, practice and teaching. The amendment should require that any such religious manifestation should be carried out in peace and harmony with Buddhism, and such conduct should not cause hurt to the moral sensitivities of Buddhists.
15 JULY 1994
Elections - The Main
by Jehan Perera
Eleven years is not a lot less than 17 years for voters who look for change. The UNP successfully overcame this natural desire for a change in government in 1988. The reason was twofold. First, in Ranasinghe Premadasa it had an unique and overpowering personality. Second, the UNP promised to become a new party with an exciting new programme under his leadership.
Today, on the contrary, the UNP appears to have neither. If it has exhausted itself internally, then it needs to start looking even outside itself if it is to salvage the forthcoming elections. It needs to keep alive the memory that led by J.R. Jayewardene in 1977 and Ranasinghe Premadasa in 1988, it was the party with new ideas that gripped the imagination of the nation and pulled in the votes.
How unpromising then that today the UNP should stand accused of copying wholesale from the SLFP's draft policy statements and brazenly passing them off as part of its own deliberations. Of course, it is not impossible that one of the SLFP MPs who crossed over might have submitted the SLFP's draft policy statements as his own.
But the UNP's denials that it had copied the SLFP's policy statenents would have carried more weight if its Manifesto Committee had, at least, changed the style of Prof. G.L. Peiris's language in what they took.
The startling similarity, word for word and sentence for sentence between the two documents is indicative of how creatively dead, in the true sense, the ruling party has become after 17 long years in office. Bereft of new ideas of excellent governance, it looks as if it needs some help.
There were many better ways the UNP could have justified its conduct instead of making unconvincing denials. After all, ideas are nobody's monopoly. For instance, they might have pointed out that at least some of the ideas con
tained in the SLFP ment on constitut were those discussel up, over the past se seminars held by t Liberal Democracy, force was, and rema appreciated and very Dr. Chanaka Amara Different people ( the evolution of th Prof. Peiris, with h. sive intellectual brought together ir and with unmistak the SLFP's policy There would have lem if the UNP had same ideas giving credit was due. In versities the worst giarism, taking fron out giving credit to
Unfortunately appears to have beel merit in this kind Instead it has respon ical style presumabl assumption that att form of defence.
The offer to Prof.
500 consolation pr prove that he was
the proposals that UNIP via the “gene nothing if not unbec lemen who are cur with the grave res governing the count the larger part of it)
What the SLFP ha in its policy stateme be solid, respectable radical.
Everyone knows, anyone will dispute. forms advocated by t arguably being disc UNP) are necessary party that has been for 17 years, and mensely as a cons SLFP has a certa when it says that implement these pro
TAM TIMES 9
s policy stateional reform d, and written veral years at he Council of whose driving ains, the little y hardworking atunge. contributed to he ideas that is comprehenapparatus, a new form cable style in documents. been no probutilised those credit where American unicrime is plan others withthe source.
, the UNP n unable to see of morality. nded in rhetory based on the ack is the best
Peiris of a Rs. ize if he can the author of
came to the eral public' is Oming in gentrently vested sponsibility of ry (or at least .
as put forward ntS appears to and not very
and hardly , that the rehe SLFP (and ussed by the reforms. As a out of power suffered imequence, the in credibility it wishes to posals.
Younger voters in particular are unlikely to be impressed by the UNP's repeated references to the "7-year curse' of 1970-77. On the contrary, they are more likely to be unimpressed by the UNP saying that it will implement those very same reforms, not having done so for 17 years.
The remaining basis of the UNP's strength is to offer more of the same. That way it might be able to retain its old support base. This is especially true in the economic sphere. The respectable performance of the economy during the 2-year JVP insurrection and its continued growth at a fairly rapid pace despite the northern war is the UNP's strongest point, and one which the middle class and business community would not wish to lose.
However the much publicised fear of the business community that the SLFP may roll back the gains of the open economy is unlikely to materialise. Coca Cola in the remotest villages is a reality. The fact is, the open economy has come to stay all over the world not just in Sri Lanka.
The main issue
At both the 1970 and 1977 general elections the direction of the economy was indeed the main issue. There were then two competing models to choose from. Today in 1994 there is only one. Whether its heart is in it or not, the SLFP will be stuck with the open economy.
Dr. Lal Jayawardena's forthright statement that the SLFP would not be opposed to private universities is indicative of present day realities. If private tutories can cater to high school children who desire to go to university, and those children, poor or rich, are willing to pay for that education, there is no reason why that same right should be denied to university education which is the very next level of education.
The main issue in 1994 is therefore not the fundamental direction of the economy and privatisation. There may be more state intervention in it or less, but there is
Continued on page 10
10 TAMIL TIMES
Continued on page 9
unlikely to be drastic change like there was in 1970 and 1977. The basic course has been set for the present.
On the contrary, the main issue the country needs to face and overcome in 1994 and the years that follow, will be the ethnic conflict. That is where the real turning point is. That is also where the greatest brake on Sri Lanka's economic development is. An end to the war will almost surely double economic growth irrespective of whether there is more state intervention in the economy or not. More than Rs. 20 billion of the government budget is currently spent on defence, and billions more of foreign investment await peace.
People who are concerned about living in a country free of terror and terrorism, and also about bettering themselves economically, should vote for the party that is most likely to end the ethnic conflict.
Not only does that unresolved conflict lead to a waste of economic resources and development opportunities, it provides the government with the excuse to continue with the emergency which is the greatest source of nationwide human rights violations and state brutality.
Chandrika Kumaratunge's rise in the SLFP and her courageous words in favour of negotiated peace have caused a perceptible change in the atmosphere of interethnic relations. Words are certainly not deeds, but with her ascendency the racist references to the minorities ceased from within her own party and also from the government.
If a negotiated peace is to be sealed in a constitutional compact, the undoubted genius of Prof. Peiris will be capable of overcoming many hurdles. The UNP will be hardpressed to overcome that promise. Much more needs to be done to educate the electorate about the different approaches to resolving the main issue facing the country than is being done at present.
The Tamil group; decided to partici election will be electorates in the vince and in the Colombo. The T have entered PLOTE, TELOa have formed an Tamil National TULF, the EPR) The Sri Lanka which came to a standing with th will, as a consequ standing, contest al districts of the vince.
According to th was signed by t and the EROS (C the three groups TELO slate in districts of the e: the Vanni electo prising Vavuniya laithivu - they v PLOTE list; and all be in the II formed by the EF
The EROS was as a recognised result of the Elec failing to respon organisation's la tion to him seeki
The TULF and Congress) reac understanding O elections after a ged acrimony acc TULF has prov members to be ir pendent group leader Kumar P has filed nomin and has issued press calling om capital to vote fo
The EPRLF efforts by the o formed the TNU alliance on the keenly exploring forming a comn TULF, failed in eve of the Parli and will therefo its own in all the the northeaster exception of the district.
15 JULY 1994
Groups in a Scramble
and parties which ate in this general contesting from northeastern pro2lectoral district of amil parties that he fray are the d the EROS which alliance called the United Front, the F and the ACTC. Muslim Congress n electoral under2 People's Alliance ence of that underonly in the electornortheastern pro
e agreement which he TELO, PLOTE olombo) on July 1, will contest on the all three electoral astern province; in ral district - com, Mannar and Mulwill contest on the in Jaffna they will independent group ROS.
s unable to contest political party as a tion Commissioner d positively to the st minute applicang registration.
the ACTC (Tamil hed an informal n the eve of the long period of dogordingto whichthe ided three of its cluded in the Indeed by the ACTC nnambalam which ations in Colombo statement to the the Tamils in the Kumar's group. which declined all her groups which 'to woo it into their round that it was the possibility of on front with the ts objective on the ment's dissolution e be contesting on lectoral districts of province with the Ampara electoral
Douglas Devananda's EPDP kept its distance from all and sundry parleys and deals which marked the days following the dissolution of Parliament.
It was clear that Douglas Devananda was aiming at the 10 seats in the Jaffna electorate which are, given the fact only those few hapless voters living in the cleared areas of the Peninsula and the islands are in a position to vote there, all for his taking. However, the military authorities who were embarrassed by reports in the press that the whole exercise was going to be a farce stage-managed by them for the benefit of the EPDP and thereby for the UNP at the Presidential election, quickly took action to avert the problem by initiating behind the scene talks for returning all ten seats and ten candidates uncontested from a common list formed by all who were intending to contest in Jaffna. The UNP was also interested in the plan because it would have provided them with ten M.P.s in parliament who could play a crucial role in helping them form a coalition government if the P.A. were unable to secure a simple majority, viz — 113 seats. Furthermore, such an arr an gement would have tremendously benefited the UNP at the Presidential polls which will be held in December. In return for sending ten M.P.s uncontested the UNP sought the assistance of the Tamils who were amenable to the plan to deliver the consolidated vote of the vast majority of Tamils who are not in a position today to come into army held territory in the north and cast their votes. Faced with the rapidly growing popularity of the P.A. under Chandrika's leadership the UNP could not let go the opportunity though it involved an unprecedented fraud. But the whole effort failed, as a result of squabbling among the Tamil groups over the allocation of seats. The EPDP which had been patiently biding its time for quite long bearing insults and political isolation, to emerge at this election as the Tamil group with the largest representation in Parliament, was not prepared to eat the humble pie. The EPRLF and TELO wanted more seats. However, all is not finished for the UNP. The case
15 JULY 1994
filed by the TULF on Friday 8 in the Appeal Court challenging the validity of the holding of elections in the electoral district of Jaffna, if upheld
by the supreme court can actually be
a blessing in disguise for the ruling party. How? If that election is deemed not valid then no party can form a government in the newly convened parliament, which would require that the former cabinet of ministers carry on the business of state until the matter is constitutionally resolved. But such an eventuality could be nothing but a constitutional crisis because Sri Lanka's Constitution which was framed in 1978 does not envisage and therefore provide for a special situation in which a part of the country cannot be made with a specifiable period to participate in the electoral process. Most legal experts in Colombo are of the opinion that the TULF has a strong case while some of them harbour the apprehension that if the court were to uphold the case it will more than anything else strengthen the LTTE's claim to sovereignty over Jaffna at least. These considerations may not deter the UNP in its search for easy means and short cuts to victory - for staying in power is its priority.
Meanwhile in the electoral district of Vanni the TULF has fielded its leader Mr. M. Sivasithamparam despite the fact that the same principle on the ground of which it has challenged the poll in Jaffna, applies to the Vanni as well where more than half of the electorate's voters are, as much as their brethren in the Jaffna electoral district, not in a position to vote at this election. The PLOTE has considered Vavuniya its stronghold since the early eighties and has, since it re-established itself there in the latter part of 1990, "invested' quite a lot of money on social service and rehabilitation programs. Hence the PLOTE after consulting with many former TULF workers on how best it could neutralize the real and potential influence of the Tamil moderates, whom it rightly feared on account of their solid reputation as formidable parliamentarians, decided to nominate Dharmalingam Sitharthan as its main candidate in the Vanni electorate. Sitharthan is currently the leader of the PLOTE and the President of its recognised political party – the Democratic People’s Liberation Front. He is the only son of Mr. Dharmalingam M.P. for Manipay, who was allegedly shot dead by the TELO under instruc
tions from the times Sitharthan member of the E predecessor to th PLOTE appears t the traditional F.) away from the
personality of M param. Mr. Anan ly M.P. for Kilino ing in Vavuniya o The EPRLF and t fielded their lea machandran and nathan) respectiv rate which has si:
however, quite gi this time. At thi they find thems ethnic group in t the Sinhalese a Thousands of Ta placed and thousa this district as a
The majority of deliberately omit toral register c (which will be the general elections conducted next m ment has meanv systematically in ber of Sinhalese several hundred
whom have bei istered as voters
Under these ci Tamil politicians possible to return parliament from all Tamils were to favour of one pal leaders are hell b Tamil voters ther for his own gro
Yr RS.4 MILL FORWA
Following the re. ernment of the daughter of forn madasa for the Commission of II asassination, the of Police has offe ing Rs.4 million f leading to the a persons wanted their alleged par tion.
Rs.1 million o been set apart f leading to the co of the man pres
TAMIL TIMES 11
R.A.W. In earlier was also an active Federal Party, the e TULF. This, the o feel, might draw P. - TULF loyalists powerful political r. M. Sivasithamdasangary formerchi is also contestn the TULF ticket. he TELO have also ders Suresh PreSelvam (Adaikalaely, in this electox Seats.
in Trincomalee is, rim for the Tamils is general election elves the smallest he electorate, after nd the Muslims. nils have been disands have fled from result of the War. them have been ted from the elecompiled in 1993 basis on which the are going to be onth). The governwhile steadily and creased the numin the district by thousand, most of en carefully reglast year.
rcumstances as all
agree, it will be only one Tamil to the district even if cast their votes in rty. Yet, the same pent on wooing the e separately - each up or party. The
Tamil voting strength in Trinco which has already precariously dwindled may get further fragmented to the benefit of the Sinhala parties which are keen to wipe out Tamil political representation altogether from that vital district.
No one seems to have taken the predicament of the Tamils of Trinco to heart. And like adding insult to injury, an independent group led by Ram Rajakariar has also filed nominations along with the TNUF, TULF, and EPRLF. However it appears that realising the danger many Trinco Tamils might opt for just one party. The situation is, to say the least, worse in Ampara. The TULF candidate Mr. Ma vai Senathirajah is the only politician of some standing among the Tamils in the fray. The U.N.P. which obtained the services of the S.T.F. which runs the district at the local government elections recently to compel Tamils living in areas under the outfit's direct jurisdiction to either vote for the U.N.P. or not vote at all. In areas where the UNP could not find candidates, the S.T.F. prevented the votes from going to any Tamil political party or group by fielding its own lackeys. Most Tamil leaders are sure that there will be a repeat performance of this fraud.
The overall strategy then is to reduce Tamil representation in Parliament and to ensure that the representation which may be possible this time is amenable to gross manipulation - the trend was set in the last Parliament. Srinivasan was a case in point. The conditions for achieving this unstated but desired objective are most conducive at the Parliamentary general elections 1994.
ION REWARD NITED MEN
jection by the govrequest by the ner President Pre
appointment of a hquiry to probe his
Inspector General red rewards totallor any information pprehension of six in connection with t in the assassina
f the reward has or any information rrect identification ently known to be
the assassin Kulaweerasingham Weerakumar alias Kumar alias Babu. The other wanted men, whose photographs have also been publicised, are Shanmuganathan Sivashankar alias Pottu Amman (reputedly known as the head of the LTTE's Intelligence Unit), Selliah Kailendran alias Indran, Markandu Selvarasa, Rajaguru, Karikalan and Sebanesan Newson alias Newton.
Meanwhile the former President's wife, Mrs. Hema Premadasa, speaking at the unveiling of a statue of the slain President, said that she firmly believed that some of those who were closely associated with her husband had a hand in his assassination.
2 TAMIL TIMES
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15 JULY 1994
Problems and Pro if the Opposition
by Dr. Nihal Jayawickrama
President Wijetunga's decision to dissolve Parliament and call a general election ahead of the presidential poll scheduled for December this year is likely to subject the 1978 Constitution to its severest test. While a UNP victory may give that Constitution an extended lease of life and that party and its members an unprecedented 23 years in public office, a victory for the People's Alliance will immediately demonstrate the inherent flaw in a constitution that was clearly not intended for all seasons but was made to measure by a government according to its own image.
Under the 1978 Constitution, the President is both Head of State and Head of Government. This means that he not only appoints the Prime Minister and other Ministers, but is himself the head of the Cabinet of Ministers and presides over it. The statement of government policy when he opens parliamentary sessions is prepared on his directions. In 1978, these constitutional provisions, together with others which barred defections and abolished byelections were introduced to give President Jayewardene effective control, not only over his government but also over his phenomenal parliamentary majority and to ensure its continued existence. It was perhaps believed at the time that with strength would come stability and stability would, in turn, contribute to prosperity. What was omitted from that equation and obviously overlooked was that Sri Lanka was then, and would continued to be, a highly politicized heterogenous society. Unfortunately, that esential element of diversity was not taken into account. When, at one of the sessions of the parliamentary select committee that drafted the 1978 Constitution (which I attended as legal advisor to its SLFP members), I asked President Jayewardene what would happen, if the President belonged to one party and the par
liamentary ma from the other. that ifhe were t an improbable : immediately tra a constitutional on advice. What ate then, was th a concession to t. diction in, and th the system of g. was seeking to e
On August 1 members of all t have been decla. sent Cabinet of to function. The of the People's largest political p President Wijet quired to appoint the member of th to command the liament. Therea take a decidely b
President Wije the leader of the general election, the Constitution and appoint Min ty that defeate required to sun over a Cabinet of secured a manda to reverse his po and style of gove a Jekyll and Hy velhaveto presi his own party official parliam Finally, in an situation, he will the first session ment with a st which is either event it wiil be ir ated by a Parliam to dissolve) or Cabinet of Minist his credibility, his political career irretrievably dest tain recipe for dis
ority was drawn
his response was e President in such ituation, he would sform himself into ead of state and act he failed to appreciat his response was ne essential contra2 patent fragility of, overnment that he stablish.
6, 1994 when the he electoral districts red elected, the preMinisters will cease eupon, in the event Alliance being the party in Parliament, Junga will be retas Prime Minister at party most likely confidence of Parfter, events could izarre turn.
tunga despite being party that lost the will be required by to himself choose sters from the parhis. He will be Lmon and preside Ministers who had e from the country icies, programmes nment. Assuming e posture, he may le over meetings of Ls well, now the ntary opposition. ulmost Gilbertian e required to open f the new parliatement of policy is own (in which mediately repudint he is powerless hat of the new rs (in which event eputation and his ould have been oyed). It is a cerster.
TAMIL TIMES 13
But a general election that is fairly conducted and freely contested has the capacity to cleanse our political system and reunite the diverse forces, that make up our country. At least, that was how life was in Sri Lanka in the first thirty years of independent rule. Therefore, an alternative scenario, a different vision, is also available. Article 37 of the Constitution enables the President if he is of the opinion that by reason of illness, absence from Sri Lanka or any other cause he will be unable to exercise, perform and discharge the powers, duties and functions of his office, to appoint the Prime Minister to exercise, perform and discharge those powers, duties and functions during any specified period. Although it was probably not intended for that purpose, Article 37 may well provide the key to a peaceful transfer of power, and the establishment of a stable government.
If President Wijetunga were to invoke Article 37 (‘any other cause’ being the defeat of his political party at the general election) and appoint the new Prime Minister to be Acting President, the latter would then be able to form his or her government, and open Parliament by making a statement of government policy that truly reflects the mandate provided by the people. One element of that mandate will surely be replacement of the executive presidency with a constitutional head of state to be nominated and endorsed by a method other than through an island-wide election. If the legislation required for that purpose is prepared and presented to Parliament forthwith, and receives the support of both government and opposition, President Wijetunga may well be able to resume his office - now stripped of its actual governmental responsibilities and serve out the remaining portion of the period for which he was originally appointed, i.e. until February 3, 1995.
A national constitution must be capable of serving not merely one political party or one ethnic, religious or linguistic group, but the country and its people as a whole. It must be sufficiently flexible to withstand the vicissitudes of history, and reasonably rigid to provide the stability to institutions of government as they bridge the gap from the present to the future.
Continued on page 21
14 TAM TIMES
Wasantha Raja, BBCS Service Reporter Refle Visit to War-torn Ja
My wife and I entered Tiger territory on June 14, from the LTTE checkpoint at Point Pedro, where the good-mannered officer issued us with a 'Visa-permit'. An old Morris Oxford, running on kerosene took us along the 20-mile stretch to Jaffna town. This cost us Rs.1500/-.
The bomb-damaged Subhas hotel was our base for the next ten days.
On the very first night, the LTTE'S PR man, Daya “Master”, visited us. He greeted us and asked if there were any places of interest we would like to see, so that he could arrange a tour for us.
I told him that more than anything else I would like to talk to the LTTE leaders, most of all to LTTE chief Vellupillai Prabhakaran himself. He politely said he would try his best and went off.
Daya Master, did not come back for a couple of days. My wife and I meanwhile just loafed around in the town and visited Hindu Kovils mingling with the ordinary people. Our inability to converse in Tamil proved to be a big disadvantage. But we met many who could speak in broken Sinhala.
To my amazement, I was visited by journalists from all Jaffna newspapers, Udayan, Eela Nadam and Eela-Nadu within the first two days of my stay.
I was interviewed at length. All of them wanted to know about the latest political developments in the South. They are keenlisteners of the BBC including its Sinhala transmission Sandeshaya. I was surprised by the intimate knowledge they had about the subtleties of southern politics.
Before I started my Jaffna trip, I tried my best to meet President D.B. Wijetunga, Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe and Western Province Chief Minister Chandrika Kumaranatunga, so that I would have a clear idea about their approach to the north-east crisis. The President and the Prime Minister were too busy but I managed to meet Ms. Kumaranatunga briefly. So I was able to tell the Jaffna journalists about her position on the Tamil issue.
Chandrika w have unconditi LTTE; and she nine provincest Northern Prov Tamil areas in ing a single un would be devol settle the Tan them.
Ms. Kumar appeared in th the following r story, thus givil North some id approach would power.
During my bị met LTTE theo singham three different aspec length.
It was clear mined not to gi by the governm tion on them b right to self-d told, is the corn tics.
He told me th bothered about Sinhala politici masses about tl long as they Tamil natior determination'.
But Mr. Ba insisting that t negotiations al government on make the next vide full protect Want to come talks, he added
I couldn't me an. I was told h
One of the m observed in the that 'organs of in place. LTTE system of court work, etc. se reasonably well
In this new c in the interest to a compromis government?' I
Mr. Balasing previous stater
15 JULY 1994
ould be willing to nal talks with the wants to reduce the five, expanding the nce to include the he East, thus creatit, to which power ved substantially to il problem, I told
anatunga's views Udayan paper on horning as its lead ng the Tamils in the ea as to what her
be if she comes to
ief stay im Jaffna I retician Anton Balatimes and discussed ts of the issue at
that they're deterve in to any attempt ent to impose a soluby force, for Tamils' 2termination, I was erstone of their poli
at the LTTE is least
the opinions of the ans as the Sinhala he Tamil struggle, as do not respect "the l's right to self
lasingham kept on he doors are open for hd it is up to the the opposition to move. “We can proion to delegates who over to Jaffna for
et Mr. Prabahakare was away.
ost obvious factors I "Tiger territory' was self-rule' are already S own police, its own s, banks, postal netem to be working
ontext, wouldn't it be f the LTTE to come settlement with the asked.
ham reiterated his ment that the doors
were open for negotiations. "After the sacrifices the Tamil youth have made, if we compromise now the people will put the gun on our heads too.” Mr. Balasingham said placing his index finger on his head.
When I asked him why the LTTE did not make a conscious effort to win the respect and support of the Sinhala people, who could become its best ally, he said the 'concept of Sinhala masses was an abstract sociological category'. I told him then: "At a time when history is changing so rapidly, these abstract sociological categories can derive greater prominence than individual politicians on either side.”
He pointed out that they did have meetings with various left activists' in the '80s, including JVP leader Rohana Wijeweera. "But, he added, "most of these people, were merely paying lip-service to Tamil's right to self-determination.'
When I asked if there were any lessons to be learnt from the Palestinian and the South African experience, he said, "the situation is different and the analogy doesn't tally'.
When my wife Lilani, and I were cycling around freely in Jaffna town we observed many things of significance. As the dawn breaks, hundreds of smartly dressed girls and boys, in their uniforms and ties, could be seen cycling to school. Shops are open and full of goods. Electricity, petrol and batteries seem to be the scarce items... that is as far as the ordinary people are concerned. The LTTE, the Press, the hospital etc., have found alternative methods of obtaining these.
In any case, the poor majority do not seem to be particularly bothered about such shortages. The impression I got was that ordinary people have evolved a remarkable resilience to the war. Day and night we could hear the sound of shelling in the areas close by. But we could see boys playing cricket without taking any notice of that. Religious and cultural activities also take place as if every thing is normal.
When I met top administrators in the Jaffna hospital the only complaint they made was the severe shortage of doctors and specialists. They made an emotional appeal to Sri Lankan doctors in the South and abroad to visit Jaffna, at least, for a few months stay, and serve the suffering patients. 'We have enough money to provide any visiting doctors with food and lodging during
15 JULY 1994
their stay, a female director of the hospital assured.
We met some people, particularly from the propertied and business classes who secretly expressed their displeasure of the Tigers. They keep praying for a quick settlement and blaming both the government and the LTTE for not taking enough efforts to reach a compromise. But one thing was crystal clear from the discussions I had with such layers: The majority of them would back the LTTE in any major military offensive in the North.
The lengthy discussions I had with Tamil intellectuals also gave me the same impression.
There now exists a young genera
tion in the North, ence of the Sout continuous milita ade by an 'alien f contact with the even through thi This young gener nalists' view, cou obstacle to any ment.
Perhaps, the sent strategy nee the war efforts in until now, only the Tamil comr more from the S even think that already passed return'.
Yet, there is
ETHNIC CONFLCT IN SR
Negotiating a Moral F
by Ram Manikkalingam'
There is broader support, on a moral basis, for a just solution to the Sri Lankan conflict, than is commonly perceived. This disjuncture between perception and reality exists for two reasons. First reasonable differences over the requirements of justice are often conflated with deep ethnic cleavages leading to an underestimation of the moral support for a just solution. Second there is no institutional mechanism through which individuals and parties can express these reasonable differences on the ethno-national conflict outside of the vicissitudes of everyday politics. A careful reexamination of the different political positions espoused by Sri Lankans on the ethnic conflict - whether they appear to be for federalism or against it, for merger or against it, and for peace or for war - yields a much larger number of parties in favour of a just solution than is currently assumed.
Reasonable differences over the re
quirements of justice, no less than
deep cleavages over ethno-national identity, contribute to the continuation of violent conflict, these reasonable differences are often conflated with more fundamental ones and mask underlying moral support for a Just solution. There are at least three tritical sources of reasonable differences in Sri Lanka. The first is whether or not the solution to the
conflict should en omy to Tamil-ma federal or quasi second is whether and Eastern Pr merged into a sing whether a politica follow a ceasefire action against eit belligerents - the National Party go text of armed vio more groups deny bers of other eth exist, these reasor contribute to the flict.
Identifying sou differences helps solution in two w moral support wil viously thought t ables this support indicating how r structured to mir for reasonable di bute to conflict. T how these reason tribute to conflict
Federalism or C
Many groups a port a political sett devolution of pow Tamil regions, whether devoluti federal or quasi. support can be
TAMIL TIMES 15
who has no experi;h other than the ry economic blockorce'. They have no outside world, not electronic media. ation, in some jourld pose the biggest ompromise settle
government's preds re-thinking for, the North have, up helped to alienate nunity more and outh. Some would the North has "the line of no
some ground for
hope. Today there is a powerful drive for peace and unity internationally. This could eventually reflect among the masses both in the North and the South of Sri Lanka too. Therefore, perhaps, the right strategy might be to agree on a ceasefire and try to achieve a negotiated settlement on the basis of substantial devolution of power; and this could open up the doors to launch a massive drive to promote economic, trade and cultural links between the two communities which would be the surest way of making everybody realise that the unity is in the interest of all concerned. World trends, fortunately, are showing signs of leaning on the side of unity rather than division.
tail granting autonjority regions along -federal lines. The or not the Northern ovinces should be šle unit. The third is all settlement should or follow military her one of the two Tigers or the United vernment. In a conlence where one or " the rights of memnic communities to lable differences can continuation of con
rces of reasonable he pursuit of a just 'ays. It helps locate here none was preo exist. And it en; to be mobilised by Aegotiations can be timise the potential fferences to contrihis section outlines able differences conin Sri Lanka.
nd individuals suplement based on the *r to pre-dominantly but disagree over on should be along federal lines. This discerned from the
important shift in the political positions of many of the Sinhala-based and Tamil-based parties over the past decade. In 1983 all the Tamil-based parties demanded secession and all the Sinhala-based parties rejected any devolution of power, while today many of the Tamil-based parties call for a federal devolution of power and the Sinhala-based ones agree to a quasifederal one. This is a crucial convergence in the political positions of key actors in Sri Lankan politics. Nevertheless this underlying agreement about the contours of a just solution is masked because disagreement over the most effective form of devolution persists.
This disagreement involves Tamil parties supporting a federal solution and Sinhala parties a quasi-federal one on the assumption that a federal solution will be of greater benefit to minorities. But this assumption is mistaken. For example it is possible that a quasi-federal solution with greater autonomy for cultural issues, such as language rights, and guaranteed minority membership in parliament or a specially constituted upper house, may actually give minorities considerable influence. This influence is likely to outweigh that gained by minorities in a constitutional arrangement based solely on federalism, where minority power at the center is diminished. Ultimately, the ability of minorities to influence the political process in Sri Lanka and preserve autonomous political/cultural spaces depends on the actual powers, laws and institutions of a new constitutional arrangement and not on whether the abstract form of such an arrangement is "federal' or 'quasi-federal'.
I do not wish to add to the endless Continued on page 16
16 TAM TIMES
Continued from page 15
debate about whether a federal or quasi-federal solution is preferable for minorities in Sri Lanka or for Sri Lankan democracy. Instead, I want to emphasise that both arrangements - a federal as well as a quasi-federal oneare compatible with a secular democratic Sri Lanka where all citizens are treated as equals, and all ethnic communities are granted equal respect. Thus it is possible to agree on the moral basis of a just solution, while disagreeing about whether such a solution should be federal or quasifederal. This reasonable difference has often been a source of contention, but it is one precisely because it underlies a basic agreement about the outlines of a just solution.
Merger or De-merger?
The second source of reasonable difference is the divergent positions taken by the Tamil-based and the Sinhala-based political parties with regard to the merger of the Northern and Eastern Provinces. It is reasonable for the Tamil-based parties to demand that the Northern and Eastern Provinces be merged as one contiguous unit, and it is also reasonable for the Sinhala-based parties to oppose such a merger.
The position of the Tamil-based parties is reasonable because a merged Northern and Eastern Province with special protection for the Sinhala and Muslim populations of this province is compatible with a just solution. This protection can be ensured through different measures, such as establishing 'Sinhala' and "Muslim' regional councils within a merged North-East Province or allocating a minimum number of seats for minorities in the provincial assembly or empowering the central government to intervene when basic rights are violated by provincial governments. A solution based on the merger of the Northern and Eastern Provinces can take into consideration the legitimate aspirations of all three communities living in those two provinces.
Opposition to merger is also reasonable because regional autonomy exercised in two separate provincial councils can satisfy Tamil aspirations, as well as that of Muslims and Sinhalese of the Eastern Province. This is possible even without redemarcation of provinces or districts along ethnic lines. The concerns of Tamils in the Eastern Province with regard to a Sinhala-dominated centre include personal security, cultural autonomy (especially language rights), state
sponsored colonisat. centralisation. All equally shared by M vis-a-vis the centre and Muslims togeth 70% of the populat Province it is unlik Muslim concerns in over-ridden. Additi ethnic communit majority in the Eas unlikely that a pe that excludes other ethnic basis will
The debate over Northern and E should be merged i devolution is intrac arrangements are just solution.
War or Peace?
The third reas stems from uncert responsible for the fires and the col armed conflict. Th arise among those moral basis of a ju. of the paucity of inf decision-making main belligerents - UNP government circumstances in W occurs. The differ from this uncertai who differ to advoca the Tigers or the U grounds that are just solution.
This political po support a just res. means - has been political observers conflict. Generally, war - whether it against the Tigers Lankan governme) be hostile to a jus conflict. This is un that peace and just in hand, and it is di as acting at crossless, it is possible for the very claims of individuals and ethnic communitie Sri Lankans to ad tion against one or the conflict.
reasonable people and Tamils) who campaign against they believe that interested in a pol conflict. These argue that flagra ceasefires by the
15 JULY 1994
on and greater dehese concerns are (uslims of the East
And since Tamils er constitute about on of the Eastern ly that Tamil and these areas will be inally since no one alone forms a tern Province it is rmanent majority communities on an ever form in the
whether or not the astern Provinces to a single unit of table because both compatible with a
onable difference ainty over who is violation of ceasentinuation of the is uncertainty can who agree on the st solution because ormation about the procedures of the the Tigers and the - or the ground thich confrontation 2nce that emerges nty can lead those ate violence against NP government on compatible with a
sition - those who blution by military overlooked by most of the Sri Lankan those who are for is military action or against the Sri ht - are thought to t resolution of the lerstandable, given ice usually go hand fficult to view them urposes. Nevertheto see how support of justice (equality
equal respect for ) - may lead many vocate military acthe other parties to
there are many Muslims, Sinhalese support a military the Tigers because the Tigers are not tical solution to the reasonable people it violations of past Tigers, their expul
sions and massacres of thousands of Muslims, and their imprisonment of thousands of dissidents make continued belief in Tiger willingness to negotiate ludicrous. These opponents of the Tigers conclude that a viable negotiations process can only take place after the military defeat of the Tigers. The individuals and parties who subscribe to this position often espouse devolution to the North and the East, even with federalism. But they are adamant in their opposition to a cease-fire with the Tigers. This position in support of a military defeat of the Tigers must be distinguished from the Sinhala chauvinist position.
Similarly, there are many reasonable Sri Lankans (Muslims, Tamils and Sinhalese) who believe that the government has dilly-dallied on negotiating a solution to the ethnic conflict. They contend that successive Sri Lankan governments have succumbed to Sinhala chauvinist opposition and failed to implement every pact granting regional autonomy to the Tamils.o These critics believe this indicates that Sri Lankan governments are either controlled by, or lack the will to stand up to, influential elements of Sinhala chauvinism. They argue that if the Tigers are defeated militarily, the government will never grant an adequate package of devolution to the Tamils.
The individuals and organisations who espouse this position do not support an outright Tiger victory, instead they do not want the Tigers to be completely defeated by the government forces. Advocates of this position are not naive. They do not think the Tigers represent the genuine interests of the Tamils. On the contrary, this position that sees the Tigers as 'a last defence' is articulated by individuals who are aware of the brutality and excesses of the Tigers. This support for the Tigers must be distinguished from the Tamil chauvinist view that sees the Tigers as exemplary freedom fighters or the view that sees them as a natural response to Sinhala nationalism. Both of these positions are unreasonable and unacceptable as plausible bases of support for the Tigers. Nevertheless, given the failure of the Sri Lankan government to propose and implement an adequate package of devolution, the last defence argument' in support of the Tigers is not unreasonable.
These two political positions on the ethnic conflict: qualified support of military action against the Tigers (anti-Tiger), or qualified support of military action against the government (anti-government), are clearly distinguishable from the Tamil or Sinhala chauvinist proponents of
15 JULY 1994
war." Their motivations for supporting military action, unlike those of the chauvinists - whether Sinhala or Tamil - are not incompatible with the moral basis of negotiations outlined above - individual equality and equal respect for ethnic communities. However, the subtlety of these two positions has been subsumed by a debate limited to two alternatives - war or peace. Generally, those who are for war are seen as chauvinists and those who are for peace are seen as moderates. But these categories are too simplistic and fail to capture a large segment of individuals and groups who may be amenable to a just solution to the ethno-national conflict.
The problem of disentangling these positions from the chauvinist ones is further compounded by the fact that in the heat of the war the anti-Tiger and the anti-government positions have been politically confused with either the Sinhala or the Tamil chauvinist ones. Only a very small minority holding the anti-Tiger and the antigovernment positions have tried to maintain their distinctiveness. This is of course partly due to fear, but it is also due to the absence of a political or institutional vehicle that can give voice to the subtlety of this political position without distortion.
Tamils in the North and the East who do not endorse the Tamil chauvinist position are afraid to say so, even if they support the war solely on the basis of the anti-government position outlined above. In the South, supporters of the war against the Tigers who do not endorse the Sinhala chauvinist position have not distinguished their support for the war from that of the chauvinist one. The irony of this situation is that anti-Tiger and antigovernment positions outlined above are on opposite sides politically - despite the fact that they are ideologically closer to each other than to either the Sinhala or the Tamil chauvinist ones - because they both support a settlement based on equal respect for all ethnic communities. Unlike reasonable differences over federalism and the merger, this source of reasonable difference directly contributes to the continuation of violence. It leads those who disagree to advocate armed action against either the Tigers or the UNP government.
While these three reasonable differences contribute to the continuation of conflict in Sri Lanka, such conflict does not imply opposition to a just solution which treats all individuals as equals and grants equal respect to all ethnic communities. Thus the framework of negotiations should be structured so as
to give a stronger i these nuanced pol is essential in orde political forces th settlement to the e kind of a strategy allow Sri Lanka appear to be a government, to s agree about imme agreeing on the m solution? (To be continued
"The author is a docto science at the Mas Technology.
For an instructive disc the differences betwe and Tamil-based pal form of devolution du Select committee proc Conflict see Radhika Select Committee Pro Times, 5 Oct., '93.
Even the Tigers who for a separate Tamil press a willingness t solution to the conflict,
“One critique of feder rubric of reasonable
Silva's An Appraisal ( tive for Sri Lanka, De raises three kinds of legal and moral- to fi The political objection
Lanka may undermine by aggravating sepal legal objection is tha will require a referenc the moral objection is not be a concession t has flouted accords. V of de Silvas essays political and legal obj against federalism, his the moral one - has n example see Amita S tion to Federalism, Times, 15 January 19
De Silvas argumer use of military power cessions is compatible a just solution. But his moral position militate Sri Lanka is mistaken. federalism, while more coercion to influenc irrespective of whethel agenda. In short there support federalism on as a Concession to a Though de Silva's s federalism is the mor value that de Silva up can also lead to supp(
These pacts incluc Chelvanayakam pact nayakam-Senanayake Indo-Lanka pact of 19
TAMIL TIMES 17
Institutional voice to itical positions. This *r to strengthen the hat support a just thnic conflict. What for negotiations will ns, whether they nti-Tiger or antisimultaneously disdiate politics, while oral basis of a just
in next issue).
ral cancidate in political sachusetts Institute of
cussion On this shift and een the Sinhala-based ties or the desirable Iring the parliamentary ceedings on the ethnic
Coomarasamy's "The cess....' The Sunday
claim to be holding out state occasionally exo negotiate a federal
alism that is within the difference is H.L. de of the Federal Alternahiwela, 1991. De Silva objections - political, ederalism in Sri Lanka. is that federalism in Sri the unity of the state ratist tendencies. The t instituting federalism dum in Sri Lanka. And that federalism should o an armed group that While most discussions have focused on the ections raised by him s strongest objection - ot been addressed (for Shastri, From DevoluTamil Times, Tamil 92). ut against the coercive to obtain political conwith the moral basis of Conclusion that Such a s against federalism in It is possible to support illy decrying the use of ce political agendas, federalism is one such are many people who a moral basis and not n armed organisation. trongest objection to alone, the very moral holds in this objection ort for federalism.
e the Bandaranaikeof 1957, the Cheva
pact of 1965 and the B7.
"Not unreasonable' is simply an acknowledgement that many reasonable Sri Lankans hold the position that the Tigers are the "last defence' of the Tamil People. For a discussion of the three different arguments in support of the Tamil Tigers see 'A Critique of Tigers' Claims," Tamil Times, Oct. 1992 by Ram Manikkalingam.
The terms anti-government and anti-Tiger have been used to describe these positions for want of better terms. To avoid confusion these terms need clarification for the purpose of this essay. The term anti-government instead of pro-Tiger is used so as not to Confuse opposition to the government with chauvinist Tamil support for the Tigers. This position is not based on what the Tigers are doing, but rather on what the government is failing to do. Similarly, the term anti-Tiger instead of pro-government is used to distinguish opposition to the Tigers from chauvinist Sinhala support for the government. This position is based on opposition to the cruelty of the Tigers rather than positive support for the government program. It is also important to point out that there are Sinhalese who hold the anti-government position and Tamils who hold the anti-Tiger position.
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18 TAM TIMES
"HOW Became a Freedom
- V. Prab
In a special interview given to VELICHAM, a literary magazine published in Jaffna, the leader o Tigers of Tamil Eelam, Velupillai Prabhakaran, events and circumstances during his early life that take up arms and join the liberation struggle.
O. From your boyhood you have been a voracious reader. Can you tell us something about the books which instilled Tamil nationalism in you and impelled you to take up arms against oppression?
A. From my young days, I have been a lover of books. A good part of my youth I spent reading worthwhile books. I was especially keen on reading historical novels, works of history, and biographies of heroes. The pocket money that my parents gave me I spent on books. I got a lot of satisfaction and pleasure in reading new books. There was a bookshop in my village. It became my habit somehow or other to buy all those valuable books there and read them. It is through books that I learnt of the heroic exploits of Alexander and Napoleon. It is through my habit of reading that I developed a deep attachment to the Indian Freedom struggle and martyrs like Subhas Chandra Bose, Bagat Singh and Balagengadhara Tilak. It was the reading of such books that laid the foundation for my life as a revolutionary. The Indian Freedom struggle stirred the depths of my being and roused in me a feeling of indignation against foreign oppression and domination.
The racial riots that erupted in Sri Lanka in 1953 and the agonies that the Tamils had to endure as a result were the factors that impelled me to militancy. The reports that appeared in the dailies unleashed a hurricane of fury in me. When I read the novels of Tamil Nadu writers like Kausiyan (Paminip Pavai), Sandilyan (Kadat Pura) and Kalki (Ponniyin Selvan), I learned how our forefathers had established and ruled over great, flourishing empires. These novels roused in me the desire to see our nation rise again from servitude and that our people should live a life of dignity and freedom in their liberated homeland.
Why shouldn't we take up arms to fight those who have enslaved us: this was the idea that these novels
implanted in my r hood I avidly rea Mahabharata and they too sparked of “Perform your dut to the fruits of a Bhagavad Gita. I found truth wh Mahabharata. Wl great didactic work on me the need disciplined life and desire to be of ser munity.
Above all, Subha life was a beacont the path I should plined life and hist and dedication to country's freedom me and served as n was never in the cursorily, skimming I cultivated the ha myself totally in reading and becom After I had finished the questions "Wh “How did this hal used to rise in my to connect the na characters with ou of our people. At al thought that I sho liberation ofmy peo ate my mind. Apal novels and works loved to read scien and magazines lik deeply desired t should develop scie tellectually. Readi horizons. I wanted thing through act waste time in idle f that what our Tam in future was action I read dealing with tion struggles con message to me: “A should be pure, self sacrifice himself for would say that the read impelled me to freedom of my peop
15 JULY 1994
"атil language f the Liberation reflected on the inspired him to
hind. In my boyd epics like the
the Ramayana; f thoughts in me. 7 without regard |ction', says the grasped this proen I read the hen I read the s, they impressed to lead a good, roused in me the vice to the com
s Chandra Bose's o me, lighting up follow. His disci(otal commitment the cause of his deeply impressed by guiding light. I habit of reading g through a book. bit of immersing the book I was ning one with it. d reading a book, y? What for?', open this way?", mind. I would try Irrative and the r life and the life |l such times, the uld fight for the ple would dominit from historical of history, I also e-oriented books 2 Kalaikathir'. I hat my people ntifically and inng widened my to achieve someion rather than ancies. I believed lil people needed 1. The books that i national liberaveyed one clear
freedom fighter less and ready to the people'. So I
various books I struggle for the le.
Q. Your childhood must have been totally different from that of today's generation. Can you describe your childhood?
A. As a child, I was the pet and the darling of the family. Therefore I was hedged in by a lot of restrictions at home. My play-mates were the neighbours' children. My “world' was confined to my house and the neighbours' houses. My childhood was spent in the small circle of a lonely, quiet house.
When I was studying in the 8th standard, there was an institution called the "Valvai Educational Institute” functioning in my village, Valvettiturai. Some youngsters who had had a higher education, wanted to develop our village; inspired by this ideal, they were running this Institute at Sivaguru Vidyasalai (also known as Aladi School) close to my house.
One of the services rendered by this Institute was the provision of tuition at nights to students studying in the lower classes. Mr. Vernugopal, a Tamil teacher from my village, used to din into our ears that the Tamils should take up arms. He was an ardent supporter of the Federal Party's Youth Front; later, feeling that the Party was not militant enough, he teamed up with Mr. V. Navaratnam and was one of the founders of the 'Suyadchi Kazhagam” (Self-Rule Party). It is he who impressed on me the need for armed struggle and persuaded me to put my trust in it. My village used to face military repression daily. Hence even as a child I grew to detest the Army. This hatred of military repression, combined with Mr. Vernugopal's persuasive stress on armed struggle and the thirst for liberation generated an inner dynamism within me and friends of my age flocked behind Mr. Vernugopal.
The swelling thirst for freedom led me, when I was a fourteen year school boy and seven like-minded youngsters at our school, to form a movement with no name. Our aim was to struggle for freedom and to attack the army. I was the leader of the movement. At the time the idea that dominated our minds was somehow to buy a weapon and to make a bomb. Every week the others would give me 25 cents they had saved from their pocket money. I maintained this pool of savings till we had accumulated Rs.40/-. At this time we learnt that a "Chandiyan' (thug) in the neighbouring village had a revolver which he was pre
15 JULY 1994
pared to sell for Rs.150/-. Determined to buy this revolver somehow, I sold a ring which had been presented to me during my sister's wedding. It fetched Rs. 70/-. Altogether we now had Rs.110/-. We had then to abandon our plan to buy this revolver as we couldn't find the balance money. This is how I spent my youth, filled with thoughts about strugggle, freedom and the urge to do something for our people. Did I say spent? I think it's more appropriate to say I grew up as a youth filled with these thoughts.
When I was a student, others of my age used to indulge in games and pastimes. I spent my time trying to make bombs with whatever materials were at hand and trying to explode them. One thing I can say definitely: at the age of 14 the urge to fight, to carry out a struggle possessed me; in that respect my life was different from that of other youths of my age and my generation.
O. What do you think is the role art and literature should play in our country in the contect of today's liberation struggle?
A. Art and literature should portray the life and struggle of our people. It should reflect the present conjuncture. It should register the contemporary historical trend.
Art and literature take life as their theme. They deal with the vicissitudes of life; they symbolise the experience of life. Today our life and experience are intertwined with our struggle for liberation. It is this existential situation of struggle which determines our life today. Hence our art and literature should depict the characteristics of such a life of struggle; they should bear witness to the deep scars born of this life of struggle and convey the various currents of emotion generated in the course of struggle. At the same time art and literature attain heights of excellence when they give birth to a consciousness of freedom, that priceless thing. Only those creations which emphasise human values and have the uplifting of humanity as their goal can be considered great. I firmly believe that the literary resurgence emerging from the Tamil Eelam liberation struggle will produce great works which touch the summits of excellence in the future.
O. One can observe our young fighters turning into creative writers.
They uvrite abou and life on the ba your opinion of thi is enriching the lit and иvar?
A. Literature depi is developing in Ta all of our young keen interest in cı One can observe t writings and works quality. This is a g passage of time, th experience and the ity, one can look foi literary and artisti duced by our libera fighters have toda personages and al tory forward. Wh come to record the time, it is bound to sublime.
In the history of era is a significant a very important creative writers to and literature the gle that is unfoldin today so that the may be made awar tous freedom strug Our militant cac dent, will turn ou creative artists in t as they are grow profound awarenes gle is like, and the the war front; th enrich their expel their insight into l keep on encouragi ters, artists and a movement.
Continued from pag
sk Selasamy Joir running saga of tween Thondamal has come to an confirmation of th the Ceylon Work its former Gener Sellasamy and 8 Provincial Counc the CWC Workin
During the di cabinet minister Thondaman and jetunga, Sellasam State Minister, with the Preside Thondaman and made peace, it w Sellasamy's days
TAMIL TIMES 19
today's struggle tle-front. What is sneuw trend which rature of struggle
:ting our struggle mil Eelam, severmilitants show a eative literature. hat some of these of art are of high od sign. With the 2 accumulation of growth of maturward to excellent c work being protion fighters. Our become historic e impelling hislen such people history of their be authentic and
’ the Tamils, our one. I consider it duty of today's bring forth in art liberation strugg before our eyes next generation 'e of this momengle.
lires, I am confit to be excellent he course of time ving up with a is of what strugrealities of life in is will certainly rience and hone ife. That’s why I ng budding wrirt lovers in our
Q. You are taking a very keen interest in the welfare of small children whose lives have been adversely affected by the ethnic war and are formulating and implementing several schemes for their welfare. What is the reason for your taking a special interest in the future of these children. A. I'm all afire to build up a nation; that is the life-ideal I have set for myself. The future generation is the foundation for the nation we hope to build. Therefore I consider bringing up the future generation and moulding its character and ideals as important as building up the nation. That is why I take so much interest in the future generation. My ambition is to mould a new generation of youth who will be the architects of our country's future. This new generation will be scientific-minded, patriotic, honest, decent, heroic and possessed of a sense of honour, selfrespect and dignity.
We have taken the small boys and girls who have been affected by the war into our fond embrace and are nurturing them. I do not consider them orphans or children bereft of kith and kin. They are the children of our mother land and they are flowers which have blossomed on our soil. Just as we envisage our language and our soil as our Mother, I consider these as the children of the nation which is the Mother of us all. I consider it our paramount duty to educate these children and bring them up on the correct lines as the architects of the future of our nation. That is why I pay very special attention to them.
(VELICHAM, April/May 1994).
is PA: The long the dispute be1 and Sellasamy end with the e dismissal from ers Congress of al Secretary S. other Central il members by E Committee.
spute between and CWC boss
President Wi7 who was also a unwisely sided ht. Later when
the President as obvious that were numbered.
With the dissolution of parliament, his effort to get UNP nomination to contest the election was politely refused at the instigation of Thondaman. He submitted his resignation from the post of State Minister before he was sacked, and now Sellasamy has joined the Peoples Alliance and is contesting the elections under the PA ticket.
The vote of the plantation Tamils would play a crucial role in the outcome of the elections, and the CWC boss has almost a monopoly of the vote bank in that sector. By giving nomination to Sellasamy, the IPA is hoping to wean away at least a section of the votes from the plantation Tamils.
20 TAM TIMES
The Exclusive Rigi Write Eelam Histo
The foul assassination of S. Sabalingam at No. 3 Allee Paul Leautaud, Sarcelles, a quiet middle class neighbourhood in Paris on May Day is the first Tamil political murder in the west. And as such it has deeply perturbed the Tamil expatriate community in Europe and Canada. It has also no doubt added to the worries of many Tamils in Europe who are faced with the threat of forced and imminent repatriation, and who have always felt - despite the unruliness on the part of newly arrived youth - that the best way to make their stay in those climes permanent and profitable was to impress upon their host governments that they were a hardworking and peaceful lot.
But with the dastardly murder of Sabalingam it is only too clear that the bloody business of Eelam politics will permit them no peace of mind even in those distant climes where they have sought refuge. The Sabalingam I knew was a peaceful man. He helped refugees with their paper work, was an avid collector of books on Sri Lanka, and did whatever was possible in his own small way to encourage writers and poets here and abroad.
He was also a small time publisher. For which purpose he established a non-profit organisation called the Arts and Social Sciences of Eelam Academy which is generally known by its acronym ASSEAY (pronounced Aasia in Tamil). Sabalingam has thus far published seven books. Three of them are collections of poems by V.I.S. Jeyapalan, Cheran and Solaikili - the leading poets among the Tamils today (Solaikili is a Muslim from Kalmunai). Two books are by lesser known poets.
He published a history of Puttalam written by A.N.M. Shajahan recently. In 1991 he brought out an elegantly prepared collection of articles which I wrote to the Sunday Island. And since then he tried on several occasions to persuade me to write a well-documented and researched work on the origins and development of the Eelam movement. The weekly distractions caused unfailingly by the vicissitudes of Tamil politics and the Eelam War prevented me from obliging him. I
heard later that he it on his own. And 1 investigations in dangerous recesse movement's early him his life. For T. their sole property, the history of the movement has als ably belong only to am was the only po ary of Prabhah, attempted to put p he is dead.
The LTTE in Pa denied involvemel according to one so pamphlet has been condemning the plying the LTTE's The anti-LTTE an tions of the Tami munity which hav retreat since Pre: started harping or there is no ethnic p been stirred into a
One influential g understand, has all paring a memora European govern down on the LT organisation of I murder. The mair backlash is that one of the few expa who maintained a work of connectio intellectuals, soci journalists in Eur Tamil Nadu and and in their eyes Sa honest and earnes quently got into carry on with his v
His associates in the murder to th following reason: H article to “Thayaga tical weekly maga Canada in which among other matte in the early phas movement in whi was involved. One Kuttimani and Th the other was the robbery which was ing the brief period haran was assoc
15 JULY 1994
t: tO ory
had set out to do now I find that his to some of the es of the Eelam
history has cost amil politics to be the Tigers know,
Tamil liberation so got to impecc) them. Sabalinglitical contemporaram who ever en to paper. And
ris seems to have nt in the killing purce in France. A put out in Berlin murder and iminvolvement in it. ld non-LTTE secexpatriate come been in general sident Wijetunga h his refrain that problem have now ction. roup in London, I ready begun prendum calling on ments to crack TE, accusing the perpetrating the reason for this Sabalingam was triates in Europe very wide netns with writers, al workers and ope, Sri Lanka,
North America; balingam was an st man who fredebt in order to vork.
France attribute e Tigers for the e had written an m', a Tamil polizine published in he questioned, rs, two incidents se of the Eelam ch Prabhaharan was the arrest of langathurai, and Neervely Bank carried out durin which Prabhaiated with the
TELO. Now in the article he wrote to the February 12th issue of Thayagam' under his own name, Sabalingam, I understand, had questioned the conventional version of the two incidents and had indicated that he would soon bring the truth out. In other words he was accusing Prabhaharan of treachery in connection with the two incidents.
Kuttimani was arrested when he was about to embark on a smuggling boat to Tamil Nadu. Somebody, it was widely believed, had tipped off the authorities about the exact time and location of his escape. One version was that the boatman who had a particular reason to hate Kuttimani had done so to take revenge. The TELO insisted on this version particularly after he was mercilessly massacred by the Tigers in 1986. But no one could say for sure, what had really happened and anyway Kuttimani had died many years earlier in the Welikade prison mas
The manner in which Sabalingam had questioned the Neervely bank robbery and the interpretation he appeared to give it thereby however came as a surprise. When the originall LTTE split in 1979 Prabhaharan who was left with very little resources and friends joined the TELO which was then under Thangathurai and Kuttimani and worked with them for a while. It was during this period that he took part along with them in the Neervely bank robbery in Jaffna. Oberoi Thevan who later started the Tamil Eelam Liberation Army was also associated with this robbery. Now Sabalingam had pointed out in his "Thayagam' article that all who participated in the Neervely heist are dead - killed either by government forces or by the LTTE as in the case of Oberoi Thevan. So by implication Sabalingam was saying that Prabhaharan had a vested interest in seeing all of them wiped out from the face of the earth.
The Neervely bank robbery is a blot in Prabhaharan's career in that, according to the constitution of the LTTE, any member who joins another organisation should be punished with death. He had killed some of his contemporaries precisely on that ground. And here we have Sabalingam saying that he was gathering evidence on such matters to write a comprehensive book
But before we proceed any further a word about "Thayagam', it is by far
15 JULY 1994
the most consistently fierce antiLTTE publication that has ever come out during the course of the two Eelam wars. (The army's psyops pundits[?] would look worse than kindergarten kids if any one were to judge their work by standards set by Thayagam' in its verbal blitzkriegs on the LTTE). It was published as a tabloid in Toronto for a couple of years and was forced to become a magazine in 1992 when the Tigers threatened many Tamil shops which were selling it and successfully crippled its circulation in favour of the rival Tamil tabloid Senthamari. Thayagam' is edited by a young Tamil writer from Jaffna now settled in Toronto called George Kruschev (his own name).
What has actually perplexed many is why has someone taken all this trouble and utter risk to kill poor Sabalingam when so many like Kruschev have taken it upon themselves to lambast the LTTE in every possible way and have remained hale and hearty unto this day? The reason I think which was of utmost ancern to those who terminated him was that these things were ng uttered by Sabalingam who as as not just another enthusiastic Titic of the LTTE's past but was one he few surviving progenitors of zae armed Eelam movement within uhich the young boy called Prabhaan was moulded into a guerrilla.
Sabalingam was an associate of Sathiyaseelan who started the Tamil Manavar Peraval some time after the JVP rebellion was crushed in 1971. The movement was formed in reaction to the standardisation of university admissions under the SLFP regime at that time. It was the first Tamil youth group to advocate an armed insurrection no doubt inspired by the example of Rohana Wijeweera.
Prabhaharan joined one of Sathiyaseelan's underground cells as an 18-year-old boy in 1972. Sathiyaseelan, Poopathy, Sabalingam (who was an engineering student at Kattubedde at that time) and several others were arrested in March 73 by the police. The movement was almost busted at this juncture but Prabhaharan survived. While Sabalingam was jailed in the Anuradhapura New Prison, Chetti Thanabalasingam - with whom Prabhaharan started the Tamil New Tigers-Kannady Pathan and Rathnakumar who were also serving terms in the same prison made good their escape in a jail break. As a
result of whi others were Bogambara pr during his stay prison's second which permane hand.
He was rele February 1975. the Paranthan many others slo the scene desp had with the E. kam which was which Varatha prominent acti ber of this grou who like Peru EPRLF and wa in France for m
He was clos Sabalingam's re led many peopl to provide infor Sabalingam wa EPRLF. And on working at th knocked at the the minor kids had known wh with Sathiyasee He was Prabhal his name - a refuge. Sabalin many weeks in was safe for hin mission.
And today t LTTE's hand i murder. If that message is qui living in the W intimately invol Eelam moveme that its history represented acc Prabhaharan.
This is of ce the ideological c today, because a suicidally loyal ideological com] tory in which liberation movi Prabhaharan in may have been view of the f Prabhaharan's aries are living i always possible rrat e a di Sathiyaseelan : founding memb saved Prabhaha Inuvil) live in G na Brahmin, wh of the original II
TAML TIMES 21
h Sabalingam and .ransferred to the son. And one day ;here he fell from the floor - an accident ntly affected his left
ised from prison in Later he got a job at salterns, and like wly faded away from ite a connection he ela Viduthalal Lyakstarted in '76 and in aja Perumal was a vist. Another memp was Pushparajah, nal later joined the s its representative any years.
ely associated with cent work which has who are in a hurry mation to claim that is a member of the e night while he was e saltern someone
door. It was one of
whom Sabalingam en he was involved lan's group in 1972. haran — yet to make ld he was seeking gam kept him for his quarters until it n to continue on his
they say that the s suspected in the is the case then the te precise to those est today who were ved with the nascent nt in the seventies, will be narrated or ording to the victor
ntral importance to ohesion of the LTTE whole generation of youth derives its mitment from a histhe armed Eelam ment begins with 1972. The message leemed necessary in act that many of senior contemporn Europe - who it is could someday nafferent story. und short Bala (a er of the LTTE who ran from arrest at 2rmany. Iyer a Jaff. o was the treasurer TTE is also quietly
somewhere in Europe. Raghavan who was almost Prabha's equal in the organization until he fell out with him in 1985 lives in London with Nirmala Nithyanandan (the killing of Nirmala’s sister Rajani is attributed by some to Raghavan's connection). But all have kept utterly quiet to this day.
Sabalingam was making arrangements to meet them one by one to gather the bits and pieces of the past with which he hoped to narrate another history.
It is ironic indeed that Sabalingam lived in a country where many decades ago the great Russian emigre Alexander Kojeve delivered his famous lectures on Hegel which 'dramatically shaped the French intellectual landscape of this century, and the essence of which was "history will belong to, and shall be according, to those who have won with the force of arms' (Vincent Descombes calls it the terrorist interpretation of Hegel). Though Fukuyama has commercialised Kojeve's ideas to entertain the flippant intellectual fancies of the American mind, they remind us with cold blooded clarity that for Prabhaharan who considers himself the ultimate victor in the Eelam movement, its history must belong to him even if it were to cost many lives. That is central to his existence.
(Courtesy: Sunday Island, 8.5.94).
Continued from page 13
The 1946 Constitution of Ceylon served that purpose well for a quarter of a century. Neither the idealistically conceived but ideologically burdened 1972 Constitution, nor the more pragmatic but misconceived 1978 Constitution were equipped for that purpose. An opportunity is about to present itself for the country to get back on proper constitutional rails.
These are collective acts that require goodwill, sincerity and a fund of political maturity, all of which have been rapidly evaporating in the past decades. While the rest of South and South East Asia has not only been galloping towards economic prosperity but also achieving political stability Sri Lanka has remained singularly parochial in outlook.
The forthcoming general election may well be the turning point. It appears to have the potential for dramatic and exciting change.
22 TAM TIMES
Judge's Plea for Ahmac
A top-ranking Canadian judge, who is a member of the International Tribunal of War Crimes in the former Yugoslavia has accused the Pakistani government of violating the basic rights of its 4-millionmember Ahmadiyya community.
The judge, Jules Deschenes, said in a letter to the Canadian Foreign Minister, Andre Ouellet, that the 1974 amendment to the Pakistani constitution literally excommunicated the Ahmadiyyas and banished them from Islam.
And an ordinance introduced into the Pakistani Penal code, the judge said, brands Ahmadiyyas 'as common law criminals, liable to fine and imprisonment. Deschenes urged the Canadian minister to put strong pressure on the Pakistani government to repeal those provisions.
"A recent judgment of the Supreme Court of Pakistan has just brought into the limelight a cruel injustice which, for exactly 20 years, has been deeply hurting the convictions of all those throughout the world who believe in freedom and especially freedom of religion,” Jus
tice Deschenes said.
In Pakistan, Desch "the constitution and t have made outlaws Pakistan has put ther ory of heretics. They under pain of fine ment, from “posing” a using expressions trac ed to Islam, as mos leader of the believers, believers, Kalima Tay is no other God bu Muhammad is His Me "Typically, the judg a society where state are interacting, even each other, religion el port of the secular Pakistani state takes of banishing its four I dis, whom indeed Court of Pakistan h scribed as "an in minority".'
Deschenes, a judge who is an expert in issues, accused the S of Pakistan of just ments, jail sentenc
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enes asserted, he Penal Code of Ahmadis. n in the categforbid them, and imprisonis Muslims or litionally linkque, Muslim, Mother of the aba; i.e., there It Allah and 'ssenger.” e added, 'as in and religion merging into njoys the suparm and the over the task million Ahmathe Supreme nas itself densignificant
from Quebec human rights upreme Court ifying indictes and fines
against many Ahmadiyyas if not even encouraged by dismissing the eight appeals which had reached it from Baluchistan and Punjab.'
In each of the first five cases, an appellant had been arrested in a bazaar where he was wearing a badge of “Kalima Tayaba”.”
In the three other appeals, Deschenes asserted that an injunction was granted prohibiting the Ahmadiyyas from celebrating the centenary of the foundation of their movement by “indulging in following actiwities: iluminations, gates processions, posters, pamphlets, distribution of sweets to children, service of food to most needy” and "any other activity directly or indirectly which may incite and injure the religious
feelings of Muslims”.
Deschenes told Minister Ouellet that despite such violations of basic rights, Pakistan's constitution says it guarantees freedom of religion and protects the right of any citizen to profess and propagate his religion as well as the right of every religious denomination to establish and manage its own institutions, the Canadian judge has told Foreign Minister Ouellet.
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Secession, Nationalist G MoVements and Pea
by Adrian Wijemanne
Part 1: SECESSION
1. The 'secession' mentioned in the title of this address is the secession from alien rule of a people who regard themselves as having a distinct identity and occupy a space or territory which too they regard as their own. Human history is replete with attempts at such secession on every continent and throughout the centuries. Edward Gibbon in his celebrated "The History of the Decline and Fall of The Roman Empire' chronicles the struggles of the barbarian' tribes to throw off Roman rule. That, together with the corruption at the centre of that greatest of all empires, led to its decline and fall. So, secession has an ancient lineage and is not a newfangled thing. It is a natural feature of the human condition.
2. That secession should undermine empires which shackled together many disparate peoples is understandable. But it affected individual states as well where such states contained disparate peoples. The best example of this (and one which mercifully delivers you from the danger of being dragged through many centuries) is this country itself. The United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland was both an unitary state comprising the two main islands that make up the British Isles and also the mother country of a large empire. Secession undermined and finally broke up both the unitary state and the empire.
3. I wish to dwell on these two developments separately. The secession that broke up the mother country was that of the Irish people on the island of Ireland. The Irish people were ethnically different from those on the main island; for centuries they had been the principal occupants of the island of Ireland; they had a language and culture of their own uninfluenced by a long period of
"A recent speech by Adrian Wijemanne, i C.C.S. (1948-62), Mackwoods (196274), W.C.C (1974-85). Author of "War & Peace in Post-Colonial Ceylon 194891, on the Occasion of the Sixth Anniversary of the International Tamil Foundation, 12th June 1994.
Roman occupation a different religio was one of the thr of the Christian language one coul tiveness was ethn uo-cultural and re remind us of a s. ness with which v nearer home.
4. Secession empire also starta the 18th century of the 13 colonies which became th present-day Unite cess continued wit dominion status populated colonie stralia and New Ze years of this centu ated after the enc by the tide of de-c swept the colony independence with too little awarene en CeS.
5. The secessic nations affected in time empires such also the mainland - the Austro-Hung the Ottoman emp nationalism that b. of the factors that world war. The pe that ended the v these two empire many new nationEurope, the Balka East.
6. Then, after war secessions in de-colonization mo break-up of the Dutch and Portug Asia and Africa pr newly-independer theory then was justification for se right of self-deterr nial states. The n states sought to themselves, that is onies had the right its consequence, i. sovereignty; but t same right to the tions within their such existed. This
TAMIL TIMES 23
or rule; they had n even though it ee main traditions amily. In today's say their distinc)-territorial, Lingligious. This may milar distinctivefe are all familiar
rom the British ed very early – in with the secession in North America e nucleus of the d States. The proh the evolution of
for the British s of Canada, Aualand in the early ry. It was accelerof World War II 'olonization which of Ceylon too to h little effort and ss of the consequ
in of constituent ot only the marias the British but empires of Europe Farian empire and ire. The seething eset them was one triggered the first ace of Versailles var dismembered es and produced states in Eastern ns and the Near
he second world the form of the vement led to the British, French, uese empires in oducing a host of t nations. The that the moral cession was the ination for colowly-independent raw the line at , the former colto secession and dependence and hey denied that
constituent nastates wherever
much of its force, however, in the light of the fact that the first wave of secession and independence was for the constituent nations of the mainland empires – the AustroHungarian and the Ottoman.
7. The tide of secession has swept away this feeble defence and, indeed, has swept everything before it. Secession has undermined and subdivided many newly-independent countries as well as the only remaining empire. The process has operated in, and continues in, Europe, Asia, Africa and North America. In our own lifetime we have seen secession splitting up the Soviet empire into a large number of separate, independent, sovereign states. Czechoslovakia, Yugoslavia and Cyprus have succumbed to secessionist movements and split up. The United Kingdom and Spain are wracked by wars of secession at the present time. It is the same in Asiathe newly-independent French and British colonies split up at independence itself or shortly thereafter by the secession of their constituent nations - French Indochina into three, the British Raj in India and the Malaysian Federation each into two. In Indonesia, the Philippines, Myanmar, Sri Lanka and India, wars of secession are in full swing. Pakistan split into two in 1971. In West Asia the state of Jordan is about to be riven by the secession of the Palestinian people.
8. In Africa there are many movements of secession from individual states. In Ethiopia a long war of secession ended last year with the establishment of the state of Eritrea. The Sudan and Morocco are beset by long-running wars of secession. the East African and Central African federations, constituted in the last years of British imperial rule, were undermined by the secession of their constituent nations producing six separate states - Kenya, Tanzania and Uganda from the former federation and Zambia, Zimbabwe and Malawi from the latter. Somalia has split into two and the nu...ern part is free from the dreadful turmoil in the southern. The island of Zanzibar may soon break loose from Tanzania.
9. In North America the secession of Quebec from the Canadian federation is the foremost item in the political agenda of that state.
10. The secession of peoples who regard themselves as nations from
Continued on page 29
24 TAMIL TIMES
Continued from page 23
states within which they have been included by the colonization process is a worldwide phenomenon. It is the dominant political trend in the history of 20th century Europe, Africa and Asia. It is a centrifugal force atomizing and multiplying states. It is a necessary pre-requisite to the centripetal force that brings such totally independent nations to sacrifice some of their sovereignty and join in Unions such as the Benelux Union and the Euroean Union. It is a great and sweeping trend in human history. To regard such a movement as an act of wickedness and bloody-midedness is an exceedingly primitive reaction betraying an ignorance of the great historical movements sweeping through nations and states at this time. Nor is it simply a reaction to misgovernment or discrimination. It is far more profound than that and for that reason cannot be dispelled by remedial measures which right perceived wrongs. Indeed, many new states which have come into being after successful secessionist movements have thrown up governments far worse than those of the countries from which they have seceded.
11. The proper understanding of such movements and the comprehending of their true import has proved extremely difficult in every theatre in which they have appeared. But over time attitudes and even legal acceptance have evolved. The United Kingdom is an excellent illustration of this. The first response to secessionist movements - in the island of Ireland and in the 13 North American colonies - was outright refusal and war in support of that refusal. The next stage was recognition that such wars could not be waged successfully and the consequent acceptance of secession. Thus the 13 colonies gained their independence and became a separate state; in 1922 the Irish Free State gained its independence and became a separate state which 5 years later broke its allegiance to the British monarchy, became a republic and seceded from the British Commonwealth and has refused to rejoin it even after it ceased to be the British Commonwealth and became the Commonwealth of Nations. The Irish have very independent ideas indeed as to what "independence' means to them.
12. Since these events the attitude of both governments of every politic
al stripe and of the E to the secession of nations that constit Kingdom of Great Northern Ireland ha siderably. It is n( accepted that if the of these nations voti and separation into state there would be ance to such sepa referenda have beel land and Wales to wishes of the people to secession. In both ity voted against Northern Ireland the current politics is sec Unionist parties wh: majority in the prov are opposed to sece that majority decisio ish government bac support today.
13. The public att ernment policy tow was the same in bot kia and Yugoslavia. vote a constituent those states opted could do so. In both there was a majority sion and secession to
14. This change i gone further into th The last constitutio Union embodied the sion for its constit which promptly ava of that right and sece constitution soon to b Ethiopia the right entrenched for all nations of that cour the Oromo - who throughout the count separate territory occupation).
15. On the other h countries - India and which attempts ha legally to outlaw secession by amend constitutions the fu measure has been countries it has noth effect and both a secessionist wars, . separate theatres sil
16. It is abundantl the secession of peo themselves as a n currently included i other nations is a m be, and should be, accommodation rath In the case of the because of Britain's
15 JULY 1994
British people as any of the four ute the United t Britain and as evolved conow universally majority of any es for secession an independent no let or hindrration. Indeed, n held in Scotascertain the living there as :ases the majorsecession. In central issue of session. The two ich command a ince as a whole ssion and it is n that the Britks with armed
itude and govvards secession h CzechoslovaIf by majority nation within for secession it these countries vote for secesok place.
in attitude has e legal domain. in of the Soviet right to secesuent republics illed themselves ded. In the new pe voted upon in to secession is the constituent try (bar one - are scattered try and have no of traditional
land, in the two d Sri Lanka - in ve been made moves towards ments to their tility of such a shown. In both had the slightest re wracked by India in three multaneously. y clear now that ple who regard ation and are in a state with atter which can dealt with by er than by war. British empire, experience in
both North America and Ireland, the post-World War II decolonization process was accommodated peacefully without war. The case was the opposite in the French, Portuguese and Dutch empires as none of these metropolitan countries had the same experience as Britain of an unsuccessful defence against a secessionist movement. So, in all three of their cases the post-World War II de-colonization was forced by war. These wars were of a very particular kind-they were guerrilla wars of national aspiration. Which brings me to the second part of my address to you today.
NATIONALIST GUERRILLA MOVEMENTS
There is no better school in which to learn about nationalist guerrilla movements than this very country in which we now live - the United Kingdom - however unlikely that may seem at casual glance. The great-grandfather of all nationalist guerrilla movements arose in this country and finally broke it in two. The long war of Irish independence is one of the darkest chapters of British history. There is virtually a conspiracy among British historians in refusing to explore its full implications and in laying bare its great lessons. Those lessons, however, are very well known to British politicians and to the governing class in this country from which they are drawn. The central lesson is that a war waged by a conventional army against a force of nationalist guerrillas on the latter's home ground could never be won. The conventional army of the state could never be defeated by the guerrillas; equally, it could not exterminate or overwhelm and bring to surrender the nationalist guerrillas who opposed it. That lesson has sunk so deep into the psyche of British politicians of every stripe, including the battlehardened Mr. Ashdown, that even today they shrink from an open conflict with Serb guerrillas in the mountain fastnesses of BosniaHerzegovina.
18. The guerrilla war of the Irish nationalists on their home ground on the island of Ireland lasted 300 years. For most of this period the Irish population comprised around 2 million souls. The population of mainland Britain in the last century of the conflict was around 45 million. During much of that period Britain was leading the first industrial revolution becoming the strongest in
15 JULY 1994
dustrial country of Europe and it was also the mother country of the largest empire of the time. The disparity between the two combatants in material resources and military strength was enormous. Every British government strained every nerve to stamp out the successive "Irish Rebellions'. The military pressure was supplemented by a succession of political concessions devolving ever-increasing extents of Home Rule'. Neither the former nor the latter nor even the combination of the two was of any avail. The war continued - unwinnable and inescapable; there was only one way to peace - separation into two states. This was accomplished by the Treaty of 1922 entered into by the Lloyd George government. The mother country of the greatest empire on earth at that time was split in two. At long last the great travail was over and a peace was secured, imperfect though the arrangement was, that has lasted to this day. Separation ended war and ushered in peace - there was no other way.
19. And still our lessons from this country are not over. The nationalist guerrila war in Northern Ireland, now in its 26th year, re-inforces the lessons of the past. The British army in Northern Ireland and the Ulster Defence forces together field around 110 troops to each IRA guerrilla. The Royal Navy enforces a stringent cordon sanitaire around the coast of Northern Ireland. The Irish Republic supports the British government fully in patrolling the long land boundary between the two countries. Britain spends £8.9 million per day on the effort. There is, nevertheless, not a glimmer of hope that the IRA guerrillas can be wiped out by military action; on the contrary, there is much evidence that they are better trained, better led and better armed today than ever before. It is in that knowledge that military action is being supplemented by political measures. The IRA fights for the secession of the six counties and two county boroughs that make up Northern Ireland from the U.K. and their joinder to the Irish Republic so that the island of Ireland as a whole could be one single state. As mentioned earlier, the majority (by a small margin) of the population of Northern Ireland oppose secession. The IRA is supported covertly by a minority of the population but yet it has been able to continue their struggle for over 25 years. Willynilly Britain is embroiled in a costly
war which it can end. It plays no tain's relative d comparable West ners — France, G all of whom are : Channel Tunnel few weeks time continent becom this disparity wi painfully obvious
20. Few count the secession of greater alacrity t a majority of Northern Irelan secession.
21. The lesson perience in Irela present, is cryst military pressure cessions nor ever the two can extir by a nationalistg Peace can be had There is no other
22. Nationalist ments emerge wh sion to secede is empire or state secession is to tak earliest oftimes t to attempts at sec tion. This was n empires of the pa selves as trustee mission. The Ro. vided law and let ples; the Holy Ro veyed the Judaec ity; the Arab em and basic science riched the world their ambit was no ous and had to rationalisations e. of individual sta ground for opposi them. One with w iar is the assertion its purest form ( served unless a state occupied the
23. Opposition moves the matter of politics to the conflict. It is a ve military conflict, that between two with conventional la war is a confli ventional army on a guerrilla force la tion on the othel engage in such cc quite distinct ty different objectiv guerrillas of an ic
TAM TIMES 25
ot win and cannot Small part in Bricline vis-a-vis its rn European partrmany and Italy - peace. When the s functioning in a and travel to the 8 ΙΥΟΤΕ, COYIY. Οι
be glaringly and
ies would leap at
themselves with han Britain if only he population of would vote for
of the British exld, both past and all clear. Neither nor political cona combination of guish an uprising terrilla movement. only by separation. way.
guerrilla moveen a nation's deciopposed by the from which the :e place. From the he normal reaction ession was opposiatural as all the st regarded themes of a civilizing man empire proters to tribal peoman empire pur-Christian moralpire the numerals s which have enDeparture from othing but barbarpe opposed. Such kisted in the case es as well as a ng secession from nich we are familthat Buddhism in ould not be presingle all-island island of Ceylon. to secession refrom the domain arena of military y special kind of uite diferent to states equipped armies. A guerrilt between a conthe one hand and ent in the populaGuerrillas who nflicts are of two es having quite s. One type is гоlogical motiva
tion who fight to overthrow the regime in power and seize state power themselves in order to change the policies and practices of government and even to transform society itself. The best examples of this type are the Russian communist guerrillas led by Lenin and Trotsky and the Chinese communist guerrilla forces led by Mao Ze Dong. A quite similar case are the communist guerrillas led by Fidel Castro. In all three of these examples the guerrillas succeeded in their objective. In many more cases, however, such guerrillas have failed and been overwhelmed by the conventional forces of the state. The Che Guevarists in Bolivia; the Tupac Amaru (Tupamaros) movement in Argentina; the guerrillas in El Salvador; the May 21st movement in Colombia; Sendero Luminoso in Peru; the Naxalites in India; the JVP in Sri Lanka; the NPA in the Philippines - have all failed to achieve their objective and have been suppressed by the conventional military forces of the state. In Nicaragua the Sandinistas won power and exercised it briefly only to be defeated at the polls on the return to normalcy.
24. The other, and fundamentally different, type of guerrillas are those of a nationalistic motivation seeking to secede from an empire or a state and to set up a separate, independent, sovereign state for their nation. It is this type of guerrilla movement that is referred to in the title of this address. They emerge in response to opposition to secession and they aim to secure secession by military means. It is such nationalist guerrilla movements that have brought down empires and subdivided states. On occasion they have aimed to unite divided countries and nations as in Viet Nam. Perhaps the best example of guerrillas of this type are the Irish nationalist guerrillas who first fought successfully to secure an independent state for their people and still fight on to unite their divided country. The Algerian and IndoChinese guerrillas broke up the French empire after World War II. The Indonesian nationalist guerrillas did likewise to the Dutch East Indies empire. Nationalist guerrillas in Angola and Mozambique overthrew the Portuguese empire in extremely bloody conflicts. In Zimbabwe the nationalist guerrillas led by Mugabe (ZANU) and Nkhomo (ZAPO) overthrew the white settler
Continued on page 26
26 TAMIL TIMES
SRI LANKA’S ELECTIONS AND THE TAMILS
1. TAMILS must not contest: Until we have a new constitution in place acceptable to the Tamils and guaranteeing absolute equality based on the essence of our Thimpu Principles it would only weaken the Tamil cause and throw us back into the old vicious circle, if Tamils vied for seats at any interim elections - General or Presidential. Any power or influence which might be seemingly obtained by Tamil and Muslim political parties through a few seats won at the forthcoming elections, for example, will prove to be merely divisive and destructive, prolonging the Tamils and the Island’s agonies. President Wijetunge, it would appear, has impulsively and unexpectedly chosen an uncertain road by dissolving Parliament and decreeing General Elections in August 1994. For a suitable constitutional structure which will effectively solve the Tamil ethnic problem and pave the way for the Island's social stability and prima facie unity, readers are referred to the author's PLAN FOR PEACE of April 1994.
2. Should the Tamils vote? Yes, Tamils must exercise their right to vote, wherever they have a reasonable choice. For example, if there are LSSPor CP candidates contesting in their electorates, they would be recommended to be hopefully sup
ported by the Tamil their gratitude to which have consist equality for the Tal stood by their princ through thick and post-independence e 3. What else sh( do? We must place unity and the urgel crete, concerted act of individualistic asp tical power or ass tion. There is good a one. This applies to and other individua political groups a must accept that th talents and usable p us. Once it is subj that someone or som probability above t levels of goodness, accepted, accommo and absorbed into o plans to achieve ou and not be sus shouldered, or sabo competitors and ene the Tamils are cor have a single goal, ourselves and Tam Sinhala political d oppression, and to V and opportunities it Eelam. Recent event trated that LTTE is spearheading the Ta essential Wisdom th: tical parties and in this fact and act acc common interest. W must thus act unite vital to similarly e standing and unity lims. Extending the to the All-Island lev
O Amnesty International C Commitment to Human
As political parties in Sri Lanka start canvassing in the run up to parliamentary elections in August, Amnesty International’s Secretary General today sent an open letterto all participating parties calling for them to make a public commitment to human rights protection.
"In the past decade, Sri Lanka has gone through a period of intense violence marked by flagrant and widespread violations of hu
man rights, includi al killings and “di said the organizat General, Pierre Sa
"Although some ( guards have recer duced, a tremend work still needs protect the huma people in Sri Lank as well as during (
In his letter, Pi three key recomm
15 JULY 1994
at least to show these parties ently advocated nils, so far, and ples steadfastly thin over the
a. uld the Tamils Tamil national tly needed conons, well ahead irations for polibiciated recognind bad in every politically active Ls, as well as to ud parties. We tere are merits, otentials in all of ctively realised Le group is in all he 50% to 70% they should be lated, tolerated ur schemes and r common goal, pected, coldtaged as rivals, mies. As far as cerned, We all viz., to liberate il Eelam from omination and vin equal rights n the Island of ts have demonsthe major group mils' cause. It is at all other polidividuals accept ordingly, in the While all Tamils dly, it would be stablish underwith the Mus! same principle el, the goodness
in the Sinhalas also must be appreciated and built upon, for the Tamils to solve their problems effectively in a lasting manner.
4. An opportunity not to be missed: The President has really provided a golden opportunity for the Tamils to demonstrate their determination, unity and clear-headedness. Let's not miss this opportunity to show our disgust at the way we have been treated, by not jostling for slippery seats. Let us vote wisely for candidates who clearly support our cause, or not vote at all.
- Prof. Kopan Mahadeva, Birmingham.
DID JESUS LIWE IN. INDIA72
I READ with interest the article "Did Jesus Live in India?" (Tamil Times, May, 1994). It was only last year that I visited the place of martyrdom and tomb of St. Thomas the Apostle, one of the twelve disciples of Jesus, at Mylapore in Madras. While some of the historical details have been mixed up with legend, it is true that a Christian church has been in existence in South India from the first century A.D., and still survives as the Eastern Orthodox Church in Kerala which has had links with Syria. It would, therefore, not be implausible if it were proven that Jesus did in fact travel to the Himalayas between the age of 13 and 30.
The author of your article pleads for objectivity, but chooses to reject the books of the New Testament as a valid source of information. He dogmatically asserts that the Gospels cannot be accepted as a historical
Continued on page 33
alls for Rights
ng mass politicsappearances”, ion's Secretary né. hecks and safetly been introous amount of to be done to n rights of all a during peace onflict.' erre Sané made endations to the
government that is elected:
- to bring the constitution of Sri Lanka into line with international standards as the current fundamental rights chapter does not, among other things, include the right to life.
- to stop security forces from being allowed to act with impunity by bringing those responsible for past human rights violations to justice. If government agents are allowed to get away with human rights violations, it is harder to prevent those violations in the future.
Continued on page 29
15 JULY 1994
Politics of Reserv
by T.N. Gopalan
It was a sweet victory for the AIADMK in two by-elections to the state Assembly on May 26. Though the victory margin in both the constituencies had come down the fact that the Jayalalitha magic still worked on the electorate despite all the intense hate-Jaya campaigns of Dr. Subramaniam Swamy and Mr. Vazhapadi K. Ramamurthy, TNCCI President and the evident disenchantment of the so-called middle classes over her style of functioning and that the Cong-I forfeited its security deposits in both the constituencies should have been doubly pleasing to the AIADMK.
But Chief Minister, Ms. Jaylalalitha could not savour the triumph for too long. More momentous events seem to be overtaking her, and right now she finds herself in a tight corner over the reservation issue. The entire opposition seems to have ganged up against her, and she is resorting to desperate stratagems to get out of the impasse.
As reported in the December 15 issue of this magazine, reservation of seats in educational institutions and in government jobs is considered a major achievement of the Dravidian parties and hence a holy cow.
Nowhere else has the suggestion for identifying the creamy layer among the backward castes and denying it the special privileges encountered greater hostility than here. And none dares, meaning no established political party, demands any change in the reservation formula in force now - 18 per cent for the Scheduled Castes, one per cent for the tribals, 30 per cent for the backward and 20 per cent for the most backward, leaving only 31 per cent for the general pool.
But then you have the Supreme Court ruling that in no case shall reservations exceed 50 per cent whereas it is 69 per cent in Tamil Nadu. A resolution was passed in the Assembly and bandh was observed in November, still later a bill was passed in the Assembly enabling the state government to provide for greater reservations than what obtains in the Centre's regime.
But then the Bill has to receive Presidential assent if it is to become an Act, and it is the Centre which has to recommend to the President
on such a cour Narasimha Rao h ties in this regar anti-Mandal agit ed the northern still fresh, and h prudent to endors could further ali castes. Anyway w to mollify Ms. Ja been lampooning day in and day O there is this ch cisiveness at worl tre is still sitting ( bill.
As it happens ti wait for Jayalal simha Raos. It is the academic yea decision has to be reservation formu in educational sometime the go' know which way the universities d the 50 per cent r down by the Supre the rest for the op so happened that ty concerned, to gineering college announced its dec litha was away in ing and reportedl cabinet changes. T no time in pourin her Neroesque i the defenceless were being throw Caught red in the to Madras post-h predictable thing of Mr. Karunanid for dharnas all o' bandh again to pr inaction on the bi of course success mean much on th
Then she came tion that only sh founded by a m capable of. She an while respecting t. ruling, more seats exclusively for the affected by the 19 in reservation.
That is for ever 19 additional seat. - but another 19s go to the genera Supreme Court
TAM TIMES 27
se of action. Mr. as his own difficuld. The memories of ations which rockparts in 1990 are Le may not find it e a measure which enate the forward why should he care yalalitha who has him and his party ut? And of course haracteristic indek. And so the Cenon the Tamil Nadu
me and tide do not lithas and Narathe beginning of r here, and a final made now on the ula for admissions institutions. For vernment did not to go, and one of ecided to stick to eservation as laid me Court, leaving en competition. It when the universiwhich many enes are affiliated, ision, Ms. JayalaHyderabad, resty finalising some he Opposition lost g scorn on her for ndifference when backward castes n to the wolves'. face, she returned aste and did the to queer the pitch hi who had called ver the state - a otest the Centre's ll. The bandh was sful, but did not e ground.
up with an innovale and her party, an like MGR, is nounced that even he Supreme Court would be created e backward castes per cent reduction
y 100 admissions, s would be created eats would have to l pool too if the norms are to be
respected Since the backward caste reservation will still remain pegged at 50 per cent they will still have lost out anyway, never mind the increased seats. It is indeed a vicious circle.
A possible way out is to keep the additional 19 per cent in the general pool vacant. How the courts will view such a strategy remains to be See,
That apart the sheer increase in numbers and the additional financial commitment are mind-boggling. Assuming only 19 per cent more seats are to be created (for the backward castes alone, that is), there will be 1813 more seats in professional courses, engineering, medical, agricultural, etc., 13,300 more in arts and science colleges and 1.08 lakh seats more in high schools. How could cash-strapped Tamil Nadu bear the huge outlay involved is difficult to understand. Further, whether the all-India educational bodies concerned would allow the creation of additional seats on such a scale is another imponderable. Anway with none caring to wait for the court verdict or for an objective assessment of the ground realities, such antics are inevitable.
To make matters more difficult for Ms. Jayalalitha, reservations in the neighbouring Karnataka are a whopping 73 per cent. Does not the court ruling bind that government? Well, Ms. Jayalalitha says that none from Karnataka has gone to court on the matter whereas in the case of Tamil Nadu the government is locked up in the Supreme Court on the issue - already it is facing a contempt petition for not honouring its ruling in 1993-94 admissions.
It may be noted here that as per the 1991 census, 88 per cent of the state's crore population, 3.70 crore fall in the backward and most backward categories and 1.12 crores in the SC/ST categories — that is as much as 88 per cent of the total population.
While it is but sensible the socially backward should get additional benefits, care should be taken to see that the benefits do not remain confined to the families or castes which were among the first to reap the benefits of reservations - in other words the creamy layer has to be excluded and the economically most backward among the forward communities too should get some reservation. Whether the more
Continued on page 28
28 TAMIL TIMES
Continued from page 27
backward among the BCs are too very enthusiastic about the present scheme of things in which their more advanced compatriots corner it all, is a moot point. Of course the forward communities here are weak numerically, besides lacking in militancy, and hence no trouble could erupt from those quarters.
Anyway almost all major parties are vying with each other to champion the cause of the backward castes. The AIADMK had its bandh, the DMK dharna and its allies dharna and the Vai. Gopalasamy’s MDMK has proposed picketing in New Delhi and Madras. The Cong-I has denounced Ms. Jayalalitha for her indifference though it has not taken part in any action programme, and the CPM has expressed its support for reservation even if it did not participate in the DMK-led dharna.
For the first time in her career, Ms. Jayalalitha has sought to carry other parties with her - evidently because she is now under pressure and does not know her way out - appealing to them to join her in a delegation to wait on the Centre. So far none has taken the bait - doing so could be tantamount to exonerating her of the "crime' of letting down the BCs. The opposition would rather prefer her to defy the court and then face the music
Incidentally the MDMK gave a good account of itself in the Perundurai by-election, pushing the DMK-supported CPI to the third place and the AIADMK victory margin was lower. Even in Mylopore through the Vai.Go party polled hardly 10,000 votes it was only 2,000 votes less than that polled by a party like the Cong-I. Thus MDMK has established itself as a credible opposition and has now been recognised by the Election Commission.
The solace for the DMK is that its vote bank seems relatively intact, the Mylopore losing margin being hardly 5,700. In both cases the winning margin of the AIADMK has come down considerably since 1991.
If the DMK had polled the MDMK votes too it could have won in both the places. But the MDMK is now irretrievably lost to the DMK. To make up for which it could join hands with the Cong-I which is now even more desperate than after the Palani election defeat a few months ago. The forfeiture of deposits in
both the constituencie terrible loss of face to it is desperately in sea the State unit plun DMK and the High the ALADMİK, on alı down by the lady.
It is for Mr. Karuna oeuvre his way throu nario if he is keen o
The following is th resolution adopted by Parliament on 22 Ap The European Parli
- having regard to resolution by Mr. Saby the situation in Sri problem of the LTTE (I - having regard to i 16 September 1988 o situation in Sri Lanka,
- having regard to Rules of Procedure,
– having regard to tl Committee on Foreig Security and the opini mittee on Developmen tion (A3-0236/94),
A. recognizing the in of the European Union democracy and to pron human rights in Sri universal adult suffra since 1981, longer thar in Asia,
B. recognizing that democracy has been un terrorist organisations the resurgence of viol the LTTE in the Jaff which cost hundreds of and November 1993,
C. recognizing that, the second JVP insur 1989, when the gover to the raising of locall controlled (and larg militias, widespread al rights, especially indis der and disappearanc trated by both sides recent discovery of a Suriyakande is a sad I period,
D. recognizing the d maintain democracy demonstrated by the and fair regional electic less than a month afte tion of the former Pres the opposition won con of seven Provincial Col
15 JULY 1994
s has proved a the party and "ch of an allyping for the Command for ly terms laid
nidhi to mangh in this sceousting Ms.
Jayalalitha next time round. Already the PMK which joined hands with the DMIK in the reservation dharna has said it is a precursor forelectoral alliance, and Mr. Karunanidhi too seems to endorse the idea. From here to a broader front may not be far off if he plays his cards well and Ms. Jayalalitha continues with her imperious ways.
Parliament Resolution On Sri Lanka
e text of the
the European 'il 1994. ment
the motion of and others on anka and the B3-1275/92),
ts resolution of in the political
Rule 45 of its
he report of the in Affairs and on of the Comt and Coopera
terest and duty to help protect note respect for Lanka, where ge has existed anywhere else
for many years der attack from and alarmed by ent actions by na Peninsular, lives in October
at the height of gency in 1988nment resorted y recruited and aly untrained) puses of human criminate mures, were perpe
and that the mass grave at eminder of this
termination to in Sri Lanka, holding of free ns in May 1993 the assassinaident, in which rol of three out uncils,
E. recognizing the determined efforts of the Indian Government to curtail the illegal activities of the LTTE in Tamil Nadu,
F. recognizing that the withdrawal of Indian forces from Sri Lanka, through agreement between Colombo and Delhi, has greatly improved interstate relations,
1. Calls upon the Government of Sri Lanka to implement in full the recommendations of the UN Working Group on Enforced and Involuntary Disappearances and of Amnesty International;
2. Calls upon the Government of Sri Lanka to ensure that the media function in an unfettered manner, free of intimidation and coercion;
3. Calls on the Commission to establish, without further delay, a permanent Mission in Colombo, which has been under consideration since the mid 1980s;
4. Calls on the European Union, as part of its common foreign and security policy, to close all offices of the LTTE in the territory of Member States, since they are used to propagate terrorism against a friendly country and to extort funds from Tamils living in the territory of the European Union for the pursuit of violent actions;
5. Calls on the European Union to assist those of all communities in Sri Lanka who are struggling to defend human rights and democracy and, in particular, urges support for the Jaff. na University Teachers Association, whose members, at great risk, keep a record of human rights abuses by both the LTTE and the security forces in the Jaffna Peninsular, and for the Council for Liberal Democracy, a nonparty organisation actively engaged in trying to bring all parties to come to a democratic settlement of the ethnic conflict;
6. Appeals to the Sri Lankan Government and Parliament to put into
Continued on page 29
15 JULY 1994
Continued from page 28
force legislation to protect human rights, including the Human Rights Commission Bill;
7. Calls on the Sri Lankan authorities to bring to justice those responsible for grave abuses of human rights, especially during the suppression of the JVP rebellion, and to ensure that those believed to have been guilty of human rights abuses, or of condoning them, whether directed at Sinhalese, Tamils or other Sri Lankans, are removed from positions of power;
8. Calls upon the Government of Sri Lanka to issue death certificates to the next of kin of persons reported missing or believed to be dead, after one year or more of such disappearance;
9. Reminds the Sri Lankan Government that it accepted a recommendation of the UN Working Group on Enforced and Involuntary Disappearances that if corpses vere discovered, believed to be those of people who had disappeared, it could ask for the help of international forensic experts, and believes that such experts should be employed to examine the mass graves at Suriyakande;
10. Urges the Sri Lankan authorities to end the practice of repeated arrests of people who have already established that they are not supporters of terrorism;
11. Urges the Government of Sri Lanka to consider teaching of the Tamil language in schools in the South and correspondingly to make available facilities for the teaching of the Sinhala language in the North and East of the country;
12. Believes that a useful form of aid from the European Union to Sri Lanka would be the provision of books and educational equipment for the teaching of the English language;
13. Instructs its President to forward this resolution to the Commission, the Council and the Governments of India and Sri Lanka.
Continued from page 25
government established illegally by Ian Smith and secured the independence of Zimbabwe both from British imperial rule and the settler usurpation.
25. Nationalist guerrilla movements have fought to secede from individual states as well. Bangladeshi nationalist guerrillas fought for the secession of the province of East Pakistan from the federal state of Pakistan and succeeded in found
Internal Conferent Victims of An internati address the h specific healt victims of wal to be held in I this year. The jointly organised b organisations of Tamils (M) Information association Refugee C California, US
Participatior conference is nurses, healt providers, v and research expected to opportunity t to share info health care I war and to ar as to the be them.
A spokesman said that the also serve as a for wider pa initiative in t in 1995.
ing the indepen ladesh with Indi In Cyprus Turki rillas fought for Turkish populat that small isla Greek rule and kish military si the Eritrean na fought for 30 y secession of the from the Ethiol ceeded in 1993, state of Erit nationalist guer] its satellite o fought the state help of their A. the establishme state in the Is Bank and the G 6 years and last withdrawal of th army from the Jericho. The eve evitable, establi; pendent Palesti West Bank will from the state o
TAM TIMES 29
ional Health :e to FOCUS On War in Sri Lanka
onal conference to ealth problems and care needs of the in Sri Lanka is due ondon in September conference is being
y two UK based Medical Institute OT) and the Tamil Centre (TIC) in with the Tamil rganisation of SA.
in the two-day
open to doctors, h planners, service oluntary agencies ers. The event is provide a unique o the participants rmation about the needs of victims of rive at a consensus st way of meeting
for the organisers conference would preparatory forum articipatory health he Tamil homeland
The conference will be addressed by academics and health practitioners from Sri Lanka, India and Western countries and also by officers from NGOs and victims.
Conference Topics include:
Health services in the war zone Food and medicine shortages Nutritional status Emotional & psychological problems Rehabilitation of people traumatised by war, detention and torture. health education and promotion Training of health workers Relief and helth care efforts of the ICRC & UNHCR and other local and international agencies Health care of refugees in the host COuntries Role of the Western media Development assistance
Anyone interested in attending the conference or in submitting papers for the conference journal are requested to Contact:
The Conference Co-ordinator ΜΙΟΤΙΤΟ
72O Romford Road London E12 63T United Kingdom
Tel: O81-514 639O Fax: 0322 - 44.0881
dent state of Bangan military support. sh nationalist guerthe secession of the ed northern part of and from majority succeeded vith Turupport. In Ethiopia ationalist guerrillas 'ears to secure the province of Eritrea bian state and sucstablishing the new rea. Palestinian illas of the PLO and rganisations have
of Israel, with the rab neighbours, for nt of a Palestinian aeli-occupied West uza Strip for the last month secured the Le occupying Israeli Gaza Strip and ntual, and now inhment of an indenian state on the entail its secession Jordan of which it
is now de jure a part. In Viet Nam the Viet Cong, the most celebrated nationalist guerrillas of recent times, fought for 10 years for the re-unification of their divided country and succeeded in 1974 when the US army which had propped up the puppet regimes in South Viet Nam withdrew. All these are cases in which nationalist guerrilla movements succeeded against conventional armies and established the independent states they sought for their nations.
(To be continued in next issue).
Continued from page 26
- to ratify international humanitarian standards, including the Second Additional Protocol to the Geneva Conventions which protects non-combatants in internal conflicts from murder, mutilation, torture or cruel treatment and prohibits hostage-taking. If ratified, this would apply to all parties involved in conflict.
30 TAMIL TIMES
Jaffna Hindu sister seeks fair, pretty, educated bride, 25 or younger for brother, 30, Computer Systems Analyst programmer, UK permanent resident. Send details, horoscope, photograph. M 737 co Tamil Tinnes,
Srilankan Tamil parents in Australia seek preferably qualified partner, mid-thirties to early forties, for their attractive graduate daughter in good employment, Australian citizen. Send details to P.O. Box 1227, Narre Warren 3804 Victoria, Australia.
Parents seek professionally qualified partner in late thirties for doctor daughter, U.S. resident. M 739 C/o Tamil Times.
Jaffna Tamil parents seek doctor or other high academically qualified bride for doctor son, 32, practising in Australia. Please send all details M 740 C/o Tamil Times,
Hindu mother seeks pretty professionally qualified partner for son, 31, Ph.D., UK university lecturer, tall, medium complexion, no mars affliction. Horoscope, photograph and details expected. M 741 c/o Tanni Tinnes.
Jaffna Hindu Tamil brother seeks partner for his very affluent brother, post graduate engineer, mid forties, innocent divorcee, UK citizen working in USA. Send horoscope, details. M 742 C/o Tamil Times.
Jaffna Hindu parents seek qualified groom for their pretty doctor daughter, 30, 5, working in Colombo hospital. Send horoscope, details. M 743 c/o Tamil Times.
We congratulate the following couple on their recent wedding. Manogarasingam son of Dr. & Mrs. Kandasamy of Kalvatai, Karaveddy, Sri Lanka and Santhanayahi daughter of Dr. & Mrs. Paramalingam of 334 KKS Road, Vannarponnai, Jaffna on 3.7.94 at High School Hall, Kingsbury, London NW9.
Firwords 10. Each additional word 60p.
BOX NO. C3. (Wat 17/2'o extra) Prepayment essential The Advertisement Manager, Tamil Times Ltd., PO Box 121, Sutton, Surrey SM13TD" phone: 08-644 0972 Fax. 031-241 45.57
Mr. Viswallingam Sivagnanasun dram (Retired Chief Accountant, Agrarian Services, Colombo), beloved husband of Mahaluxmi; loving father of Lalitha, Sivakumar - London - (formerly Chief Engineer, Buildings Dept., Colombo), Dr.
Surendrakumar - London - (formerly at Leeds University) and Sundaraluxmi (Canada); father-in-law of Balasubramaniam (Chief Clerk, Kandavalai),
Kamalakanthi, Gowri Manohari and Sooriyapalan (Accountant,
Canada); brother of Thill
lainayaki Sundarampillai (Lon
don) and Meenambikai Sin
nathurai; grandfather of Shar
mini, Roshan, Muhunthini,
Veena, Arunan, Nishanthi,
Rudran and Praveen passed away on 9th July and funeral took place on 11th July in Cha
vakachcheri – 4 Argyle Gar
dens, Edgware, Middlesex HA8
5HB. Tel: O81 905 6992/O81
Mr. Chinnathampy — Rasiah (Retired Accountant, Agrariar Services) of Nunavil, Chavakachcheri, Dearly beloved husband of Gunamany (Retirec Teacher of Drieberg College,
15 JULY 1994
Chavakachcheri and Methodist College, Colombo); loving father of Dr. Rajan Rasiah (Gynaecologist, Melbourne) and Rajini (San Francisco); father-in-law of Janaki and Lakshman Wattawala, affectionate grandfather of Thabojan, Prashanth and Sulakshan and brother of late Rasannah Tham po e (Mee sa la i),
Arianayagam Swaminathan (Nunavil), late Annapooranam Cheliah (Manipay) and late Dr. Swaminathan (Nunavil) passed away in Melbourne on 24th April 94. Funeral took place on Saturday 30th April 94 in Australia. - 14 Greenbriar Avenue, Wheelers Hill, Vic.315O,
Melbourne, Australia. Tel: 3 – 5621310.
Mr. Sinnar Subramanlam of Kantharmadam, Jafna, beloved husband of late Kanagammah Subramaniam, loving father of Mrs. Sotheeswary Shanmuganathan (U.K.), Dr.
(Mrs.) Sathialuxmy Selvadurai (James Cook University,
Queensland, Australia) and Mr.
Parameswaran Subramaniam (Thames Link Health Care Services, N.H.S. Trust, Faculty of Health, Dartford, Kent, U.K.), father-in-law of late Mr. Shanmuganathan and Mr. Selvadurai (Australia), grandfather of Radhika, Sangeetha, Laksmanan and Kishani passed away peасеfully от 26th May 94 at 5 Amman Road, Kantharmadann, Jaffna and Cremation took place at Kombayan Manal Crematorium, Jaffna on 27.5.94.
An Athma Shanthi Poojah in his memory was held in Highgate Hill Murugan Temple, London on 26th June 94.
The members of the family wish to convey their very sincere thanks to al relatives and friends who visited then, Sent messages of sympathy, attended the funeral and attended the Athma Shanthi Poojah. They regret their inability to thank them individually. - 4 Clarendon Gardens, Stone, Dartford, Kent DA2 6EZ. Tel: O322 225462.
in loving memory of Mrs. Mankay Siwasamapu on the fourth anniversary of her passing away on 28.90.
Sadly missed and fondly remembered by her two sons. - 15 Wolsey Way, Chessington, Surrey KT9 1XQ.
ln loving memory of Mr. Thambapillai Ramanathan on the second anniversary of his passing away on 21st July 1992.
Sadly missed and lovingly remembered by his dear wife Nirmala Yogaranee, brothers, Sisters, brothers-in-law, Sistersin-law, nephews and nieces. - 9 Osborne Gardens, Thornton Heath, Surrey, U.K.
in loving memory of Mr. Sampanther Cumaraswamy on the third anniversary of his passing away on 7th July 1991.
Sadly missed and fondly remembered by his wife Rasaletchumy, his children, sons-in-law, daughters-in-law, and grandchildren - 22 Calder Gardens, Edgware, Middx. HA85PT.
15 JULY 1994
FORTHCOMING EVENTS August 3 Eekathasi. Aug. 4 Pirathosam.
Aug. 6 Transfiguration of Lord Jesus.
Aug. 7 Aadi Amavasai
Aug. 7 10.00am London Sri Murugan Temple Chariot Festival at 78 Church Road, Manor Park, London E12. Tel: O81 478 84.33. ln everloving memory of Mrs. Aug. 9 Aadi Pooram. Sushila Jayaratnam who pased away on 14.07.91. Aug. 10 Sathurthi. Change indicates the passing Aug. 14 Assumption of Our of time Lady Mary. Yet fulfilment is hard to come by Aug. 17 Eekathasi We carry on as you taught us to Aug. 18 Pirathosam.
Constantly missing your Aug. 19 Vara la k s hm y presence in Viradham Every aspect of our lives Foro one can take your place Aug. 20 Full Moon.
Amma. Aug. 20 6.00pm South London
Tamil Welfare Group presents A Grand Cultural Evening' of Dance, Flute, Violin and Veena
Sorrowfully remembered by your husband Jayam, daughŠa, iYa: ಡಿಗ್ದ -- : Miruthangam and VilKanahendran, and sisters paidu, Kamala and Indra. - P.O. Box Aug. 22 Feast of The 174, Gaborone, Botswana. Queenship of Mary.
The First Death Anniversary of the Late N.R. Balasingam - An Appreciation -
The news of the Sudden death of my good friend Bala (Nagamuthu Richard Balasingam) on the 21.7.94 reached me a few weeks later. I was deeply grieved as I never thought I would lose him so early.
My friendship with Bala dates back to half a century ago when we studied at Jaffna College, Vaddukoddai. We kept in close touch over this period except for the short period of his tour of duty in Nigeria. 1 met him in Sydney last July and we sat together on a few occasions and recalled our student days and Connor friends.
He looked quite fit but complained of a slight heart condition. Like many others he could have extended his stay in Australia, but he chose to get back to Colombo in January '93. from there he maintained a steady correspondence with me. Although he died at the age of 67, without much suffering, I feel he could have lived longer.
Bala was the second of the four children of Mr. and Mrs. K.J. Nagamuthu (both teachers) of Varany, Jaffna. He lost his mother in his teens; but his father spared no pains or money to bring the children in a way that they never felt the absence of their mother. ht is a fitting tribute to the parents that all four children have given their best to the Education Service of Sri Lanka.
Bala's career at Jaffna College was a distinguished one. It was also unique in the sense that he did his Junior, Senior, and Tertiary levels of education - all at Jaffna College. After passing his Intermediate in Arts in July 1945, he was one of three or four students with whom Rev. S.K.. Bunker started for the first time the London B.A. class. In July 1948, the first batch was presented and Bala (if my memory is correct) was the only one who passedpassed in the Second class with English, History and Economics.
TAMIL TIMES 31
Aug. 27 Narthana Kalalaya presents Bharatha Natya Arangetram of Subashini Kugaprasad, disciple of Pathmini Gunaseelan at Assembly Hall, Forest Road, WalthamStow, London E17. Chief Guest: Mr. M. Sivasithamparam, Former Deputy Speaker, Sri Lanka. All Welcome. Aug. 29 Sri Krishna Jayanthi. Aug. 29 9.30am J. S.S.A. Cricket & Netball Festival 1994 at Warren Farm Sports Centre, Windmill Lane, Southall, Middx. For details Tel 081 952 7293/241 5881/743 8289.
At the Bhawan Centre, 4A Castletown Road, London W14 9HQ. Te: O71 3813086/ 4608. Aug. 6 7.30pm Bharatiyar Songs & Devotional Music by Rajkumar Bharathi from lindia.
Aug. 16 Indian independence Day Celebrations. All welcome.
Aug. 28 Krishna Janmashtami Bhajans, Buja & Prasad. All welcome.
World Saiva Council 3rd Annual Conference
The Third Annual Conference of the World Saiva Council was held on 25th and 26th June 1994 at the Sithy Vinayagar Temple in Aubervilliers, Paris. Prof. KP. Arawaanan of Pondicherry University and Mr. K. Shanmugalingam, Director, Department of Hindu Affairs, Sri Lanka delivered the keynote addresses followed by several delegates.
London Mei kan dan Aadheenam released (a) Saiva Thirumurai Hymn cassettes and (b) a book on 'Saivite Hinduism' to mark the occaSion.
After the Secretary General's annual report was adopted, the General Council elected Messrs. K. Thayaparan and K. Shan mugali nga m, who attended the Conference as officials from the Department of
Continued on page 32
That indeed was a brilliant achievement. In those days for a young man with a second class degree of the London University, there were grand opportunities in the Civil List appointments of the Public Service or in the management positions of the Banking Service. He made a few half-hearted attempts, but was not lucky. Besides, as soon as the results were out, the late Mr. K.T. John, Principal of American Mission College Udupiddy, persuaded Bala's elder brother N.S. Rathinasingham (who was on the staff) to prevail on Bala to join the staff. There Bala was quite a popular teacher of the English Language, Literature and History. After about two years he joined the staff of Sandalankawa Central School where he was equally popular. There he formed a lasting friendship with K.N. Jayatileke who died about five years ago. After a two year spell at Sandalankawa he joined the Inspectorate of the Department of Education in 1981. While in the Inspectorate he passed the Diploma-in-Education and later went on a British Council Scholarship to England where he collected a Diploma in the Teaching of English as a Second Language.
Bala was rather reserved and had few friends, but the few he had he grappled them with hoops of steel". His greatest asset (and failing tool) was his fearless outspoken temperament. He rarely minced words even with his superiors and most often earned their displeasure and lost a couple of promotions. He had the Courage of his own convictions and on many occasions sympathised and supported the cause of downtrodden teachers. At the same time he bravely defended dedicated principals against political victimisation. Although in the course of his duties in various parts of the country he came into contact with political heavy weights, he never sought their patronage or favour for his own benefit.
He lived the life of a good Christian despite his not uo regular attendance at Church. His love for his wife and children was intense and abiding. He sacrificed much more than an average Jaffna parent for the sake of his children. To his beloved wife, Ruby, the loss is as heavy as it is irreparable. They say a tree is known by its fruits. If that yardstick is used, Bala's children are testimony to the fact that his life's work had not been in vain.
After Cremation in Colombo, his ashes had been taken to his home town Varany for internment - and most appropriately so.
May his soul rest in peace.
(former Principal, Colombo Hindu College, Ratmalana), Transkei, South Africa.
32 TAM TIMES
Continued from page 31
Hindu Affairs, Sri Lanka, to the Central Executive. Invitations to hold the next conference, in Colombo, Durban and London were received. A decision will be made in due course. The Conference terminated with a Vote of thanks to the Paris committee and particularly to Mr. P.S. Patkumarajah, the secretary and chief coordinator for successfully organising the conference.
Thanuja - Tradition Bound
Like a lone sparrow she emerged from the side curtains, surveyed the empty stage of the Sadier's Wells Lilian Baylis Theatre, hesitantly announced the first number. There was no
mike, no assemblage of orchestral artistes. Suddenly there wafted the distant strains of a Tampura, her face brightened and she erected herself in Natyaramba pose to dance Natyanjali to the full orchestral music and Nattuvangam that Came from behind the SCreen.
This Bharata Natya recital by Thanuja Mohanan on 22nd May, was an unexpected treat. The London audience which is used to Bharata Natya performances with an assemblage on the stage, had a different experience. lt was a simple artistic exercise before a small knowledgeable audience without any publicity frills. As the neatly produced profile informs, Thanuja was born in Kerala, had her first lessons in Bharata Natyam at the age of fourthere, and followed her training in the UK, first under Thangamanikutty Ammal of Calcuta Kalamandalam fame and later at the London Bhavan Centre under Sri Prakash Yadagudde. That was not al. She wanted to breathe the authentic and fresh Bharata Natya air of India and went to Madras to undergo an intensive Course under the well known Kalakshetra pair Shantha -- Dhananjayans and returned after a formal Arangetran there.
The special performance by Thanuja Mohanan the other
day was fully tradition bound, though by one who has lived in the UK Since childhood. From the opening Ntayanjali and the following Jatiswaram her entry into the superb Varnam by Dandayuthapanipillai on Mannargudi Rajagopala exhibited her artistry and communicative skill. Thanuja's grasp of the fundamentals and understanding of the real South lindian traditions is remarkable. Her Thilana in Behag and Khanda Ekam was superbly executed. Thanuja has not only imbibed the expertise of Dhananjayan but also seems to have brought with her his terminologies for
Varnam and Thillaana - Nrity
opaharam and Nirittangaharam! It is pleasant to know that this new star in London is to get married shortly to the most loved Mridangan maestro BhaVani Shankar. A Wonderful union which will receive blessings from all art lovers.
- Sivapatha Sundaram.
Awarded Doctorate in Bharata Natyam
Mrs. Vijayambikai Indrakumar, the well known Bharata Natyam and Kuchipudi dancer and choreographer has been awarded an honorary Doctor of Philosophy in Bharata Natyam by the Inter American University of Humanistic Studies, U.S.A. in recognition of her 'distinguished achievements at International Level in the field of Bharata Natyam'. Indian dancer Sudharani Ragupathy, Music maestro T. V. Gopalakrishnan and T.M. Sounderarajan are among those similarly honoured.
1994-95 marks the Silver Jubilee of Vijayambikai's dance Career which has been noted for her innovative choreography as in adapting the Bolshoi ballet 'Swan Lake' to the Indian
15 JULY 1994
lance drama format. She was nvited by the Soviet Union to perform in the Bolshoi Theatre n 1983.
LOndon Artistes Visit Melbourne To Aid Temple
Sivasakthi Sivanesan, well known Carnatic Singer and teacher, Prakash Yadagudde, Bharata Natyam dancer and teacher and Nina Rajarani, Bharata Natyam dancer all from the Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan, London are visiting Melbourne, Australia as guests of The Hindu Society of Victoria to provide a benefit performance in aid of the Shiva Vishnu Temple in Carrum Downs. The temple had its Maha Kumbabishekam on 22nd May 1994. The Carnatic Vocal and Bharata Natyam recitals are to be held on Friday, 19th August 1994 at 8.00pm at Caulfield Arts Complex – corner of Glen Eira Road and Hawthorn Road. For tickets and information. Tel: 499 2284/ 887 O382/459 6363.
Music Cassette Review
Salva Thirumurai Hymns released by London Meikandan Aadheenam.
it was my pleasant privilege to listen to the Saiva Thirumurai sung by Tamillsaimani Mrs. Nageswari Brahmananda and released by the London Meikandan Aadheenam. These hymns have been so well rendered as not only to present the traditional style of the Saiva Temple Othuwars but also to portray the meaning of the hymns through clarity of Tamil diction.
The selection and arrangement of the hymns by the Aadheenam gives pride of place to all twelve Thirumurai hymns and are well chosen and representative. The cassette contains fifteen hymns including Thevarem, Thiruvacagam, Thiruvisaippa, Thiruppallandu, Periyapuranam, Thirumantiram and concludes with Thiruppukal.
The style of Thirumurai singing of this artist compares favourably with the styles of Sri Thandapani Thesigar of Annamalai University and of Sri Sundara Othuvar of Thirunelveli. ln particular the hymn beginning 'Aduththanai' not only contains fine musica embellishments but also conveys lofty Saiva
Siddhanta doctrine to all listeners.
By the Grace of the Almighty, the artiste is already blessed with a melodious voice and listening to the cassette, it truly melts our hearts in bhakti. This Saiva Thirumurai Hymn Cassette is a religious treasure and is a must in every Saiva home. Dr. S. Gangadaran, Head, Dept. of Saiva Siddhanta, Madurai Kamparaj University, Madurai - 625021. (Cassette priced at £3 post free available from L.M.A. Trust, Tel: O81 531 6435/O268 76624/0277223981).
Our congratulations to Tiasho Mather on her success in the MBCHB examination with merits in Medicine and Surgery. She is the youngest of 22 examinees in her batch and is the youngest daughter of Dr. & Mrs. A.S. Mather of Edinburgh, U.K. Mr. Rajeev Malalgoda of Chelm S ford, ES S eX ha S obtained a First Class degree in Computer Science from the University of Bristol and is due to accept employment with I.B.M. (UK) Ltd. He is a former pupil of King Edward VI Grammar School and St. John's, Billericay.
Rajeev is the son of Dr. Mahinda Malalgoda and lindra (nee Rajendram).
Our congratulations to Rajeev.
Private Tuition Pure/Applied Mathematics. Statistics, Physics O/A Level, Homes visited. Te: O81-8643227
Pandit Navaratnam, International Astro – PalmoNumerologist, formerly of Navalar Road, Jaffna is now in London on a short holiday and those wishing to see him please telephone him On 081-573 6709
15 JULY 1994
Ravi Ramdas - A Maestro in the Making
Saturday, 9 July 1994 was a red letter day for young Ravi Ramdas: the day of his vocal Arangetram at the Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan in London.
As he ascended the stage (which had been set with a simple, yet tasty decor) along with his accompanying musiCians, did the traditional 'Namaste' and sat down to invoke the blessings of Lord Dakshinamurthy through a Slokam, the listeners were Conscious of his captivating, mellifluous voice and its special SweetneSS.
"Sri Maha Ganapathe” in Nattai and the preceding raga alapana brought out in focus his remarkable ability to catch the characteristic nuances of the raga and his capacity to use brigas to effect. This was reinforced through the next piece 'Meenakshi Taaye" in Abogi when the full raga bhava was portrayed. The neraval and the swaraprastara which followed showed new dimensions of his versatility. Saint Thyagaraja's Ghana Raga Pancharatna keertana Sadinchane' was rendered flawlessly. The following piece before the intermission was 'Sambho Mahadeva' with crisp raga alapana, chaste neraval and intricate patterns of swara rendering.
The Ragam-Tanam-Pallavi in Thodi was offered with a nearprofessional finesse, with a difficult tala setting in 'tisra jampai"
Continued from page 26
source, yet finds no difficulty in seeking evidence for his theory in the book of Genesis written centuries before, and whose historicity is much more contested. I have carefully checked the references quoted in the article, Genesis 29 and Joshua 24:2-3, and cannot find any reasonable reference to India. I have also not been able to find the reference to the land of the five rivers on which the author heavily relies. (The Creation Story in Genesis 2 describes a river in the Garden of Eden which divided into four branches named Pishon, Gihon, Tigris and Euphrates and probably refers to the region identifiable with Babylon or Iraq of today).
The dating of the books of the New Testament has been the subject of much research and controversy. A view held by some scholars is that all the books of the New Testament were written before the fall of Jerusalem and the destruction of the revered Temple of Jerusalem in A.D.70, as there is no overt reference to this major event in any of the books of the New Testament. Most authorities believe that the books were written before the end of the first century. Even if one accepts the dates given in the article, the Synoptic Gospels were written in the life time of the eye-witnesses of Jesus
and cannot be lig non-historical. Th Gospels do vary : the same way E newspaper report ary event.
While the prima ing the Gospels w writers have attac historical accura there are many re ical events as in I fifteenth year of til ius, when Pontiu ermor of Judea, prince of Galilee, prince of Ituraea and Lysanias prin ing the high-prie and Caiaphas, the to John son of wilderness.’ The quoted, living fal sumably more ir and rulers than beliefs of a subjec be considered a 1 the life of Jesuse: he did exist.
The question ( between the ages known. Traditio) worked as a carp his widowed m Whether Jesus liv author believes ( America as the
TAMIL TIMES 33
and sancharas through Behag, Sivaranjani, Hindolam and Sahana ragas, which made many in the audience wonder, as in the ase of Goldsmith's village school master, "how such a small head could contain all it knew'
The 'thukkadas' which followed were pleasing to the ears, particularly "Baro Krishnaya” (in Ragamalika) and "Kuzhaludi Vilayadi Va' (in raga Bagesri) which were lifting and touched our hearts.
Arangetram is an event when a student has the debut of his or her performance before a discerning audience whose approbation should be earned before the student can proceed on a musical career. One can unhesitatingly say that Ravi came out of the stringent test with flying colours. His Guru Smt. Sivasakti Sivanesan's satisfied smile confirmed this. By his excellent rendering of items such as "Baro Krishnayya' (which I understand he learnt from Shri T.K. Govinda Rao), Ravi has shown that he can absorb different styles and make them his own, grappling them to his soul with hoops of steel" (to use Shakespearian imagery). Some years ago we awarded him a prize at the London Music Circle competitions and I noted the great strides he had made even from that high level. The Bhavan indeed deserves warm kudos for preparing and launching such a star musical artiste.
V.K. Chandrasekhar provided apt support on the Violin. His Abogi and Panthuvarai raga expositions were noteworthy. The Mridangam-Ghatam interaction between K.S. Bhavani Shankar and R.N. Prakash was a treat to hear. The Morsing contribution by K. Sithamparanathan enriched the percussion support. Dr. Vasanthasree provided the tanpura support and Priya Ramdas
did a good job of the compering.
ghtly dismissed as e accounts in the in detail in much as would various s of a contempor
ry motive in writas theological, the hed importance to cy (Luke 1:1-4). ferences to historuke 3:1-2: "In the ne Emperor Tibers Pilate was govwhen Herod was his brother Philip,
and Trachonitis, ce of Abilene, dursthood of Annas word of God came Zechariah in the Roman historians away, were preterested in kings
in the religious trace, and cannot eliable witness to ccept to prove that
of what Jesus did of 13 and 30 is not n has it that he enter to look after ther and family. red in India as your r subsequently in Mormons believe,
makes very little difference to the life and work of Jesus which is faithfully recorded in the Gospels, and available to anyone to read without adherence to any dogma.
As I am not sufficiently familiar with the works of the scholars and authors quoted in the article, I am reluctant to comment on their views. However, the list is highly selective. Bultmann and Kasemann represent particular views which are by no means universally accepted. To rely on Bertrand Russell, a self professed atheist, to define the nature of religious faith, betrays a bias and lack of objectivity in the article. How does a reader of Tamil Times check the accuracy of the information contained in "manuscripts written in Pali which were reportedly in the possession of the then Dalai Lama' or whether the 'Issa' refers to the Jesus in question or another person by the common name of that time? How does the article enhance the thinking of the Tamils of the Dispersion apart from alienating the Christian minority? Should not speculative articles of this nature be published in an academic journal after suitable peer review, so that the validity of the sources of information can be questioned?
Pararasan Arulanantham, 3, St. Johns Church Road, Folkestone, Kent CT19 5BQ.
34 TAMBLE TIMES
Dr. K.S. Nadarajah- an Appreciation
Dr. K.S. Nadarajah was an extremely humble and unassuming individual. He would rather let others do the talking and listen patiently rather than talk about the many things that were important to him. Yet Dr. Nadarajah's life and work captured the hearts and minds of Tamils all over the world. The spontaneous outpouring of tributes from various parts of the globe following his passing, the grief and sorrow shown by the s thousands of those who attended his funeral held in Toronto and the many who paid their last respects in various other ways, bear witness to the greatness of our dear friend and teacher.
Personally I feel very humble and extremely fortunate to have had a friend in Dr. Nadarajah. He always had a reasonable answer to many of life's difficult questions. For example, knowing that he was a vegetarian, I once asked him whether he Considered it wrong to eat animal flesh. His response was characteristic. He said everything in the world is food, including animals, plants, animate and inanimate objects. By refraining from killing animals we are merely demonstrating our compassion to the extent we can. This helped me to understand that the important principle is compassion and the act of not eating animal flesh is just another application of that principle. It follows that the application of compassion can take many forms and vegetarianism being one of them.
Dr. Nadarajah has fulfilled many roles during his lifetime, he was a dedicated husband who cared deeply for his grieving widow
Pastor Marcus Navaratnarajah - An Appreciation
British Columbians, Srilankans, Multicultural and Evangelical communities were shocked by the sudden death of Pastor Marcus on May 15th 1994. Marcus had been known since early 50s for his enthusiastic work with SCM and JICCF in Jaffna. Scouting was his other interest. As a programme director at the Jaffna 'Y' he could be well remembered for his spirited and hilarious leadership.
His move to YMCA in Hong Kong was a loss to 'Y' in Sri Lanka. During his period in Hong Kong he became actively involved in the Asia Evangelistic Fellowship (AEF) based in Singapore.
When he left with his family to become a Canadian in the 80s his missionary spirits grew even stronger. The spiritual needs for the Asians in the West Coast of Canada was felt deeply by him. Thus he became the cynosure of several Christians of Asian origin from Philippines, Malaysia, Hong Kong, Singapore, India, Fiji and Sri Lanka. Marcus was there as a guide, comforter ana above all a spiritual promoter to introduce the power of Christian faith.
With such expertise and talent he was an easy choice to be an active participant in the Multicultural Society of B.C.
His annual role as Master of Ceremonies at the Richmond Multi Fest is a testimony to it. He did not stop there, he went on to organise a Prayer Chain and visited people in dire straits. Tamil refugees from his own district were passionately treated with deep emotions. He was the key person behind the well organised Sri Lankan Christian Fellowship which meets regularly to pray, worship, meditate and socialise.
The pinnacle of his Christian Witness is when he was accepted as a pastor under B.C. Baptist Conference and Marcus became the founder member of the Hosanna international Christian Church. The Church reflects the Multi-Ethnicity in the province and caters to the needs of all. The vision of Marcus came to light.
His funeral service was held at the Broadmoor Baptist Church
15 JULY 1994
Thangarani and a loving father to Vatsala and Mahilnan. A pioneer in the field of broadcasting in Sri Lanka, he served as the director of Tamil Services and Additional Director of National Services for the SLBC.
He also served as a member of the SLBC Board of Directors and the Sri Lanka Film Corporation Board of Directors. He has been described, in the tributes paid by former colleagues and others from SLBC as a man of principles, a strict administrator and a leader who was able to bring out the best in those who worked for him. He was also a lifelong student who started adult life as a teacher at Royal College and later went on to complete his doctorate.
More than anything else, however, he is best known for his great love for the Tamil language. Some observers have described him as one who lived and breathed with passion and enthusiasm for the Tamil language. His scholarly works on such literary classics as the Tholkapiam, the multitude of Tamil verse and literature authored by him and his contribution to documenting the history of the Tamils in Sri Lanka from the fourteenth century onwards have brought him wide recognition and the honourable title Navatkulioor Nadarajan. He was awarded the highest honour for literature by the Cultural Ministry in Sri Lanka. There are still many of his literary works yet to be published posthumously.
He stood like a beacon symbolizing the grandeur and majesty of the Tamil language at a time when Tamils all over the world are searching to restore pride in their language and culture.
in conclusion I would like to refer to a verse that he composed which is titled "Ethaiyum Anjen." He goes on to say Saavaiyum Anjen, Noyaiyum Anjen. Niththiyam Aanen. This surely must be a heartfelt reflection of a passage in the Upanishads which says "But he who knows the joy of Brahman fears no more.
May God grant him peace.
on May 21st 1994 amidst a very large gathering. B.C. Baptist Conference executive minister Wally Weiser led the service and gave the message. Tributes were paid by Pastor Jonathan James of Asia Evangelical Fellowship, Singapore and by Mr. John Garrison of Hosanna International Church. The MultiCultural Trio including his daughter Tamara rendered a special song. Pastors of the district sang "it is Well With My Soul" and dedicated it to Marcus. The service came to an end with the entire congregation holding hands and singing 'Bind Us Together'. He was buried at the Boundary Bay cemetery and committal rites were performed by Pastors Tim Colborne and Wally Weiser.
After the burial people gathered at the church for fellowship lunch. At that time tributes, witnesses and appreciations were given by a large number which lasted over an hour. Pastor Marcus leaves behind his beloved wife Dhiviam, daughter Tamara, son-in-law Don, a host of family members in Sri Lanka, Australia and Canada and an array of faithfuls.
Let us thank God for his life.
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Fax : OSI-36 8498
All goods are lodged in a Todern, fully computerised. Borded Warehouse (outside the Port) - Ceylon Shipping Lines, 2941) D.R. Wijlewarder la Mawatha, ColombD 10. Tel: 4329945
WE ARE THE BEST AND THE CHEAPEST
NO HDDEN CHARGES
Pianos (now & used) and all Duty Free goods supplied
Travel Agents for Air Lanka, Kuwait, Emirates, Gulf Air, Air France, KLM, Royal Jordanian, PIA and Balkan Airlines,
Katunayake International Airport Duty Free Shopping Guide available to our customers
and permissible Duty Free allowance on goods shipped.