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JOURNA ROYAL ASA
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ROYAL ASIATIC SC
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1995 h
AL OF THE ATIO SOCIETY OF
XXXIX. Special Number
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HED BY THE
OCIETY OF SRI LANKA
1995

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CONTENTS
Page Description of CEYLON by ATNONIO BOCARRO:
translated into English by T B H Abeyasinghe
Foreword V
K D G Wimalaratne
Preface K PRO w o VI
G P S H de Silva
Historical Introduction XP XIII
C R de Silva
Tabulated information on the Codices e o XXVII
G P S H de Silva
Facsimile of Title Page from the SLNA manuscript XXVIII
Title page to the translation 8w ow w XXIX
*。 contents.; י". . . . 5 . ... י's . - : . . *** so XXX Translation 1.
Glossary - ...་ 62
TB H. Abéyasinghe : Notes . . . . . 64
T B H Abeyasinghe
Maps and Plans See XXX
Facsimile of manuscript page of translation - - - 82 Facsimile of annotated page from manuscript copy a on 83
Bibliographic Note
From this issue, the Journal will carry at the top right hand corner of its cover page the Calendar Year for which it is published.
Hony Editor
 
 

1995
JOURNAL OF THE ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY OF SRI LANKA
Neu Series, Volume XXXIX, Sperbo"Number
Antonio Bocarro's Description of Ceylon
Translated into English by T B H Abeyasinghe
Honorary Editor G P S H de Silva
PUBLISHED BY THE
ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY OF SRI LANKA
COLOMBO
1996

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Printed by
SRIDEVI
Mahendra Senanayake Sridevi Printers (Pvt.) Limited 27, Pepiliyana Road, Nedimala, Dehiwala, Sri Lanka.

JOURNAL
of the
ROYAL ASATIC SOCIETY OF SRI LANKA
Vol. XXXIX, Special Number 1995
CONTENTS
Page
Description of CEYLON by ATNONIO BOCARRO:
translated into English by T B H Abeyasinghe
Foreword a a • 4 KK a - V
K D G Wimalaratne
Preface a - KI SO a VI
G P S H de Silva
Historical Introduction о и о ΧΙΙΙ
C R de Silva
Tabulated information on the Codices XXVII
G P S H de Silva
Facsimile of Title Page from the SLNA manuscript XXVIII
Title page to the translation - - - O R XXIX
Contents XXX
Translation 1.
Glossary - - 62
T B H Abeyasinghe
Notes •es a 0. 64
T B H Abeyasinghe
Maps and Plans See XXX
Facsimile of manuscript page of translation ... 8 As 82
Facsimile of annotated page from manuscript copy om de n 83
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CONTRIBUTORS
Tikiri Bandara Herath Abeyasinghe, (1929-1985) و"
Born at Giriulla, May 4, 1929, to Ernest Bandara and Somawathie Abeyasinghe, educated at Maliyadewa College, Kurunegala; BA Hons, 1955, University of Ceylon, Peradeniya, PhD, 1963, School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London; D.Litt (Honoris Causa) posthumously awarded by the University of Colombo, 1990; Secretary, Swabasha Department, 1956-1957, Divisional Land Officer 1957-1958, Lecturer, Department of History, University of Ceylon, Peradeniya, 1959-1963, joined University of Colombo 1963: Lecturer, Department of History, 1963-1974, Professor of Modern History 1974-1985, Head, Department of Modern Histoty and Sociology 1974-1977, Head, Department of Modern History 1979-1980, Head, Department of Modern History and Political Science 1982-1983, Dean, Faculty of Arts 1979-1980, Commonwealth Academic Fellow 1969-1970; publications: Asirimat Indiyawa, Sinhala translation of Chapters V-VIII, in Wonder that was India by A. L. Basham (Colombo, 1962), Portuguese Rule in Ceylon 15991612 (Colombo, 1966) Parangi Kõtte 1594–1612 (Colombo, 1974), Prutugeeseen Hā Lankāva 1597-1658 (Colombo 1970), Portuguese Regimentos on Sri Lanka at the Goa Archives (Colombo, 1974) Jaffna under the Portuguese 1619-1658 (Colombo, posthumously published in 1986), co-author uda Rata Rājadhāniya 1470-1818 (1977), and articles in various journals; Honorary Editor, JRASSL (1982-1994); Member, Royal Asiatic Society of Sri Lanka (1964-1985); shared Sahitya Award, 1973; married in 1957, Wimala Wijayasekera of Mirihana, Nugegoda, children: Gurudeva, Champa and Avanti; died of a heart-attack, August 25, 1985.
C R de Silva
BA Hons (Cey), PhD (London); formerly Professor of History and Dean Faculty of Arts, University of Peradeniya; at present, Professor and chairman, Department of History, The State University of Indiana, Terre Haute, Indiana, USA; publications: The Portuguese in Ceylon, 1617-1638 (Colombo, 1972), Sri Lanka: A History (Delhi, 1987), and numerous articles in Sri Lankan and other journals published elsewhere.

FOREWORD
The publication of the copy of Antonio Bocarros “Livro das Plantas” at the National Archives of Sri Lanka was initiated in 1983, when the then Director, National Archives, Mr Haris de Silva requested Prof T B H Abeyasinghe, to translate it for publication.
Prof Tikiri Abeyasinghe, an authority on the Portuguese period of Sri Lankan history meticulously studied it and compared it with the other copies of the manuscript found at Evora in Portugal, the National Library in Paris and at the British Library in London, to edit and translate it.
The untimely death of Prof Abeyasinghe in 1985, prevented his completing the work, and also halted its publication for a period of nine years, as the translation was seemed to be lost or misplaced.
Mrs Wimala Abeyasinghe had been requested to search for the translation done by her late husband, and I am glad that she had found it at home.
Prof C R de Silva, another eminent Sri Lankan historian of the Portuguese period, who had perused the typed copy had found that Prof Abeyasinghe's translation was excellent. I am happy that he has been associated with the edited version to put the final touches for its publication.
The publication will be welcomed by all scholars not only in Asia but also in other parts of the Western world as a work of erudite Scholarship and as a glowing tribute to the late Prof Abeyasinghe, who dedicated his whole career to research the history of the Portuguese period in Sri Lanka.
I also like to thank Prof de Silva for his contribution to the publication of the translation and Mr de Silva for his efforts to get this once lost manuscript published for the benefit of scholars and the general reader interested in the Portuguese period of Sri Lankan history.
Dr K D G Wimalaratne Director, National Archives Department of National Archives Colombo, Sri Lanka 13th June 1995

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PREFACE
The project to translate and publish the section containing a description of Ceylon (Sri Lanka) in Antonio Bocarro's work entitled O Livro das plantas de todas as Fortalezas, Cidades e povações do Estado da India Oriental, commenced 13 years back.
On the 10th of August 1983, I officially invited Tikiri Abeyasinghe to do an authoritative translation of the section pertaining to Sri Lanka'. It had been agreed earlier, that to do such a translation it would also be necessary to consult three other manuscript copies available elsewhere, namely in London, Paris and Evora, but the understanding was, that the National Archives would not be able to fund the travel required for such purpose, and it would have to be found from elsewhere.
Thus, to find the necessary funds for travel abroad and subsistence Tikiri sought assistance from the British Council in Colombo and the Gulbenkian Foundation in Lisbon.
In his letter dated 6/4/1984 to the British Council seeking financial assistance for the projected work, he also provided an overview of the manuscript. Therein, he said:
The project is to translate into English the section relating to Sri Lanka in a seventeenth century Portuguese manuscript with the title “Livro do Estado da India Oriental” (i.e. the Book of the State of the East Indies) by Pedro Barreto de Resende and Antonio Bocarro, of which manuscript the Sri Lanka Archives has a copy, probably prepared in the 19th century (sic).
In this work, the sections relating to Sri Lanka describe the territories the Portuguese held there, the ports, the depth of the roadsteads (including the type of naval craft that could be accommodated), the nature of the fortifications (including the number of bastions, and bulwarks), the strength of the garrisons and the Sources of revenue and items of expenditure. There are some maps and plans of the fortifications too. The Sri Lanka section of the manuscript runs into 60 large-size folios and is encyclopaedic in Scope. The information it provides is not found in any other Source.
The English translation will, it is hoped, be published with an introduction giving bio-bibliographical data on the two compilers, their reasons for undertaking this work, the sources they used, the degree of reliability of the work and its usefulness for the study of the island's history.
wi

Three contemporary copies are known to exist.
1. Sloane Ms. No. 197 in the British Library in London
2. A copy at the Library and District Archives in Evora, Por
tugal.
3. A copy in the Bibliotheque Nationale in Paris.
My experience with 17th century Portuguese manuscripts is that no two copies are alike, and one copy might contain information not given in another, (Incidentally, the three copies referred to above carry three titles.) The information the three works contain has to be collected and the best text chosen. For these reasons, and also because the information necessary for the introduction has to be gathered in the libraries of Portugal and U.K., a visit to London, Paris, Lisbon and Evora has to be undertaken...'
Both institutions responded positively to his requests. The British Council agreed to meet the subsistence for 42 days, and the Gulbenkian Foundation provided funds for travel to all the countries he had to visit and back to Colombo. On the strength of these grants, the University of Colombo approved vacation leave for him on full pay for the period he was to be out of the island.
Thereafter, Tikiri, sought a clarification from me as to whether the best manuscript copy -out of the four- should be translated and prepared for publication, or whether we insisted in publishing the copy at the Sri Lanka National Archives. I replied stating that we wished to publish 'our copy, after comparing it with the others.
Having settled that issue, we provided him with a microfilm copy of the section on Sri Lanka in the SLNA manuscript. At the same time I wrote to my friend Mr B C Bloomfield, the then Director of the India Office Library in London, requesting that Tikiri be provided with an enlarged plain-paper copy from the microfilm he was bringing to London. Mr Bloomfield very kindly agreed to the request, and Tikiri used the copies provided by the IOL for his translation and notes (vide reproduced colour photographic prints)
On 209 1984, Tikiri, writing to me said,
While there I shall also gather material for an introduction discussing among other things, bibliographic particulars of the authors other surveys on similar lines undertaken by Portuguese officials, and the development of Portuguese cartographic techniques until mid-17th century.
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He also said, “Within about 3 months of my return to the island, (i.e. mid February 1985) I hope to hand over the final draft of the translation and the introduction to you...'
Tikiri saw me often after his return to the island, and we discussed many points regarding the translation and the introduction. The last he saw me in my office was on 23/8/1985, that was a Friday. On Saturday, we met at an annual get-to-gether of Ramanathan Hall alumni, held at the Police Park in Havelock Town, Colombo. The next morning we heard the shocking news that he had gone, never to return. A diary entry of mine reminds me that I had seen him last around 4 pm on that 24th Saturday.
With Tikiri's demise, the manuscript translation too went into hiding. I had not the courage to ask his family about it immediately after his death: and when we made inquiries some months later, it was not traceable. Months and years passed by with inquiries made now and again with the family as well as with others who had purchased Some of his books: still no information was forthcoming on the translation.
In the meantime I had taken premature retirement at the end of February, 1990. Then almost 4 years later, on 13th January, 1994, Mrs Wimala Abeyasinghe rang me to inform that she had found the manuScript in the house itself, and she would send it to me to see what I could do with it. I was overjoyed to hear the good news, that, after all, Tikiri's manuscript translation was available.
Now there was a problem. At the time -and even today- Sri Lanka, had/s no historian proficient in 17th century Portuguese and the history of that period. The only other notable historian, other than Tikiri, was in the United States. Thus, on the 16th, I wrote to Father V Perniola, who was very proficient in Portuguese, and very much conSulted by Tikiri, and Sought his assistance to get the manuscript translation into printable form. Father Perniola replied by return of post agreeing to undertake it, and also said that he would provide a computer print-out.
That ready response could have come only from another eminent scholar, for it was to be an unenviable task. One had to read Tikiri's translation written in pencil, on the left side folio, compare it with the text and annotations written in three colours on the right side folio, check the translation and notes, and get it ready in the format that would be acceptable to a printer.
Thus during 1994, between Father Perniola and myself, the translation was put in order. Herein, I must say that my contribution was minimal; I only answered certain queries raised by Father Perniola,
viii

either on the correctness of a sentence when put into English or on a historical point pertaining to the text or on an explanatory note. Thus the task of bringing the manuscript to print form, was in its entirety a labour of love of Father Perniola.
Still, the question of the Historical Introduction remained unsettled. On this subject, I wrote to Prof C R de Silva - the only other notable historian I had mentioned earlier - giving him a history of the project and requesting him to write the Introduction. Prof de Silva too readily agreed to the request, and on his own, offered to go through the computer print-out of the translation and to provide it on a diskette to facilitate printing.
At that point of time, we had Tikiri's translation checked and brought into print form with the assistance of Father Perniola, and we were to have it checked once again and final copy made for printing, with an Historical Introduction by Prof C R de Silva. The latter work was done between July 1994 and June 1995.
During this period I had also requested assistance from the President's Fund to print and publish the text. With the kind intervention of the then Secretary to the President Mr K H J Wijeyadasa, and the Additional Secretary Mr Siri Hatthotuwegama, who processed the application, the Fund provided a sum of Rs. 45,000/- as part contribution of printing costs.
Dr K D G Wimalaratna, my successor at the National Archives, too had intimated to me that the National Archives could publish it. However, being fully aware of government requirements with regard to printing works of this nature, its printing policies, and sale and distribution procedures, I, in consultation with Mrs Abeyasinghe, decided to offer the work to the Royal Asiatic Society of Sri Lanka.
At the RASSL, its President Mr A Denis N Fernando, with the concurrence of its Publications Board and the Council, accepted the offer made, agreed to provide the balance funds needed to print it, and also decided to issue it as a Special Number of the Society's Journal.
That decision of the RASSL, admirably met my objectives too in offering the work to the RASSL, namely to get it printed as early as possible, and to see that it would get a wide currency among those interested in the subject as well as amongst the reading public in general.
Having given a resume of the project, now, I would only have to state that Prof de Silva, apart from re-checking the translation, has
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eminently filled the vacuum left by Tikiri, in writing the Historical Introduction, with his usual high profile scholarship. What remains to be done in the future is to get a critical edition of the Portuguese text from the annotated manuscript of Tikiri.
Before I conclude, I must also say to the extent known to me, that if Tikiri had made his acknowledgements, he would no doubt have expressed his thanks to The Gulbenkian Foundation in Lisbon, The British Council in Colombo and London, The Vice Chancellor of the University of Colombo, Mr B C Bloomfield, the then Director of the India Office Library in London, the Staff at the British Library, at the Bibliotheque Nationale in Paris, at the District Archives in Evora, Portugal, and at the National Archives in Sri Lanka, Prof Tom Barron of the Department of History, University of Edinburgh, Prof Eric Meyer, Father V Perniola, and his beloved wife Mrs Wimala Abeyasinghe. This list is not exhaustive, but as said earlier, its limited to the information available to me.
On my part, I must also say thank you to:
Mr Barry Bloomfield, for providing the plain-paper copies from the
microfilm.
Father V Perniola, for readily agreeing to prepare the manuscript for
printing.
Dr U Pethiyagoda, friend and neighbour, currently Sri Lanka's Ambassador in Rome, for taking the large manuscript volume to Kandy for Father Perniola.
Prof C R de Silva for writing the Historical Introduction, checking
the translation and providing it on a diskette.
Messers K H J Wijeyadasa and Siri Hatthotuwegama, Secretary and Additional Secretary respectively to H E the President for recommending and processing the application for funds, and the then
President of Sri Lanka, H. E., D B Wijetunga, for approving the grant
of a part-payment for printing.
The President and the Council of the Royal Asiatic Society of Sri Lanka, for agreeing to print it and their decision to bring it out as a Special Number of the Journal.
Dr K D G Wimalaratna, Director, National Archives for permission to reproduce the plans in the manuscript copy at the Sri Lanka National Archives.

Mr H A I Goonetileke, for advice on the Title page,
and last but not least to Mrs Wimala Abeyasinghe, for informing me of the 'discovery of the manuscript and giving it to me to do whatever II wished to do with it”.
As a final remark, I must say that Tikiri as a person was very
prompt, and very demanding in his work. He gave his best to whatever he did. Thus, when he commenced translation, he had written "Translation begun 12/01/85, 10.50 hrs’ and on completion (g863) (finished) 20.15, 21/07/85': thereafter he had written Revision begun 26/07/85, 21.25 but he could not complete that task. There is no doubt that if he had lived a couple of more months he would have given me the Introduction and the Translation ready for printing: but that was not to be.
And now, though grieved, that his work is coming only as a posthumous publication of his, yet, I am happy that it is finally Seeing the light of day.
The good that men do, lives after them.
G P S H de Silva 43/91, Poorwarama Mawata
Colombo 5 18 3 1996
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HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION
by Chandra R de Silva
During the last few years of his life, Professor Tikiri Abeyasinghe worked on a translation from the Portuguese to English of the sections relating to Sri Lanka in António Bocarro's seventeenth century Work entitled, O Livro das Plantas de Todas as Fortalezas, Cidades e Povoações do Estado da India Oriental, and the text which follows this introduction is essentially his work, although I have made a few minor corrections and amended a few footnotes. This historical introduction, which I was invited to write after Tikiri Abeyasinghe's untimely demise, will provide background information on António Bocarro and his work, assess the value of the sections which have been translated by Professor Abeyasinghe and provide a brief appreciation of the historical writings of Abeyasinghe himself.
The Livro das Plantas of António Bocarro was composed in response to an order made in 1632 by King Philip II of Spain. In that year, King Philip, in his less well known role as king of Portugal, requested, D. Miguel de Noronha, Count of Linhares, for a description of all the lands, ports and fortifications of his Portuguese empire in the East. 1 De Noronha himself had been sent out as the Portuguese Viceroy of India in 1629 to reorganize and strengthen the Portuguese empire in the East in the face of the growing challenges.
These challenges included the military and economic assaults mounted by other European naval powers (principally the Dutch and the English), the rise of hostile Asian rulers and the need to arrest the decline in the revenues from the Portuguese Asian Empire. By the early 1630s, the Dutch had seized control of the Moluccas and the Banda Islands and with them, the trade in cloves and nutmeg. They had established a trading Settlement at Pulicat on the Coromandel Coast of India, set up Fort Zeelandia in northern Formosa and were gathering strength for an attack on Portuguese Malacca. The English were well established as traders in the port of Surat and on the Persian Gulf. Even the Danes had established trading Stations on the Coromandel Coast and in Bengal.2
By 1630, the challenges to the Portuguese empire from Asian rulers had also become significant. The rising Safavid empire of Persia had utilized English assistance to capture the island of Ormuz from the Portuguese in 1622. The Mughal empire was now seen by the Portuguese as a potential threat and while the Mughal conquest of Hughli dealt but a temporary blow to Portuguese trade with Bengal, the Portuguese documents of the period show clearly that they feared the growth of Mughal power, particularly in the Deccan peninsula. While trade with Japan remained prosperous, there already were indications that the policies of Tokugawa
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Iemitsu (1623-1651) were less friendly towards the Iberian empire than those of his predecessor. In Sri Lanka itself, the Portuguese were reeling from a defeat by the army of the king of Kandy at the battle of Randeniwela in 1630.3
Then again, there was the problem of declining revenue to the Crown. Up to the late sixteenth century, the Estado da India had brought in much needed funds to the Portuguese royal coffers. By the first decade of the seventeenth century, the steep fall of the price of pepper in Europe and increased costs of defending the Eastern empire reduced profits sharply. As significant was the increasing incidence of the loss of ships on the voyage between Asia to Europe. In the 1620s about a third of the ships leaving for the voyage around the Cape of Good Hope did not reach their destinations and this translated into major losses of revenue for the State. 4 The appointment of D. Miguel de Noronha thus marked a further effort at defending the beleaguered Portuguese Empire in the East. De Noronha had some aspirations towards carrying the battle to the enemy and he was clearly instructed to look closely at means of enhancing revenue. The Portuguese were ready to learn from their rivals. Just a year before de Noronhas arrival in India, Portuguese trade with Asia had been handed over to a Companhia do Commercio da India, designed in imitation of the successful Dutch and English East India Companies. While this Portuguese East India Company failed within a few years, 5 this move illustrated that the king's advisors were desperate enough to try new approaches to resolve a worsening crisis. What the decision makers needed most of all was information and the king's request of 1632 was partly intended to obtain data which would give administrators in Lisbon a better idea of the Strengths and weaknesses of the Portuguese military, and economic position in the East.
Viceroy de Noronha's reply to his king dated January 2, 1633 stated that the work of preparing the information asked for had been entrusted to António Bocarro, the chronicler of the Estado da India and that it would be sent in the ships departing in the next monsoon (i.e. between December 1633 and March 1634).6 If the king was satisfied, he certainly did not let the matter rest but sent a reminder on the subject dated December 24, 1633. This letter would have reached the Viceroy in 1634. Bocarro evidently gave the task high priority. He must have finished the text sometime in the calendar year of 1634 because his letter accompanying the two copies of the manuscript is dated February 17, 1635. The manuscript, like many others in the seventeenth century had a long descriptive title: Livro das Plantas de todas as Fortalezas, Cidades e Povoaçoens da India Oriental com as descripçoens da altura em que estao, e de tudo que ha nelas, Atrilharia, Presidio, gente de Armas, e Vassalos, rendimento, e despeza, fundos, e baxos das Barras, Reys da terra dentro, o poder que tem, e a paz, e guerra, que guardão, e tudo que esta debaxo da Coroa de Espanha. While the text itself is known to be Bocarro's work, it is generally accepted

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that the plans of the forts and harbours which accompanied the original text were drawn by Pedro Barreto de Resende, Secretary to the Viceroy.7 About António Bocarro himself we know a great deal. 8 He was born in 1594 either in Abrantes or in Lisbon and was son of Fernao Bocarro, physician and his wife Guiomar Nunes. António's parents were christaos novos or converted Jews and António himself was baptized a Roman Catholic and Studied at the Colégio dos Jesuitas de Santo Antão in Lisbon. However, the influence of the faith of his forefathers was not far removed. In 1610, his elder brother, Manuel Bocarro Frances who was to later become a well known physician, astrologer and mathematician converted to Judaism in Secret. After SOme hesitation and Vacillation, António followed suit.9 However, Portugal in the early seventeenth century was not a safe place for a relapsed Christian. The Inquisition was much too active. Bocarro evidently heard of the flourishing Jewish community of Cochin, India and in April 1615, he left for India where in he hoped to have greater freedom of worship.
António Bocarro served in Cochin for a time as a soldier and eventually married Isabel Viera. However, in 1621 or 1622, he began to have doubts about Judaism, possibly after reading the Symbolo de la Fe by Fr. Luis de Granada, and he returned to the Christian faith. After full confession, he received absolution from the Inquisition in February 1624. Thereafter, from about 1626, Bocarro served in the Portuguese fleet and in Cranganor, on the Malabar coast. On 9 May of 1631, he was appointed chronicler of Portuguese India and guardian of the State archives. This appointment was made by Viceroy de Noronha on the recommendation of the chancellor, Dr. Gonçalo Pinto da Fonseca. 10 Bocarro held this appointment till he died in 1642 or 1643. Apart from the Livro das Plantas, Bocarro is known for Decada 13 da História da India, which was first published in 1876. Decada 13, which runs to 800 printed pages is a detailed treatment of the Portuguese in the East during the Viceroyalty of Dom Jeronimo de Azevedo, 16121617. Bocarro is also said to have written three other works which have apparently been lost, Da Reforma do Estado da India, Livro dos Feitos de Gonçalo Pereira, and Crónica dos Feitos de Sancho de Vasconcelhos. 11 The Crown did recognize his services and rewarded his descendants in March 1643 by promising anyone who married one of his daughters the post of secretary of the customs house at Muscat. In August 1643, the post of archivist in Goa was offered to any qualified person who married his eldest daughter. 12
AS will be evident from the text, Bocarro” S Livro das Plantas consists of a description of the lands, fortifications, revenues and expenditures of the various captaincies of the Portuguese empire in the East, illustrated by plans of forts and anchorages held by the Portuguese. As Isabel Cid points out, in terms of providing plans and vistas of the Portuguese forts and settlements, Bocarro's work was preceded by Gaspar Correa's Lendas da Indial3 and Lizuarte de Abreus Livro. 14 In terms of descriptions of
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JOURNAL R.A.S. XXXIX, SPECIAL, NUMBER, 1995
revenues and expenditures it was preceded by works such as Orcamento do Estado da India (1574) feito por mandado de Diogo Velho, Vedor da Fazenda da India. 15 However, the closest model that can be found for Bocarro's work is a 1582 manuscript at the Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid entitled Livro das Cidades e Fortalezas q a Coroa tem nas partes da India, e das Capitanias, e mais cargos que nelas ha e de importancia deles, which was published by FernãoMendez da Luz in Boletim da Biblioteca de Universidade de Coimbra XXI, 1952.16 Despite earlier examples of works of this genre, however, there is no question that Bocarro's Livro das Plantas was the best and most comprehensive of all the descriptions of the Portuguese empire in Asia.
Bocarro's Livro das Plantas was sent to Lisbon in duplicate. One of these copies is definitely identified as that in the Biblioteca Piblica e Arquivo Distrital de Evora. This manuscript has been the basis of the two published Portuguese editions of the work, both of which will be discussed later on in this introduction. Armando Cortesao Stated that the Second copy was sold in 1960 by the bookseller A. Rosenthal but it cannot be traced today.17 Cortesão has identified three seventeenth century copies made from one or the other of the originals. In all three of these cases Bocarro's text has been copied (with a few alterations, additions and/or deletions) but obviously the plans are copies of other artists and differ somewhat from those of Resende in the Evora manuscript. The three copies are:
1) Copy at the Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid dated c. 1635 with 52
plans by an anonymous copyist. 18 2) Copy at the Biblioteca Nacional, Lisbon dated 1639 with 48 (originally 52) plans by António de Mariz Carneiro entitled Descripçam da Fortaleza de Sofala, e mais da India. 19 3) Copy at the Sri Lanka National Archives, Colombo, dated seventeenth century with 52 plans by an anonymous copyist. 20 Since the Sri Lanka National Archives (hereafter SLNA) manuscript was the starting point for Professor Abeyasinghe's translation, it might be worth elaborating on how this manuscript came to Sri Lanka. According to Armando Cortesao, it had belonged to J. M. Nepomuceno and the Count do Ameal. Charles Boxer states that the manuscript was offered for sale by Maggs Brothers, London, in 1924. It was offered for sale again in 1957 by Ifan Kyrle Fletcher, a London bookseller and purchased by what was then the Ceylon Government Archives.The manuscript is bound in leather and has 219 numbered leaves with 52 uncoloured pen drawings, 450x580 mm 1 S17.
However, the material for a critical edition of Bocarro” S Livro das Plantas does not end here and to explain this we need to return to the man who drew the plans for Bocarros book, Pedro Barreto de Resende. Resende was a native of Paiva, Portugal. He was in Goa between 1629-1636 and died in Lisbon in 1651. Resende himself used much of Bocarro's text in his own book, the Livro do Estado da India Oriental repartido em tres
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partes, a primeira contem todos os retratos dos Vizo-Reis que tem avido no dito Estado athe O anno de 634 com descripçois de seus governos. A Segunda parte conthem as plantas das Fortalezas que há do Cabo de Esperança athe a Fortaleza de Chaul e com larga descripção do tudo ho que há em cada hua das ditas fortalezas, rendimento e gasto que tem, e tudo o mais que lhe toca. A terceira conthem as plantas de todas as fortalezas que ha de Goa athe a China, com descripção da mesma forma e vão juntamente plantas das fortalezas que não são do Estado que por estarem nas mesmas costas se puzerão por curiozidade.
There are two manuscripts identified as Resendes Livro do Estado da India Oriental which are of great value in any critical edition of Bocarro's Livro das Plantas. They are:
1) Copy of c. 1636 at Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris with 70 plans by
an anonymous copyist. 2) Copy of 1646 in the British Library with 66 plans by Pedro Barreto de Resende, 9 maps of Pedro Berthelot (of 1635) and one map by an unknown cartographer. 21 The first of the two published versions of Bocarros Livro das Plantas was printed in 1937-38 as “Livro das Plantas de todas as Fortalezas, Cidades e Povoações da India Oriental por António Bocarro” in Tomo IV, Volume II, Partes I & II of Arquivo Português Oriental, nova edicão. The text covers all 438 pages of Parte I and 64 pages of Parte II and is followed by 600 pages of notes by the editor, António Bernardo de Bragança Pereira. While the text was copied from the Evora manuscript, the plans published in this edition are from the Resende manuscript at Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris, referred to above. Charles Ralph Boxer, who used the Evora manuscript to translate Bocarro's description of Macao.22 was very critical of this edition: " Unfortunately this edition leaves a great deal to be desired, and is, in some respects, worse than useless. The proofs were evidently corrected very carelessly or not at all, so that the text teems with misprints and misreadings. Moreover the notes provided by the editor make no attempt to clarify or illuminate the text, but consist of a mass of miscellaneous documents (or extracts from documents) ranging from the early 16th to the early 19th century, uncritically selected, and printed without any order or system.”23
Isabel Cid, who published the second edition of Bocarros Livro das Plantas, has been equally critical. Apart from a number of transcription errors such as copying "nestacamara (in this chamber) when the manuscript says neste Canara (in this region of Canara) and copying confusions between 'l' and 's', Isabel Cid points out that the printed text has phrases which do not exist in the manuscript. Moreover, numerals depicting quantities have been altered without any indication and some pages and paragraphs of the manuscript have been omitted. 24
The second edition, published in 1992, after Tikiri Abeyasinghe completed his work, is a much more scholarly publication. It is a three
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volume work. The first volume made up of an introduction which discusses Bocarros life and the different manuscript copies of his Livro das Plantas. It also provides an excellent analysis of the paleography and the paper and ink of the Evora manuscript and has indexes of place names. The second volume is a careful transcription of the Evora codice. The third volume consists of reproductions of the 48 plans of Resende which are bound with the Evora manuscript.25 As a transcription of the Evora manuscript, this publication will surely be a definitive edition. However, Isabel Cid's unfamiliarity with the geography of Portuguese Asia has led to a number of misidentifications of places. For example, in Volume I page 131 she incorrectly identifies Bulatgana as Atulugala in south Sri Lanka and on page 135 of the same volume she misidentifies Gampa (Gampaha) "as possibly Gampla (Gampola) in the Central Province of Sri Lanka .26
Tikiri Abeyasinghe's translation, of course, covers only the portions of Bocarro's work which relate to Sri Lanka. In terms of size, it consists of just over ten per cent of the whole text. However, unlike in the case of the two editions discussed above, both of which base their texts solely on the Evora codice, Abeyasinghe has compiled a critical edition by comparing the manuscript at Evora with the SLNA copy in Colombo as well as the two Resende manuscripts at Paris and London. He has carefully noted the variations in the different versions and has thus come up with some information which is not in the Evora manuscript. Moreover, the publication of this English translation will provide access to Bocarro's description of Sri Lanka to those who are not fluent in Portuguese.
The pen drawings in ink found in the SLNA manuscript are clearly inferior in artistic value to the coloured plans drawn by Resende found in the Evoracodice. Moreover, while the SLNA copies are generally faithful to the originals, they sometimes omit some details. For example, the fish market outside the fort of Galle, graphically illustrated in the Evora codice is missing in the SNLA copy.27 Nevertheless, the printing of these pen drawings will complement the two versions of the Resende plans published in the Braganca Pereira and Cid editions. Furthermore, the SLNA codice has a plan of Colombo fort which is missing from both the Paris and the Evora COdiceS.
Bocarro's description of Portuguese possessions in Sri Lankahas already been used by several historians28 but there is a wealth of evidence in this document which will be Of use to future historians as well. For instance, Bocarro's account gives us a picture of the colonial ruler's perennial suspicion of the subject peoples. This might have been particularly strong in the 1630s in Sri Lanka in view of the widespread uprisings which followed the Portuguese defeat at Randeniwela in 1630. Bocarro was evidently appalled at the “Sinhalese Christian subjects and inhabitants of our territories who regard rebellions, which they call perlins, as quite casual a thing during which they cross over to the enemy and later, nonchalantly leave him to join us. There is one difference however: even) when on our
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BOCARROSCEYLON
side, they are ever ready for any treachery against us, whatever might be their obligations to us for benefits received from the Portuguese. So steady are they in their hatred towards us and so strongly do they resent subjection to us that even those who show their loyalty to us and offer their lives in our service admit that even in death they will not give up the hatred in which they were brought up towards us.”29
A little later on Bocarro admits that there were good reasons for disaffection. "This is not to deny, however, that much of the hatred that the Sinhalese bear towards the Portuguese is born of the oppressive conduct of those who rule over them, from the captain general down to the lowest official, not the least among them being the lords of the villages who Squeeze not only the milk but their very blood as well, and who use their daughters and wives.' Nevertheless, he concludes that "All Sinhalese are also by nature treacherous, fickle and, if any profit could be gained by doing So, will kill their own fathers.'
For Bocarro, at least, such a conclusion had policy implications. "It is considered a reason of the greatest concern that the kanakapulles, who Serve in the camp and the garrisons of that island, are Sinhalese and therefore that all possible attempts should be made to appoint to these forts Canarin or people of other races whom there is no reason to distrust as experience has taught us to be on guard against the Sinhalese.'30
For him as for many other Portuguese, it also translated into distrust of the Sinhalese King of Kandy. "The enemy we have in the island of Ceylon is none other but the king of Kandy with whom we are always at variance, for though he has made himself a vassal of His Majesty with a tribute of two elephants; nevertheless, he does not observe the terms of the peace treaty except so long as they afford him a chance to contrive his treacheries and rebellions and machinations without keeping faith or promises, or observing loyalty to anyone.'31 Bocarro held that the only solution to the problem was to eliminate the kingdom of Kandy: "...so long as he remains unconquered, there can be no peace in that island, for he offers asylum and refuge to all those who have fallen foul of us...'32
Bocarro's own work gives us evidence that the 'treachery' which he accused the Sinhalese of, was not unknown to the Portuguese themselves. He himself advocates secretly assisting the rebel Maravas against the Nayak of Madura while feigning friendship with the Nayak. The justification for Such devious conduct was that Bocarro suspected the Nayak of assisting the ruler of Kandy,33
Bocarro gives us indications that the old Sri Lankan capital of Anuradhapura remained in the memories of the people of Sri Lanka. Bocarro had heard that it was once an enormous city. For him, it was an exotic one as well: “It is also said that there is a bridge here of built on 900 marble columns which a laundress ordered to be made so that her son could go to school without getting his feet wet.'34 But like many Portuguese he would not believe that the great edifices at Anuradhapura were the work of the
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JOURNAL R.A.S. XXXIX, SPECIAL, NUMBER, 1995
people of Sri Lanka. If there were great ancient edifices, like in Portugal, they must have been constructed by the Romans.35
The Livro das Plantas also gives us important information about some political and military developments in seventeenth century Sri Lanka. This is in spite of the fact that often, as Tikiri Abeyasinghe has noted, specific dates in the text are inaccurate. A good example of the value of the document is seen in the data it provides on the expansion of the Kandyan kingdom to the eastern coast of Sri Lanka. The evidence is found in Bocarro's connents on the Kandyan-Portuguese Treaty of 1617.
The background to the treaty of 1617 was as follows. Since 1594, the Portuguese had been at war with Kandy and had made continual efforts to conquer the kingdom from Vimaladharmasuriya I (1594-1604) and his brother and successor Senarath (1604-1634). In 1616, however, the Portuguese were faced with a formidable rebellion in the Seven Korales led by an imposter who called himself Nikapitiye Bandara and another in Sabaragamuwa led by Kuruwita Rala. Both rebels were initially supported by Senarath. However, by early 1617, Nikapitiye Bandara’s pretensions to be the Supreme ruler of Lanka began to alarm Senerath, who not only withdrew his support from him, but also decided to seek peace with the Portuguese. Senarath's new peace policy alienated his former ally, Kuruwita Rala who promptly mounted a formidable rebellion against the Kandyan king while continuing his own military campaign against the Portuguese. The Portuguese themselves were ready for a compromise with Kandy in the wake of the Anglo-Dutch threat to their position in India and Southeast Asia. With the failure of the joint Luso-Spanish assault on the Dutch in the East Indies it was clear that resources had to be conserved, and in Lisbon, Dom João Coutinho, the outgoing Portuguese Viceroy of India was instructed to "dissimulate with the rulers of Sri Lanka. 36
By the treaty of 1617, Senarath agreed to be a vassal of Portugal and pay an annual tribute of two elephants a year, to return all Portuguese prisoners of war and to return all lands conquered from the Portuguese by withdrawing to the traditional western frontier of Kotte. In return, the Portuguese acknowledged Senarath as the ruler of Kandy and dropped their claim to Batticaloa On the east coast of Lanka. While SOme writers have characterized Senarath's negotiation of the treaty as peace with honour,37 generally, Senarath has been seen as a weaker monarch than his predecessor, Vimaladharmasuriya, who had successfully maintained Kandyan independence.
What Bocarro's Livro das Plantas reveals is that up to 1617, Batticaloa had been paying tribute to the Portuguese. In a book published in 1974, Tikiri Abeyasinghe pointed out that the chieftains of both Batticaloa and Trincomalee had paid tribute to the Portuguese as early as 1582.38 What was not known was when these regions came under the sovereignty of Kandy. In a work on the Kandyan kingdom published in 1977, Abeyasinghe speculated that Kandyan expansion to the east coast must have occurred in
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the time of either Vimaladharmasuriya or Senarath, possibly the latter.39 Bocarro also makes it clear that Senerath gained control of Batticaloa due to the treaty: “The district of Batticaloa has extensive areas of land producing much rice. It has four provinces called Eravur, Palugama, Sammanturai and Taluira ruled by three chiefs called Vanniyars. Those lands, until the treaty concluded by Dom Nunalvares Pereira as general of Ceylon in 1616 (sic), used to pay as tribute to the fort of Mannar five hundred candils of paddy, which, has been said, is rice in the husk. This gives half the amount Or a little more when it is husked. However, with the husk On, the rice keeps much longer. After the peace was made, these territories came under the king of Kandy, and in the peace that the count of Linhares made with that king in 1633 (sic) there remained to that fort the lands within reach of our artillery shot, this always comes to be equal to a league. 40
The Sinhalese poem, the Mandarampurapuwatha, confirms that, in the time of Senarath, Kandyan authority extended to Batticaloa.41 In light of the information in Bocarro, the peace of 1617 begins to look more than "peace with honour. The treaty recognized Kandyan control over much of Sri Lanka's eastern seaboard. Senarath's reputation as a negotiator emerges enhanced.
Bocarro's account provides us with a good picture of the military strength of the Portuguese in Sri Lanka on the eve of the Dutch assault on the island which commenced in 1636 though it is important to remember that the figures of the numbers of soldiers he gives relates merely to the 'approved garrison. In reality, Portuguese forces in Sri Lanka often fell short of this figure due to transfers, death and (more rarely) desertion. The Livro das Plantas, however, makes it clear that the Portuguese soldiers were only the core of the force which defended colonial rule in Sri Lanka. They were well supported by armed Portuguese married settlers, 350 of whom lived in Colombo alone with another 70 in Galle and Smaller numbers in other forts. Then there were the slaves brought in by the Portuguese from many parts of Asia and Africa. Bocarro mentions that 1500 slaves who were capable of carrying arms lived in Colombo alone. In addition, there were the local Christian converts, and Bocarro believed that the (Tamil) Christian converts in Mannar and Jaffna were more loyal to the Portuguese than the Sinhalese.
Bocarro also provides us with a good picture of the territorial organization of the administration, consisting of disavas (provinces) and korales (districts). As he explains it "each korale has two or three pattus and each pattu is the same as an area which has a magistrate for itself, such magistrates being called atukorales. The disavas appoint the atukorales or remove them, or make other arrangements, depending on their good or bad conduct. The vidanes and the atukorales are the chiefs of the lands of the native people and are persons of the higher ranks. The Vidanes are men appointed by the disavas in the lands which they administer, to give an account of what is entrusted to them.'42 His accounts
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also make it clear that the ports were not part of the territorial administration and were separately administered.43
Bocarro's account confirms that both the Portuguese and the people of Sri Lanka saw a close link between Portuguese political domination and Roman Catholicism. As he puts it, "In our lands are the four mendicant religious orders and many churches, as can be seen from the same standing orders, and a large number of Souls are already converted as well as being converted every hour. The only problem in regard to this matter arises from the perlins or rebellions. When they deny obedience and loyalty to His Majesty and the faith, they also cease to render obedience to God and his ministers, and proceed to join the enemies of the faith where the very name of Christ is loathed.This is necessarily a great set-back to the faith and for this reason ought not to be allowed to happen. It was sufficient, i.e. we ought to have restrained them and prevented them from profaning the churches and holy images, destroying and putting everything to fire and the sword along with the priests every time there is a rebellion in such a . manner that things and sacred places appear to have been subjected to a great upheaval.Thus some rebels relapsing from the faith and joining the enemies have been greater enemies of God and of His Majesty than those whom the waters of Holy Baptism have never touched.”44
The Livro das Plantas gives us specific details on how each of the four Roman Catholic religious orders in Sri Lanka were supported in terms of allowances for monks, church officials organists and singers. It also makes it clear that there were clashes of interest between the Portuguese administration and the various religious orders.45
Since enhancement of revenue was one of the objectives of the King of Portugal in ordering the compilation of this descriptive work, Bocarro's account is full of details regarding economic matters; especially trade. It provides some evidence on how the needs of the colonial power often distorts the economy of the subject land. In the 1630s, there was a shortage of saltpetre, an ingredient used in the manufacture of gunpowder and King Philip had ordered that all ships leaving India for Europe should be loaded with the greatest quantity of saltpetre. After Viceroy de Noronha arrived in India, he concluded a treaty with the Nayak of Madura by which the Nayak promised to give all the saltpetre produced in his country in exchange for Sri Lankan elephants. The price of both the saltpetre and the elephants was fixed by treaty.46 The Portuguese had secured a supply of saltpetre. However, the treaty immediately disrupted trade between Sri Lanka and ports such as Masulipatan on the Coromandel coast. Traders who had brought cloth and other goods and had taken away elephants in exchange began to arrive less frequently.47 This decline in trade with the Coromandel also coincided with a temporary decline in Sri Lankan trade with Bengal, partly due to the hostilities between the Portuguese and the Mughals at Hughli in 1631-1632.
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There is much valuable information in Bocarro's work about prices, weights, measures and currency used in Portuguese Lanka in the 1630. There is also evidence which supports the picture of depopulation in the south west lowlands which can be deduced from the Portuguese tombo (land and revenue register) of Kotte of 1614. However, in calculating state revenues and expenditures, one of the purposes it was designed to serve, it is a Somewhat defective instrument. Bocarro's estimates of both revenue and expenditure were based on the assumption of peace. Except for a brief two year period between 1634 and 1636, the Portuguese in Sri Lanka in the 1630s were embroiled in war, first against Kandy and then against a combination of Kandy and the Dutch.48
On Sri Lankan society, Bocarro provides us with some gleanings. We learn that the local inhabitants of Negombo were largely karavas and that they Served as Sailors, fishermen and Soldiers. In Mannar, there were both vellalas and karavas but such information is also available from other sources. More intriguing is mention of 280 Kaffirs (Africans) serving in Sri Lanka as soldiers.49. The separate assessment of a tax on people from the Kanara indicates that a number of Indians from the vicinity of Goa might have migrated to Sri Lanka in the seventeenth century.50 However, all the other evidence we have suggests that Bocarro's estimates of the local population under Portuguese rule in Lanka is a gross underestimate. In Sun, Bocarro's account of Sri Lanka is a mine of information for critical historians and anthropologists and we should all be grateful to the late Professor Tikiri Abeyasinghe for his painstaking translation and editing Of this Valuable document.
During the two decades after the completion of his Ph.D in History at the University of London, Tikiri Abeyasinghe was the foremost scholar on Portuguese Lanka. His thesis, published in 1966 in both English and in Sinhala translation was a model for my own work. His two other works in Sinhalal combined his great knowledge of archival material and his facility with his mother tongue to bring contemporary scholarship to the Sinhala reading public. Indeed, One of his major achievements was to continue to engage in new archival research while making Sure that his Scholarly work was also available to the wider public. Thus, while his Portuguese Regimentos on Ceylon (1974) was addressed to a more restricted group of professional historians his Jaffna under the Portuguese (1986)52 had a wider readership in view. The publication of this work, a decade after his death, will be one more tribute to him.
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References & Notes
The letter of the King to the Viceroy dated December 24, 1633 which recounts this information is published in the Introduction to António Bocarro's Decada 13 da História da India, Lisboa, Typografia da Academia Real das Sciencias, 1876, p. xvi.
2. For an assessment of the situation see Sanjay Subrahmanyam, The Portuguese Empire in Asia, 1500-1700: A Political and Economic History, London, Longman, 1993, esp. pp. 151-172
3. See Donald F. Lach and Edwin J. van Kley, Asia in the Making of Europe: Volume III: A Century of Advance: Book One, Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 1993, pp. 11-23
4. Thus, only 39 of the 60 ships which left Portugal reached Asia and only 19 of the 38 which left Asia reached Portugal in the period 1621-1630. In contrast in the period 1571-1580, 48 of the 50 ships which left Portugal and 39 of the 42 which left Asia reached their destinations. See Bentley T. Duncan, Navigation between Portugal and Asia in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries, Asia and the West: Encounters and Exchanges From the Age of Explorations, University of Notre Dame Press, 1986, p. 22. See also James C. Boyajian, Portuguese Trade in Asia under the Habsburgs, 1580-1640. Baltimore, Johns Hopkins University Press, 1993.
5. See Chandra R. de Silva, The Portuguese East India Company, 16281633, Luso-Brazilian Review, Vol. XI (2), Winter 1974, pp. 152-205, Anthony R. Disney, The first Portuguese East India Company, Economic History Review, Second Series, XXX(2), May 1977, pp 242-258, and Anthony R. Disney, Twilight of the Pepper Empire: Portuguese Trade in Southwest India in the Early Seventeenth Century. Cambridge, Harvard University Press, 1978.
6. Portugaliae Monumenta Cartographica. ed. Armando Cortesão, Lisboa,
1960, Vol.V, p. 60.
7. António Bernardo de Bragança Pereira, Livro das Plantas de todas as Fortalezas, Cidades e Povoações da India Oriental por António Bocarro, Arquivo Português Oriental, nova edicão, Tomo 4, Parte 1, Bastora, 1937, pp ii-iii.
8. The best sources on Bocarro's life are C. R. Boxer, António Bocarro and the “Livro de Estado da India Oriental. A bio-bibliographical note, Garcia da Orta, Número Especial, 1956, pp. 203-219; Pedro de
Xxiii

Page 14
10.
11.
13.
14,
15.
16.
17.
18.
BOCARROSCEYLON
Azevedo, O Bocarro Francês e os Judeos de Cocim e Hamburgo, Archivo Histórico Portuguez, Vol. VIII, 1910, pp. 15-20, 185-198. See also Israel Salvator Révah, Le retour au catholicisme d'António Bocarro, Colóquio: Revista de Artes e Letras, Vol.X, 1960. pp. 58-60 and Pedro Augusto de S. Bartolomeu Azevedo, O Cronista Bocarro, Academia das Sciencias da Lisboa, Boletim da Segunda Classe, Vol. IV, 1911, pp. 424-437.
Portugaliae Monumenta Cartographica, op. cit. Vol. V p. 61
Arquivo Nacional do Torre do Tombo, Livros das Moncoes, Livro 29, f. 89, Viceroy to King, August 19, 1631
António Bocarro O Livro das Plantas de Todas as Fortalezas, Cidades e Povoações do Estado da India Oriental. Volume I: Estudo histórico, codicológico paleográfico e Indices de Isabel Cid. Lisbon, Imprensa Nacional, 1992, p. 29
. Arquivo Histórico do Estado da Índia, Cartas, Patentes e Alvaras,
Livro 22, 1643, f. 110 published in Germano da Silva Correas História da Colonizacão Portugueza na India, Vol. IV, 1952, pp. 416-4 17.
Gaspar Corrêa, Lendas da India, ed. Rodrogo José de Lima Felner. Lisboa, Academia Real das Sciencias, 1858-1866. 4 vols.
See António Bocarro, Livro das Plantas. Vol. I, op. cit., p. 35
Edited by Aguedo Oliveira, Lisboa, 1960. See Portugaliae op. cit. Vol. V, p. 79
There was a facsimile edition in Studia, 6 , 1960 which was also Separately published as a single Volume under the same title, Lisboa, Centro dos Estudos Históricos Ultramarinos, 1960. [13], 107 leaves. See Daya de Silva, The Portuguese in Asia: An annotated Bibliography of Studies on Portuguese Colonial History in Asia, 1498-c. 1800. Zug, International Documentation Company, 1987, p. 110. Armando Cortesao and Isabel Cid also mention the Relacão das Plantas & descripsões de todas as Fortalezas, Cidades, e Povoaçoes que os Portuguezes tem no Estado da India Oriental. published by Costa Veiga in 1936. (Portugaliae . Vol. V op. cit p. 80; Bocarro op. cit. Vol. I, p. 35) I have not been able to See this Work.
Portugaliae. Vol. V, op. cit. p. 62.
Portugaliae. Vol. V, op. cit. p. 63.
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JOURNAL R.A.S. XXXIX, SPECIAL, NUMBER, 1995
19
20.
21.
22.
23.
2
5
26.
28.
29.
30.
31
32.
34
. Portugaliae. Vol. V, op. cit. p. 64.
Portugaliae. Vol. V, op. cit. p. 65.
Portugaliae. Vol. V, op. cit. p. 66-67.
C. R. Boxer, Macao, three hundred years ago. As described by António BOCarro in 1635 and now translated with an introduction and notes, T'ien Hsia Vol. VII(4), April 1938, pp. 281-316.
C. R. Boxer, Antonio Bocarro op. cit. p. 210
. António Bocarro, O Livro das Plantas. Vol. I, op. cit. pp. 87-88. Isabel Cid points out for example that all of folio 2 v is missing and that there are paragraphs missing from folios 63, 63v and 65v.
. The full title Of the work is as followS: António BOcarro, O Livro das Plantas de Todas as Fortalezas, Cidades e Povoações do Estado da India Oriental. Volume I: Estudo histórico, codicológico paleográfico e Indices de Isabel Cid. Volume II: Transcrição de Isabel Cid. Volume III: Estampas. Lisbon, Imprensa Nacional, 1992. 170+280 (6+xlvii p.
Incidentally, no part of the present day Central Province of Sri Lanka was ever under direct Portuguese rule.
. G.P.S.H. de Silva, former Director, Sri Lanka National Archives kindly sent me photocopies of the plans found in the Professor Abeyasinghe's copy of the SNLA codice to enable me to make the comparison.
See, for instance, C. R. de Silva, The Portuguese in Ceylon, 1618-1638. Colombo, H. W. Cave & Co., 1972, pp. 229-232.
See folio 156r in text.
See folio 164v.
. Seefolio 156r.
See folio 156r. Bocarro, however, also furnishes us with a good reason why the Sinhalese subjects of the Portuguese fled to Kandy. He points out that they have a better livelihood under the Kandyan king.
See folios 149r,150w.
. Seefolio 155v.
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35.
36.
37.
38.
39.
41
42.
43.
45.
47.
49.
50.
51.
52.
BOCARROSCEYLON
Ibid.
C. R. de Silva, The Portuguese in Ceylon. op. cit, pp. 22-32.
O. M. da Silva, Fidalgos in the Kingdom of Kotte, Sri Lanka (15051656). Colombo, Harwoods, 1990, p. 193.
T. Abeyasinghe (editor and trans.), Portuguese Regimentos on Sri Lanka at the Goa Archives. Colombo, Department of National Archives, 1974) pp. 9-10.
T. Abeyasinghe, S. Dewaraja and G. P. V. Somaratna, Udarata Rajadhaniya, 1470-1818. Colombo, Lake House, 1977, p. 34.
. Seefolio 175r.
. Labugama Lankananda (ed.), Mandarampurapuwatha. Colombo, Anula
Press, 1958, stanza 303.
See folio 155r.
Ibid.
. Seefolio 157v.
See below folios 163r-163v on disputes relating to villages granted to the Jesuits.
. Abeyasinghe, Portuguese Regimentos. Op cit. p. 11
See folio 158r
. For details see K., W. Goonewardena, The Foundations of Dutch Power
in Ceylon. Amsterdam, Djambarten, 1958.
See folio 159v.
Ibid.
Pruthugeeseen hā Lankāwa, 1597-1658. Colombo, Lake House, 1966 and Udarata Rajadhaniya, 1470-1818. op. cit.
Colombo, Lake House, 1986.
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JOURNAL R.A.S.
Tabulated information on the various codices extracted from the Historical Introduction
Bocarro Ms Livro das Plantas
XXXIX, SPECIAL, NUMBER, 1995
Date Loc S Text Р Plans S By P Ref
1635 Evora O Bocarro Y 48 Ο Resendė Y2 p. XV
Y2
1635 NK O Bocarro -- p. XV
c.1635 Madrid C. From one N 52 C Anon p. XV
of the OO
c. 1639 Lisbon C do N 48 O Carneiro - p. XV
17th c SLNA C do Υ3 52 C Anom Y3 p. XV
Resende MS
Livro do Estado da India
C. 1636 BNP O Used much N 70 C Anon Y1 p.XVI
of B's
text
1646 BL O do N 66 Ο Resende - p.XVI
9 Ο Pedro
Berthelot -
Ο Anon
Abbreviations: Anon = Anonymous; B’s = Bocarro's, BL = Brit
ish Library, London; BNP = Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris; C = copy; c = Cirea Loc = Location; N = No; NK = Not known; O = Original; P = Published; Ref - Reference to page in the Historical Introduction; S = Status; SLNA = Sri Lanka National Archives; Y = yes;
Y1 = 1937-38 by Antonio Bernardo de Braganca Pereira (In Por
1992
1996
Y2
Y3
tuguese; p.XVI]
by Isabel Cid (In Portuguese; p.XVI)
by Tikiri Abeyasinghe (Only the section on Sri
Lanka: English translation)
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Description of
CEYLON
in the Book of the Plans of all the Fortresses Cities and towns of the State of Oriental India by
ANTONIO BOCARRO
Keeper of the Torre de Tombo and Chronicler of the State
Dedicated to the Most Serene Royal Majesty Philip IV of the Spains and III of Portugal our Lord the King
February 17, 1635
With Plans and Fortresses by Pedro Barreto de Resende
冰
Translated into English and provided with Notes by
T B H Abeyasinghe
Colombo 1996

Page 17
CONTENTS
Description of the Fort of Mannar Description of the Fort of Negombo Description of the Fort and City of Colombo List of Expenditure of the Island of Ceylon Description of the Fort of Kalutara Description of the Fort of Galle Description of the Bay of Devinuwara Description of the Bay of Welligama Description of the Fort of Batticaloa Description of the Fort of Trincomalee Description of the Fort at the Elephants Quay Description of the Fort and Kingdom of Jaffnapatnam The Religious and their work
Glossary : T B H Abeyasinghe ... Notes : T B H Abeyasinghe
Maps and Plans
Fort of Mannar
Negombo
Colombo
Kalutara
Galle
Bay of Devinuwara
Welligama
Fort of Batticaloa
Trincomalee
Forts of Kayts and Jaffnapatnam Map of Sri Lanka
Facsimiles
Page of an English translation Corresponding page from the manuscript copy with annotations by Abeyasinghe
XXX
3-4
... 12-13
... 34-35
36-37
... 40–41
... 42-43
... 44-45
... 48-49
54-55
84
82
83

Description of the fort of Mannar
148r The fort at Mannar is situated in an island on the west coast of Ceylon at the latitude of nine degrees north. It was built by Lopo Soares de Albergaria in the year 15181 and is square shaped, as can be seen in the plan. The stretches of rampart2 which run from one bastion to another between the three bastions with which this fort is equipped are of little importance, being less than two fathoms in height, but with the parapets and the thickness of wall being six spans and each stretch of rampart being eight fathoms long and each of the two sheltered bastions being taller3 than the rampart and the bastion on the bay side being still lower than that facing the mainland.4
The ammunition magazine is within the fort. Attached to one stretch of rampart of the fort are some three one-floor buildings which serve for whatever purpose they are put and attached to the other section of the said rampart are other buildings with upper floors where the factors usually live. But as the fort was at one time very wealthy and earned much revenue from the seed pearl fishery that used to be held within the area coming under it,5 this has been ended, and though the fort remains, what now exists is only a relic of its old grandeur.
The captain of this fort does not live within the fort, because there is no water either for drinking or for other needs. He lives some 200paces away from the fort in some crumbling but spacious buildings, which have upper floors and belong to His Majesty, and which are enclosed like a house garden. In a sense, these buildings are also part of the fort, because the captains install in them some of the few artillery pieces that are available in Mannar. These artillery are three pieces (148v breech-loading iron guns taking eight and ten pounds iron cannon-balls, two guns) of metal also breech-loading and of the same calibre, seven metal falcons 6 of which One has burst; one bercol two half-bercos, all of them discharging their chambers. For these artillery pieces there are 30 falcons and bercos and ammunition and gun-powder in sufficient quantity for the artillery as well as for the inhabitants.
The Officials and functionaries in this fort of Mannar, with what each One is paid as Salary are as follows:
The captain of the fort earns four hundred milires
i.e. Men. 1333-1-40 The factor who also serves as almoxarife,8 one hundred milres i.e. Men. 333-1-409 The judge who serves also in the same capacity in Jaffnapatam, one hundred milres
i.e. ei 333-1-4010 − 1 The secretary to the factory, forty milias
i.e. Men. 133-1-40

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2 BOCARROSCEYLON
One bailiff with six porters, thirty milies
i.e. Xer. 100-0-00
One master gunner, twenty-four milires
i.e. Ker: 80-0-00 Three gunners: salaries and maintenance allowance thirty-six milires i.e. Ner: 120-0-0011 The church treasurer, 12 his maintenance allowance six milires, i.e. Mer. 20-0-00
A parish priest, twenty-four milires
i.e. Men. 80-0-00 For the expenses of the sacristy, twenty thousand three hundred and sixty i.e. Xer. 67-4-20
The hospital, three hundred gold pardaos
i.e. er 360-0-00 To thirty men forming the bodyguard of the captain at the rate of one pardao to each for each month.
i.e. Men: 360-0-00 A physician who serves in the hospital for many people assigned to that fort his salary) and maintenance allowance of four pardaos a month together amount to
Ker 64-0-00 One person who has charge of the hospital three pardaos each month and tWO quarters a year, for a perSon who cares for the Sick, paid in the same manner; all together amounts to
Men. 104-0-00 To four singers of the church at the same rate to each one making up
Men. 208-0-00 To the two hundred men assigned to reside in that fort including the twenty men assigned to the captain i. e. as personal servants) to whom are paid each year two quarters each of eight pardaOS and two pardaos a month as Inaintenance allowance, making
Men. 6400-0-00 To five parishes of the lands of Mantota are paid to each parish priest who are friars of St. Francis one hundred cerafins per year
er 500-0-00 To the Franciscan friars residing in the convent of the same fort, apayment of two pardaOS and one candy 13 of rice per person.
149r. These are the items of expenditure which are according to the standing orders incurred by this fort of Mannar. In addition much expenditure is incurred on six vessels of the armada which routinely patrol the shoals to Safeguard the pearl fishery as well as to prevent the passage of unauthorized vessels which at one time were considerable in number and even now there are not lacking vessels coming from the other coast for trade between the Nayak of Madura and the King of Kandy and from whom this King takes counsel to plan rebellions against the Portuguese. By this route dealings

JOURNAL R.A.S. XXXIX, SPECIAL, NUMBER, 1995 3
are held also with the Hollanders. (The additional expenditure) is of such magnitude that Mannar has incurred in three years 150 V14
However, the great riches derived from the said fishery are exhausted and no more is spent in this fort than what it has in revenue which are the following:
The rent of the island and of urraquas 15 give an income of one hundred and eighty pardaos in Mannar currency which is ten fanams to the pardao, and also equals five larins. This income is set apart for the expenses of the hospital run by the Brothers of Mercy 16 and if there is a surplus in any year, it is added to the following year.
The ferry between the island and the lands of Mantota is rented out each year for eighty seven pardaos of the said money (i.e. of Mannar), of which a sum of forty is granted for the expenses of the sacristy and the balance is paid the beneficed parish priest of the main church and the treasurer being a small part of their stipends, the reminder having to be met
from other sources).
The quit rents of the villages in Mantotagive an income of three hundred and seventy of the said pardaos, of which three hundred are set apart for the payment of the said five rectors or parish priests of the said lands, and the Franciscan friars of the convent of the fort. The remaining seventy pardaos and the sum of thirty-five to forty of the said pardaos realized from the sale of seven bahars 17 of xaya, a root used to dye the saracas 18 and other varieties of painted cloths - which the root-diggers deliver to His Majesty are paid to the judge, factor and sacristan of the said fort. Each officer gets very little and there is no way of paying the balance due to him. No means are available to pay the salaries of the captain and the members of his bodyguard (149v) except the proceeds (from the sale of some elephants captured on his orders in the land of Mantota - the elephants, as elsewhere, being aroyal monopoly. The proceeds from their sale are handed to the captain by the factor and his salary discounted by that amount): but elephants are not captured in sufficient numbers to enable the captain to be paid in full.
The island of Mannar has a population of seventy 19 casados (i.e. married Portuguese settlers) which is the only garrison available there and these are all very good soldiers. Since many of them are hunters, they have fire arms in their possession). They live in well built houses made of stone and mortar with spacious gardens.20 Each settler has a slave also adept at using arms, but as these settlers are very poor, some of them do not let pass an opportunity to go abroad in search of a livelihood.21
All the native inhabitants of the island who belong to the Carea22 and Bala castes are Christians and many of them are adept at using arms, some having fire-lock guns, others lances, and still others bows and arrows. They report for service when summoned and serve under their own captains. In all, two thousand to two thousand two hundred men bearing arms can thus be mobilized.
The island of Mannar is four leagues in length and three leagues at its widest. Much of the island is still covered with forest which is being cut

Page 19


Page 20
(5 BUCARRIS, CEI EN
down and thc land cultivated. It has many pall-groves and also land cultivated with paddy or other crops. An abundance of Portuguese grapes and figs are also produced there; much water is available. What thrives best, however, and on what the inhabitants depend Thostly is the Xaya above mentioned. There are not wanting people who say that His Majesty can derive a great deal of revenue from this. The other thing which sustains the inhabitants is the harvest of fish which is plentiful and is sold mostly in the lands of the interior.
The parish pricsts attending to thic ministration of Christianity over the island arc the Fathers of thc Company of Jesus.
This island is separated from thc land of Ceylon by a channel of the sca, of the width of a stone's throw which during thic chb and flow of the tides always leaves exposed in the middle a canal with a depth of fifteen to twenty spans, Wessels not requiring greater depth can cross at this point. Patakas 24 or 150r II veters, 25 chairparas26 or other sailing craft requiring greater depth, lar car27 at that point, that is to say that thcy unload the greatcrpart of their cargo into smaller boats, then cross the canal and reload their cargoes. There is a place on this canal where, when the sea is at low tide, it is possible to wade across to the island of Ceylon with the water reaching only up to the chest and it is opposite this spot that the stockade was made in the island to defend the crissing Con the occasion (oft hic rising in Ceylon in 1630. Those who are most knowledgeable in matters concerning the island Illaintain that the fort ought to be situated there because all the vessels coming in from outsicle have to anchor under the shadow of the port and there is fresh and cool water, which is not the case in the other place and also because it is on thic beach.
On the coast of Ceylon there is Mantola. There, the lands stretch for ten leagues in the hinterland and consist of sparsely populated villages belonging to the Portuguese living in Mannar. Their inhabitants, around: thousand in number, arc all particularly good at handling weapons. Many of them have arms, particularly firclock guns in the use of which they are adept. They all come under the authority of the captain of Mannar and report to him when suminoned. They are so few in number on account of the lands being devastated by war, not to mention the tyrannical behaviour of the captains of Mannar oppressing them to the point that they prefer to leave the land, so that the land arc for the most part, depopulated. These peoplc are better Christians and more obedient than the Sinhalese on the other side for rarely has their king got any of them to rise and commit treason against the Portuguesc.
To a distance of about two leagues out to the sca from the other side of Marinar (i.e, no con the Mantolta sidelic the shallow seas which formos part of the year turn choppy due to the two winds - one calcd the vara which blows from the north-north-east and east and the other called cachart which is for the west, South-West and west north wesL. 28 The true name of vara is north and north-east and that of cachell is West and west-south-west. These winds Inake the sea sorough among these shallows that at times one cannot

| || III: F.A. R.W.S, XXXIX, SPECALNMBER.995 ל
even stand in small boats sailing 150w) in these areas. At the botton of the slallows there is sand; there they make canals for thic boats to pass..?"
From the end of February through the whole of March, which is the inter-monsoonal period, these seas are calm and it is possible to pass along the drylan:l L.) Lhe island of Mannar on fo Lacross these shallows, except the place that is called the ships' channel which is the One from Mannar to Ceylon. But this channel is so narrow that it could be crossed with El boat, three fath(IIIs in length. The Nayak (fMadura, he saidlord of the mainland in the other coast, has and puts in the field more than hundred thousand articid IIlcn, and obviously wants to send his IIen to the island of Mannar, ELLLLL LLLLLL LLLLL LaLLLLL L LLLLa LLLLLLL LLLL LLLLL LaLLLLmmLLLLLLL LL LLLLaCC GLLL LLLL CLLCLLL and join hands with the King of Kandy, an objective desircd by both. But (ne of the obstacles to this project is the ruler of the coastal lands in that bay, called the Marava, having rebelled against its Nayak and whose light utLLLLa aLLLLL LL LLLLLLLaaaaLHL LLLLLL HLLLCLLLLLLL aaLLL LLLL LL LLL LLL LLLL K resistance to the said Nayak. The Marawa, with his arily based in the extremely wild country, attacks his enemies, who are unable to counterattack owing to the thickness of the jungles and resorts to assaults by Sea and land. The Nayak professing close friendship with the State (i.e. the Port Liguese), urgently requests the help of our flects to wipe out the Marawa LaLL LtLcc LLLLLLLLS LLLLLLL LL LLL LLL LLLL LLLaLLLLL LL L LLaaLaaa a to the whole Christian population of the Fishcry Coast as he is to the native powers. But bearing in mind our desired objectives, we rather Lighl to give all possible secret support to the said Marava because in Iaking peace with the Nayak we shall have to overlook his past conduct and hind over the island of Mannar to hill. But it ought to be borne in in ind that the Marava keeps faith with none and has struck with his army killing five hundred people.
From the foregoing, the importance of this fort of Mannar can Well be |Incllcrst Hitl ||52r | not only to hold this island and hic Christians there (When The pcar fisheries were conducted there or when one comes yet to bc held there is no richer station in the static) l but also Lo ensure the security of the island of Ceylon because Manilar afforded access to this side of that island. It is not less important to secure the navigation within thc whole of San Tholic coast - Bengal - Pegu triangle). But the present state of the said It is such that none of these objectives can be secured, much less can it repulse: | sudden crncılıy aL Lacks, particularly from any Conning fra Til å European power. It has no artillery and the state has no troops who could |bic: spred si T Llıc for theTc.
Fr yılı Mırınar La Jaffnapalı III, journeying east Ward, (the distince is] | welve leagues and to Negapatam fifty and to San Tholic a hundred, keeping |li s;LITIC COLITSE.32

Page 21
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Page 22
O BOCARRO'S CEYLON
Description of the fort of Negombo
Negombo33 is five leagues to the north of Colombo along the coast, and is situated on the banks of a wide salt water river which flows inland to fall into the Kelani river and this river flows out to the sea half a league from Colombo next to St. Joao.34. It has a triangle shaped fort. The walls of the fort are of stone and mortar two a half fathoms in height and six spans in thickness with their parapets. The length of each stretch of wall is ten fathoms. The bastions are somewhat slightly higher than the wall and are also spike-shaped, but neither the bastions nor the fort are complete. This is for the reason that Lourenço Teixeira,35 the captain of the fort got the work on it done at his own expense and brought it to its present state on the understanding that the port would be granted to him, but it appears that he is afraid that if the fort is completed, it will be taken away from him; in its present state it could be completed in a very short time.36 The number of soldiers serving there is twenty-four, as seen in the standing orders (152v) where particulars of the amount paid to them as well as the salaries earned by the captain of the fort are given. The artillery there consists of four pieces of breech-loading six pounders, and five firing swivel guns of the falcon type, all with their carriages, with sufficient ammunition for any eventuality.
The river above mentioned, although it has the width of a stone's throw at the mouth, is not deep because it is blocked by a sandbank, in the middle of which there is a canal with twelve or fifteen spans of water, and through this canal only rowing vessels can move out. Pataxos and pagueis37 have to unload their cargoes to be able to go in and out.38 Upstream the river is wider and in some parts deeper than in others. There those vessels can lie at anchor with no trouble. In Negombo there is a large population of Sinhalese, called Careas, who are fishermen and sailors and also soldiers. Their numbers have diminished with the rebellions for they join the rebellions39 along with the others, each one doing what he can against the Portuguese. Six married Portuguese soldiers also serve there and are reckoned as soldiers of the fort. Inside the fort are buildings where food i stored. The captain resides in one of the bastions. :
Description of the fort and city of Colombo
The fort and city of Colombo are situated in a bay on the western coast of the island of Ceylon at seven degrees north latitude. It was built by Lopo Soares de Albergaria in 1518.40 The strongest point of this city is the Santa Cruz couraca' which is located on the point of the roadstead where 154r some small vessels winter, sheltered only from the south. On the south-east, the north-east and the south-south-east the city is surrounded by land. Similarly, on the north the city has a length of 700 fathoms along the coast from the bastion of San Joao to the couraca of Santa Cruz; between

JOURNAL R.A.S. XXXIX, SPECIAL, NUMBER, 1995 11
the two extremes the breadth is of 200 fathoms while in the middle it is of 150 fathoms. From the main church forward to the northern side a mud rampart has been raised along the beach, twenty spans in height and without a parapet, more for defence against the native Sinhalese than European enemies; it has no artillery and cannot offer much resistance. This is equipped with the bastions made of stone and mortar as shown in the plan and located at appropriate intervals for convenient defence of the wall curtains which are in the middle i.e. between the bastions). And on the bay that runs from Santa Cruz breastworks to the main church it has no rampart as it is all rocks. All bastions are half a fathom above the rampart.42 The lagoon which encircles the major part of the land side has in the middle on average a width of more than a musket shot and at the cabeças, less. A point juts out at the southern end). At some places it is very deep and at other places up to the chest, but down below there is a muddy layer where one can sink up to one's waist. It is therefore not possible to wade across the lagoon except at the fords where the bottoms are sandy.
The Portuguese married settlers living in this city of Colombo and their sons are 350 in number. Besides, there are blacks who live there - Sinhalese as well as people of other nations. They must be 2000, including the lascarins, 43 aratchis and mudaliyars and all manner of officers for war and for the administration of a government, all living within the city and in the neighbouring areas. One thousand five hundred slaves capable of bearing arms are drawn from all nations and owned by the Portuguese also live there.
The artillery available in the city number thirty 44 pieces in all, 154v. that is to say, six breech-loading bronze pieces that fire iron pellets, a twentyeight-pounder, two seven-pounders, a six pounder, a twelve-pounder, a thirty-pounder, and fourteen bronze pieces that discharge stone pellets, namely one bronze falcon which fires three pounds of stone pellets, five camaletes each of fourteen45 pounds. Six cameletes46 of sixteen.47 pounds), two camelos of the grand mark,48 one, a thirty-two-pounder and the other a thirty four-pounder,49
The pieces, of iron artillery) are the following; three of our-pounder pieces, one of eight, another of seven, two of six, another of three, another of five, all these taking iron shot. These artillery pieces are distributed among the said couracas and the bastions and judging from their number and what they have to defend, it could be concluded that they are sufficient for the purpose; all these artillery pieces have their carriages and in His Majesty's magazines, which are within the city, there is sufficient ammunition and gunpowder for this artillery in any outbreak of hostilities until help is received from Goa. There is also in this city a gunpowder maker, who makes gunpowder, and in this island there is no lack of iron or Stone for making common shot.
Since this city of Colombo is designated as the chief station in this very famous island of Ceylon, before giving an account of the garrisons and

Page 23
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Page 24
14 । । BOCARRO's CEYLON
military matters relating to it (i.e. in Colombo), it would be appropriate do so in regard to the land, the people and the customs of the island).
The island of Ceylon is 80 leagues in length, 60 in breadth and has a circumference of 160 leagues.50 Of these, the king of Kandy enjoys a third; but the two-third belonging to His Majesty are the more populated, the more fertile, and in our territories grows cinnamon which is not the case with the territories of the King of Kandy.5l
The territories on the Colombo side32 are governed by four disavas 53 who are captains of the black folk. The four disavas are the disava of Matara, [155r] that of Sabaragamuwa, that of the Four Korales and that of the Seven Korales. The disava of Matara borders immediately upon the Mapanes4 gate of the Colombo fort and stretches southward along the coast for a distance of forty leagues up to the Walave river. Some parts of this disava stretch six, ten, twelve leagues or more towards the interior of the island) and border on the territories of Kandy and Sabaragamuwa. It has eleven55 korales, each korale corresponding to a comarca 56 in Portugal, because each korale has two or three pattus and each pattu is the same as an area which has a magistrate for itself, such magistrates being called atukorales. The disavas appoint the atukorales or remove them, or make other arrangements, depending on their good or bad conduct. The vidanes and the atukorales are the chiefs of the lands of the native people and are persons of the higher ranks. The vidanes are men appointed by the disavas in the lands which they administer, to give an account of what is entrusted to them. In these eleven korales Matara has 1600 fighting men today, there having been 7000 in former times and the wars having diminished their number.57 There are ten to twelve thousands inhabitants in this disava, including the Chaleas of the Mahabadda58 of cinnamon, for in the island there is also cinnamon. There are many sorts of craftsmen - blacksmiths, carpenters, makers of lance-shafts who are called goripos39 and canarias60 who are those who make mats, and fisherman and sailors for the champanas. Within this disava we have the ports of Kalutara, Alutgama, Galle, and Welligama,61 each of which is under a separate jurisdiction, and in Kalutara and Galle there are forts.
The disava of Sabaragamuwa starts in Colombo from Nakolagama(52 ferry and stretches direct, as far as the lands of Uva, 63 with the Five Korales as its boundary, and on the other side bordering on Adam's Peak, which is in wilderness. Extending eastward, on one side it abuts on the lands of Matara, and, on the other side, of the Four Korales. This disava will have 500 men bearing arms, and three thousand inhabitants.64 There were more people formerly, today much less. There are craftsmen 155v) of all sorts. In these lands are found the agras where pits are dug for precious stones. lhe agras form a separate administration. This disava does not abut on the sea, neither is there a fort in it.
The Four Korales start from the same Nakolagama ferry and extends directly in an east-north-easterly direction to border on the lands of Kandy. There arc seven korales under its jurisdiction and in one of them is the

JOURNAL R.A.S. XXXIX, SPECIAL, NUMBER, 1995 15
Portuguese army-camp which is in Menikkadawara, 65 the other being at Malwana where the Generals reside. There are 800 men bearing arms and four to five thousand inhabitants. They all bear arms, chiefly against us. There are craftsman of all sorts there. This disava does not reach the sea, nor is there a fort in it.
The Seven Korales start from Colombo stretching northwards along the coast, and the ports of Negombo, Chilaw and Puttalam fall within it. In the port of Negombo there is a fort. Fifteen leagues along the coast come. under the jurisdiction of this disava and twenty five leagues of the hinterland. It abuts on the lands of Kandy sharing a frontier ten leagues in length. There are eleven korales and 1600 men bearing arms and 15000 to 16000 inhabitants. There are craftsmen of all sorts there. This disava reaches up to Pomparippué6 which is 17 leaguesó7 along the coast and in the hinterland up to Anuradhapura. 68 [In Anuradhapura) are some pagodas and large ancient Roman monuments.69 There is here a lake which is seven leagues in circumference. In ancient times) Anuradhapura was a city so large that it is said that its king once wanting some breast milk from a mother for preparing some medicine, he made known his wish one morning and nine Caloes70 were brought to him. It is also said that there is a bridge here of built on 900 marble columns which a laundress ordered to be made so that her son could go to school without getting his feet wet. From here to Mannar through the interior until the kingdom of Jaffnapatam is reached is all wilderness, except the coastal belt at Mantota which is sparsely populated on account of there being no water except that from the rains.
At Malwana two leagues from Colombo, is the place where the boundaries of all 156r these disavas converge and for this reason the general came to be stationed there. There used to be more solid buildings here which were destroyed in the rebellion.71 A stockade has been built there now.
The captain of the city of Colombo lives in some buildings belonging to His Majesty, and because he lives in there, they are called the fort but they form neither a fort nor do they bear the shape of one, nor do they have artillery or any other thing for their defence.72
The enemy we have in the island of Ceylon is none other but the king of Kandy with whom we are always at variance, for though he has made himself a vassal of His Majesty with a tribute of two elephants;73 nevertheless, he does not observe the terms of the peace treaty except so long as they afford him a chance to contrive his treacheries and rebellions and machinations without keeping faith or promises, or observing loyalty to anyone. All Sinhalese are also by nature treacherous, fickle and if any profit could be gained by doing so, will kill their own fathers for it). They are of such a type that, after the island came under our control, it was never free of rebellions and treachery not only of that king who as the enemy of all of us) would foment the rebellions with or without a peace treaty, but also of the same Sinhalese Christian subjects and inhabitants of our territories who regard rebellions, which they call perlins, as quite casual a

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thing during which they cross over to the enemy and later, nonchalantly leave him to join us.74 There is one difference however: even) when on our side they are ever ready for any treachery against us, whatever might be their obligations to us) for benefits received from the Portuguese. So steady are they in their hatred towards us and so strongly do they resent subjection to us that even those who show their loyalty to us and offer their lives in our service admit that even in death they will not give up the hatred in which they were brought up towards us. And as they have 156v) in the king of Kandy75 they always have one who instigates them and espouses their causes, though he ought not to be allowed to remain free, it has always been impossible to bring him under our control; and so long as he remains unconquered, there can be no peace in that island, for he offers asylum and refuge to all those who have fallen foul of us, welcoming them, accommodating them better in his kingdom, and even proving their sustenance as enemies of the Portuguese. Thus the best soldiers we used to have in our lands are in Kandy today with large paravenias?6 which are the same as riches. But the difficulties77 facing this state are so many and on so many points that there is no possibility of finishing, once for all, this business of the conquest of Ceylon, being the most important thing we have there. This is because the country is one in which we can and ought to stand our ground, for in food production it is the most fertile and in climate the most salubrious. It is also rich in timber for as many ships as one wishes to build. In it are a large number of the best elephants in the East. It has a great abundance of the best cinnamon in the entire East, precious stones, crystal mines, Some gold, an abundance of coconuts, excellent arecanuts, abundant water, as many types of fruit as there are in India as well as Some grown in Portugal, as good oranges and grapes. It has many facilities for navigation to all the parts of the East, with six months of summer on the western side and six months on the eastern side making navigation possible all the year round, now on one side and now on the other. Finally from the tilling and cultivation of the land alone it is permissible to maintain very comfortably as many Portuguese as there are in India and many from Portugal too. If we had had firm roots and a regular food supply78 from our territories, without having had to depend on those of our enemies, it should have been easier for us to make ourselves masters of the sea-borne trade, for he who has no conveniently situated territorial stations with assured food supplies cannot have the mastery over sea or land, ports and bays. 157r)
We shall later describe the ports, the bays, the rivers with their depths to the best of our ability.79
His Majesty's captains, garrisons, clergy and officers in this city of Colombo are paid their salaries out of the royal exchequer, which get its income from the revenue of the entire island,80 except from cinnamon,8 which, as a monopoly, is sent to Goa, all of which would be seen very clearly and item by item from the standing orders given below, which in the present year 1634 the Viceroy the Count de Linhares prepared for the

JOURNAL R.A.S. XXXIX, SPECIAL, NUMBER, 1995 17
island. These standing orders had to be prepared because of the numerous problems that arose from that monopoly each hour of the day and from the other things that were requisitioned for the maintenance of the army. It should be mentioned in this connection that the only element of uncertainty in the context of the standing orders could be the price of rice, because these prices rise and fall with the harvest. All other revenues given there assume that all His Majesty's territories are at peace and, that even if there is a war on, the crops could be gathered. This, however, would appear to present great difficulties without the help of Sinhalese. This is so because the total number of the Portuguese in the island, including the soldiers and married settlers, do not reach 1500 and the Sinhalese are more than 40,000 consisting of those in our territories as well those of the king of Kandy. It should also be borne in mind that though when it comes to military service on our side we have no more than the numbers referred to earlier, yet during the rebellions against us everyone takes arms and fights against us, as experience has shown.
This is not to deny, however, that much of the hatred that the Sinhalese bear towards the Portuguese is born of the oppressive conduct of those who rule over them, from the captain general down to the lowest official, not the least among them being the lords of the villages who Squeeze out not only the milk but their (i.e. the subjects) very blood as well, and who ill-) use their daughters and wives a mode of conduct so unworthy of Christians. It must also be admitted that although the desire for a native king and an indigenous government is a natural thing among the nations of the world, nevertheless, when we come to govern them 157v according to commutative and distributive justice,82 they will never fail to prefer peace and tranquillity, because these are more loved than war, they will be forced to acknowledge Portuguese sovereignty over them, and fear will make them obedient.
The Christian population in that island is distributed throughout the island, not only in the territories of His Majesty, but extends to the capital of the king of Kandy, where there is a priest to hear the confession of the Portuguese, for one of the conditions in the peace treaty is that no obstacle will be placed before Christianity. But the king does the very opposite, as he does with all the other terms of the treaty.
In our lands are the four mendicant religious orders and many churches, as can be seen from the same standing orders, and a large number of Souls are already converted as well as being converted every hour. The only problem in regard to this matter arises from the perlins or rebellions. When they deny obedience and loyalty to His Majesty and the faith, they also cease to render obedience to God and his ministers, and proceed to join the enemies of the faith where the very name of Christ is loathed. This is necessarily a great set-back to the faith and for this reason ought not to be allowed to happen. It was sufficient, i.e. we ought to have restrained them and prevented them from profaning the churches and holy images, destroying and putting everything to fire and the Sword along with the

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priests every time there is a rebellion in such a manner that things and sacred places appear to have been subjected to a great upheaval. Thus some rebels relapsing from the faith and joining the enemies have been greater enemies of God and of His Majesty than those whom the waters of Holy Baptism have never touched.
The city83 of Colombo's share of shipping and seaborne commerce is very limited as it has a roadstead and no port offering anchorage to ships. Nevertheless some champanas sail from Colombo) to the Coromandel and Fishery Coasts carrying arecanut which is the principal article and coconut and bringing back from there textiles of the Kachchi84 type, rice and salt, which last) is the most valued item in this island. The question of making salt a royal monopoly ought to be considered. What these champanas carry most of all are elephants (158r which the kings of the other i.e. Indian coast buy, as has already been said. However, the viceroy made the elephants also a monopoly so that none may export them, except on the king's treasury account.85
Some ships from Masulipatam also visit this city of Colombo with cloth and many other things available in that kingdom and what they come to fetch are alias which are female elephants, and of course, elephants, but these ships now call less frequently as elephants are not allowed to be exported except on government account).
From Bengal,86 when independent, some large ships used to come to this bay of Colombo, but today the Portuguese have trade only with the port of Orissa. Now no ships from Bengal call over here), though when they used to call, they brought in a lot of necessary food stuff.
The coast on which this city of Colombo is situated runs north, and to the south up to the point of Galle. The winds and monsoons there are the same as those we have spoken of in connection with the Mannar fort, cacha and vara ; six months of the one and six months of the other. The vara usually begins with great fury with sudden gusts that drive all ships at Sea shoreward. The depth of the bay on the outside is seven to eight fathoms and affords no shelter from bad weather), but, as one approaches land the depth is reduced to three fathoms and there are neither shallows nor sandbars against which one has to be on guard, the only obstacle being those that could be seen with the eyes.
List of expenditure of the Island of Ceylon incurred in salaries, allowances and for other things
No. 1. To the camp of Menikkadawaraš7, thirteen companies of 28 soldiers in each with the usual complements of captains, ensigns and Sergeants. Fifteen additional soldiers attached to the captain-major, all of these adding up to four hundred and five persons, excluding the thirteen captains 88 405 persons • No. 2. For the garrison of Sabaragamuwa,89 two companies are necessary

JOURNAL R.A.S. XXXIX, SPECIAL, NUMBER, 1995 19
each of thirty soldiers, with ensigns and sergeants, all adding up to sixtyfour persons, excluding the captains
64 persons
158v) No. 3. For the garrison at Malwana,90 a company of sixty soldiers is necessary, who together with ensigns and Sergeants make up sixty-two persons in number. In this number are included the vidane9 of the padda92 boats, the gun-powder maker and the three keepers serving at the gates of the city of Colombo. These gate keepers perform their duties at the gates and the city provides them with accommodation
62 persons No. 4. For the stockade of Kalutara'93 are necessary twenty-five soldiers including a bailiff
25 persons No.5. For the fort of Negombo twenty-five soldiers are necessary in which are included a bailiff, a clerk, a gate keeper and chief gunner
25 persons No. 6. The soldiers of the fifteen companies at Menikkadawara and Sabaragamuwa and those of the three garrisons at Malwana, Kalutara and Negombo, add up to five hundred and eighty-one. In this number are included sixteen ensigns and a similar number of sergeants, who, as they are paid double rations are equivalent to an additional thirty-two. Together the number comes to six hundred and thirteen
613 persons No. 7. For six hundred and sixty-three persons of five garrisons, each month a food allowance of five hundred and ninety-six xerafins, three tangas, thirty res is necessary. For five hundred and sixty three soldiers and officers an expenditure at the rate of three larins per person per month is incurred for rice. The fifty soldiers at Kalutara and Negombo are not given rice and each of them, therefore is given a combined allowance of 6 larins per month as food allowance and in lieu of rice and this comes to ninety xer. The above mentioned sum of five hundred and ninety-six xer, three tgs. thirty res per month amounts in a year to seven thousand one hundred and sixty-three Xer, two tys. The rice ration of five hundred and sixty three soldiers at the rate of two measures of rice a day per person, in which is included the double ration for sergeants and ensigns) adds up annually to nine hundred and sixty-three candils, 11 paras six and half measures of rice at the price of seven xer: a candy, the price works out in Goa xer. to four thousand three hundred and seventy xer, four tigs., fifty res. which together with the food allowance, all add up to xer.
153-1-50 w No. 8. To two quarterages94 a year paid to the six hundred and thirteen persons referred above, in which are included the double allowances 159r for the ensigns and sergeants, a sum of eleven thousand and thirty-fourlay at the rate of nine xer. per quarterage is necessary
| 1034-0-00

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No. 9. The usual allowances of the captains of the fifteen companies at one hundred and eighty xer. a year amount to two thousand seven hundred 2፲é}:
2700-0-00 No. 10. To the captain of the field'95 nine hundred xer. per year are paid). Additionally, the same captain-major is allowed two paras of rice a day from the pattayama'96 of the camp for those performing watch-duty at the frontier post,97 messenger-services,98 drum and fife players, 99 washerman and the arachchi 100 of his guard, with the stipulation that the above servicepersonnel shall not draw any victuals from the royal treasury and the rice above mentioned alone shall suffice for them. The two paras per day will add up to fifty-two candies, four paras per year, and at the rate of seven Ceylon xer: a candy will amount to three hundred and twenty-nine xer: two tgs. of Goa currency. If the above personnel happen not to be in service, the two paras shall not be allotted.
1229-2-00 No. 11. To the clergyman attached to the camp ninety xer per year 90-0-00
No. 12. To the captain-general are paid four thousand xer.
4000-0-00 No. 13. To the captain of the bodyguard of the general are allocated four measures of rice a day, which in a year amounts to two candils six paras, twenty-one measures, and, at the rate of seven Ceylon xer, a candy, will amount to Goaxer fifteen, two tgs., thirty-two res. Additionally at six larins per month as curry allowance in a year, these will amount to twentyone xer: three tgs. and the total is thirty-seven xer: thirty-four res.
37-0-34 No. 14. To each of thirty lascarins serving under this captain as the bodyguard of the captain is allowed one measure of rice per day, and this add up to eighteen candils six paras thirty-three measures a year, which at the rate of seven xer of Ceylon money amount in Goa xer: to one hundred and sixteen xer: six tigs. Additionally at three larins per month as curry allowance to each lascarin amounts in a year to three hundred and twentyfour xer. Together the two amounts total up to four hundred and fortyeight xer: two tas.
440-2-00 No. 15. The interpreter and banneka 101 are allocated rice at the rate of two measures a day and this comes to two candils six paras twenty-one and half measures a year and at the rate of seven Ceylon xer: a candy, the cost in Goa xerafins is fifteen xer, two tigs. thirty-three res; and the curry allowance of six larins per month to each one, amounting in a year to 159v) forty-three xer: one tg., and the two items add up to fifty-eight xer. three tgs. thirty res
58-3-30 No. 16. To each of the four torch bearers of the captain-general are given two measures of rice a day and the total adds up four candies twelve paras

JOURNAL R.A.S. XXXIX, SPECIAL, NUMBER, 1995 21
thirty-five measures and at the rate of seven Ceylon xer: per candy, the cost amount in Goa xerafins to thirty xer. four tgs. forty-five res. The curry allowance of three larins per month and fifteen larins paid for oil for the same torch bearers 102 together add up to ninety-seven xer: one tg. All the items, taken together, total one hundred and twenty-eight xer forty-five res 128-0-45 No. 17. To the bailiff of the conquest are given two rations 103 of rice a day, which makes two candies six paras seventeen and half measures of rice a year), and at the rate of seven xer, currency of Ceylon, their cost amounts in currency of Goa to fifteen xer: two tigs, twenty-two and half res. His curry allowance of twelve larins per month work out to forty-three xer. one tg. a year. Together the two amounts total up to fifty-eightxer three tgs. twenty-two res
58-3-22104 No. 18. The 280 Kaffirs105 who was serving in that inland according to the information furnished by Dom Jorge da Almeyda 106 are allowed two measures of rice a day and this works out to three hundred and forty-five candils, thirty measures a year) at the price of seven Ceylon xerafins each candy, the cost of the rice amounts in Goa xerafins to two thousand one hundred and seventy-three ver: fourtgs. The curry allowance of one fanam per day per person works out annually to one thousand five hundred and thirty-seven xer: one tg. in Goa currency and the two items together total up to three thousand seven hundred and eleven xer.
3711-0-00 No. 19. The messenger and paniviras who carry messages to and from Malwana are allotted 60 candils of rice from the pattayama on the orders of the captain-general. At the price of seven xerafins of Ceylon currency per candy, this works out in Goa currency to three hundred and seventyeight xer.
378-0-00 No. 20. The two surgeons, one in the camp at Menikkadawara and the other in Sabaragamuwa have to be allotted two rations of rice per day and this works out in a year to four candils twelve paras thirty-five measures. At the rate of seven Ceylon xerafins a candy the cost of the rice amounts in Goa currency to thirty xer. 160r) four tgs. forty-five res. The curry allowance of six larins paid to these surgeons per month amounts in a year to forty-three ver, one tg. and the two double quarterages paid to each per year amount to seventy-two cer. Together the total expenditure is one hundred and forty-six xer. forty-five res
146-0-45 No. 21. To each of the three gunners, one at Menikkadawara, another at Malwana, and a third at Sabaragamuwa, is given two rations of rice per day as subsistence, and that amounts to seven candils five paras twentytwo measures per year, and at the price of seven xerafins of Ceylon currency a candy, this will cost in Goa currency forty-six xer: one tg. and six res. The curry allowance of three larins perperson per month works out annually

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to thirty-twoxer: two tgs. And the quarterages of eighteen xer: per year to each gunner together with the curry allowance add up to eighty-six xer. two tigs. All these items together add up to a total of one hundred and thirty-twoxer: three tgs. six res
132-3-06 No. 22. For three kanakapulles and two measures 107 who serve in the three garrisons of Menikkadawara, Malwana and Sabaragamuwa at two rations of rice per day to each kanakapulle and one measure of rice required in a year is eight candils eight paras thirty-two and half measures, and at the price of seven xerafins of Ceylon currency a candil converts to Goa currency to fifty-four xer one tg. three res.
108-1-36108 No. 23. The boat 109 which serves to transport rice to Malwana during winter and in summer 110 and performs guard duty at the loading and unloading of ships at the bay is assigned twenty sailors and two masters, who get double rations. Their rice rations together come to twenty-nine candils, eight paras, three measures per year, at the usual rate of two measures per day per person and at double rations to the masters. At the rate of seven ver, currency of Ceylon, a candil, the cost of the rice amounts in Goa currency to one hundred and eighty-six xer: one tg. three res. The curry allowance at one fanam per month per sailor and at double allowance for the masters, amount yearly to one hundred and thirty-one cer: three tgs. forty-eight res. A sum of twenty-eight xer: four tigs is spent on two sets of clothingll which amount to twenty-four kachchis are bought 112 at four larins each, and all of them together work out to three hundred and forty-six xer four tigs. twenty-five res.
346-4-25
16Ov) No. 24. For the expenses of the coolies 113 who carry the chest of cash, for the factor, the clerk and the officers twice a year when they go to make payment to the troops in the camp and the garrisons, for the porterage charges and the expenses on the food given to those people on their outward and return journeys two hundred and seventy-two xer. two tigs, as is the custom to pay those coolies. It is not to be ignored that this expenditure is for the convenience of the factor and the officials and it is not just that it should be incurred, since it is possible to go to the camp at Malwana for the payment, and this is more appropriate since the general resides there 272-2-00 No. 25. For the care of the sick at the king's hospital are set apart four thousand xerafins, although it is certain that this entire amount is not spent in a year. Thus the unspent balance in any one year is carried over to the succeeding year, because this amount is raised from a village which is allotted to it i.e. to the hospital four thousand xer.
4000-0-00 No. 26. The victuals of fifteen captains of the fifteen companies at five measures per person per day work out to forty-six candils three paras per

JOURNAL R.A.S. XXXIX, SPECIAL, NUMBER, 1995 23
year. At the price of seven Ceylon xerafins a candil, in Goa currency this amounts to two hundred and ninety-one xer one tanga. Their curry allowances at nine larins per month per person amount annually to four hundred and eighty-six xer. and added on to the price of rice totals seven hundred and seventy-seven xer; one tanga
777-1-00
No. 27. To the captain of the Colombo fort two thousand cer.
2000-0-00 No. 28. The thirty lascarins of the bodyguard attached to the captain of Colombo are each paid four larins per month and to the arachchi who is their captain) nine larins per month. The two amounts) add up to five hundred and eighteen xer: two tigs. a year
58-2-00 No. 29. To the superintendent of revenue two thousand six hundred and sixty-six xer: three tgs. twenty res
2666-3-20 No. 30. The superintendent of revenue is also given fourteen reams of paper a year and at the rate of eightxer: a ream this works out to one hundred and twelve xer.
1 12-0-00 No. 31. The personnel attached to the superintendent of revenue for the Service, namely the torch-bearers, the washerman, 161r) the umbrella bearer, and other attendants are paid twenty-eight xer: six tgs. fifteen res a month which works out to three hundred and forty-three xer fourtgs. pe year - 343-4-00 No. 32. An arachchi and twenty lascarins serve as messengers and also attend to the work connected with collecting the king's revenues in the interior, on the orders of the superintendent of revenue. Each lascarin is paid four and half larins a month, the arachchi nine larins, and annually together their payments amount to three hundred and fifty-six ver: two tigs. 356-2-00 No. 33. The treasury clerk has a salary of two hundred milres per year equivalent to six hundred and sixty-six xer: three tgs. twenty res 666-3-20 No. 34. Additionally the treasury clerk is given eight reams of paper. A the rate of eight xer: this comes to sixty-four cer.
64-0-00 No. 35. To the factor at Colombo one hundred and twenty milres per year which is equal to four thousand xer.
400-0-00 No. 36. For four reams of papers, ink, pens and one table cloth for the table of the customs house, standing orders set apart a sum of forty-four xer: for the paper at the rate of eight xer a ream, six xer: per pens and ink, and 6 xer and 4 larins for the purchase of table cloth, of which add up to fortyfour xer: three tgs.

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44-3-00 No. 37. To the factory clerk one hundred cer of Goa currency.
100-0-00 No. 38. To the bailiff of the treasury and of the customs house a salary of thirty milres per annum equivalent to one hundred xer:
100-0-00 No. 39. The bailiff's clerk is paid twenty-six xer as maintenance and curry allowance per year with no additional allowance from the royal treasury 26-0-00 No. 40. The accountant attached to the customs house is paid fifty-four xer. a year, at the rate of fifteen larins per month with no other allowance from the treasury •
26-0-00 No. 41. The eight peons, who attend on the bailiff of the treasury and of the customs house, are paid at the rate of four larins per person per month, which amount to one hundred and fifteen xer: one tanga per year 115-1-00
[ 161 v] No. 42. The superintendent of the docks is paid sixty-three xer per annum with no other allowances
63-0-00 No. 43. The master gunner at Colombo is paid ninety xer. per year, without any other allowance, and each of the two gunners gets two rations of rice which amount in a year to four candils, twelve paras, thirty-five measures. At the rate of seven Ceylon xerafins a candy, in Goa currency the cost of the rice amounts to thirty-four xer: one tanga forty-five res. The curry allowance of six larins a month paid to both gunners) and the sum of thirty-six ver, paid to them each year as the two quarterages at the rate of eighteen xer. to each, together totalling to one hundred and seventy-eight xer: two tangas forty-five res
178-2-45 No. 44. To the crown judge at Colombo one hundred milres per year making three hundred and thirty-three cer one tg. forty res
333-1-40 No. 45. The four peons who attend on the crown judge's bailiff are each paid four larins per month which amounts each year to fifty-seven cer. three tgs. and they are not entitled to any additional food allowance 57-3-00 No. 46. The captain of Kalutara is paid two hundred xer: per annum 200-0-00 No. 47. To the captain of Negombo is paid as salary one hundred and twenty milres per year equivalent to four hundred xer.
400-0-00 No. 48. The same captain has in addition an allowance of twelve milres (which goes with the knighthood of St James. 114 This amount) equals forty cer a year

JOURNAL R.A.S. XXXIX, SPECIAL, NUMBER, 1995 25
40-0-00 No. 49. The captain of Chilaw has a salary of sixty milres which is equal to two hundred xer: a year. There are under him additionally ten lascarins for watch post duty at the river l15 (who are paid at a xerafin per person per month without rice, making one hundred and twenty xer a year. There is also a bailiff who is a Portuguese and a clerk, who are both paid two quarterages of forty xer: a year. They are also paid forty-eight xer: a year as curry allowance at the rate of twenty-four xer each and get no rice. To the kanakapules are paid five larins per month equivalent to eighteen xer: a year, and he too gets no rice. All these items total up to four hundred and twenty-six xer in the currency of this city 116
426-0-00 No. 50. The captain of Puttalam gets a salary of sixty milres per year equivalent to two hundred xer.
200-0-00
162r) No. 51. The collector at Negombo is entitled to seventy-three xer a year in the currency of Goa as his maintenance allowance, and a kanakapulle who assists him in the revenue collection gets eighteen xer per year, at the rate of five larins per month. The shroff 17 who examines the coins gets ten xer four tgs, a year at the rate of three larins per month, and the three lascarins who serve in the collectorate are paid three larins each per month, the total coming to thirty-four xer 118 a year. All items together add up to one hundred and twenty-five cer. four tigs.
125-4-0019 No. 52. The collector at Chilaw and Puttalam earn an allowance of seventytwo cer per year, and each of the two kanakapules is paid) three larins per month, making it twenty-one xer: three tgs. for both. The total of all items is ninety-three xer. three tgs.
93-3-00 No. 53. For the purchase of one thousand five hundred and fifty-two amunas of arecanut on behalf of the king each year at the rate of four larins per kachchi 120 amounting to one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three xer: 1863-0-00 No. 54. For the purchase of mats and rope for one thousand three hundred and fifty bahars of cinnamon 12 received as badda and rent of the village of Gampaha made up of as follows: 600 bahars being the badda of ancient times, 122 three hundred and fifty bahars which Manoel Gonsalves on the order of the general Dom Jorge da Almeydal23 added to the dues from the Chaleas of the mahabadda and hulambadda 124 the 400 bahars from which the Superintendent of revenue Amaro Roiz rented out the village of Gampaha; and the payment of clothing allowance of the two hundred and eighty Kaffirs, six hundred and thirty-seven xer. per year. Should His Majesty need more cinnamon, funds will be remitted for their expenses. 125 637-0-00 No. 55. The rent paid for eight warehouses in which the rice, the paddy the

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26 BOCARROSCEYLON
arecanut, the salt and the cinnamon belonging to the king are stored at the rate of twelve larins per month per warehouse totalling an expenditure of three hundred and forty-five xer: three tgs. per annum
345-3-00 No. 56. The gunpowder maker is paid his usual quarterages and maintenance allowance at the Malwana garrison. He has also been granted a first rate village, in addition to what the city of Colombo) has to provide him for the manufacture of gunpowder. Twenty condemned men and vagrants serve there, and each of them is allowed one measure of rice a day which in a year comes to twelve candils, four paras, two and a half measures. At the rate of seven Ceylon xerafins a 162v) candil, this amounts, in Goa currency to seventy xer: one tg. fifty two res and the curry allowance of one fanam per day per person amounts yearly to one hundred and nine xer: four tgs. Together the total comes to one hundred eighty seven xer: fifty two res. 126 187-0-52 No. 57. For the expenses of the smithy at Malwana (the work force consists of eight master craftsmen, eighty eight blacksmiths, eleven goripos, 127 coronheiros, 128 sawyers, turners, thirty eight labourers to hammer the iron into shapel, one kangani, a supervisor for all these workmen, one kanakapulle who is in charge of the stock of iron, steel, and the arms, the total labour force numbering one hundred and forty seven. They are allotted at the rate of one measure of rice per day except the eight master craftsmen, the kanakapulle and the kangani, ten persons in all who get double that portion, being two measures per person per day. The total quantity of rice issued during the year amounts to ninety six candils, ten paras, fourteen measures, which at the rate of seven Ceylon xerafins per candy amounts in Goa currency to six hundred and nine xer: two tigs., thirty four res. The items together all total up to one thousand four hundred and fifty eight xer. four res. And the curry allowance at one fanam per person per day and double that to the eight master craftsmen, the kanakapulle and the kangani amounts to eight hundred and forty eight xer: three tgs. thirty res. Although this expenditure appears to be on the heavy side, actually according to the available information, it has never been incurred out of the funds of the royal treasury. However, it is itemized here in the certainty that the Superintendent of revenue will see to it that the expenses will be incurred out of sources hitherto utilized and with due care. It should also be stated that the Smithy should not be located in Malwana but in Wattala129 where the superintendent of revenue can oversee the work and exercise strict control. It is also desirable that every year a list is sent to this city of the quantities and types of arms turned out. If this expenditure is high, one can then see whether the quantity of arms manufactured justified lt.
458-0-00 No. 58. To the parish priest of the main church in Colombo and to the two beneficed clergymen one hundred and eighty xerafins

JOURNAL R.A.S. XXXIX, SPECIAL, NUMBER, 1995, 27
180-0-00 No. 59. To the treasurer of the main church for the upkeep of the church ninety xer: a year
90-0-00
163r) No. 60. The Father organist of the main church and the three chorister boys are paid forty-five cer.
45-0-00 No. 61. To the parish priest of the church of St. Lawrence within the city, ninety xer. a year
90-0-00 No. 62. To the parish priest of the church of Our Lady of Life outside the city, ninety xer: per annum
90-0-00 No. 63. To the convent of St. Anthony of the city of Colombo four candils of rice each month, which in a year will amount to forty-eight candils, and at the price of seven Ceylon xerafins each, this will cost in Goa currency three hundred and two xer: two tgs. 302-2-00 No. 64. The Father of the Christians 130 of the same Order of St Francis who resides in St. Thomas' church in Colombo gets ninety xer a year 90-0-00 No. 65. To the Father Rector of the same order (caring for the Christian community of the church of Negombo ninety xer: per year 90-0-00 No. 66. To the Father of the same Order caring for the Christian community coming under the church on the other side of Kalutara 131 who also serves as parish priest ninety xer a year
90-0-00 No. 67. To the Father of the same Order who resides in the Negombo fort, in place of the parish priest who was withdrawn, ninety cer: a year 90-0-00 No. 68. To the religious of the order of St. Augustine of Colombo is granted one candy of rice per month which comes to twelve candies a year. At the rate of seven Ceylon xerafins a candy, the price of the rice amounts in Goa currency to seventy-five xer. three tgs. 132 (The convent is also paid) nine xer: per month amounting to one hundred and eight per year 132 and the items add up to one hundred and eighty-three xer: three tgs. 183-3-00 No. 69. Eleven members of the Order who reside as rectors in churches of Christian communities in this island are paid ninety ver, each making in all nine hundred and ninety xer.
990-0-00 No. 70. To the religious of the order of St Dominic of Colombo are granted nine xer each month which amount to one hundred and eight for a year. It is also given one candy of rice per month which for a year amounts to

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28 BOCARROSCEYLON
twelve. At seven Ceylon xerafins a candy, the price of rice works out in Goa currency to seventy-five xer: three tgs. The items together add up to one hundred and eighty-three xer: three tgs.
183-3-00 No. 71. To the eight religious of the same order rectors of the churches of Christian communities in the island are paid ninety xer. a year, making it seven hundred and twenty xer: for all
720-0-00 No. 72. The Fathers of the Company of Jesus) who serve as rectors in the four Churches of the Christian communities at Kammala, Chilaw, 163v. Madampe and Kalpitiya 133 receive an allowance of ninety xer: per year per person which come to three hundred and sixty ver: in all. There are many, including Ambrosio de Freitas da Camara, the former superintendent of revenue of the island, who hold the view that these allowances need not be paid because they (i.e. the Jesuits) enjoy very productive villages on the income on which they can subsist, such villages like Welligampitiya, Bopitiya, Udugampola, Matamana, Munessarama and Kalpitiya, 134 in addition to those which have now been granted to them in place of Munessarama 135 which they still keep holding, saying that the revenue of the other villages is less than that of Munessaram. The very officials, who approved the grant of those lands to the Jesuits, have now protested that it is not proper that they i.e. the Jesuits) should retain Munessarama while holding the villages granted to them in exchange for it
360-0-00 136 No. 73. The kanakapulle, the measurer and the shroff serving in Colombo and the customs houses there are granted two measures of rice per day perperson, which amounts to three candies, nine paras, thirty-four measures and at seven Ceylon xer: per candy, the price of the rice in Goa currency comes to twenty-three ver: one tig. forty-two res. The curry allowance of three larins per month per person) amounts annually to thirty-two xer. two tas, and the total of the items is fifty-five xer: three tgs forty-two res 55-3-42 No. 74. The four peons attached to the bailiff of the conquest and who have actually to attend to him are sufficient for ordinary purposes. When the need arises, he will receive additionally assistance from the military. Each of the peons is paid four larins per month and in a year the total payment comes to fifty-seven xer: three tgs.
57-3-00 No. 75. A payment of eighty-six xer: two tgs. a year is made to four native watchers who keep guard to ensure that merchandise is not unloaded except within the designated area, and that all the unloaded merchandise goes through the customs and does not evade the payment of duty. They are not entitled to any order subsistence allowance. It should be mentioned here that the system must be enforced effectively because (164rl Dom Jorge de Almeyda says that he never saw these guards while he was in the island.

JOURNAL R.A.S. XXXIX, SPECIAL, NUMBER, 1995 29
86-2-00
No. 76. The total expenses of Batticaloa is six thousand xer.
6000-0-00 No. 77. Each year, two thousand three hundred and fifty-seven and half amunas of arecanut are collected or bought on behalf of the king. Of this amount three hundred and five amunas represent the badda 137 of Bulatgamal 38 costing nothing to the government); one thousand five hundred and fifty-two and half amunas were mentioned previously under No. fifty-three, where particulars of expenditure for their purchase were given. The balance five hundred amunas remaining of the total of two thousand three hundred and fifty-seven and half amunas cost six hundred xer: at the rate of four larins an amuna or a kachchi of cloth)
688-0-00 No. 78. Three thousand nine hundred and ninety xer for the purchase of 16 tusked elephants which each year have to be sent to Goa on His Majesty's account, or to any other station ordered by him
3990-0-00 No. 79. Four thousand five hundred xer for contingencies and incidental expenses for which no provisions are made in the list
450-0-00 No. 80. Gunpowder, artillery as well as musket shots, arquebuses, matches 139 and other necessities for arms are sent from Goa in necessary quantities without cost. No. 81. Although in the list are included the allowances for all rectors and convents of all religious orders, attention should be drawn to the fact that the religious of St. Francis draw allowances for rectors that have no churches and that these religious have received so many villages and rent in that island from His Majesty that, of the surplus left after the payment 164v) of the allowances to their rectories, it would be possible to pay the rice allowance to the convent of the same order in the city of Colombo, and the allowances to the convent of St. Dominic and to the rectors of the same order of St. Augustine. And yet, according to reliable information, some think that there will still be a balance left. It should also be mentioned that although the allowances to the convent of St. Augustine of Colombo are listed here, they are duplicated inasmuch that the same convent has villages granted by generals and some received) as inheritance with which it is possible to meet more than what they require as allowances. Then all the expenses itemized in this register in regard to the above mentioned religious orders are excessive for the reasons given. No. 82. It is considered a reason of the greatest concern that the kanakapules, who serve in the camp and the garrisons of that island, are Sinhalese and therefore) that all possible attempts should be made to appoint to these forts) Canarins 140 or people of other races whom there is no reason to distrust as experience has taught us to be on guard against the Sinhalese.

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30 BOCARROSCEYLON
The seventy three items of expenditure given here both in letters as well as in figures add up to 74241 cer. 39 res which have already been converted to Goaxerafin of 300 res each in each item of expenditure. It is hereby declared that in setting down each day's food and the curry allowance of the personnel declared in this list of expenditure, calculations were done on the basis of 366 days per year. 141
165r
Register of revenues of the island of Ceylon for a period of one year
The customs revenues at Colombo five thousand nine hundred and fifty xer. 5950-0-00
The customs revenues at Negombo two thousand xer.
2000-0-00 The customs revenues at Chilaw and Puttalam three hundred xer. 300-0-00 From the tithes of the fresh fish at Colombo one hundred and fifty xer. 150-0-00 From the padda boat and fishing dhonies at Colombo and Mutwal, the customary due called valefarao 142 fifteen xer, and two larins
15-2-00
The rent of the Kalutara ferry one hundred and twenty cer.
120-0-00 The tithes of the gardens and properties in Colombo one hundred and eighty-one xer:
181-0-00 The sundry small rents from the small shop keepers and other craftsman in Colombo sixty-five xer:
65-0-00 The rent of a plantation called Madalavita thirty-three cer: one larin and 10 fanams
33-1 - O From the king's villages in the Two Korales one hundred and fifty xer. 150-0-00 The rent from the king's coconut plantation at Kanisture one hundred and seventy cer.
7.O-O-OO For the sale of the precious stones of the agras 143 three hundred
300-0-00 The proceeds from the sale of 1000 amunas of arecanut from the Bulatgama sold at the rate of five xer anamuna namely 144 three hundred and ninety-five amunas of the king's badda, and six hundred and ninety five received in exchange for the same number of kachchis or at four larins an amuna, the number of kachchis having been set down in the list of expenditure above five thousand 5000-0-00

JOURNAL R.A.S. XXXIX, SPECIAL NUMBER, 1995 3
The proceeds from the sale of five hundred amunas of arecanut which are sold for the same price of five xer which Constantino de Sal45 began levying in exchange for the same number of kachchis against the wishes of the superintendent of revenue. 146 He made only one such levy in these lands. Dom Jorge de Almeydal47 also caused such a levy to be made. When His Excellency 148 wrote from here that this was the King's arecanut, he desisted forth with. The expenditure on the kachchis which are exchanged for those 500 amunas as entered in the list of expenditure of the whole islands two thousand five hundred xer.
2500-0-00 The proceeds from the sale of eight hundred and fifty seven and half amunas { 165v) of arecanut sold at the same price of five xer an amuna, levied 149 in exchange for the same number of kachchis, the cost of which is set down in the expenditure register above, namely, in the mahabadda of the Chaleas, 150 two hundred; in the precious stones mining department, two hundred; in Alutkuru korale six and a half amunas; in Pasdum korale, eighty six and a half; in Sabaragamuwa, twenty seven and a half; in Matara, one hundred and forty eight; in the Four Korales, one hundred and fifty two; in the village of the Pannayas, 15: twenty five; and the oxen owners 152 of the Seven Korales, twenty 4287-2-30 From the twelve villages which His Majesty ordered to be separated for the service of the army camp, 153 together with the rents of the villages producing iron which villages) are much valued in Madampe which is). in the neighbourhood of Chilaw and Munnesarama twelve thousand xer. 12000-0-00 From the sale of sixteen tusked elephants, three thousand nine hundred and ninety xer.
3990-0-00 From the quit rents of the villages of the island at present are collected five thousand five hundred and twenty eight xer.
5528-0-00 Part of the fines which the crown judge imposes during the year, three hundred xer.
300-0-00 From the dekum 154 of the mines, one hundred and forty-six xer and one larin
146-1-00 From the dekum of the mahabadda of the Chaleas, two hundred and thirteen xer: one larin
213-1-00
From the dekum of the Bulatgama, eighty xer.
80-0-00
From the dekun of the Pannayas, twenty xer:
20-0-00

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32 / ぶ 。 BOCARRO'SCEYLON
From the dekum and maralas l55 of the Seven Korales seven hundred and seventy xer eighteen fanams
770-0-18 From the dekum and maralas of the Four Korales one hundred and nine
e.
09-0-00 From the dekum and maralas of the Salpiti, Rayigam, and Hewagam 156 korales, sixty four xer: one larin nine fanams
64-1-9 From the dekum and maralas of Beligal and Siyane 157 korales, fortythree xer: two larins seven fanams m
43-2-7
166r From the dekum and maralas of Sabaragamuwal58 [and] the Two Korales one hundred and sixty-one xer: two larins thirteen fanams
161-2-13
From the dekum and maralas of Matara six hundred xer:
608-0-00 From the dekum of the blacksmiths of the island. This amount ought to be much greater than seven xer: one larin
7-1-00
From the washermen of the island, nine xer.
9-0-00 From the dekum of the Canarias 159 twelve xer. one larin, ten fanams
2-1-10 From the dekum and customary dues of the village of Beruwela 160 ten xer. one larin -
10-1-00 From the dekum and customary dues of the village of Maggona 16 twentythree xer fifteen fanams
23-0-15 From the dekum of Kammala162 by way of ten great kachchis and two larins from fish, ten xer. two larins
10-2-00 From the dekum of Chilaw by way of twelve great kachchisló3 and two from fish 164 twelve cer:
12-2-00 From 165the dekum of Negombo by way of thirty-three great kachchis and one and half larin from fish, thirty three xer: one larin two fanams 33-1-2
From the dekum of the jewellers of Negumbo twoxer one larin
2-1-00 The thirty-eight items of revenue which are given in letters as well as figures total forty five thousand two hundred and five xerafins and two fanams in Ceylon currency which reduced to Goa xerafins of three hundred res for each xerafin, amounts to forty thousand seven hundred and seventy four

JOURNAL R.A.S. XXXIX, SPECIAL, NUMBER, 1995 33
xerafins, two tangas and thirty-nine res
40774-2-29 There is a short fall of thirty-three thousand four hundred and sixty-six xerafins and three tangas in revenue to balance the expenditure 166 33466-3-OO
166v)
I, Antonio Ventura, revenue accountant, prepared and balanced this account.
Goa, 25 September 1624 Antonio Ventura
Description of the Fort of Kalutara
The fort of Kalutara is seven leagues to the south of Colombo and is situated at the distance of a gun shot 167 from the seashore on top of a hillock with a fresh water river, which comes from the centre of the island, enclosed on two sides. The hill on the side of the fort is very steep and not so on the other side so that it is never possible to land people who come to its relief by river. The fort has no supply of water.
The fort is square in shape with four small bastions on the four sides, adequate for the station, each stretch of rampart being thirty paces in length, four fathoms in height and six spans in thickness. This was what was there before the rising of 1630s 168 when the enemies occupied everything by land. At present the captain has done afresh with trunks of palms what was formerly built in stone 169. The bastions serve as dwelling house. Other houses are found inside the fort and there is also a Franciscan church. At the gate on the outside, there is a well which dries during the dry season. There is also a population of 30 married settlers, white as well as black. The artillery available there is no more than some falcons, that is to say, one falcon, three bercos, all made of metal, with sufficient ammunition for emergency until supplies arrive from Colombo.
A captain, 170 appointed by His Majesty or by the Viceroy of India, serves in this fort and he has a salary of two hundred xerafins, and a garrison of twenty five soldiers, among whom is included a bailiff. The soldiers are usually drawn from settlers who live there. Each soldier is paid a maintenance allowance of six larins each month which in a year amounts 169 v to five hundred and ninety xerafins. 171 They are additionally given two quarterages a year of nine Goaxerafins each, which sum is equivalent to ten of Ceylon and which total four and fifty xerafins a year). And the Father rector of the church in charge of the Christian community at Kalutara is paid ninety cerafins. All this adds up to an expenditure of one thousand one hundred and thirty cerafins paid out of the factory at Colombo. The objective for which this fort of Kalutara was constructed on this spot and for which it is maintained is to secure this side of His Majesty's lands in the disava of Matara and to command the sandbar formed where

Page 34
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38 HO:ARI)"S EYLON
the river flows into the sea. The bar docs not prevent sailing boats entering the canal which lies hetween it and the Iliouth of the river, a common enough feature in all rivers of this state. 172 It has a height of a thrcc fourths of a fathom,
At the Kalutara tort, the coast lies in the same direction [of the point of compass as that in Colombo ind it has the sanc current and monsoon winds.
Description of the Fort of Galle 73
The for of Galle is situated at the southern point of the island of Ceylon at the latitude of six degrees north. It was constructed on thc orders of the viceroy Mathias de Albuquerque 174 in the year fifteen hundred and eightynine, 75 The fort is lucked away on a rock in the bay and which one enters through a tower which serves it as a gateway. On the top of the Lowcr are three pieces of bronze artillery); two Inuch bigger pieces are located lower clown on the tower which is in the form of casement. 76 Thrcc. other picces of artillery of hronze and three falcons are breastwork surrounded by rail parts on the four sides, three and half fathoms in height with their parapets. From the middle of the fort to the breastwork and ground 77 gradually rises until it is at the same height as the wall of the breastwork. The two basins on the two sides arc there to defend it. Each section of the fort with breastwork is twenty fathoms in lcngth. In the imiddle are modest houses 169w for the family of the captain who lives in the tower, Thc breastwork has many port holes on all sides. Below then on the live rock, arc two warchoušek, ome for food Stuffs and the Cythcr for the ammunition. However, these places are very humid. Although the settlement and principally, St. Paul's hill rise above the isolated place, Ilcwertheless that tower is at the same height as the settlement. Another location called Holy Cross stands at the point of scLLlein cnt on a rock Overlooking the sea and thus has three pieces of Artillery, two of the IT hreech loading bronze eight-pounders, taking iron shots, and the other a falcon. The rock is very high and sometimes thc sea lashes over it lore:Lch that land. There is a captain in charge of the bastion of the Holy Cross.
The wall which encircles the settlement is three hundred lathons in length, four, in height, and a half fathom in thickncss. At the base it is fourteen palms, and at the summit eight with the parapets. This wall has three bulwarks, one at each end and the other in the middle. Each bulwark has an empty space, twelve paces square, for they arc built in this marrier.
Each of those two bulwarks has two pieces of iron artillery, taking sixpounders inon balls, and two bronze falcons which fire stone balls. The other bulwark has three bronze falcons and all these picccs of artillery are placed in their gun carriages. In the above mentioned Warehouses there is sufficient ammunition for their usc on any given occasion until the arrival of aid and provisions from Colombo, which is situated cighteen leagues

JURNAL R.A.S. XXXIX. 5 Pl:(CIAL, NUMBER, 1995 39
north of Galle. This city of Galle covers the entire ground from those walls until the point of the bay, that is six hundred fathoms and the breadth is three hundred fatholls and in circumference three thousand paces. The inhabitants of the city number two hundred, including black and white married settlers - seventy white and one hundred and thirty blacks - all of them being able to wield arms and sword.
The officials and the other servants of the crown - serving in this for of Gallic with particulars of their salary are as follows:
The captain of the fort has five hundred selfirls as salary
5OO-O-O.) His Majesty's factor, who also serves as the customs-house judge, two hundred and thirty era firls as salary
23 ()-()-X)
The secretary of the factory, one hundred and twenty erafis
| 2()-()-()()
A bailiff, forty erafins
4)-O-O.) Four peons attached to the hailiff at onc rerafii per month per person, amounting in a year to forty-eight erafis
48-()-IH) To a surgeon, two erafii is per IIonth, amounting to twenty-four per year 24-O-O.) To a vicar as his allowance and for the upkeep of the church, one hundred and twenty eraffis
12O)-O-(X) The cxpenscs of the Gallic for Lanouilt to one thousand Lnd eighty-two were firls in terms of Ceylon currency of three larins to the verafinis 78 |||()82-()-000) The revenue of the fort of Galle consists of that derived from a customshouse from which is collected every year, one thousand xerafins with some dues of the port and bay called dekar II
|()()()-()-OO
The fort has additionally under its jurisdiction two hundred and seventytwo villages, which are owned by Portuguese who live there for all of which a sum of two thousand eight hundred erafins are paid, which surn is spent on the instructions of the Captain-General and superintendent of revenuc of Ceylon when the land arc in peace and the revenues arc collected. I79
The fort of Galle is of great consequence and importance for the security of the lands of this side of the island as well as for purposes of navigaLion and of the port, since it is convenient for all these purposes.

Page 37
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46 BOCARROSCEYLON
Description of the Bay of Devinuwara 180
The Devinuwara Bay is situated six leagues eastward of Galle in which direction the coast runs from the point of Galle round the island of Ceylon. It is open to the south southwest and is sheltered from all winds. It is a small bay, because from one end to the other it is no more than four hundred and forty paces, on which account it is usually called the bay of Devinuwara. Usually champanas go there 171v from Galle loaded with arecanut 18 to the other coast 182 because the porterage is much nearer. There is no captain in charge because it falls under the jurisdiction of the disava of Matara. There is neither a fort nor an artillery here, nor any means of defence other than the native inhabitants with their arms.
Description of the Bay of Welligama183
The bay of Welligama is situated four leagues east of the Galle fort, because the coast of the island runs in this direction from the point of Galle onwards. From one end to the other, it is a league to the south and southwest and it is sheltered from all other winds. It has a captain and some Portuguese inhabitants with Some trade in arecanut, coir and coconuts, which sea-going craft from the other coast come to fetch. This bay gives an income of about a thousand xerafins a year, rather more than less, from the above mentioned trade. There is no fort here and no artillery nor any means of defence other than the native inhabitants with their arms.
Description of the Fort of Batticaloa
The fort of Batticaloa is situated eighteen leagues to the south of Trincomalee on the same coast of the island of Ceylon which runs in the same direction and at the latitude of almost eight and a half degrees north. 184 It is located on the point of an island in a salt water lagoon a quarter of a league inland and is almost square in shape and has three bulwarks, a breastwork, as can be seen in the diagram wherein can also be seen the bulwarks in their triangular shape.
The fort was built in the year sixteen hundred and twenty-eight when Constantino de Sa de Noronha was captain-general by Damiao Botado when the Bishop Governor Dom Frei Ruiz de Brito was governing the state of India. 174r
This fort has two stretches of wall leading to the bulwarks, each nine fathoms in length; two others leading to the breastwork, each seven fathoms long; the breastwork on the side of the fort has ten fathoms and half and ends at six. The bastions have empty spaces six fathoms long.
The height of this wall which is made of stone and lime is thirty-five palms with their parapets and fifteen palms in width. Those walls which

JOURNAL R.A.S. XXXIX, SPECIAL, NUMBER, 1995 47
form the two bulwarks which are filled up in the middle with mud and those which form the breastwork are twelve palms and are all made of Stone and mortar.
The bulwark called Santa Cruz has six pieces of artillery, 185 three of them large-sized, one of bronze and two of iron, and the other three of iron, but small in size and all of them fire iron-balls. The other two bulwarks have three six-pounder artillery pieces each firing iron balls. All artillery pieces are placed in their carriages. In the breastwork, no artillery has yet been placed, for the terreplein has not yet been completed, while the walls are completed with their parapets. At the base are empty spaces as storehouses. From the two bulwarks to the lagoon are two stockades which lead right up to the water's edge. There are no houses for the captain and the Storehouses are for ammunition and provisions. The vaults of the bulwarks contain enough ammunition for any military necessity and provisions, now more now less, according to the interest taken by the generals of Ceylon by whom this fort is supplied.
The garrison serving this fort consists of its captain until now appointed by the viceroy, who is also captain major of the garrison. The garrison consist of three companies with thirty soldiers in each company. Two of these consists of Portuguese and they are stationed within the fort in two thatched houses; the third consists of topazes who are blacks and are stationed in the stockades of the bastions along the lagoon. Another company is formed by the captain of the fort, together with the officials such as the factor, the vicar and some other additional people. Usually there are fifty sailors, two carpenters, six gunners, four stone masons, and two blackSmiths.
To the soldiers, 186 both white and black, are given each day one measure and a half of rice, 174 v) one xerafin as their maintenance. 187 To the officers, such as ensigns and sergeants, double that amount and also ten cerafins as quarterage every six months. The captains of the companies of soldiers receive one hundred xerafins each every six months. All this amounts to the following: The captain 188 of the fort has two hundred milres as salary, which amounts to six hundred and sixty-six xerafins, three tangas, twenty res 666-3-20 The factor of the fort, two hundred xerafins 200-0-00 The secretary of the factory, one hundred xerafins 100-0-00
The island, in which this fort is situated, is five thousand paces in circumference, one thousand five hundred paces in length and, at its widest, one thousand paces in breadth.
The major part of this island is still covered with thick forest with tall and wild trees and is visited by elephants from the other side of the lagoon which is passable at three points; at one point the water reaches the knee and at times a little higher; at the second point the water reaches the waist; and at the other point it reaches the chest. During the two sieges that they

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50 w BOCARROSCEYLON
laid 189 to the fort) when the captain was building it, they were able to get in as many people as they wished through these fords because they cannot be guarded with manchuas 190 without many soldiers, and this fort has always lacked men, and, as it is situated on an island, there is no possibility of approaching it except by manchuas.
The bar formed by the lagoon towards the entrance to the fort is one hundred and fifty paces and at times during dry weather in the months of July and August the entire sand bank is exposed. When the bar is open, from its lowest level of eleven spans, the water can reach eight fathoms, and this makes navigation easy, without being in danger of touching the bottom or meeting any obstacle. The lagoon flows eight leagues into the hinterland. It has four leagues of sea water towards the south; two of fresh water towards the north. In the winter 191 it flows entirely with fresh water, and it reaches a width of a league and half. The permanent population of Batticaloa are the heathen Pandara Pillai, who are those who serve 192 the kings in war, the Mukkuvers or cultivators who are the noblest here for 175r they have usurped the government forcibly; the Canos 93 or fishermen and the Moors who are outsiders, though there are some who are natives 194 There is another river called Deraura also with Sea water which flows along the sea for three leagues reaching a width of three leagues towards the north.
The district of Batticaloa has extensive areas of land producing much rice. It has four provinces called Eravur, Palugama, Sammanturai 195 and Taluira ruled by three chiefs called Vanniyars. Those lands, until the treaty concluded by Dom Nunalvares Pereira as general of Ceylon in 1616, used to pay as tribute to the fort of Mannar five hundred candils of paddy, which, has been said, is rice in the husk. This gives half the amount or a little more when it is husked. However, with the husk on, the rice keeps much longer. After the peace was made, these territories came under the king of Kandy, and in the peace that the count of Linhares made with that king in 1633 there remained to that fort the lands within reach of our artillery shot, 196 this always comes to be equal to a league. But as most of it is in jungle, there is little use in it, except one island adjacent to the fort which is not quite within reach of the said gun shot. This island is called the island of Cows, because of the many cows that cross over to it as it is depopulated on account of the river flooding it. However the island is very fertile and about half of it is cultivated.
In this land 197 there is some Xaya, better than that of Mannar since it has dyeing properties three times greater; there much wax, jungle Sapu wood, timber but not of the types used for ship building. Opium, textiles and iron are taken there and cost much since the lands produce none.
These natives have the abominable custom of copulation with cows and in public, one with another, to evoke their jealousy.
Until now there is no Christianity in the hinterland but the task of baptizing them is so easy, as they do it merely for the asking, that, if there are workers, there is no lack of much fruit in the vineyard of the Lord.

JOURNAL, R.A.S. ii XXXIX, SPECIAL, NUMBER, 1995 51
The objective for which this fort of Batticaloa was constructed and maintained was, in addition to being the same for which that of Trincomalee is maintained), the fact the lands at Batticaloa are more extensive than those at Trincomalee (175v) and also more fertile and populated; that this river of Batticaloa is the principal line through which the king of Kandy is provided with salt, of which he is more in need than of any other thing; through it he obtains opium and many other similar things. This was the reason for seeing to it that this fort was assaulted until the recent peace treaty, but always with much loss on his part. If there were a settlement with sufficient Portuguese attached to this fort, one could begin to extend our authority over the lands and comfortably maintain them and maintain excellent facilities for navigation to all the areas of the South. 198
Description of the Fort of Trincomaleel99
The fort of Trincomalee was built by the former captain-general of Ceylon Constantino de Sa in the year 1622200 when the count admiral201 was the viceroy of India. It is built on the east coast of the island of Ceylon at the latitude of almost nine and a half degrees north, on a strip of land running out into water between two bays. The land is craggy and wooded. It has a width of a hundred paces. The stretch of wall built there has also a width of a hundred paces. It has two bulwarks on the two corners: the bulwark of Santa Cruz which is on the southern side where the sea touches it and its waves dash against it. The bulwark has six pieces of artillery. It is bigger than the other two and can be equipped even with thirteen pieces for it has as many embrasures. The bulwark of Santo Antonio is on the northern side and has five pieces of artillery. The third bulwark is on the side of the hill and is smaller than the other two to which it serves as a platform where to plant great guns; it has three pieces of artillery). All of these pieces are of iron; they take iron balls seven to fourteen pounds in weight. They were taken from a Danish ship which was wrecked at Kottiyarama.
The shape of this fort, as can be seen is triangular. The site is small because each of the two stretches of wall in its full length is not longer than fifty paces and the wall 177r that follows the land jutting into the sea hundred paces, as has been said. On the high ground in front of the fort there is a settlement of Portuguese married men and of native people who amount to forty-five in all, twenty white and twenty-five black. Each one of them is paid five larins of maintenance allowance per month, and one and a half measure of rice per day. In addition to the married settlers here is the garrison of the fort, all supplies with arms, consisting of a company of fifty soldiers with a captain to command them and with the captain of the fort who is appointed by his Majesty or by the viceroy, and serves as captain-major over them all, and lives in one of the houses on the hill side, for there is no accommodation within the fort. The fifty soldiers and heir captain live within the fort. The wall which stretches lengthwise övëf the

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52 - − BOCARROSCEYLON
strip of land is three and half fathoms high and six spans broad together with the parapet. They have started digging a trench three fathoms broad but not deep enough yet since on the northern side there is rock which can be hewn only with the pickaxe; hence the work proceeds slowly.The wall which stretches along the bay on the southern side has the same height and width; but that which stretches along the bay on the northern side is only a parapet of stone and lime built above the rock which rises from the sea. This wall has not been completed although orders have been issued to cut the rock on which it stands so that this may become more vertical so that it may serve as a wall.
The expenditure incurred on this fort with its garrison is as follows
The fifty soldiers are paid a xerafin each month per person and one and a half measure of rice per day per person) as their maintenance allowance, and the thirty married settlers are paid five larins per person per month and one and a half measures of rice per day. The soldiers are paid two quarterages per year at nine Goaxerafins per quarterage, all of which amounts to one thousand two hundred Goa xerafins 1200-0-00 The captain of the fort is paid each year five hundred Ceylon cerafins as his salary making four hundred and fifty of Goa 450-0-00 To the factor, ninety Goaxerafins 90-0-00 To the secretary of the factory, thirty-six Goa cerafins 36-0-00 To the Father vicar, ninety Goaxerafins 90-0-00 Out of His Majesty's treasury an expenditure is incurred on the fort of one thousand eight hundred and sixty-six Goa xerafins, which are sent from Jafanapatam, besides the rice and all ammunition and provisions that are necessary for the fort 1866-0-00
The fort of Trincomalee has much territory under its jurisdiction called Tambalagama, which is not populated. The land is so fertile that in eight or ten days they plant and gather a harvest of greens,202 There is a water reservoir made of stone, three leagues in circumference. It is called Kumburupitiya,203 and although it is now in ruins, yet it still retains much water with which many lands are irrigated. Opposite the port of Kottiyarama there is a fresh water river which empties itself into the sea at this point and which comes from Kandyan lands, and through which much of the trade of the ruler of that kingdom) is conducted. Three leagues to the south of Trincomalee and making a sharp turn from the Trincomalee bay, one enters

JOURNAL R.A.S. XXXIX, SPECIAL, NUMBER, 1995 53
the celebrated Bay of Bows204 which takes its name from the great number of bows made in those lands. This also has so much depth and is so spacious that a large number of galleons can enter and anchor and be sheltered from all storms. And nowhere in this state205 is there a similar port because not even the river of Bombay offers so much space, depth or shelter.
The direction in which the coast of the fort of Trincomalee runs is straight from the north to the south except where creeks and bays occur. The current depend on the direction of the wind on this coast. Within the area starting from Cape Comorin there are no more then two winds), that is to say, the cachan and the vara. The cachan is the west wind and blows from May onwards through October; the vara blows from the north-north-east and the north finally veers towards the east the other six months. In the intermonsoonal period there is a variety of winds for a brief period. (178r When these two winds blow, and chiefly the vara, they have such violence that at times they develop into great cyclones which cause havoc and wreck all types of ships which they encounter at sea.
The objective for which this fort was built at this place and for which it is maintained is to prevent European enemies from putting up a fort on this side of the island and then contact the king of Kandy and from having communications with him through Kottiyarama.206 No less important are the lands which this fort commands and which could be cultivated if there were people enough. Nor should we fail to mention the excellent facilities of navigation to all ports of Bengal, Pegu, Malacca and the entire southern region starting from as well as returning to the Bay of Bows.
Description of the Fort at the Elephants Quay207
The208 fort at the Elephants Quay is built at a latitude of nine and twothirds degrees north on an island which is at the entrance to the bay of Jaffnapatnam. The island is two leagues in length and one fourth league in width and is totally populated by natives, all Christians and people who do not serve with arms.
The fort is of the same size as that of Mannar, but is better shaped. It has two bulwarks on the land side and a breastwork on the seaside which is nineteen fathoms long and three fathoms wide. It is not filled up, but raised on beams and the open gallery below cannot be protected in any manner because rain water pours in through the openings in the ground for the movement of the artillery. There are twelve open embrasures above at the height, from the ground level, of two and half fathoms and from the parapet of the embrasures upwards is one fathom.
The stretch of wall which runs from the breastwork to the bulwark on the southern side is eighteen fathoms in length on the inside and twentytwo on the outside, and the width at scaffolding level one and one third fathoms, 178v and the parapet of the scaffold upwards is one fathom in length with its two holes. The other stretch of wall which runs from the

Page 44
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56 BOCARRO'SCEYLON
breastwork to the other bulwark and which is on the other side, has exactly the same dimensions as the above. The stretch of wall between the two bulwarks is sixteen fathoms and three spans on the inside and, and at scaffold level, one and one-third fathom in width. All these stretches of wall are two and a half fathoms in height on the inside and the same on the outside. One of the bulwarks has a square basement, one of whose sides is five fathoms less one span, the four sides together being twenty fathoms minus four spans in length, and the outside height from the top to the ground is three fathoms. It has eight embrasures and the height from the parapets of the embrasures upwards is one fathom, with its loopholes. The other bulwark has exactly the same measurements.
The total enclosed area of the fort is sixty-six fathoms. In the middle there is a well with pure water, one and half fathoms in depth.
The artillery available in this fort are eight pieces, that is to say, three eight-pounders, three six-pounders, two five-pounders, all taking iron shot and all with their carriages; two falcons of bronze with their chambers and keys. There is also ample ammunition for this artillery and also for the garrison which is stationed there, and which, in addition to the captain of the fort, consists of forty soldiers with a captain to whom are paid the same amount as to the soldiers in Ceylon as quarterages and maintenance allowance and to the captain of the fort who is also the captain major of the garrison is paid his salary.
This island of Kayts has four churches which are parishes of Christian communities which are there.The land gives nothing of worth other than wild palmyrahs of trafolins from which 180r the substance of revenue is derived.209
There are in this island, which is divided from the mainland only by an arm of the Sea a quarter of a league in width, many passages for wading across to Jaffnapatnam at points facing the mainland. The fort of Kayts is located just at one end and the other end of the island faces the fort of Jaffnapatnam.
Description of the Fort and Kingdom of Jaffnapatnam
Jaffnapatnam is a kingdom in itself in the island of Ceylon at the same latitude as the fort of the Quay of the elephants, that is at nine and twothird degrees to the north of the island from which is separated by a narrow stretch of sea. The conquest of the kingdom for the crown of His Majesty was completed not long ago by Constantino de Sa de Noronha, captaingeneral of the island of Ceylon in the year six hundred and eighteen210 when the count de Redondo was viceroy.211 Sankili,212 the king,213 who had been governing that kingdom, was captured, removed to Goa and beheaded in the pillory there. From then onwards, there was begun the settlement of the Portuguese and the building of the fort, called Our Lady

JOURNAL R.A.S. XXXIX, SPECIAL, NUMBER, 1995 57
of Miracles, which is now complete and which is a perfect square in shape and situated on the shore. Each stretch of wall of the fort is one hundred fathoms in length and four in height including the parapets, has a width of fifteen spans and is made of stone and mortar. The four bulwarks, each with eight sides on the four corners, rise one fathom above the walls and are filled up. Each casement has eight fathoms of empty space. -
Twenty married settlers live within the fort in spacious houses of stone and mortar. They also perform garrison duty in addition to the soldiers who reside there. The soldiers are divided into three companies which, together with those stationed at the fort of Kayts, number two hundred and fifty, including seventy married men of the country. The Portuguese and their sons together add up to one hundred and twenty; there are also two hundred black Christians, all capable of wielding arms. These214 with their slaves, will at all times, come up to four hundred and fifty men with arms, the greater part of them possessing fire-lock guns. 180V)
Each of those soldiers is paid the same amount as those in Ceylon, and similarly, the captain. Thus, six thousand nine hundred and thirty-two xerafins four tangas in Goa currency at five tangas a xerafin are paid for maintenance allowance and quarterages not taking into consideration the
Ce.
The settlement of casados outside the fort cover an extensive area, because there is enough land, and each person took as much as he wished. There are neither stockades215 nor fortified places other than the fort. Within it are five churches, namely, the convent and church of St. Francis with three religious, the convent of St. Dominic with one religious, the convent of the Fathers of the Company and the church of the Holy House of Mercy, all of them draw His Majesty's allowances.
The fort has a captain who is also the captain-major of the garrison and of the entire kingdom and who has a salary of a thousand Goa xerafins.
The entire kingdom is divided into four provinces called pattus which are: Belligama, Tamarache, Badamarache and Punapatally.216 All these provinces are within the points where it is possible to cross the river that separates Jaffnapatnam from Ceylon. Beyond these points it has more than twenty leagues of land under its jurisdiction, called the Vanni, producing much rice. This land is normally in state of revolt and war with the Portuguese). These pattus or provinces are made up of villages which pay quit rent to His Majesty and in which the natives live, the majority 217 of whom are people capable of bearing arms, but we took them away and did not allow them to retain them. The kingdom is twelve leagues in length and as many in breadth. It is separated from Ceylon by a river which passes by the settlement and goes on to skirt the fort of Kayts. This river has many points where people can wade across.
Nearly all are Christians. They are called Balalas, Carias218 and Chados. There are forty-two churches throughout the kingdom of which twentyfive are run by the Friars of St. Francis and fifteen by the Paulists. 219 all parish churches, as there is great number of Christians. Granting that these

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Christians are no better than many in European countries, yethere the secular arm obliges them to show much respect to the Fathers and to serve them and obey them to the degree that some Portuguese owners, to whom His 181r Majesty has allowed and granted those villages complain that the Fathers have deprived them of all authority and jurisdiction over the inhabitants of those villages.
The total revenue collected from this kingdom on behalf of His Majesty is fourteen thousand seven hundred and fifty pardaos, each pardao being equal to ten fanams and each fanam to forty five res.
There is at this fort of Jaffnapatnam a customs house from which the collection for His Majesty amounts from six hundred, to seven hundred of these pardaos, each pardao being the equivalent often fanams, because the commerce is small in volume, and this land produces no merchandise other than an abundance of coconuts, jaggery,220 coir and carsingas,221 and oil of sesame and margosa222 and some elephants and alias223 for which ships from Masulipatam come, bringing cloth in exchange. The ships from Bengal bring here conch shells obtained from Tuticorin and smuggle some pepper. The land has no water other than rain water. Thus any cultivation and moisture that is there is purely through watering, on account of which shortages of rice do occur. What is available plentifully are wild palmyrahs which give no fruit other than what is called the trafolin nut,224 which is eaten when ripe and is also pressed and cut into pieces which they call punato225 and which is eaten, is as sweet as the stuff they use in India made out of butter, sugar and flour and which is called alva,226. Afterwards the stones of these nuts are planted and each produces ayam, called callengo,227 which is the food of poor people. Though the people are poor, we compel them to pay us what they cannot pay. Hence many of the people, desperate, run away and from this arise many of the causes of the rebellions in this island of Ceylon.
Comparing the revenues228 of the kingdom of Jaffnapatnam which amount to what has been mentioned earlier, each year there remains a balance of income over expenditure.
The revenues of the customs houses are applied to the hospital where 181 v) the sick are attended to, and which is managed by the Fathers of the Company of Jesus who just manage to run it with that income. The factor serves also as the customs house judge and the factory clerk as the clerk of the customs house. There are only two guards, of whom one is a porter, to whom are paid the maintenance allowance which are paid to the soldiers, that is, three larins per month, and the one and a half measure of rice per day. There are two other officers at the customs house, one being the inspector of weights and the other the chapador:229 these do not receive any salary from the king's treasury, but are entitled to their perquisites.
The factor, in addition, has kanakapulle and a measurer of the pattayama which is where rice is stored, and to him are also paid three larins per month and a measure and a half of rice per day, and a clerk to whom is paid the same and at times even quarterage as a soldier.

JOURNAL R.A.S. XXXIX, SPECIAL, NUMBER, 1995 59
The captain major has two interpreters, one for Malabar230 and the other for Sinhala. To them are paid the same rates as for the others and usually the captain major orders that they be paid quarterages as well. The factor has a salary of one hundred and twenty milres equal in xerafins to 400-0-00 The factory secretary. thirty milres, in cerafins 100-0-00 The vicar of the parish church, on hundred xerafins equal to Goaxerafins tO 90-0-00 The beneficiary, fifty xerafins equal in Goaxerafins to 45-0-00 The forty vicars in the entire kingdom of Jaffnapatnam are each paid one hundred xerafins in Ceylon currency. This number includes those in the islands of Kayts, Forcados, Cardiva, Alepety and the island of Cows, which are situated adjacent to Jaffnapatnam and are all populated. Only the island of Cows has a fort, a little thing, built by the owner who maintains him (i.e. the vicar) at his own expense.
Additionally the lands of Vany pay to His Majesty's treasury, as quit rent, ten elephants and three alias, and when they are unable to hunt for elephants (182r) they pay in fanams, one hundred xerafins for an elephant and fifty for an alia. The island of Cows pays five bezoars 23 as quit rent. The captains major of the kingdom of Jaffnapatnam are in the habit of levying many fines on the natives who live within those four pattus, and as the people are in a wretched condition, they have no option but to pay up; in this way the land is ruined and will become depopulated, for these people have no wherewithal with which to pay. Since this custom was taken from their heathen kings to whom they were subject, they themselves being heathens, there was no justification but to pay the fines. The reasons for these fines were not matters of serious import. Some of these fines are credited to the revenue with the factor, and amount to nearly two thousand patacas per year.
Leaving aside the revenue of the customs house and an additional four hundred and ten pardaos in fanams taken from those who had concealed that they had taken on rent the villages of the Portuguese, the revenue collected from the kingdom and mentioned above amounted to fifteen thousand four hundred and sixty pardaos in fanams, ten fanams making a pardao. Of this amount, six thousand nine hundred and thirty-two pardaos and four tangas are spent on the garrison; one thousand eight hundred and seventy-six232 on Trincomalee and for the salary of the captain-major, the factor, the religious and the other allowances and four hundred xerafins paid to the captain of Kayts, two thousand one hundred and sixty-four xerafins; and three thousand six hundred, to the forty vicars of the kingdom and the islands. All this adds up to fourteen thousand five hundred and seventy three cerafins two tangas in Goa cerafins, at the rate of three

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hundred res a xerafin. As the pardaos in the kingdom are each equal to four hundred and fifty res, the balance remaining is spent on the rice and provisions above mentioned, on gunpowder, and ammunition for the fort of Jaffnapatnam as well as for the forts of Kayts and Trincomalee, because all are provided from this factory. 182v)
The ships arriving from abroad stop opposite the fort of Kayts 233 and unload their merchandise and ship them in smaller vessels to Jaffnapatnam. These are the large ships, as large as champanas and charatones which require less depth and sail from behind the islands from the Mannar side and reach the foot of the factory, and there unload all that they carry. In former times, incoming ships were very many since they came from Bengal in large numbers and also from Masulipatam. They brought cloth, iron, lead, and many other items with which they supplied this land. But since now they are not given elephants which was the principal item they came to buy, the ships that come are few.234. It has already been mentioned what they take away from this land. The monsoon and the winds are the same as those of the fort of Mannar. The direction of the coast of the fort of Jaffnapatnam to the north-east is up to Point Pedro, and on the south-west is up the island of Mannar.
The religious and their work
Friars of St. Francis
216r Mannar: In Mannarthere is a monastery with the four friars, and opposite that, in the lands of Mantota in Ceylon there are six rectories, each one with a friar who attends to the spiritual matters of those Sinhalese who are many in number.
Jaffnapatnam: In Jaffnapatnam there is a monastery with six friars and in the same kingdom there are twenty parish churches each one with a friar as rector with a large number of native Christians of the kingdom.
Ceylon: In Ceylon there is a monastery with six friars and in the same island there are fifty friars in the rectories, attending to the needs of a great number of Sinhalese Christians, already converted to our Holy Catholic Faith as well as others we are newly converting whose number cannot be exactly determined. In Galle there is a monastery with four friars.

JOURNAL R.A.S. XXXIX, SPECIAL, NUMBER, 1995 61
The house of the friars recoletos235 of St. Francis has ten friars.
Friars of St. Augustine
[217r]
In Ceylon there is one monastery; in this and in the Christian
communities in the island where they have churches of which they are
vicars, there are eighteen friars, the majority of whom are engaged in
converting the Sinhalese with a great increase in the number of Christians.
Friars of St. Dominic
218r
In Jaffnapatnam there is a friary with two friars. In the city of Colombo there is a friary; in this and in the Christian communities in the interior there are fifteen or sixteen friars engaged in cultivation the souls of the Sinhalese natives and in newly converting others, gathering a great harvest.
In Galle there is a house with one friar.
Religious of the Society of Jesus
[219r] In this state of the East Indies, the Society of Jesus has three provinces: the first is that of Goa. . . The second among these three provinces is that of Malabar. It has one hundred and ninety or two hundred religious in eight colleges and in Christian communities, distributed among the colleges of Cochin, Cranganore, Ceylon, Jaffnapatnam, Quilon, the coast of Travancore, the Fishery Coast and the Molucca Islands.

Page 48
62 BOCARROSCEYLON
GLOSSARY
Agras: the Sinhala word is "akara" meaning "mine" (14)
Alias: female elephant without tusks (58)
Almoxarife : an Arabic word meaning: the receiver of the King's dues and
customs (1)
Alva : a sweetmeat (58)
Arachchi : the captain of a company of soldiers (11)
Atukorale : a magistrate in charge of a korale (14)
Badda: a levy collected for the king (25)
Bala : Vellalas: farmers (5)
Balalas : Vellallas (57)
Banneka : for banaka or “interpreter” (20)
Berco: a small piece of artillery with chambers (1)
Cabeça: extreme point (11)
Cachan : wind blowing from south west (6)
Calao (plur. caloes): an earthenware vessel (Sinhala: kalaya) (15)
Calengo : Kelengu : yam (58)
Camelete : a kind of cannon (11)
Camelo : a kind of cannon ( l l )
Canarias : stands for kinnaraya, people who make mats (14)
Canarin : name used by the Portuguese for the native of he islands of Goa, owing to a tradition pointing to the highlands of Kanara as the original birth place of those people (29)
Canos : the Canos are given as fishermen (50)
Carea : fishermen, sailors and soldiers (5, 10)
Carsingas : palm oil (58)
Casado : Portuguese married settler (5)
Chalea : people employed in peeling cinnamon (14)
Champana : a small vessel (6)
Chados: Chandos : a group of people (57)
Chapador: aperson who collected the revenue for the stamp duty on cloth
(58)
Charatone: a ship (60)
Coronheiro: a person who turns out the stocks of guns (26)
Couraca : a part of the fortification of a town. A work cast up to defend a
besieged city from sallies (10)
Dekum : tax paid in money; also gifts presented to the king on ceremonial
occasions (3)
Disava : this word is used in the sense of a province and also of the gover
nor of a province (14)
* Nos. are reference(s) to the page(s), where the word first occurs, or where it is also ex
plained Editor)

JOURNAL R.A.S. XXXIX, SPECIAL, NUMBER, 1995 63
Galveto : a corruption of kadavata, a frontier post (20); (see note 97) Goripo : a person who made lance shafts (14) Hulanbadda: a division of the Mahabadde or Cinnomon department (25) Kachchi: cloth of a particular variety. The word is used also to indicate a
roll of cloth of a specified length (18) Kanakapule : an officer who kept accounts (22) Kangani: a Tamil word indicating a foreman supervising a gang of labourers
(26) Kelengu : a yam (58) Kinnaraya: see Canarias Korale : a province subdivided into pattus (16) Lascarin : native soldiers (ll) Mahabadda : the Cinnamon department (14) Manchua: a rowing boat (50) Macuas: i.e. the Mukkuwa, a community of people at Batticaloa(50) Marala : one-third of the estate of a dead person paid as dues to
the government (31) Mudaliyar: a military officer of high rank (11) Naveta : a small sailing vessels with three decks (6) Padda boat: a flat bottomed boat (19) Pagueis : a sailing vessel (6) Panivira or panivida : message and messenger (21) Pannayas a group of people who had to supply fodder for the royal
elephants (31) Paraveniya also private property of an individual (17); see note 76 Pataxo : a vessel with two masts (6) Pattayama : the grain-store (20) Pattu : a district (14) Perlin: periali: a Sinhala word meaning "rebellions' used in the document
as perlin and perlins (15) Punato : dried pulp of the palmyrah (58) Saracas: a variety of Indian cloth (5) Tancar or tanear : apparently a Tamil word meaning "to unload” (6) Urraqua : arrack (5) Valefarao: probably the same as varipanam, "tax, tribute’ (30) Vara: wind blowing from the north east (6) Vidane : A chief of the lands of the native people (19) Vodaria : vidane (19); see note 91. Xaya : a root used to dye clothes (50) Xerafo : i.e. shroff, see note 117.
See: Glossary of Terms used in official correspondence of the government of Sri Lanka, compiled from Records at the National Archives by S. A. W. Mottau, The Sri Lanka Archives, Vol. 3, 1985. (Editor)

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64 BOCARROSCEYLON
NOTES
1. This date is erroneous as is the case with many other dates given in the section relating to Sri Lanka in this work. The island of Mannar was taken by the Portuguese viceroy, Don Constantino de Braganza about the year 1560 and the fort was built soon after. Albergaria built the fort at Colombo in 1518, not the fort at Mannar.
2. The Portuguese word used here is muro meaning wall. But an embankment of thick earth faced with stone on the outside and inside, were the essential feature of fortifications of the period. Rampart rather than wall seems the more appropriate term. I have preferred that term here.
3. The text reads Os dous baluartes cubertos mais altos hum que o muro, i.e. each of the two covered bastions being taller than the wall. But this does not make sense as a bastion is necessarily taller than the wall. The readings of the BL (f. 339) and BNP (f.327) are: Os dous baluartes cubertos mais altos hum que o outro which translates "one of the two covered bastions being taller than the other'
4. The meaning here seems to be that though the stretches of wall between the bastions are of little importance, the structure itself is solid and can withstand an attack.
5. The pearl fishery was not held between 1604 and 1634. See C. R. de Silva, The Portuguese in Ceylon 1617-1638. Colombo, 1972, p. 185.
6. Falcons are ancient pieces of ordnance.
7. Bercos are small pieces of artillery with chambers, throwing shots weighing three pounds. Half bercos were smaller pieces of artillery.
8. An Arabic word meaning the receiver of the king's dues and
CuStOIS.
9. In BL, 70.000 milres. In BNP 233 xerafins 1 tanga and 40 res.
The Evora and SILNA codices have the same reading.
10. In BL and BNP codices, 40,000 res. and 133-1-40. In the Évora codex, the statement that the judge serves in Jaffnapatam also, is omitted.

JOURNAL R.A.S. XXXIX, SPECIAL, NUMBER, 1995 65
11.
12.
13.
14.
15.
16.
17.
18.
19.
20.
21.
22.
23.
24.
25.
26.
In the SLNA codex the amount is left blank. The amount given here is that from the BL and BNP codices.
The treasurer of the church was the person in charge of the upkeep of the church and had to see to all the expenses connected with it.
The amount is not given. A candy was equivalent to about 500 lbs.
The mark V or U is employed in Portuguese documents of the period to mark off the thousands much the same way as commas mark off the hundred thousands and thousands in a figure like 2,50,000. So 150v xer seems to stand for 150,000 xerafins.
Arrack rent, arrack being a variety of spirit distilled from the coconut or palmyrah palm.
Holy House of Mercy, a well known Portuguese charitable organization of the time.
A measure of weight equal to about 400 to 500 lbs in Sri Lanka
A variety of Indian cloth.
In BNP codex the number is given as 60
In the BNP codex there is a touch of poetry here as instead of spacious (largos) describes the gardensas cool (frescos).
The BL codex does not have the paragraphs beginning "The ferry..." and ending at this point. In the same codex, the next paragraphs are positioned differently before the revenue and expenditure particulars of Mannar.
Carea : see Glossary, hereinabove; Bala, probably Vellala.
By "figs' Portuguese works of the period mean, "banana plants"
Pataxos were vessels with two masts.
Small sailing vessels with three decks.
Champanas were small sea-going craft, originally perhaps Malay
sian. The word has been nativised in the Sinhala language as hamban and forms part of place names such as Hambantota (i.e. champana
port).

Page 50
66
27.
28.
29.
30.
31.
32.
33.
34.
35.
36.
37.
BOCARRO'SCEYLON
Tancar or Tanear (both forms appear to have been used, cf. Evora and SLNA codices) was a term used locally and it is said to be from Tamil tannukiradu i.e. unlade (see F. de Queyroz, Temporal and Spiritual Conquest of Ceylon. (trans. into English by S. G. Perera), Colombo, 1930, pp. 1, 7 and notes. Its meaning is explained in the passage.
This sentence is omitted in some codices e.g. BNP.
The text here runs o fundo de baixo he area onde faz algus canaes. I believe this is what it means.
The Portuguese text here is extremely difficult.
The author means Estado da India , the Portuguese term for their possessions in the East.
For a description of the role that Mannar played in the last two decades of the sixteenth century and for its revenues and expenditure during the same period see Portuguese Regimentos on Sri Lanka at the Goa Archives. ed. Tikiri Abeyasinghe, Colombo 1974, pp. 3-8.
The opening sentence in BL and BNP codices differ from that in the SLNA and Evora copies, though all embody the same information. The Paris codex has the clearest sequence and I have followed it in the opening sentence. The Paris codex says that the Kelani river flows into the sea one league from Colombo, but I have retained the SLNA codex reading which gives only half a league, which, I think is nearer to the true distance. s
"In Mutwal, upon the bar which the Chingalas call Modere, the beautiful and well built church of St John the Baptist'. (Queyroz, op.cit. p. 714). The reference to San Joao must be to this church as it was at Modera where the Kelani river falls into the sea. The church of St John is still standing in the same place.
In the time of Captain General Dom Jeronimo de Azevedo (15941612), Lourenço Teixeira de Macedo was granted the port of Negombo on condition that he will build and maintain a fort at Negombo.
Even in 1639 the fort of Negombo was incomplete. See Abeyasinghe, Regimentos, op cit. p. 80
Pataxos and pagueis are types of sailing craft. (see footnote 24 above)

JOURNAL R.A.S. XXXIX, SPECIAL, NUMBER, 1995 67
38.
39.
40.
41.
42.
43.
. 44.
45.
46.
47.
48.
49.
50.
The SLNA codex has only sahir i.e. to go out; the BNP codex has entrar e sahir i.e. to enter and to go out.
In SLNA codex, the word used for rebellion is perlins, i.e. periali, a Sinhalese word.
The fort of Colombo was built by Lopo Soares de Albergaria in 1518; rebuilt with stronger defences in 1520; dismantled by order of the King of Portugal in 1524; and then built again in 1554. It is this last fort, with some modifications, that is described by Bocarro.
Couraga is defined in older Portuguese dictionaries as a work in ancient fortifications thrown up in a besieged city to defend the besieged from sallies. The English equivalent usually given is breastwork, but the latter is a temporary structure while the couraga in Portuguese forts seems to have been a permanent feature at least in the bigger forts.
In the BNP codex this sentence reads "all the baluartes tower a fathom above the walls, and the wall is only two fathoms in height which is to say, 20 spans'. f. 335
The lascarins are native soldiers; the aratchis and mudaliyars are military officers.
The enumeration following this does not add up to 30. In both the Évora and the BNP codices the number given here is 4.
The camelete and the camelo were two kinds of cannon.
In the BNP codex, 18.
Marca mayor can mean something of uncommon size. It can also refer to a mark inscribed on the gun barrel indicating the founder's "brand name" or ownership. As I have seen references to "imperial
mark” in guns, I believe that marca mayor refers to such a mark and not to an idiomatic use to size.
In the BNP codex, 36.
In the BNP codex the dimensions given are 75,50 and 195 leagues
respectively. The figures of the BL and Evora codices are the same as those of the SLNA manuscript. -

Page 51
68
51.
52.
53.
54.
55.
56.
57.
58.
59.
60.
61.
62.
63.
64.
65.
66.
67.
BOCARROSCEYON
The territories of the King of Kandy did produce cinnamon and this information is erroneous.
It is clear that the reference is to the territories under the Portuguese.
The word disava is used in the sense of both provincial governor and province.
Fr. S. G. Perera says that the entire stretch of land from Galle Face to Mount Lavinia was called Mapane at the time but quotes no evidence.
Queyroz gives only seven. See The Temporal and Spiritual Conquest of Ceylon...op. cit. p. 34
A comarca was a district of a province of Portugal.
In the SLNA codex the phrase reads ‘ que a guerra os foi diminuendo” (the war having diminished them), while in the Paris codex the phrase
is ‘que agora os foi diminuendo “(which is now diminished).
The Mahabadda was a department concerned with cinnamon gathering. Chaleas were employed in the Mahabadda.
This word is unknown to the Portuguese or Sinhalese languages, as far as I know. The Portuguese dues-register for the Kotte Lands describe gorippos as “aquestes que fazem as tias das lansas” which is the same definition given here.
The word is kinnaraya (Sinhala).
These names are spelt in the document respectively as Caliture, Selicao, Gale, and Beligao. Selicao is a mistake for Alicao which is the term the Portuguese used for Alutgama.
Known as Nagalagam Street (in Grand Pass) today. The Évora codice has Vua.
In the BL and BNP codices the figure given is 1300. The Évora codex gives 300, which is obviously a mistake.
The spelling given in the documents are Manicavare and variants. In the document, the spelling is Pomparapim.
The BNP codex gives 16 leagues.

JOURNAL R.A.S. XXXIX, SPECIAL, NUMBER, 1995 69
68.
69.
70.
71.
72.
73.
74.
75.
76.
77.
78.
In the SLNA codex the spelling is Regapore while in the BNP codex it is Raieporem.
The attribution of the monuments to the Romans is found only in SLNA and in the Evora codices. In the BL and BNP documents the reference to the Romans is dropped.
Calao (plural, caloes is defined in Vieira's dictionary as an Indian earthenware vessel. The earthenware water-pot in Sinhalese is also called kalaya or kalagediya.
The rebellion which followed the death of the Captain-General Constantino de Sa de Noronha in 1630.
The BL and BNP and the Évora codices do not have this paragraph and it is not clear whether the reference is to some buildings in Malwana or in Colombo.
According to the Kandyan-Portuguese treaties of 1617 and 1633-4, the Kandyan ruler promised an annual tribute of two elephants in 1617 and of one elephant in 1633 for six years and thereafter two a year. See C. R. de Silva, The Portuguese in Ceylon 1617-1638. Colombo, 1972, pp. 33, 139.
This was also the view of D. Jeronimo de Azevedo who was captain general during the years 1594 to 1612. See T. Abeyasinghe, Portuguese Regimentos op.cit., pp. 43,48
In the SLNA codex the reading is "in the kingdom of Kandy. I have adopted the reading given here, which is what is found in the other codices.
The text has com qrandes paravenias que he o mesmo que comodidades". The word comodidades meaning convenience, luxury, etc. seems to have been used in Sri Lanka by the Portuguese for royal lands held by private parties for some service to the king. The Dutch and the early British in Sri Lanka continued the Portuguese usage, calling such lands, accommodesan.
The SLNA codex has “como assima possibilidades o which must be an obvious error of the copyist for 'as impossibilidades' which the other three codices get right.
The SLNA and Évora codices have comer certo; while the BL codex has comercio (trade) and the BNP has concerto.

Page 52
70
79.
80.
81.
82.
83.
84.
85.
86.
87.
88.
89.
90.
BOCARROSCEYLON
This sentence is omitted in the BL codex. The promised description does not occur in any of the codices.
This is not correct as the Portuguese did not get the revenue of the
Kandyan lands.
What the writer means is that proceeds from the export of cinnamon were not credited to the revenues of the Portuguese government in Sri Lanka.
Commutative justice consists in respecting the rights of other people and in giving to them what is due to them. Distributive justice binds those in authority obliging them to distribute the burdens and the benefits among the citizens according to their merits and needs, without any favouritism or discrimination.
The SLNA codex is the only one in which the next three paragraphs appear. The other three codices carry the list of expenditure from this point onwards.
Kachchi is cloth of a particular variety. It also stands for dues paid in cloth and roll of cloth of a specified length.
During the viceroyalty of the Count of Linhares (1629-1635), the Portuguese had negotiated a contract with the Nayak of Madura to exchange elephants from Sri Lanka for the saltpetre produced in his kingdom.Thereference is to this orderof Linharesanditsimplementation. See Abeyasinghe, Portuguese Regimentos. op cit. p. 11.
The text has, de Bengala quando estava em pee, Could it be an error for em paz, in peace?
The spelling in the document is Manicaruara.
In the BL and BNP copies the information is arranged more intelligently, "the camp at Menikkadawara consists of 13 companies with 28 soldiers in each company and each company has its captains, ensigns and sergeants, and in addition 15 soldiers are attached to the captain major, all of them making a total of 413 persons, excluding the 13 captains'. Note how the total varies.
The spelling of the document is Sofragao. Probably Ratnapura is meant. Ratnapura seems to be a modern name, because no 17th century Portuguese document uses that name.
The spelling in the document is Maluana.

JOURNAL R.A.S. XXXIX, SPECIAL, NUMBER, 1995 71
91.
92.
93.
94.
95.
96.
97.
98.
99.
100.
101.
102.
103.
104.
The word is spelt as vodaria in the SLNA and Evora codices. The BNP and BL have the correct spelling.
In the Sinhalese literature of the period padda from which comes the Portuguese word pada used in this document. Pada-boats are flat bottomed.
Caliture in the document.
Quarterage means a quarter's salary. There should by definition, have been four such payments a year, but soldiers in Sri Lanka were paid only twice a year.
From the phrase it is evident that the captain-major of the field is
heant.
Pattayama was the grain-store
The document uses the word galvetos which is a corruption of the Sinhala word kadavata. The Portuguese could never distinguish the Sinhala cerebral "d" and represented it with the consonant "r'; thus Nagoda became Nagora, Angoda became Angora. Similarly kadavata became karavaata and with the softening of the "k' it became garavata which some writers reproduce as garaveto. Garavato on the lips of the Dutch became the English gravet.
The word used by the document is panavira from Sinhala panivida
or payinda, i.e. message. Here again the cerebral "d' has become 'r'.
The words used by the document are Tambor, pifars. In the Sinhalese documents of the period we find Tamboru, puranpettu.
Arachchi is a captain of a company of local soldiers in the BL document the amount is given as 1329 xer. 2 tgs. and in the BNP as 1229 xer: 2 tgs.
The Banneka also was an interpreter. The word is misspeltas bariaca in the SLNA document; but the other documents have the correct spelling as banaka.
The BNP codice has“the same torches' which is more appropriate.
The BNP codex has "four measures'.
The BLand BNP documents give 58-3-22 1/2

Page 53
72
105.
106.
107.
108.
109.
110.
111.
112.
113.
114.
115.
116.
117.
BOCARRO'SCEYLON
Members of Black African tribes, whom the Portuguese brought over as troops to Sri Lanka. It is possible that the Portuguese speaking groups of people who live near Puttalam at present are the descendants of these Africans.
Captain-general in Colombo, 1631-1634.
The kanakapules were officers who kept accounts. Measurers were those charged with measuring grain. Robert Knox gives their Sinhala title mananna.
A clerical error for 108 xer. All the other copies as well as the tabulated figures on the right hand margin give the correct sum of 108 xer.
The word in the text is manchua, that is a rowing boat in the Indian waters. It can sometimes be fitted with sail.
The BNP and the BL codices have todo o anno i.e. all the year round.
The word in the text is vesterias; literally, an allowance for uniforms.
Obviously to be distributed at the rate of one kachchi to each sailor and double the rate for the two masters.
It is possible that some of the coolies were palanquin bearers who had to carry the factor etc... "The coolies who carry... the factor...” would make sense only if this were so.
This was an honour conferred by the king of Portugal. An annual allowance also went to the recipient. The captain concerned was Lourenço Teixeira de Macedo, who had spent a long period of service in the island.
The Deduru Oya.
Goa.
“E ao xerafo que vee o dinheiro" : The word xerafo is from the Arabic and means a money-changer or a banker. For a fuller explanation see Henry Yule and A. C. Burnell, Hobson Jobson : A Glossary of Colloquial Anglo-Indian words and phrases, and of kindred terms, etymological, historical, geographical and discursive. London, Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1968. s.v. shroff. There was a shroff in Colombo; see item no. 73.

JOURNAL R.A.S. XXXIX, SPECIAL, NUMBER, 1995 73
118.
119.
120.
121.
122.
123.
124.
125.
126.
127.
128.
29.
The sum is incorrect. At 3 larins per month, each lascarin will get 36 larins and the three lascarins 108 larins. In terms of xerafins this is equal to 32 xer. 2 tgs.
The amount given in the SLNA text here is 120xer. 4tgs. an obvious clerical error. The other manuscripts have the correct figure.
The arecanut was exchanged for cloth at the rate of one kachchi of cloth for an amuna of arecanut, an amuna consisting of 24 to 26000 nuts.
In the BLand BNP codices the figureis 1500 bundles (fardos) made up of 600 of the badda, 350 added on by Gonsalves, 400 from Gampaha and 150 from Galle.
In the 16th century the kings of Kotte had begun to pay the Portuguese a tribute of 300 bahars of cinnamon. In 1597 when Dharmapala died, this tribute stood at 400 bahars. Later the amount due to the government was increased by 200 bahars making it 600. This is the badda of ancient times referred to here. Badda here means dues paid to the king.
Captain General 1631-1634.
Mahabadda and Hulambadda were groups into which the cinnamon peelers were organized for the purpose of performing their services to the government.
This paragraph is a good example of the kind of shorthand like prose in which this manuscript is written.
This should be one hundred and eighty seven xerafins as it is in the Evora codex.
Goripos are, according to the Portuguese tombo," those who make lance-shafts'. Paul Pieris (in his Sinhale and the Patriots, 1815-1818, Colombo, 1950, p. 482) defines them as those who lacquered spear StaVCS.
This word is not found in dictionaries. Coronha is, however, the butt or stock of a gun. Coroneiros were probably those who turned out the stocks or butts of guns. Kuruneru occurs as a personal name in Sri Lanka.
Betal or Batel in the documents. The name Pasbetal Road recalls the Portuguese form of the name. The name Passbetal Road was recently changed into Sri Wickrama Mawatha.

Page 54
74.
130.
131.
132.
133.
134.
135.
136.
137.
138.
139.
140.
141.
142.
BOCARROSCEYLON
The Father of the Christians was a priest chosen to look after the interests of the local Christians, protecting them from exploitation by the Portuguese officials, landlords or local chiefs.
On the other side of the river. Even today there is a Kalutara South and a Kalutara North.
What this allowance was for is not explained. As item 70 indicates, a similar amount was granted to the Dominican Convent too, the payment must have been a standard one, for a specific religious service.
Spelt respectively as Caimel, Chilao, Madampe and Calpete in the documents.
The spelling found in the document is Welgampete, Bobity, Urgampola, Matamane, Munecerao, and Calpety. Only Matamana is not identifiable.
The village of Munessarama and the 42 villages appurtenanced to it, was granted to the Jesuits in 1605, three years after they had arrived in the island. The grant was withdrawn in 1618, but the Portuguese governor Fernão de Albuquerque allowed the Jesuits to re-occupy it on periodic renewal by the king. Thereafter, till the 1630s, they continued to possess Munessarama. The viceroy Count of Linhares gave orders that the village be withdrawn and they be compensated with otherland. This statement means that the Jesuits had not released the land. They succeeded in holding on to it until the Dutch conquest.
The SLNA codex gives 360-1-00 an obvious error for 360-0-00
Badda here means a levy collected for the king from areca palm OWICTS.
Bulatgama was an area, later under Kandyan rulers, divided into Uda and Pata Bullatgama, i.e. Upper and Lower Bullatgama.
Used for firing guns of the period.
Canarins are the people of the Kanara region in India.
The BNP codex adds here the phrase "which is what a year has".
Probably it is the Tamil word varipanam, used also in Sinhala, and meaning "tax, tribute'.

JOURNAL R.A.S. * XXXIX, SPECIAL, NUMBER, 1995 75
143
144.
145.
146.
147.
148.
149.
150.
151.
152.
153.
154.
. Probably the Sinhalese word akara meaning “mine”.
All the details following this word are given only in the SLNA and Evora codices only.
Captain General in 1618-1621 and 1623-1630s
At this point, in the Evora codex, the following phrase occurs: "an order of His Majesty who has declared that neither general nor the Superintendent of revenue collect so much as a single arecanut in those lands'.
Captain General, 1631-1634.
The viceroy, Conde de Linhares.
The details given in this paragraph from this point onwards are found only in the SLNA and Evora codices. -
i.e. the cinnamon peelers of the Mahabadda.
The Pannayas were a group of people who had to supply fodder to the royal elephants.
Oxen owners had to serve the government in the transport of arecanut, paddy, etc. They were a separate badda, (or department) just as cinnamon peelers were.
The suggestion that the income from 12 villages be set apart to supply the needs of the army camp seems to have originated about 1620. Immediately, it ran into a barrage of opposition from interested parties which included the captain major, the Jesuits, and the influential Casados. Among the villages proposed for inclusion were Dorawaka, Mandamarawita, Walapane (all in Beligal korale ), Talamptiya. Kuttapitiya, Opanake, Munnessarama, Madampe, Kattange, Kanande, Visinava, Gampaha, Gilimale, Bambarabotuwa, Kandagamuwa and Anavilandana. Which of these were eventually resumed and set apart is not known, though a document of 1634 mentions Dorawaka and Madampe as two of the twelve. ( Lisbon, Arquivo Histórico Ultramarino, India Caixa 10, Doc. No 200 of 20 December 1 634; Lisbon, Arquivo Nacional do Torre do Tombo, Documentos Remettidos da India, Vol. 24, Doc. 119)
Dekum, tax paid in money; also presents taken on the occasion of Subjects going to visit the king ceremonially.

Page 55
76
155.
56.
157.
58.
159.
160.
161.
162.
163.
164.
65.
166.
67.
168.
169.
BOCARRO'S CEYLON
The marala one-third of a dead person's estate paid as dues to the government.
In the document the words are spelt as Calpetia, Reigao and Bagao.
In the document the words are spelt respectively as Biligal and Ina.
In the document the name is spelt as Sofragao.
Probably people of Kanara in India, who had settled down in the island under government sponsorship.
The name is spelt in the document as Berbery, the usual name among the Portuguese and the Dutch for Beruwela.
This name is spelt in the document as Macone.
The spelling in the document is Caimel. It is situated where the Maha Oya falls into the sea.
Measurements of the period had not acquired the degree of precision they have today. An amuna of arecanut could be a great amuna ora small amuna. Likewise it seems that there were great kachchis and small kachchis. It seems not inappropriate to mention here that when I visited Portugal for the first time in 1962, when I asked for a dozen bananas, always got 13. Now, alas, it has changed!
“Dous de peixe” in the codex meaning “two from fish”, probably meaning two larins. Compare the amount given in the sentence with that given on margin. See also the next item.
These items are given only in the SLNA and Evora codices.
In the BL and BNP codices, after balancing the accounts, copyists of these codices add however “which amount [i.e. the short fall) is
remitted from Goa to meet the payment of salaries and allowances'.
In the BNP codex the phrase "at a stone's throw” (tiro de pedra) is found instead of “tiro de peça” (a gun shot) as in the SLNA codex.
On the destruction of Constantino de Sa's army at Randeniwela near Wellawaya in August 1630s see C. R. de Silva, The Portuguese in Ceylon, 1618-1638, op cit, pp. 106-110.
The BL and BNP codices add “and mortar”.

JOURNAL R.A.S. XXXIX, SPECIAL, NUMBER, 1995 77
170. This paragraph is omitted in the BL and BNP codices.
171.
72.
173.
174.
175.
176.
177.
178.
179.
180.
181.
182.
183.
184.
At six larins per month a soldier gets 72 larins per year. For 25 soldiers the total allowance should be (72x25) divided by 3 1/3 is equal to 540 xerafins. Perhaps the double allowance paid to some officers make it 590 xerafins.
i.e. the sand bar.
A variant spelling is Gale.
Viceroy of Goa, 1591-1597
This is an obvious error, for Mathias de Albuquerque was not the viceroy in fifteen hundred and eighty-nine. That the Galle fort was
built during the viceroyalty is corroborated. See T. Abeyasinghe, Portuguese Rule in Ceylon 1594-1612. op. cit. p. 28.
Casement is a term in military fortifications and means a vaulted chamber in the thickness of the wall of a fortress with embrasures or vault of mason's work in the flank of a bastion next to the curtain, to fire on the enemy.
In the SLNA manuscript the word used is terra (ground); in the BNP codex the word is torre (tower).
The information that follows is given in the BL and BNP codices
This paragraph as well as the next are omitted in the BL and the BNP codices.
In the document the spelling is Tanavare from which come the Dondra of the British times. This description is omitted in the Evora codex.
In the document the word is spelt as area which means "sand': an obvious error for “areca”.
The Indian coast
This description is not found in the BL and BNP and Évora manuscripts. In the BNP manuscript a plan of the bay is given. Beligao is the usual spelling for Welligama in Portuguese documents. So it is here.
The BNP codex gives eighteen and half degrees: an obvious error.

Page 56
78
185.
186.
187.
188.
189.
190.
191.
192.
193.
194.
195.
196.
197.
98.
199,
BOCARRO'S CEYLON
The SLNA codex reads at this point: "six pieces of artillery, three of them large-sized and of bronze, two of iron and the other three small in size and of iron'; an obvious copyist's error when in the phrase "one of bronze one has been omitted.
These paragraphs are omitted in the BL document.
The BNP document gives this as one xerafin as curry allowance for a month. This appears to be the correct meaning.
In the BNP codex these items of expenditure are given later, and not at this point.
The references must be to sieges that the Kandyans laid.
A sort of barge or boat
In Portuguese documents which deal with tropical lands, winter means the rainy season.
In the document the spelling is Pandara Pule, Manchuas. Instead of the word "servico" (service), the SLNA codex has "serco" (siege).
The Canos are given as fishermen.
The BL, BNPandÉvora codices add the word “mercadores" meaning "traders' here. The translation then would be: "Moors who are merchants from outside, but some of whom are also natives'.
In the document the spelling is Araura, Pantegao, Xambandare.
In the SLNA and Évora documents "ficarão pera a dita fortaleza as terras que alcancace hua peça de alcance tirada da dela “ is the reading. The BNP codex has the words "pessa de artilharia de alcance ... '. This seem to be correct reading and I have adopted it.
The next four paragraphs (until the beginning of the description of the Trincomalee fort) are omitted in the BL and BNP codices.
As used here, the word "South' stands for the East Indies. In the first decades of the 17th century, for example, empresa do sul in Portuguese documents meant the struggle against the Dutch in the East Indies.
The name of the fort is spelt variously in the documents of the period as Trinquinimalle, Trinquinimale, Triquilimale, etc.

JOURNAL R.A.S. XXXIX, SPECIAL, NUMBER, 1995 79
200.
201.
2O2.
203.
204.
205.
2O6.
2O7.
208.
209.
210.
2.
212.
23.
214.
In the BNP codex the year is given as 1632. The fort was actually built in 1623-24. See C. R. de Silva, The Portuguese in Ceylon 1617. 1638. Colombo, 1972, pp. 67-69
Dom Francisco da Gama, the count of Vidigueira.
In the SLNA and Évora codices the word is given as os bredos, a word not defined in any dictionary. Bredos, however, is a plant of the amaranthus family. In the BL codex the word used is as Ortalisas meaning vegetables. I have adopted it here.
In the codices the word is spelt as Cumbropitim (SLNA, Évora) Cambropitim (BL) and Cumbropetim (BNP).
Bahia de arcos or Bay of Bows or Arches
The reference is to the Estado da India, the Portuguese name for the forts, the territories and factories they had from Mombasa to Macao.
From 1602 the Dutch communicated with the kingdom of Kandy through the ports of the east coast because the west coast was under the occupation of the Portuguese. In 1620 a company of Danish soldiers entrenched themselves at Trincomalee.
In Portuguese, the name was Cais does elephantes whence comes the modern name of Kayts.
The entire section on the fort of Kayts is omitted in the BL codex.
The SLNA codex has donde he assistencia da renda. The Évora codex has donde he a sustancia da renda which is contextually more appropriate. I have adopted this reading here.
As in the case of most specific dates in this document, this date is wrong. It was May-June 1619 that the Portuguese conquered Jaffnapatnam.
The SLNA codex gives here "o Rey" (the king), not "o visorey" (the Viceroy), an obvious clerical mistake.
In the document the name is spelt as Changaly.
Sankili was not the king, but only the regent who had usurped power.
This sentence is omitted in the BNP, BL as well as in the Evora codices.

Page 57
80
215.
216.
217.
218.
219.
220.
221.
222.
223.
224.
225.
226.
227.
228.
229.
BOCARROSCEYLON
The word in the document is serca
The correct spelling of these names is Valikamam, Tenmarachchi, Badamarachchi, Pachchilapalli. The four manuscripts give many different spellings.
This sentence is missing in the SLNA codex, but occurs in the other three manuscripts.
Balalas stands for Vellalas, Carias for Karaiyars or Careas.
The Religious of the Company of Jesus were sometimes called Paulists because their main institution in Goa was the College of St Paul.
Unrefined sugar made from the sweet toddy of palms like the coconut, the kitul and the palmyrah.
In an editorial note in the English translation of Zwaardecroon's Memoir, carsingo is defined as palm oil. But modern Tamil scholars know of no such word.
The BL document omits the word "margosa". The Paris document refers to “aseite de sarzelen que he margosa”, meaning “oil of sesame which is margosa'. The Portuguese word for sesame is gergelin and not sarzelin, so the Paris document contains two CTOS.
Alias are cow elephants having no tusks.
Trafolin is Indo-Portuguese for the nut of the palmyrah.
Punato is the dried pulp of the Palmyrah.
Alva from Arabic halwa, a Sweetmeat generally made out of milk, Sugar, almond paste, and ghee flavoured with cardamon (see Hobson-Jobson. op. cit. s.v. Hulwa)
Kelemgu, a Tamil word meaning "yam'.
The BL and the BNP codices at this point proceed to give a detailed breakdown of the expenditure of Jaffnapatnam.
"Chopa a renda" was the stamp duty paid on cloth sold in Jaffnapatnam according to P. E. Pieris, The Kingdom of Jaffnapatnam, 1645. Colombo, 1944. The chapador was there

JOURNAL R.A.S. XXXIX, SPECIAL, NUMBER, 1995 81
230.
231.
232.
233.
234.
235.
fore probably the person who had received the right, on payment of a lump sum, of collecting this due.
The European documents of the period (and even later) use the word Malabar for the Tamil language.
Bezoars were stone-like things found in the stomach or intestines of certain animals. It was believed that they had antidotal properties.
The amount spent on the fort of Trincomalee here is given as 1876 while in the description of the fort of Trincomalee is given as 1866.
The SLNA codex omits the words “Caes” (Kayts) and "desembarcao' (unload). The words occur in all the other documents.
The reason why elephants were not sold to these merchants was that by an agreement entered into with the Nayak of Madura at the time of the viceroy the count of Linhares (1629-1635), the Portuguese promised to sell the elephants from Sri Lanka to the Nayak in exchange for saltpetre, which at that time was a scarce commodity. See Abeyasinghe, Portuguese Regimentos on Sri Lanka, op. cit, pp. 11 and 79.
The friars recoletos of St. Francis were a group of Franciscans who led a life of greater solitude and deeper prayer. They had one convent in Colombo called the convent of the Mother of God.

Page 58
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Page 59
CYON ako-. Oni ncho 24 M
1520840
REFERENCE
nasus ROADS amas RAILWAY
... --- disTRICT BOUNDARY ---- PROVINCE BOUNDARY
From Land, Maps & Surveys by R L. Brohier, 1950
 

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CIETY OF SRI LANKA
swamy Mawatha,
Annual Subscriptions :-
ident) RS. 150.00 -Resident) - . 10. ident) - RS, 1500.00 -Resident) - E. 50.
riptions may also be paid in two successive years from the date of
nt Ordinary and Life Membership Non-Resident Ordinary and Life
scriptions for a period of 25 years embership, without any further
rship should be sent to the Hon- " опn the necessary forпns may be
Win in favour of the "Royal Asiatic
Society's Journal and enjoy the on to Lectures and Meetings.
LEE PENTE LIMIE |MALA DEHWALA 5:HLANKA.
-