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Journal
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THE ROYAL ASIATIC SOC.
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1973
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IIIe and promote inரபir into the Literature, Arts, Sciences and nt arid former inhabitants Ind connected cultures,
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APOTHECARIES CO., LTD. LIETY (SRI LANKA BRANCEI)
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Price RS. 10.00

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CONTENTS
Articles Page
l.
NANDALEVA WIJESEKERA-Plea for Hunanistic Studies and Research (Presidential Address) v.
TIKIRI ABEYASINGHE-The Politics of Survival: Aspects of Kandyan External Relations in the Mid
Sixteenth Century w •
NANDASENA MUDIYANSE-The Ecclesiastical
Code of Rajadhirajasimha AQ> * w a - 22
A. D. T. E. PERERA-Unique Carvings on a Makara Wingstone from an ancient shrine at Anuradhapura 28
C. G. URAGODA-Nitre Cave and its Environs . . 37
T. B. KARUNARATNE-A Unique Astamangala
Relief from Welligama 46
D.C.. GUNAWARDENA-Peradeniya . . O «O 55
Book Review-A Bibliography of Ceylon - 0 Kr 57
Office-Bealers-1973/74 a AA A a i
Annual Reports for 1971 and 1972 a AO - ʻ ii -v
Honorary Treasurer's Reports for Ig7 I and Ig72 . . vi-vii
Balance Sheet and Statements of Accounts for years ending 3 J.I2.71 and 3 I.I2.72 us - a viii-xix
Abstract of Proceedings w - 4 XKXK Publications Received (I-to-2 to 30-9-7 3) יאס יא XXV
Publications added to the Library (I. Io.72 to 30.9.73) - XXVi
Members admitted during the year 1973 Xxvili
Notes and Queries - Xixkvisii
Publications of the Society

1973 Journal of the SRI LANKA BRANCH
of the
ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY
New Series, Volume XVII Edited by the Honorary Secretary
COLOMBO
PRINTED BY THE COLOMBO APOTHECARIES CO., LTD. FOR THE ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY (SRI LANKA BRANCH) REID AVENUE, COLOMBO 7.
1 س- 14687

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Plea for Humanistic Studies and Research (Presidential Address 1973)
BY PUNDIT DR. NANDADEVA WIJESEKERA
B.A. (HoNs.) LOND., B.A. TRIPos (CANTAB.), M.A. (CANTAB.),
- Ph.D. (CALCUTTA)
My own view is that the presidential address at the Annual General Meeting should be of general interest, broad based and deal with a theme of interest to the general membership rather than be restricted to a specific academic subject of interest to specialists. I may be pardoned, therefore if, in my presidential address, I venture to deal with a general subject. At first, this may appear directly unrelated to humanistic studies and research. But it is no doubt a subject which underlines the fundamental basis of the aims and objects of the Royal Asiatic Society itself, viz: 'to institute and promote inquiries into the history, religions, language, literature, arts, Science and Social conditions of Ceylon...' I have chosen a subject that concerns all Societies similar to ours. It is a subject affecting both private and public bodies whose aims and objects are also similar to ours. This subject is a plea for humanistic studies and research i.e. arts as distinguished from science.
There was a time when the pursuit of knowledge was not sharply divided and separated into watertight compartments. Nor was science and arts cast into separate moulds. It was a time when one aspect of research or pursuit of research as a whole was not preferred to another, when science was not given precedence over arts. All aspects of study were treated alike. Hence all societies and institutions engaged in their promotion earned the same patronage and recognition. It may be that, at times, one was more fashionable than another. It may be that one attracted more research workers than another due, perhaps, to the dynamic and magnetic personalities of brilliant scholars associated with a Society of a particular nature. It may even be that the scope in one was wider and results more rewarding than in another. But it was never the case for one to receive greater support from the public and private authorities and patrons than another.
All Societies and institutions promoting research studies were considered as the offspring of one common parent. Thus the progress of research in both arts and science continued in harmony. There was no barrier, distinction or divorce between arts and science as such. These two were happily blended and supported and added lustre to the other. One did not prosper or flourish at the expense of the other.

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Nor did one attempt to eliminate the other. And no one authority or patron tried to suppress, hinder or threaten the existence of either.
That time has changed today. There appears a trend or a trend has already developed into two clear notions, dividing all studies and research into arts and science. Such a division existed and should exist for convenience but not for conflict or discrimination. Even as fashions change in human society according to time, place and occasion Science is today the fashion. It is a vastly profitable pursuit for human well-being. It is a dominant partner in the universality of knowledge. It may suppress and surpass all other paths leading to the acquisition of knowledge. That is the danger. That is my anxiety. Such a danger should be averted in time by those responsible for the creation, organization, and maintenance of our future research studies in general and humanistic researches in particular. It is true that science is exciting. Science leads to material benefits and greater advantages and opportunities. No one can and no one should deny that fact. I go further to add that every possible facility and opportunity should be provided for promoting science research. Humanity awaits the solution of the mysteries of the universe and with them the mystery of man himself by research into human life. This is also one of the objects of our society.
Humanistic studies also promote the exploration of the deep depths of the human mind and heart. They open vast vistas of unknown and undiscovered realms in which are generated the impulses leading to a break through into scientific invention and discovery. It is the philosopher, the poet, the musician and the creative artist whose insight into the future inspired by the creative genius produces works I of lasting value that can change the spirit and urge of an entire nation. That fact should not be forgotten. It should never be overlooked. Its value should never be minimized. The scientific and technological advancement itself is at times self destructive without the moral and spiritual values to direct its forces towards man's well-being and welfare. The humanistic studies provide the discipline for controlling man's evil genius, evil intentions and evil thoughts and for suppressing Selfish national pride and arrogance. The moral and spiritual values evolved by great religious teachers and great thinkers of the world have helped to change the minds and hearts of scientists too. Such being the influence of mind over matter, no room should be left or quarter given, for humanistic studies and research to be neglected, or even separated, as far as possible. The two approaches to the goal of knowledge should run parallel and not counter to each other; one being complimentary to the other and inspiring each other to greater activity. This is a necessary synthesis for the development and advancement of the moral stature of mankind. Humanistic research can illuminate the path leading to the realization of the truth itself. It may help to eliminate the lack of humanity and compassion and overcome the feeling of man as god of man.

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But what do we observe in every sphere of activity. We see a progressive separation and a gradual neglect of arts and humanistic studies and research. The two disciplines are clearly separated. Activity in science is encouraged. More funds are allocated to meet the expenses. All this discrimination is made at the expense of arts studies, and at the grave risk of eliminating studies and research in arts leading to the paralysis of the Societies and institutions which cater for humanistic studies. Such a policy and programme cannot and should not be thought of in any national plan intended to achieve fruitful results beneficial to the entire community. It will not augur well for the cultural progress and emotional satisfaction of the people themselves. Man is treated in science as a mere entity, a separate individual and just another being; whereas in arts manistreated as a living being of flesh and blood with kith and kin; having emotions hopes and aspirations and even ambitions and forming an inseparable part of a family and Society. Science alone cannot help sustain a family or develop a society to satisfy a human being.
Man, the human animal is treated without his humanity; man, the social animal is considered without his society; man, the cultural animal is evaluated without his culture; man, the rational animal is studied without his rationalty. Science and technology are losing sight of the fundamental fact that man's brain composition, man's behaviour pattern, man's emotional make up, his hopes and aspirations, his fears and anxieties, human nature itself for the most part, remain basically unchanged from what these were 30,000 years ago. In fact biologically man has changed only in his adaptation to the changing environment in order to survive as no other animal has done. Therefore, we must understand more about his humanity, more about his social behaviour, more about his cultural values, more about his brain mechanism, more about his psychology; lest we throw into utter chaos the intricately organized, highly efficient brain by attempting to mutate the biological inheritance by means of science and technology. Man as an individual in modern society is as important, if not more, than a race ornation.
During the last decade adolescent man has been in the fore-front of social, cultural and political movements; clamouring, insisting, demanding and struggling, nay even dying for freedom to think, to speak, to write and to dissent. He is moved by suffering and poverty at home and abroad. He feels pity and compassion for all mankind. He is aware that the problems of the world are intrinsically tied up with race, religion, economics and population. These concern the very dignity of man; his hopes and fears, his frustrations and dangers, his motivations and responses. These problems can be properly evaluated and better understood by means of humanistic studies and research and not by science and technology. The adolescents must act and co-operate, not withdraw and gesticulate or look on in wonder and

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amazement. They are the inheritors of the present generation. They have a right to inherit a happier and better world. This can be done by creating a social order where science and technology will subserve the moral, spiritual, and extra material values; and not submerge the urges, impulses and emotions of the human being, by limiting the quantity of life and improving its quality. Fine arts and humanistic studies have been left far behind in the race of human progress, while science and technology have progressed tremendously due to active interest and beneficient patronage. The time has come to readjust the sights, to redefine the perspectives, review the values and reconsider the dangers imminent. I plead with every individual to make this his responsibility to restore to arts and humanistic studies a place not second to science and technology.
The emotional environment so essential for the growth and development of personality comes from channeling his inner urges into creative activity that sustains the continuation of his culture as a social being. It is this manifestation that stamps a culture with the hallmark of civilization. Civilizations founded on mechanical and material developments alone have so far not qualified for greatness as world civilizations. But the development of finer sensibilities, the expression of serene beauty confers such a status to man's attainments. That is why arts and humanistic studies are so important, so necessary and so essential for the progress of mankind. The present imbalance, both in emphasis and attention, of higher arts studies and research is paving the way to the extinction of arts. If one were to examine the recent developing trends during the last decade or so one will asppreciate that my fears and anxieties are not altogether unfounded.
In times gone by several Societies like ours were able to contribute Substantially to progress of humanistic studies. Most of the eminent citizens, both scholars and laymen, extended their patronage and assistance willingly, subscribed to worthy causes materially and contributed to the funds generously. The societies became alive and active. Much good resulted. The research efforts and activities became invigourated and flourished. Thus the community benefited by the services rendered by these societies. Let me mention a few. The Royal Asiatic Society, the Oriental Studies Society, Archaeological Department, and the Colombo Museum were the pioneers of the new cultural movement. Later, the Ceylon University too stood in the forefront of such pursuits. They were responsible for promoting several national and cultural projects which bore useful fruits. No one threatened the extinction or debilitation of the strength of any such institution. We must now care far more about the institutions that exist, institutions that protect arts and cultural studies than about scrapping what already exists.

PLEA FOR HUMANISTIC STUDIES AND RESEARCH 5
Opportunities to publish the results of studies and research were provided in the respective journals of the societies and the institutions concerned without any restriction or prejudice. Every encouragement was afforded both by government and individuals. The State assisted with funds and encouraged by recognition. The young scholars were stimulated by the example of the older. The young were attracted and not distracted. They were encouraged and not discouraged. The funds were provided mainly by way of grants by the State. Humanistic studies benefited greatly. The scholars and research workers were assisted to work here and even proceed abroad to further their knowledge and make useful academic contacts. Arts and Science received equal treatment without a semblance of discrimination. Official or non-official was not permitted to monopolize the space in journals or membership in research bodies and institutions. Everyone worked as members of a team to fulfill the same mission and to realize the common objective of knowledge. The good of the community and the well-being of the scholars were not subordinated to individual gain.
We have seen a great change taking place from the old order of two or more decades ago. Arts studies are being gradually relegated to a less important position. From being Complementary these have become supplementary. The two disciplines have almost become separated and isolated. This by itself is no cause for serious alarm, complaint or lament. But the consequences are pregnant with danger. With this change of emphasis and patronage new institutions are being created. Societies are being duplicated to render the same service and more funds are being diverted to founding new ones. At the same time more of the younger scholars are attracted to fill some of these places. All this takes place at the expense of arts and humanistic research.
Think of the large number of research institutions established for science. There is the Tea Research Institute, Rubber Research Institute, Coconut Research Institute, the Ceylon Institute for Scientific and Industrial Research. There are separate institutes for fisheries, agriculture, irrigation, and medical research to name only a few. Above all there is the National Science Council. All these are well equipped with highly paid staff and costly machinery. More of these would be welcome. No one should complain if only arts research is given similar treatment and consideration. Naturally, these research bodies attract more students and also help young scholars by offering better prospects for the future. All credit is due to those who pursue and encourage such an enlightened policy. I wish something also can be done to further the progress of arts activities by providing funds and facilities and allowing freedom to function efficiently. -
Think of the colossal sums of money expended on ammunition and arms, planes and helicopters and other military purposes' imagis

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the millions spent on sophisticated machinery, some hardly used, some in disrepair and some abandoned altogether. If only one per cent of money spent on these is channelled into arts and humanistic studies and research the benefits will accrue to the whole community as well as to the scholars of the entire world. When we see the books in most libraries awaiting cataloguing and indexing and documentation due to lack of accommodation, adequate staff in order to provide minimum facilities and adequate information to readers and researchers; when we know that thousands of ancient rock inscriptions are eroding being exposed to sun, rain and wind; when we see the archaeological material of great value covered up for flimsical reasons one realizes how the precious elements of our ancient heritage just wasted and lost for all time. On the other hand our great neighbour has, by painstaking effort, been able to preserve and reveal more of her past glory. She has established at considerable expense a scientific chronological sequence of all stratigraphical levels from Taxila in the north West to Arikamedu in the south east in Tamil Nadu. It baffles scholars to think why the sequence of dating has not been followed up to Mantai, the ancient sea port of Mahatittha, in the north west of Lanka. Examples can be listed of neglect and delay, in the field of arts and culture.
My disappointment grows when I look back a few decades to see the stagnation and apathy prevailing in the sphere of arts studies and humanistic researches, due to lack of encouragement and assistance, both material and financial. My anxiety deepens when I observe the fading interest evinced both by public and private sectors. I am not aware of the establishment of any live organization created purely for the active promotion of studies and research in arts and humanistic studies. Archaeology, museology, painting sculpture, epigraphy etc. do not in my view receive adequate funds, facilities and accommo dation for proper study and research. Ancient history, prehistory and proto-history are neglected. Language and religion are remembered mostly during times of crises. New publications both for general reading and special studies are not made available in time or at all. There is a serious lack of reading material, both informative and critical.
Private Societies which have been the pioneers of the movement for exploration, discovery and revival of the glories of Lanka's past civilization find themselves almost paralysed, unable to continue their good work due to lack of funds, accommodation and patronage. The fear of absorption by government or state aided bodies is ever present and the threat of centralization hangs over private libraries and collections. A desire to assume the functions and usurp the powers of private societies seems to pervade in certain spheres. Even expropriation of library assets is contemplated to extend the empire of certain officials even as multi-national commercial complexes attempt to swallow smaller concerns. A patron is essential for all learning. This is especially so in the case of arts and humanistic studies. It is essential for arts, both past and present. It is a must in the context of our

PLEA FOR HUMANISTIC STUDIES AND RESEARCH 7
present living. During a period of non-activity or some programme going wrong the Society or the working personnel will not be blamed with neglect or irresponsibility if such a patron is alive.
In other countries private societies are encouraged to attain distinction independently and are not christened distinguished for lack of distinction. Here they are left to deteriorate and reach gradual extinction. In other countries seats of learning at the highest level are multiplied and courses of higher learning are extended and diversified, academic independence is assured and is actually given. Student bodies are allowed to assert their rights and these are recognised. Here the Universities are subtracted and even those that exist are reduced to monolithic mechanisms directed and manipulated by remote controlled devices. Arts studies and research are separated from Campus to Campus where arts and science are divorced from each other. Arts and science are not allowed to co-exist. Arts receives less and less attention, encouragement and financial support. Here the public sector institutions or bodies are seeking to extend their sphere of influence and even control over private sector bodies. The Sinhala Etymological Dictionary is lingering in despair. The Encyclopaedias are labouring to see the early light of publication. Such works and similar material remain unpublished due to lack of printing facilities. The remedy is not closure or abandonment or full stoppage but a reaffirmation to bring these literary projects to fulfilment. It can be done. It has to be done. What is necessary is a dynamic driving policy backed by financial support.
So much of work still remains to be done and so much excellent material is available in these fields of arts studies that it would be a national tragedy not to do them justice. Moreover most of this material is fast disappearing and may soon be irretrievably lost for all time. Therefore action and not inaction is needed immediately. More reliable information regarding prehistory, protohistory and ancient history is necessary to complete the lacunae of Lanka's past record; at least the era immediately preceding the Vijayan period if we are to understand Lanka's ancient history in proper perspective. We have yet to see the publication of a corpus of inscriptions and a register of ancient monuments. A comprehensive linguistic survey has yet to be carried out. No cultural survey on an island wide scale has been inaugurated. Exploration of the ancient sites remains incomplete. Archaeological excavations are ill done or left undone. All this and much more falling within the scope of arts studies remain neglected, but crying for attention. Why is it not possible to collaborate and co-operate with the private Sector Societies to pool all resources, human, technical and literary, to embark on projects that will shed further light about our land and its people and their culture and civilization. It is here that the extension of the stratigraphical dating from Arikamedu to Mantai is absolutely essential,

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The wealth of material preserved in folklore, folksongs, folk dances and folk art, Sinhala customs and manners, behaviour patterns and social orders have to be collected collated and analysed. Language and its affinities should be critically studied. A team of linguists, archaeologists, anthropologists and historians should undertake a survey of cultural, social and linguistic studies in Lanka and the Maldive Islands in order to throw fresh light into Lanka's culture and civilization. The information preserved in the Maldive Islands has so far not been availed of. The Portuguese, Dutch and British records provide data relating to the culture and civilization of the Sinhalese. All these ancillary studies and research into the European period in Lanka cannot be ignored in any study of art and architecture, sculpture and painting, arts and crafts. Fresh examination through further study and research will help to say who we are and what we are. Light is the only thing that can brighten our cultural atmosphere; light that will open to view the innermost chambers of our cultural heritage.
The fact that is not appreciated adequately is that private sector societies and institutions and the honorary officials engaged in maintaining them are also attempting to help shed fresh light on all these problems. This is the real purpose of science too viz; to obtain more knowledge. After all knowledge is truth and truth is one and indivisible. The mechanism of approach to problems may differin different fields. But both should be treated alike as two paths leading to the same goal. Both arts and science are essential elements of sane advancement.
There was a time not very long ago when authorities in charge of Institutions monopolized for their own advantage facilities and space in publications. Some even obstructed and rejected the research efforts of co-workers and assistants. Contributions to be sent for publications in overseas journals were at times withheld. The young scholars were sometimes prevented from joining certain societies and even proceeding abroad in order to participate in seminars and symposia. The names of scientific collaborators are not even mentioned in the publications by Some departmental heads. Happily for young scholars such an un-cooperative selfish attitude is dying if not already dead. But whimsical enforcement of certain restrictions still obtains in certain institutions where such bans should never Cperate. .
After all state controlled and state aided bodies must necessarily conform to, and comply with, policies adumbrated by the state although such policies and purposes change according to the changes of governments. My point is science and humanistic studies have a common purpose and not a parochial one. They need not be changed according to the colour of the government or fantasy of the individual in charge of affairs. Priorities may be determined in the choice of studies or researches according to the requirements of the land and times and the utility of the projects. Nothing should be done to change

PLEA FOR HUMANISTIC STUDIES AND RESEARCH 9
the aims and objectives by deadening their urges and benumbing the spirit for growth and survival.
This would naturally lead to the question of the quantum of freedom that should be permitted to research bodies and true scholarship. We are not unaware of the attempts made by authorities in certain countries to indoctrinate thinkers, to muzzle speakers, and to isolate dissidents for expressing the truth or what they considered to be the truth. Truth may be unpalatable to some sometimes. But it is far better to permit the discussion of truth than to suppress it. The world would have been poorer if the daring predictions, if the new discoveries and bold expressions of scientists, philosophers and thinkers were suppressed merely because these did not conform to the views of the authorities in power. Poets or painters, musicians or artists, scholars and research workers would not have been able to contribute to enrich the treasures of art and literature. Thinkers and scientists would not have dared to express revolutionary views to unravel the mysteries of the mind and the universe. Patriots and freedom fighters would not have been able to win back freedom from colonial domination, and suppression of the freedom and dignity of man. For the truth to be realized expression of views is a prerequisite. The creative process should not be restricted or threatened. Let such acts be not subject to the tragedy of the modern age as feared by Albert Camus, a Nobel prize winner, when he wrote "to create to day is to create dangerously. Any publication is an act. And that exposes one to the passions of an age that forgives nothing'.
So private societies are essential for the development of arts studies and research in humanistic studies. These should be encouraged and assisted not only by the state but also by private institutions and individuals. They serve well the public at large in a way that the state controlled bodies may not be able to do. The scholars in this sector too will and can help to contribute independent views and give unbiassed judgements on very crucial issues. These Societies should not be restricted in meeting, participating and communicating with others and canvassing opinions for the good of the community as a whole. After all the essence of democracy is discussion and controversy—un restricted controversy indulged in by politicians, scholars, thinkers and researchers. It is by controversy that all aspects of a problem can be understood and better appreciated and citizens educated. This is just what private bodies engaged in humanistic studies attempt to do. "It is the amount of dissent and not the amount of conformism which is an index to the virility, strength and progress of a nation'. It is here that thinkers and philosophers come to play an important role in the preservation of Society. Moral and spiritual values are essential for the continuation of human progress. Real
I. Resistance, Rebellion and Death.

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progress is measured not by conquest of man, not by conquest of space and environment not by more material advancement but by cultivation of spiritual values, by advancement of cultural growth and by improvement of human society universally. In fact it means the recognition of the dignity of man and the upliftment of human Society. This can be realized through humanistic studies and research.
Furthermore, a knowledge gained through such studies will enable scholars to inject new life into the living cells of Society to articulate the dormant factors therein. It is not an attempt to Create a new tradition out of the old nor to revive a dead or dying era. Any action galvanized by research is positive and not negative. The present generation should help promote and encourage researchers, poets, artists and literary workers to produce their best by creative work. It is mere negative action to come to their aid only during time of sickness or death. That is a commendable spirit of social service but not a positive policy of promoting arts and culture, research and Creative work.
It is more important to take arts studies and research seriouly in the context of world events. Gifted poets, artists, authors and thinkers can revolutionize world thinking more than many others. The advanced technical and technological creations should be inspired with civilized values based on morality and spirituality, rather than on spiritless materialism of science. The humanistic studies and research can and will help reveal the glories of ancient civilizations to create more glorious civilizations in the future. Each country has ample material, men and resources to work together, ample talent to create and ample scope for both private and public institutions to co-exist. This is indeed true in the case of Sri Lanka. My humble plea is frankly on behalf of all private sector associations and Societies whose aims and objects are similar to ours, whose fears and anxieties for survival too are not dissimilar. My appeal is to all public authorities, the public and private organizations and citizens and the young men and Women of Sri Lanka to assist and encourage scholarship, Support arts studies and humanistic research, to give freely of their industry and knowledge for advancing the progress of such activities in arts and humanities. My effort should not be mis-understood or mis-interpreted as an indirect attempt to find fault with anyone or any quarter. My aim and purpose are prompted by purer motives. My hope is to stimulate the minds of the youth, intellectuals, the authorities, the affluent and also the patrons of the present generation to feel and know that man needs food for the body as well as for the mind if he is to ಟ್ಗ:P and sustain an urge to live and survive as a rational human
eing.

The Politics of Survival: Aspects of Kandyan External Relations in the Mid-Sixteenth Century
By TIKIRI ABEYASINGHE
THE APPEARANCE in print, nearly half a century ago, of a collection of historical documents relating to Sri Lanka and covering the years 1539-1552 should have stimulated interest in this period. l3ut nearly all the documents in the collection were in Portuguese, while the learned, 78-page introduction prefacing the text of the documents as well as the notes were in German - languages which few historians in the island read. The late Fr. S. G. Perera, S.J. bravely attempted to serialize an English translation of the introductory essay of this study in a local journal, but did not get beyond the first fifteen pages of the original, probably owing to the journal ceasing publication. Recently Mr. O. M. da Silva used the information in these documents for a study on Vikramabahu of Kandy. Except for these two efforts, the period covered by these documents is still
I. G. Schurhammer and E. A. Voretzsch, Ceylon zur Zeit des Könings Bhuva
neha Bäh und Franz Xavers 1539-1552 vols. I & II (Leipzig I928). 2. Ceylon Literary Register (Third Series) vol. IV (Colombo 1935-36) pp.
379-385, 427-434. 3. O. M. da Silva, Vikrama Bahu. of Kandy, The Portuguese and the Franciscans
I542-I55I (Colombo I967).
I should add here that a year before the appearance of the work by Schurhammer and Voretzsch, Dr. P. E. Pieris and Fräulein M. A. H. Fitzler brought out an English translation of some of the same documents under the title Ceylon and Portugal Part I Kings and Christians I539-1552 (Leipzig I927). But this work contained only 63 documents as against the other which had 142 (Pieris and Fitzler's projected second volume did not appear). There are other shortcomings in this work. Its introduction states that Vikramabahu was the king of Kandy at the time (p.5), yet no document in the collection gives the name of the king, while other sources suggest that his name was possibly Jayaweera.
Another difficulty about this work was the disconcerting stylistic habit of the translators leaving some key Portuguese words untranslated, thus in effect preventing the reader who knows no Portuguese from getting the best use of the historical information their work contains. For instances, See p. 64 (merce), p. 75 (ladrao), p. 4 I (moco), p. 65 (berdao), p. 99 (soldo and татtiтетto). -
O. M. da Silva, in his study already referred to, also gives the name of the king of Kandy as Vikramabahu, but wriggles out of the difficulty of having to prove this by stating that the king had many aliases
II

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external relations of the kingdom of Kandy during the period covere by the documents, within the context of the external threats to its security in the 16th century. f
Under Parakramabahu VI (1412-1467), the Kandyan territories had been a part of the kingdom of Kotte, and their secession during the turmoil that followed that ruler's death was an act of rebellion. To reverse its result, and to re-establish their authority over the Kandyan lands became, therefore, a principal object of the later Kotte rulers, and during the next four decades, their forces made two expeditions to the hill country for this purpose. On both occasions, the Kotte forces proved overwhelmingly superior to the Kandyans, and its ruler was forced to acknowledge the Kotte king's suzerainty, on one occasion even paying him a war-indemnity. Kandy, it was shown, could not match the resources of Kotte. Its only hope of survival, it followed, lay in weakening Kotte, and to this end its subsequent efforts were directed.
largely unexplored territory. The present paper seeks to analyse နှီ
An opportunity to encourage divisive tendencies in the Kotte kingdom came to Kandy in 1521. The Kotte ruler at the time, Vijayabahu (1509. 1521) sought to disinherit his three nephews-sons of the polyandrous marriage of his elder brother. and himself to the same wife-in favour of a prince who was probably his own son. The three princes thereupon fled from the Kotte lands and the youngest, Mayadunne, sought the help of the king of Kandy against their uncle. The ruler of Kandy readily agreed to help, ostensibly because the three princes were his wife's relatives, but really to ensure his own independence by fomenting rebellion within the Kotte kingdom. On the success of the coup, three kingdoms sprang up where previously there was one. Five years later, a bitter contest between two of the princes, Bhuvanekabahu and Mayadunne, began. The single-state polity of the Kotte kingdom had been replaced by a multiple-state polity; these states were often in conflict, and in their absorption in these quarrels, the Kandyan kingdom found peace and security.
In the 1540s, dark clouds began to gather on the horizon for Kandy. In the closing years of the previous decade, one of the three Kotte princes had died, and by the incorporation of his kingdom Sitawaka had had an accession of strength. At the same time, over ten
4. Epigraphia Zeylanica vol. IV pp. I 6-26.
The Rajavaliya, edited by Gunasekara (Colombo 1926) pp. 5o-51.
5. Rajavaliya, pp. 49-50, 52. 6. Ibid. p. 53.
The Journal of the Ceylon Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society. vol. XX p. 72. Queyroz, The Temporal and Spiritual Conquest of Ceylon (Colombo 193o) p. 2o3. 7. Queyroz, op.cit. p. 22o.
JCBRAS vol. XX p. 99.

THE POLITICS OF SURVIVAL I3
years of close contact with the Portuguese troops had led to the adoption by the Sitawaka armed forces of new techniques of warfare in use among the former, principally the use of artillery. The usual channel into which such increased resources and improved techniques would have been directed by the Sitawaka ruler was the war against his brother, but certain circumstances made its continuation no longer promising. Chief among these were the recent defeats suffered by the armada and the troops of the Samorin, the ruler of Calicut, Mayadunne's patron and helper, at the hands of the Portuguese at Vedalai and Puttalam in 1538-9 and the estrangement of the Samorin from Mayadunne on the latter's giving in to Portuguese demands for the heads of the Samorin's generals, who had come to Sitawaka's help.' With no prospect of aid from Calicut to counterbalance the support that Bhuvanekabahu was getting from the Portuguese, there was little point in continuing the hostilities, and Mayadunne called for a truce. A period of detente, and even limited co-operation between the two brothers for specific purposes, succeeded, destined to last until about 1547. The competing, multi-state system was in abeyance, and this signalled danger for Kandy.
First Bhuvanekabahu and then Mayadunne harboured expansionist designs on Kandy. In November 1543, the former wrote to the Infante Dom Luis of Portugal arguing that since formerly Kandy had been subject to the Kotte kingdom, he had a legal right to the Kandyan territories and asking for Portuguese assistance to recover what was his. But as no Portuguese assistance was forthcoming, he made no move to annex it by himself, preferring instead to join forces with his brother, and making available to him both men and money. Mayadunne's preparations for an expedition to Kandy seems to have begun in 1542, though the attack was not launched until about October, 1545 under the generalship of Mayadunne's minister, Arya.
Kandy's reaction to this threat was two-fold. Firstly its ruler called in the Portuguese at Goa to redress the balance of forces in the island. Secondly he sought to detach Bhuvanekabahu from the offensive alliance against him. Both objectives, it will be noted, relied heavily om foreign policy to rescue thekingdom.
To the question why Kandy did not look to its own resources to ensure its security the answer is found in the internal situation
Schurhammer and Voretzsch, op. cit. I p. I78.
Queyroz, op. Cit, pp. 2I8, 225. JCBRAS vol. XX pp. 9 I-2, Io 4, Io6-7.
Io. Queyroz, op. Cit. p. 23o. II. Schurhammer and Voretzsch, op. cit. I p. 123.
I 2. Ibid. pp. I 6o- II. I 65-6, 17o, I 72, I75, I99,
Raja valiya, p. 58.

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there. At its disposal was a fighting force estimated at 20,000stronger than the Sitawaka and Kotte forces combined, according to contemporary reports. But the men were armed only with bows and arrows, in contrast to the invaders who were equipped with fieldpieces. Politically, at this time the Kandyan kingdom appears to have been in turmoil: in March 1543, communications between its capital and Trincomalee were cut off on account of a rebellion, the rebel chief commanding wide support, even among the Kandyan forces; some chiefs also were restive, and on one occasion, they openly defied the king. To add to the king's troubles, the crown prince was chafing under the father's authority, and was discreetly sounding the Portuguese for support. The Kandyan ruler was, therefore, not in a position to mobilize his total strength for defence.
Though internally weak, Kandy had the wherewithal to pay the Portuguese handsomely for any help it might receive. Portuguese travellers to the kingdom in the mid-16th century were impressed with the wealth of its resources. At a time when the Portuguese treasury at Goa was depleted and the authorities there forced to approach their client-states for financial help, the prospect of friendly relations with Kandy was very welcome.
There were other factors which made the Portuguese authorities entertain Kandyan overtures favourably. Their relations with Mayadunne had never been good, the pro-Mayadunne Portuguese officials being always a tiny minority. On top of this, in the 1540s their relations with Bhuvanekabahu also deteriorated, on account of the financial exactions by the Portuguese authorities, misconduct by the officials, and after 1543, Bhuvanekabahu's refusal to embrace the Catholic faith. As relations between Mayadunne and Bhuvanekabahu improved the Portuguese felt increasingly isolated and had need of allies. They therefore eagerly grasped the hand that the king of Kandy offered in friendship.
The Kandyan ruler offered to pay the salaries and expense allowances of the Portuguese soldiers coming to reinforce his defences, such moneys being calculated on a more generous scale than the
I3. Schurhammer and Voretzsch, op, cit. I pp. 178, 276; II p. 423. I4. Ibid. I. pp. I77, I-79.
I5. Ibid. I. pp. I 84, 356; III pp. 422-3.
JCBIRAS XX pp. I24-5.
16. Schurhammer and Voretzsch, op. cit. II pp. 428-9.
According to the Rajavaliya, the breach between the father and the son later widened and ended in the latter seizing the throne, (p. 58).
7. Schurhammer and Voretzsch, op.cit. I. p. 276.
18. In 1550, for instance, the Portuguese viceroy approached Bhuvanekabahu for a loan of Ioo,oooxerafims. Ibid. vol.II. pp. 538-9,542,545,551, 559, 566.

THE POLITICS OF SURVIVAL I5
Portuguese government itself paid. The king also offered the Portuguese a factory at Trincomalee, to be garrisoned by them, the expenses thereon also being borne by the king. A yearly tribute of 15 tusked elephants and 300 oars for the galleys was also suggested. As the need for Portuguese aid became more pressing, the king subsequently added other concessions: he would give his daughter in marriage to whomsoever the Portuguese wished, and would embrace the Christian faith with the heir and the members of the royal household.
The tribute of elephants and oars was the least onerous among Kandy's offers. As a later Kandyan king told the Portuguese, 'the forests of Kandy are wide' and there was no dearth of elephants or timber in them. The factory and the garrison at Trincomalee, the Kandyan king probably hoped, would be to him what the Portuguese fort and garrison at Colombo were to Bhuvanekabahu. He also probably thought that the Portuguese at Trincomalee, being over 80 miles from Kandy, would not be able to exercise the same degree of control over his policies as those at Colombo (being only six miles from Kotte) exercised over the king of Kotte. •
The king's offer to embrace Christianity was a shrewd one, taking account of the areas of tension in Bhuvanekabahu's relations with the newly-arrived Franciscan missionaries. But conversion would add to the king's internal troubles; in some quarters, he would be even held to forfeit his right to the throne. But in making the offer, the king seems to have hoped to keep his baptism, if ever he took it, secret, unknown to anyone outside the inner circle of relatives and courtiers. Secondly he seems to have reckoned that upon baptism, Portuguese armed assistance would be made available forthwith, thereby overawing any potential opposition. To him, the possibility of saving Kandy was well worth a Mass.
These probably were the thoughts uppermost in his mind when the Kandyan ruler sent an embassy with gifts to the Portuguese authorities at Goa in August 1542. This was followed by others in July 1544, April 1545 and in November the same year. He also wrote to several Portuguese officials and padres in the Kotte kingdom, urging them to use their good offices on his behalf. Some individual Portuguese, then living in Kandy, also espoused his cause and kept up a barrage of correspondence with Goa.o
The embassy of August 1542 bore immediate fruit. A force of 70-80 soldiers, led by Miguel Fernandez and Amaro Mendes, arrived in Trincomalee in March the following year, with instructions, among other things, to set up a factory there. A party of the Kandyan ruler's officials and men set out to meet them and escort them to the capital,
I9, Ibid. I pp. I53, I59, 16I, Ι66, I83, I99, 225, 273. 20. Ibid. pp. I59, 166, I67, I75, I79, I8o, I82, I99, 275, 276, 278.

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but failed to establish contact with the visitors on account of a rebel
lion in the area. Food supplies for the visiting Portuguese began to
run low, Some soldiers began to desert and there was even a mutiny,
the mutineers also being worsted in a conflict with the king's forces
towards the end of March 1543. The first Portuguese mission, fizzled out, with the factory not set up, and with liaison between Kandy and the Portuguese also not established. -
A second mission set out for Kandy from Goa about January 1546 with about 40 Portuguese soldiers and with captain Andre de Souza in charge. This was in response to an urgent message from Kandy, sent when Mayadunne's forces had launched the offensive about October the previous year. Before these troops could arrive, however, on 9 March 1546, the king of Kandy, in a desperate bid for total Portuguese commitment to defend his realm, had himself baptised. But this set off a chain-reaction, eroding internal support for him. By the time Andre de Souza reached the Kandyan capital on 25 April 1546, the king had been forced to gonclude peace with Mayadunne, agreeing to pay a heavy indemnity in cash, a quantity of precious stones and several war-elephants.'
Though the company of Portuguese soldiers had arrived too late to influence the course of the war, yet the rumoured imminence of its arrival and exaggerated reports of its strength had probably been decisive factors in Mayadunne's decision to call off the attack and conclude peace. Another factor which contributed to the same result had been the success with which the Kandyan ruler had driven a wedge into the Kotte-Sitawaka axis.
2I. This is the only way in which I can reconcile the seemingly contradictory information given in the correspondence published by Schurhammer and Voretzsch and that in the Natha Devala inscription in Kandy (Epigraphia Zeylanica IV pp. 27-32). The inscription dated 30 March 1543 refers to a tumult in the hill country caused by the Portuguese being settled by the loyal troops of some specified provinces of the kingdom. The Portuguese documents refer to a rebellion in the areas between the capital of the Kandyan kingdom and Trincomalee and the inability of the king's troops to establish contact with the Portuguese force which had arrived at the latter place. Kandyan-Portuguese relations immediately following give no hint of any displeasure between the parties, which would have been the case if there had been a clash. I conclude from this that it was the Portuguese mutineers who clashed with the Kandyan troops and that therefore the Goa authorities did not pursue the matter. Schurhammer and Voretzsch, op.cit. I pp. I 75-77. EZ IV pp. 27-32.
22. Schurhammer and Voretzsch, op. Cit. I pp. 276, 355-56, 374.
23. Ibid. I pp. 355, 368, 37 II, 42 I.
Rajavaliya, p. 58. The quantum of the indemnity is variously given as
2,4oo,ooo famam, 4oo,ooo famam and 2o,ooo odd pardăios.

THE POLITICS OF SURVIVAL ܐ п7
Earlier, in 1545, the Kandyan ruler had urged the Portuguese to persuade Bhuvanekabahu to dissociate himself from the war alliance. When the war began to go badly for him, the Kandyan ruler tried another strategy: he offered his daughter in marriage to Bhuvanekabahu's grandson and heir, Dharmapala. The Kotte ruler accepted the offer. As Mayadunne had been planning to get the princess for his son, relations between the brothers became strained, and the alliance cracked.
With the detachment of the Kotte ruler the danger of Mayadunne extinguishing the independence of Kandy had diminished. Portuguese help was therefore less urgently necessary to Kandy. This explains the change in Kandyan attitude to the Portuguese during the next few years-from humble supplicant to one presumptiously laying down conditions.
When Mayadunne again threatened Kandy about June 1547, a force of 100 Portuguese soldiers reached the capital of that kingdom in late August or early September the same year under Antonio Moniz Barreto. Though they were treated well, the king now walked tall and proud. He refused to accept baptism except from the hands of the governor at Goa, Dom Joao de Castro, or his son, and said that he would not allow his subjects to embrace the new faith until the Portuguese had captured and ceded to him "the kingdom of Mayadunne and all this island upto Jaffnapatnam'.
But the Portuguese did not want to be involved in an escalating conflict. Mayadunne's projected attack also failed to materialize. Kandy therefore had no further use for Portuguese troops. Its ruler had no use for the Catholic religion either, and a visiting missionary reported that he did not know even to make the sign of the cross. Meanwhile his new ally, Bhuvanekabahu, who had had first-hand experience of the Portuguese as allies, urged him to rid himself of them. The Kandyan king's attitude towards the Portuguese became hostile, and he began to mobilize his forces. Barreto therefore hurriedly decided to retreat and burning his baggage and fighting part of the way, retired to Colombo through the Sitawaka lands. Though
24. Schurhammer and Voretzsch, op. cit. I pp. 183-4; II p. 421. 25. Ibid. I p. 367; III p. 465, 476.
Raja valiya p. 58. 26. Schurhammer and Voretzsch, op.cit. III pp. 466, 47-6.
JCBRAS vol. XX pp. I 25-6. pp. 400, 47 That Portuguese assistance could make him the emperor of Ceylon was a suggestion put into the king of Kandy's head by a Portuguese resident in Kandy, in the hope of converting him to the Catholic faith. Schurhammer and Voretzsch, op. cit. II pp. 4o3-4. 27. Schurhammer and Voretzsch, op.cit. I p.374.
28. Schurhammer and Voretzsch, op. cit. II pp. 466-9.
JCBRAS vol. XX pp. II26-I 3o.

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the pieces of artillery that Barreto had left behind in Kandy were later returned to the Portuguese, with a handsome financial subvention of 12,000 pardaos to cover expenses, this series of events ended the five-year period during which Kandy had sought friendly relations with, and armed assistance from, the Portuguese as a counterweight to the Sitawaka king's designs on Kandy, sometimes in association with his brother, the ruler of Kotte. Of the three Portuguese expeditions during these years, one had failed to establish contact with the Kandyan king, another had arrived in Kandy too late, while the third also had arrived when it was no longer needed. The main difficulty with Portuguese aid, Kandy had realized during this period, was that it was never available when he wanted it nor in the quantum
sufficient for his purposes.
On hearing of the débacle of Antonio Moniz Barreto's expedi
tionary force to Kandy, the Portuguese authorities at Goa felt that they had been deceived into embarking on a mission with insincere promises. They therefore willingly entertained friendly overtures from Mayadunne, who had already won over Barreto when the latter dragged himself and his army to the Sitawaka lands, fatigued and famished, after a forced march from Kandy. Mayadunne sought to build an offensive alliance against Kandy on this foundation, and sent an embassy to Goa with gifts for the viceroy, offering to be a vassal of the king of Portugal, He also suggested a joint SitawakaPortuguese force to take Kandy, to be ruled thereafter by one of his sons in the name of the king of Portugal and the equal division of the treasures of the king of Kandy.80 Though the Portuguese authorities at Goa did not act on the proposals from Mayadunne, that they were willing to entertain them shows that their role vis-a-vis Kandy was changing, from erstwhile friend to open enemy.
Though the Portuguese were unwilling to act on Mayadunne's
proposal, they felt that some punishment should be meted out to Kandy. But no punitive expedition could be contemplated unless native auxiliary troops and porters were available, and for that the support of a local ruler was essential. In 1549 that problem was solved, when late that year Mayadunne resumed the struggle against Kotte. On Bhuvanekabahu's appeal to Goa, the authorities there decided to send Dom Jorge de Castro with considerable forces to take the field against Mayadunne. Dom Jorge was also instructed to look into the problem of Kandy, where, it was reported, the prince Karalliyadde Bandara had fallen out with the king his father, and was waging war against him from Uva. As this prince was known to be
.495-496 .Schurhammer and Voretzsch, op. cit. II pp .و2
JCBRAS vol. XX p. II3I.
30. Schurhammer and Voretzsch, op. cit. II pp. 476-8, 498.

THE POLITICS OF SURVIVAL I9
more pliant than the king, the Portuguese hoped to espouse the Son's cause and thereby obtain ascendancy over the kingdom.
After defeating Mayadunne, D. Jorge de Castro asked for Bhuvanekabahu's assistance to lead an expedition to the Kandyan kingdom. Bhuvanekabahu was in a dilemma: he was obliged to the Portuguese for their help, but was allied to the Kandyan royal house. He tried to stall the expedition by advising strongly against it. But de Castro disregarded the advice and dragged Bhuvanekabahu into an offensive alliance against Kandy, in which they agreed to make war on Kandy and divide its territories and treasures equally. Setting out in late March 1550, Castro arrived at the head of the joint Portuguese-Kotte forces within a few miles of the Kandyan capital. Here the Kandyan forces attacked, killing off nearly 200 Portuguese, injuring many more, and capturing all arms and baggage. Portuguese enmity, it was shown, could no more hurt Kandy than their friendship assist in its defences.
Bhuvanekabahu had sent his men to invade Kandy and this should have strained the Kandy-Kotte alliance. But there is no evidence that it permanently damaged the relationship. For one thing, the Kotte ruler had helped the Portuguese under duress; in fact some Portuguese attributed the failure of the expedition to Bhuvanekabāhu’s lukewarm support, if not machinations. And his contribution to the expedition had been minimal. For another, if Kandy were to brake off relations with Kotte on this or any other ground, it would be left without a single friend or ally. This knowledge cushioned the alliance against stresses, and friendship with Kotte was a cornerstone of Kandy's foreign relations during these years.
The death of Bhuvanekabahu in 1551, and the period of political uncertainty and instability that followed in Kotte required readjustment in Kandyan policy. There wasa real chance that Vidiye Bandara might emerge as Kotte's strong man, ruling as regent to the late king's grandson and defying both Mayadunne's claims to the Kotte throne and Portuguese attempts to dominate Kotte's internal politics. Kandy therefore supported him, offering him aid in his struggle against Sitawaka, and at one stage even a base of operations. But when support for Vidiye began to erode, and it appeared unlikely
3 II. Schurhammer and Voretzsch, op. cit. II pp. 546, 549, 55o, -бо.
JCBRAS vol. XX pp. I 33-4. φ Pp. 549, 549, 55O, 559 Queyroz, op. Cit. p. 275ff.
32. Schurhammer and Voretzsch, op. cit. II pp. 55o, 561-3. JCBRAS vol. XX pp. I 4o-2. ጰb pp. 55o, 5oIII-3 Queyroz, op. Cit. pp. 272-3, 278. Some Portuguese documents make it out that D. Jorge de Castro only wanted to find out whether the king of Kandy wished to be a Christian. But this is an improbable story, as the expeditionary force consisted of 600 Portuguese soldiers.

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that he would fulfil the promises held out earlier, Kandy withdrew Suppಣ್ಣ! and returned to the traditional alliance with Kotte's legitimate ruler.
Just as the Kotte-Kandy friendship had in the 1540s been sealed in a marriage between the royal houses, it was now renewed with a similar alliance. When Dharmapala's queen died, in 1573 another Kandyan princess was brought down to take her place. Before that event, however, another link between the two royal houses had been forged. In 1557, Dharmapala had embraced the Catholic faith. The king of Kandy had also been baptised, thought at what date is not
known.85
In the late 1540's and early years of the next decades, Kandy had been only little less hostile to the Portuguese than to Sitawaka. Now there was a new tilt in Kandyan foreign relations-to friendship and dependence on the Portuguese, as in the early 1540s.
What brought about this change? Chiefly a change in the relative positions of Sitawaka and Kotte. Bhuvanekabahu had managed to contain Sitawaka, though with difficulty at times. His successor Dharmapala was unable to do this. In the 1560s, the Kotte kingdom shrank and even its capital city of Jayawardana Kotte went under the Sitawaka ruler. Sitawaka, began to dominate the politics of Ceylon south of the Deduru Oya as Kotte became eclipsed, forcing Dharmapala to become an unwilling guest of the Portuguese at Colombo. Kandy had been able to maintain its anti-Portuguese stance so long as it had been supported by a strong Kotte. But without that support, it was forced to lean on the Portuguese once again. The ruler there embracing the Catholic faith had removed a point of friction. The two Catholic rulers-of Kandy and Kotte-formed a natural alliance, with their Portuguese patrons joining in to make it a triple partnership. As with the 19th century system of Subsidiary alliances in India, a company of Portuguese soldiers was stationed in Kandy. This guaranteed, among other things, that its external affairs would be conducted on
lines acceptable to the Portuguese.
Naturally the alliance involved obligations. Thus when Dharmapala and his Portuguese protectors were hard-pressed by Rajasinha of Sitawaka in 1565, the Kandyan king attacked Sitawaka's flank: he cut across the Seven korales and struck at Chilaw, on the outer perimeter of Rajasinha's domains.
The Sitawaka monarch did not hit back at Kandy immediately. His main concern was the destruction of Portuguese power in the
33. Rajavaliya pp. 59-бо. 34. Judice Biker, Colleccao de Tratados e Concertos de pazes I(Lisbon I:88 I) p. 225 ff. 35. JCBRAS vol. XX p. 233.
36. JCBRAS vol. XX pp. 233-4. 37. Ibid. pp. 234-5.

THE POLITICS OF SURVIVAL 2I
lowlands, and on this he concentrated his energies for the next ten years, leaving Kandy alone. But he made an attempt to secure a Kandyan princess, probably to advance a claim to the throne of Kandy based on her right. But the Kandyan ruler refused the marriage offer, preferring to give the princess to the Kotte ruler. To him, Sitawaka's embrace was as unwelcome as its open hostility.
In 1574, Rajasinha attacked Kandy, with inconclusive results. Four years later, another attack was launched, the Sitawaka forces taking the gate-way to the kingdom, Balana. The king of Kandy called upon the Portuguese allies for help and a force of 150 soldiers went to Kandy. That kingdom saved itself on this occasion too, but not, it appears, due to the exertions of the Portuguese troops. In none of these attacks were Rajasinha's full resources mobilized. Such an expedition, throwing into the fray a massive force estimated at 30,000 men, was undertaken only in 1581 or 1582, after Sitawaka had recuperated from the long drawn-out siege it had laid to Colombo in 1579-80. Karalliyadde faced Rajasinha with a bigger force at Balana, but was routed. The Sitawaka monarchy finally consummated its 40-year old ambition and occupied the hill country. The Kandyan royal family fled to Trincomalee, and after a brief Sojourn in the Vanni during which it tried-unsuccessfully-to enlist the support of the Vanni chiefs, finally took refuge with the Portuguese at Mannar.
In retrospect, it is seen that the essential condition for the survival of the Kandyan kingdom as an independent entity in the 16th century was the division of the manpower and resources of the South and South-western sector of the island among a number of competing states. Whenever this sector was wholly-or almost wholly-under one political authority, Kandyan independence was in danger. Kotte's attacks on it prior to 1521, and Sitawaka's attacks in 1580-81, both bore this out.
A multiple-state polity in the area, however, did not automatically conter immunity on Kandy. The states had, within limits, to be evenly balanced in their military and other resources. Where one state could dominate the other, as Sitawaka did in the mid-1540s, it still could present a serious threat to the hill country, and exact tribute. But Kandy could ward off the danger to its independence by allying with the Kotte kingdom, Sitawaka's enemy.
In its external relations, Kandy had no permanent enemies or friends. Kotte, Sitawaka and the Portuguese were in turn its enemy or friend. In Kandy's ever-shifting, ever-changing relations with external powers, the only permanent element was its unchanging object-the quest for survival.
38. Queyroz, op. Cit. p. 424.
39. Ibid. p. 43o.
4o. Rajavaliya, pp. 63-64.
Queyroz, op. Cit, pp. 438-9.

Page 14
The Ecclesiastical Code of Rajadhirajasirinha
BY NANDASENA MUDIYANSE
Ecclesiastical codes promulgated by monarchs for the guidance of the Buddhist clergy and their orderly behaviour are known as katikavatas. The earliest of these codes (as known to us), dating back to the 10th Cent.A.D., is found engraved in the well known tablets at Mihintale. The one promulgated by Rajadhirajasimha (1782-1798) of Kandy is generally known as Rajadhiraiasimha Katikavata and as published by the late Sir D. B. Jayatilaka (J.Ed.), it is a shorter document when compared with those of the reigns of Mahinda IV {975-991), Parākramabāhu I (1153-1186), Parākramabāhu II (12341269) and Kirtti Šri Rājasimha (1747-1782).
Among the ola manuscripts preserved in the library of the Colombo Y.M.B.A., belonging to the collection of the late Sir D. B. Jayatilaka, there is a document marked No. 039-2901 and labelled Rajadhirajasimha Katikavata (Rd. K). It runs into 12 leaves of writing on both sides (ka-kai) except the first (ka) which is confined to the obverse only. The manuscript measures 19 ins x2 ins and consists of 8 lines of writing per page. The letters are well formed and present no difficulty in reading. The language is Sinhalese prose with Pali verses intermixed.
In this document the history of the Buddhist Church from the time of Vikramabahu of Kandy (who is said to have attained kingship in 2085 B.E.) is briefly narrated. What is of interest in this record is its concluding portion dealing with the reign of Rajadhirajasimha and the ecclesiastical code which he promulgated. From the 4th line of page 10 (ku) the document begins with the description of the reign of this monarch. An eulogy in Pali verse, followed by a Sinhalese translation speaks of this king as learned in the numerous branches of knowledge. His date of accession is given as B.E. 2324, Saka 1703 (1781 A.D.). He is said to have made donations to the Temple of the Tooth at Kandy where he paid reverence. Further he is credited with having lit a hundred thousand lamps in a single night in all the important places of religious worship in this island. Construction of preaching halls, images of the Buddha, restoration of shrines which had fallen into decay, regular gifts of alms to the clergy including kathina robes are other deeds of religious significance with which this ruler is eredited
II. Sir D. B. Jayatilaka, Katikdw at-saffgard, Mahabodhi Press, Colombo,
I922, pp. 30-32.
22

THE ECCLESIASTICAL CODE OF RAJADHIRAJASIMHA 23
with. These statements are in accord with the description of this reign as given in the Calavanisa. This chapter of the chronicle pertaining to this reign has been composed and added to their edition of it (1877) by H. Sumangala and Batuwantudawe. Although there is much more detail in the chronicle such as the construction of architectural monuments, sculptures and literary activities, it may be said that the introduction to the Code in the Rd.K. is a fairly justified account of the reign of this monarch which the manuscript places on record. All the details given in both the Rd.K. and the Calavanisa do not find mention in the J.Ed.
Having heard that some members of the Buddhist clergy had fallen back on their virtues, it was decided by the king that a new Code of Conduct be promulgated to regulate their behaviour. The J.Ed. shows several deviations from the Rd.K. in this connection. It is true that there are several clauses which bear resemblances but the dissimilarities are considerable. Let us therefore examine the discrepancies as well as the similarities involved with a view to determine the reliability or otherwise of either of the documents. It is likely that the Rd. K. came into the hands of Sir D. B. Jayatilaka some time after publishing the J. Ed. in 1922. If he had before him both documents, there is no doubt that he would have examined the obvious dissimilarities.
1. "Any monk whether crdained or otherwise, should assign himself to either grantha or vidarsana-dhura (learning the Sacred texts or practising meditation), be under the supervision of an elder and should not remain on his own. Such a person should attend to the needs of the elders and also to such formalities as recitation of parittas. It is necessary that he should be compliant and obedient to his teacher and spiritual preceptor' (Rd.K.).
In the J. Ed. it is said that a monk should associate himself with an elder if there is such a person available and should not assume independence until he completes his noviciate. This means that a monk once ordained should remain for five years under the Supervision of an elderly thera (Sinh. nisa, P. nissaya) and to be elevated from such a situation he should learn the pitimokkha, catubhanavarapali and the essentials of Buddhism. The subtle point worthy of note in this instance is whether it was decreed that the newly ordained monk should compulsorily be associated with an elder or otherwise as given in the J. Ed. A Comparison of the two phrases nisa ganța nisi kenek ita nisa gena vasanavá misa (J.Ed.) and misa gena guru ken ekum asraya karanava misa (Rd.K.) leads one to assume that the latter Was the Original phraseology and that the former was an amendment
2. Calavamsa, Vol. II, Trs. W. Geiger, Colombo, 1953, p. 300, n.I.

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effected in course of time by an unscrupulous copyist. The wording of the phrase in the J.Ed. leaves room for monks to assume independence of elders on the pretext of their non-availability. The necessity to promulgate the Code has been mentioned earlier in the record, as the deterioration of the Order on account of the presence of members devoid of a sense of shame and scrupulousness. As this is the first of the rules promulgated, it is reasonable to assume that the intention was to place every new recruit to the Order under supervision.
2. 'The remissness of a member when noticed, should be gone into and made amends for in order to bring him back (the defaulter), (along the right path), by the rest of the clergy acting in a united capacity. They should not be divided in respect of such an issue and thereby cause harm to themselves and the Order. (The defaulters) should likewise accept unitedly the (decisions or) things done and said in such a situation'. (Rd.K.)
This clause occurs in the same form as No. 11 in the J.Ed., but not in the second place as in the Rd.K.
3. "Ordained monks who have completed ten years or more than ten years (in upasampada), who are modest, of good behaviour, observant of rules, who are not treading the wrongful course and who are not desirous of gains should only be appointed incumbents (sthavira padavi asva) of temples having lands which are the possession of the Buddha (lit. of the Buddhist Order) and which are the more productive. The resident monks therein should be in the state of novitiate under the supervision (of the said chief incumbent). Those (monks) who are holders of the dhamma-vinaya should attend to the sweeping of the premises, needs of the elders, repair of broken and shattered portions (of buildings) and such other major and minor affairs; as it has been said that the (fourfold) requisites which accumulate in excess (of requirements) should be rendered to the Buddha (lit. the Buddhist Order), they should be possessed by the holders of the dhammavinaya; it is therefore proper that with such excess gains the student (monks) of the dhamma-vinaya such as the patimokkha be presented with the fourfold requisites; by such requisites being made over to undeserving persons such as relations, one should not cause harm to oneself as well as to otherselves'. (Rd.K.)
This clause is not to be found in the J.Ed.
4. "As forbidden by the Buddha, (monks) should not (render) medical (services) or (calculate) astrological (data) for (the benefit of) persons other than the fivefold co-religionists

THE ECCLESIASTICAL CODE OF RAJADHIRAJASIMHA 25
(Sinh. bas-Sahadămi, P. baặca Sahadhammika) in accordance with the Vinaya; gains derived thereby from earlier engagements should be cast away in the same way as poisoned food'. (Rd.K.)
In J.Ed., the above mentioned clause has been broken up into four sub-clauses as follows:-
(a) Seeking livelihood by means of the twenty-onefold methods such as (engaging) in astrological (calculations) (is improper); (b) As provided by Vinaya rules, medical services should be rendered only to such persons as the fivefold co-religionists (pas-Sahadimi) and not to outsiders,
(e) If one had made gains earlier by resorting to the 21 fold means (of livelihood), (such gains) should be cast away as food that is poisoned.
(d) Exorcism of demons (yaksa-pralaya kirim), necromancy (anjanam eliya dirim), apprehension of thieves by incantation of charms (mantra purava Sorun illim), augury (nimiti Rim) prognostication (pena kim) and such other reproachable sciences should not be learnt, nor should (monks) engage themselves in such activities. حی
When comparing the phraseology, it is to be noted that the J.Ed. contains the additional expression "twenty-onefold means of livelihood' (ekvisian vesanaya), which is not found in the Rd.K.
5. "One should not in conjunction with laymen avariciously put forward claims to villages and lands (gam bim adiyata Saha nokima da) on behalf relations and non-relations' (Rd.K.)
This clause does not appear in the J.Ed., in identical phraseology. Its subject matter has been expressed in a different form as follows:
"(One) should not visit the houses (Sinh. valavu) of chieftains to put forward judicial claims arising out of disputes between laymen whether they be relations or non-relations'. J.Ed.
The differences in phraseology are obvious but it appears that the subject matter involved is almost the same. The word Saha-nokima occurring in the text has been translated as 'putting forward claims', taking into consideration the text of the clause in which the word is found. It seems to be a rare expression, hardly met with elsewhere. The word is clearly written in the manuscript, and there can be no doubt regarding its reading.
3. For details pertaining to ek visian vesana see
Mahä Nimi Jätakaya, ed. Pasifiäsekhara Thera, 1928, p. 77. Pansiya Panas Jätaka Pota, Jinalamkara Press, I 924, p. 24, p. 350. In the two texts named above, the term is spelt as ekvisi anesun and ek visi anesana respectively.

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26 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (SRI LANKA) Vol. XVII, (New Series), I973
6, 'Ordained monks and acolytes should, when they enter villages, do so as prescribed in the Vinaya rules, without any performance of gesture' (i.e. in modest behaviour)'. (Rd.K.)
In the J.Ed. this clause does not occur. However there is a rule enacted with reference to the entry of monks into villages. It says:
"When one is desirous of visiting the inner village, whether at times proper or improper, he should do so only after informing the Nayaka or Anunayaka or other person of importance, of the purpose of his visit and that too, in the company of another monk'. (J.Ed.)
7. "It is improper to accept gold or silver'. (Rd.K.) The J.Ed. gives the clause with certain other details added:
"Elders (sthavira), freshers (navaka), the middle aged (SR. madhyama i.e. those who have completed five years in upasampada, but not the tenth year), and novices (saman era) should not accept articles such as gold, silver which are (improper to accept): the use thereof is restricted only through medium of attendants (Sinh. kả{bakaru, P. kap (bịyakăra)”. (J.Ed.)
8. 'Gains which have (already) accrued from giving (lending?) articles which are improper for use (by monks) should not be enjoyed (any further)'. (Rd.K.)
In the J.Ed. there are three clauses which have a bearing on the above, i.e.
(a) Articles which are either proper or improper (for use by monks) should neither be mortgaged nor given on interest; only attendants (kipakaruvan) may do so (on their behalf) and settle matters accordingly.
(b) Articles which have been mortgaged or given on interest by the attendants (kdipakaruvan) should not be appropriated by themselves (monks) individually.
(c) (Monks) should not engage themselves in activities such as agriculture and trade; the attendants (kdipakaruvan) may do so (and settle matters on their behalf) in the proper manner.
9. "Rules formulated above are incorporated in the law of the Buddha and in the statutes of the king; each and every monk should adhere to them strictly and without deviation therefrom; if any person wilfully and knowingly transgresses this
4. ātuļu gamata vadanā kalhi kdiya vikārādī kisi vak nātiva vadda sēkhiyāva
lesin gam vãálima da.
5. käla vikälayehi ätulu ganata yana kala näyaka anunäyaka ädi dänamiti
tânakata asa val karuna nisâ yanavâya kiyâ danvâ denamak ma yâyutu.

THE ECCLESIASTICAL CODE OF RAJADHIRAJASIMHA 27
enactment, the head of the fraternity should cause punishment to be effected and (thereafter) severely admonished for the well-being of (life) in this world and the next'. (Rd.K.)
The version in the J.Ed. is clothed in different phraseology.
"If there be any (monk) who violates these regulations knowingly and willingly, he is deemed to have transgressed the laws of the Buddha and the statutes of the king; such shameless individuals who have no sense of guilt should not be permitted to remain wearing the robes of the Order'.
There is one other clause which occurs in the J.Ed. but which has not found its way to the Rd.K. It relates to the presentation of matters before the Royal Court and the nobility by individual monks. By statute it was deemed improper to do so and if anyone wished to present a case before the Royal Court or say or do something before the nobles, in the first instance he should inform the relevant Anunayaka of the Chapter and make him present the case on his behalf. It is forbidden to appear before the king and his nobles in an individual capacity. -
From an examination of the above, we are led to assume that the Code promulgated by Rajadhirajasimha was altered at the whims and fancies of copyists in the course of time. The Calavanisa does not record a Convocation of the clergy in which a Code of Conduct for monks was placed on statute. Convocations of a similar character convened earlier, mention the names of Prelates who presided over them. Neither of the documents which we have examined mention the name of the hierarch who functioned as President. Saranankara Sangharaja had passed away by 1778 A.D. and the dignified ecclesiastical office which he held is not known to have been conferred on another after his decease.
The two documents state that the clergy of both fraternities (viz. Asgiriya and Malvatta) assembled at the Audience Hall on the orders of the king and that the Code was promulgated in accordance with the rules of the Vinaya. That there could have been no prelate to function as president is obvious. It is probable that the king himself regulated proceedings in concurrence with the elders of the two fraternities. Whether there was dissension of opinion at this assembly and whether any finality was arrived at after the deliberations were over, we are unable to conjecture. Several other manuscript copies of this text are reported to be available in some of the temple libraries of Ceylon and it may be possible in future to collate the texts that might come to light and conceive a clearer picture of the events which took place in the ecclesiastical history of this country in the last two decades of the 18th century.
6. Ven. K. Vacissara, Saranarhikara Sarighardja Sanaya, Colombo, I96o, p.
205.

Page 17
Unique Carvings on a Makara Wingstone from an ancient shrine at Anuradhapura
A. D. T. E. PERERA (Encyclopaedia of Buddhism)
The Makara wingstones, the so-called Koravakgal in Sinhalese, of early Buddhist shrines in Sri Lanka, sometimes eroneously called balustrades, seem not to have concerned the art historian much, and did not provoke his interest for an investigation. Hence these architectural pieces were often neglected in the writings of both the savant and the student of early Sinhalese art.
The particular bas-reliefs selected for the present study would tend to attract any student of ancient Sinhalese art on account of their uniqueness. They form the carvings on the outer walls of the wingstones of an ancient ruined shrine excavated in the vicinity of Thuparama at Anuradhapura in the previous century. They depict forest scenes which according to many who had observed them are most puzzling. Yet no one seems to have bothered to find out what actually is hidden in the idea expressed allegorically by the sculptor of this forest scene carvings.
A noteworthy remark on the carvings as well as the shrine to which they belonged, has been made by the pioneer archaeologist of Sri Lanka, the late Mr. H. C. P. Bell, which is worth recording here although it would in no way help to determine anything as to the import of the carvings.
"Judged by its basement ruins no more handsome specimen of this type of shrine was ever erected at Anuradhapura-The building was originally supported on thirty two sharply squared pillars, of which not even the stumps have all been left in the ground..... The Vihara faces east and the perron stairway mounts to an open rectangular portico, 18 ft. by 6 ft. paved by an immense monolithic slab, into which were sunk a couple of pillars to hold the roof. A single fragment, the right-angled return of one of the sedilia or low parapet kerb stones to the portico, was unearthed. This shows in a panel a bas-relief dwarf trampling on a snake. The risers of the five steps and landing slab exhibit the customary surface carving of rich staircases, triple ganas separated by pilasters of very conventionalised design....The most striking feature of the beautiful stairs are the balustrades (sic.). These are of the finest order of wing slabs dominated
28

UNIQUE CARVINGS ON A MAKARA WINGSTONE 29
by that mythical Buddhist Monster, the Makara. From the mouths of the saurians issue ornamented Scrolls curling downwards into volutes. On each balustrade's outerface is cut in bas-relief a lion pessant and on the inner a posturing dwarf below the helix.......But added to this adornment is the absolutely unique specimen of genre carving which occupies the vertical outer side. Ordinarily, unless quite plain, this space is occupied by the figures of lions, passant guardant, and further back, relief pilasters on which rest the Makara's talons. On these wingstones the customary pilasters give place to representation of temple facades, and the lions are semi-duplicated and framed in forest and cave scenes, depicted in small panels separated by leafy boughs. Here are jungle men and women (? Weddo), unclothed, bears, deer, monkeys, peacock, mongoose and cobra, and other wild animal life for the most part spiritedly carved. This relievo carving differs on the two balustrades. Whatever deeper and obscure meaning be symbolized by the varied scenes depicted no monk but must assuredly have gathered one simple object lesson, the sanctity to be acquired by Wanawasa eremites who flee the world and live religious days midst forest sorroundings in holy meditation'.
According to another antiquary the carvings here depict some definite scenes and were not mere sculptures casually carved out.”
Apart from cursory remarks of the above nature, these sculptures (fig. 1) have never been studied by any writer on Sinhalese art, with the view to inquire into its real purport.8
The Makara wingstone being an adjunct of a composite architectural work that forms the stone risers, the Nagaraja guardstone and the Safidakadapahana (moonstone), has been taken into consideration in an earlier study by the present writer on the symbolism of these pieces of early Sinhalese art. Thus the Makara wingstone, when it forms part of the Buddha-image shrine (Buduge), has been taken to represent the symbolism of the divine waters that flow from the summit of the cosmic mountain 'Kailasa'. To quote our own words"Taking the uppermost chamber as the summit wherein is enthroned the Buddha on the sacred Lotus-Seat of Brahma we may pursue our study on a downward process to investigate the veracity of our surmises. The first adjuncts are the wingstones known as Makara Koravakgal (balustrades?). Makara symbolises the immense store-house
1. See H. C. P. Bell, The Archaeological Survey of Ceylon, Annual Report (ASCAR) for I 897, published in Colombo I go4, p. 2, pls. v., vi, viii.
2. W. B. Marcus Fernando, Ancient City of Anuradhapura, published by the Department of Archaeology, Sri Lanka, 1970, p. II; see also, D.T. Devendra, Classical Sinhalese Sculpture, London, 1958, p. 38.
3. See N. D. Wijesekera, Early Sinhalese Sculpture, Colombo 1967, pls. 53, 64; D. T. Devendra, op.cit., figs., 49, 5o; W. B. Marcus Fernando, op.cit., pl. VIII; A. V. Suraweera, Anuradhapura Civilization, (in Sinhalese) Colombo III959, pl. V.

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30 JOURNAL, R.A.S. ( SRI LANKA } Vol. XIII, (New Series), Itյ73
*
- - L Il ancient Shrine at Anura
rit –Bas-reliefs from a Makara koravakkal * == -ے۔ قیاT ===
Fig: 1. ຕໍ່າ Šri Lanka (Courtesy: The Partillett. 101 Archaeology, Sri L&LinkFA ) ,
33128
 

UNIQUE CARWINGS ON A MAKARA WINGSTONE 3.
of life. When it rot Tilles from the summit it suggests that the life force thus generated is deriver froll the very seat of the Great Being, LLLLS L LLLL CCLLLL LL LSLLLLS L LLLL LSLLLtLLL LLLL Llmll LLLLLLLLt kkkLLLLLL LLLLLa LLLS LLLL L LLLLLL LL LC aaLLL LLLLLLLmmmlm ttLaaaL LLLLLL LLLLmtLaLLLL LLLLL LLmmLgS GGGLLLLLLL LL LLLLL LLLLtLLLLtGBu LLLLL LLLLSLLLL LLLLLLLLS LtLS LLLE LLL LLGLLLG L LLLL aLLLLL TtL LLL LLLL aaaLLLLLLL mountain, The Mlaka Tai is ofte:Tn Lusted to represent tille source of sillcretl waters and as such it is foll Tid depicter as gargoyles at various religious edifices of the ancient East including Šri Lanka. The wingstone MlakaLC LLC LLCCLLLLL CCHLLLLLLL LLL LLLL KaaC HHat LL0 LLL LLL LLL LLLLLL scroll terminating in a large volute, Carved with floral designs, suggesting both watery existence and fertility thus making it easy to identify LLL LSLLaLLLLLLLLH LLLLLL LL uu0CLLLLLLL tt LLLLL LLEHLLLLLLL LL LS LLL SaLaEa flowing dowIl friTIn the sacrel SuIIlimit'.'
L LLLL LL LL tLLL LLLL LL LLL LLLLCCCLLLaLL L LLLLLL 0HCHLtttLmHL ttt LLaaaS LLmmLaaM LL LLLL 0LCLaaLLa0S LL LLLLLHlLlLLCLC LLC LLLLLL LLLLLLLL tEL LLS LLLL LLSLLLL LLL LLLL StELSLSL LLLLLLLHH LLLLLL LLLLt LmLLLLLLLL ttt LLLLL aaLLLL
CLCLLmtgO aLL LLLSLLLa LLLL eHmmaa tL LLLLLLLT LLLCCLL LL aLLLLLLL LCC GGL LLLLS aaLaLL LLLS LLLLLLLLLEE mtmaStmOtt LLLES 5 LT LiCl laut regioni covered by the sacred waters of the divine river is the region which is inhabited by various mythical beings, where the dim unitive YakLLaTLSLLLL LL LLLLLLLLLLLLL ttt LLL LLLLtCC LLLLLLLLtLLLL St LLtOE LaaLLLLLS LLLLCLCE we were able to trace in Lictorial allegory all these manifestations of Killilisa in oil attempt to race the synholic meaning of the plastic LLL LLL LLL LLLLL LLaLLLLL LL LLL LLL LLLLLLLLSLLLL LLLL LLLLLLaC t t LLtLLS LLLLLL LLL LLLLLLLLS LLLLLLaLLLL LLLLLL aLLLHC LLLLL L LLaS LaLL LLL LLLLL LLLLLLaaS aLLLLLLLaL LLLL LLLLLLLLS LLL LLtat LLaaa LGtLLLLLLL LLLLaa Lt LLLLLLLa of the absence: of at hy tot het p: rallel,
While Inaking a recent inquiry for details on Kailās; for another LLLLLC aLLLLLLLaa LLLL LLL lLLLLLLaLLLLLLGL tLLLaLLLLSSS LLC LLaaLLLL LL LLL LLHaCLLaLLL to think whether these particular bas-reliefs could be a representation of a sectio II of the si: CTel Imalı Tıtain Kailāsa, as they Cover a maior part of the LTchitectural ensemble identified by us as the symbolic representation of the sacTed region from the Minasi lake to the suIIIIllit of the livirle real: Kailāsa.
Qur inquiry was not in vain als the application of the Kailisa Symbolism fits well into the picture is depricted in the sculptured
K S S L S LS SS LS LSLLLLS aLLLLLLL HLLL uLCtaatL LeCC LLLL LLLLCSSS LL TTlS LHTS LLLLLS LL LLLLLS LLL LLtttLS GH00SLS K LSLS La KS LLLllLLLLLLL LL LLLLLS LS LLtmaaLS S L LSLLL LLLHHLHHH LG LttL LL aLLLLLLtL LSCllaLgmLS LL Lttt LLL LLLLLLLL LLLLLL LLLL LLLL LLLL L LHa HSLlaaL LLtllL LLL LLlEEc Lt Llt LLSttltLLtaa aL LLLLL LLLLlLLLLLLL LL Sttttt CC LaaaLLL LLL LLL LLLLLLLLS LLL LL LLLLLL T LL LLtHHS LLLLLCS LLL LLLggLLLLS LLLLLL LL LLLL LLLLLa L LLLLa tLLL GGHLLLLLLL u LLLLLL LLHt LLLHtLLatLLLL tttLLLLLLL ll LLLLLLtLLL LL LHHS LLLlL LLLS S LL LLLLLL LltaatS uHtLLtttLS LHtltllLaS LL LLL Ltt LL LCS LaaaLLLHS LCLLLLLCLLLCLS T lkLL L lS a atLS LtLLLL0S LLLlLHHaaS tLLS acS LS SS
fr:T Iւյր, բ, գն: ם( "" " " : - 14邨8古一翌 , , " - '

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32 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (SRI LANKA) Vol. XVII, (New Series), 1973
slabs under review. The panel in the left side wingstone (fig. 1) depicts primarily a forest scene with thatched houses in between sylvan groves which all make separate divisions of the entire panel. Inside the groves are depicted women with peculiarly elongated heads (resembling horse heasis) caressing men. In the middle of this scene. is carved a pair of maned licns (Kesarins) probably a male and a female within an arched enclosure which covers about one fourth of the entire scene. The licns are shown as if they are about to come out of their den. More prominence is given to the air of lions in their den by depicting them comparatively several times larger than the human and animal figures carved in the panel. The lion in front, probably the male, is shown with its right front paw raised.
The second panel which is on the right hand side Makara wing
stone, too depicts carvings (in similar low relief) of the same nature as in the left side panel. Here too prominence is given to the pair of maned licns in their den, at the very centre. Unfortunately no photograph of this panel is available in the photo archives of the Department of Archaeology (Sri Lanka). The only representation of this panel is available in a line-drawing faithfully rendered and published in the already quoted report of the late Mr. H. C. P. Bell.5 The naked Kinnara and Sabara damsels inveighling men into their iungle groves for love play are clearly visible in this panel. One could easily find here the horse-headed (Assamukhi) and the bird bodied Kinnara women.
Strangely enough, the very same figure of a maned lion with a raised front paw, depicted in the same position, i.e. in the middle of the outer wall of the Makara wingstone however without any other accompanying frieze as in the panel under discussion, has been discovered among the wingstone carvings used in many ancient shrines.6 We have hardly concerned as to the relationship of a maned lion, or a forest scene with prominence given to a maned lion, to the Kailasa symbolism when we earlier applied the Kailāsa symbolism to the entire architectural unit of which the wingstone was only a part. When we had the opportunity of perusing further references pertaining to the Kailāsa mythology recently, as mentioned above, our notice was drawn in by the particular reference to the forest and animal life at Kailāsa.
"Kailasa is approached through the lower peaks of the Himalavas, which are described in the Meghadata and the Kumarasambhava' of
5. H. C. P. Bell, ASCAR, op.cit. pl., VI. 6. D. T. Devendra, op.cit., fig. 45 in a balustrade from a shrine near Basavakkulam tank at Anuradhapura; N. D. Wijesekera, op.cit., pl. 54 from a balustrade of the Vatadage at Polonnaruwa. See, A. D. T. E. Perera, op, cit., pp. 38-44. Maghadöit a, part, I, vv. 56—6O.
9. Kumārasambhava, Canto, I, vv. I-I6.

UNIQUE CARVINGS ON A MAKARA WINGSTONE 33
the great poet Kalidasa, as the haunt of various classes of semi-divine beings like the Siddhas (a class of divine healers or Rsis normally coupled with Vidhyadharas, supernal sages) and Kinnaras (beings with human bodies and horse heads or human heads and bird bodies) and the jungle folk known as the Kiratas and Sabaras. Fabulous animals like the ferocious Sarabha deer are reported to frequent these regions. The Kicaka bamboos provide the musical accompaniment to the melodious si nging of the horse-faced Kinnari ladies. The numerous caves among these lower peaks are the scenes of the love enjoyments of the Kinnaris, the clouds serving as curtains. The landscape is described as diversified by the existence of numerous pools with their acquatic flowers and birds with gorgeous plumage'.o
Not far from the Manasa lake is the plateau of red-arsenic known as Manosilatala. "Ascetics who had developed super-human faculties used to come to that place to put their robes on, after bathing in the sacred lake'. Apart from gods and other beings of super-human qualities, this locality above the Manasa lake is inhabited by the fabulous species of the lion known as Kesarasimha, the majestic maned lion. Manosilatala is not a locality unknown to the Theravada Buddhists. The terrible yaksa chieftain Alavaka threatened the Buddha with his left foot on the Manosiliitala and the right on Kailasa, before he was subdued by the Buddha. The Kesarasimha as the inhabitant of Manosilatala too is familar to Buddhist writers. The Buddha himself is compared to this royal beast.5
Let us refer back to our original thesis on the moonstone, the Makara wingstone and the Nagaraja guardstone composing a symbolic Kailasa. In this study we have identified the Saidakadapahana or the moonstone (the semi-circular stone slab at the very entrance to the shrine) as the symbolic representation of the Manasa, lake (or Anotatta); the N garāja guardstone as the figure of Ananta (or Anotatta Nagaraja) the divine snake who lives in the sacred lake bestowing blessings on the votaries who wend their way to the sacred Peak above; the dimunitive gnomes carved on the stone risers to be the representations of the Yaksaganas who are said to carry on their
Io. S. Paranavitana, Sigiri the abode of a God King, The Journal of the Ceylon Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society (JCBRAS) New Series, Vol. I, for 195o, pp. I 46 f.
I I. Jātaka, Text Vol. I, p. 232 and text Vol. III, p. 379.
12. S. Paranavitana, op.cit., pp. I49 ff.
13. Suttani pata, commentary, PTS edition, Vol., I, p. 233.
I 4. For details on the Kesarasimha, see, Manorathapūranī, P.T.S. ed. Vol. III, pp. 65 ff.; See also, a studv om Kesarasimha in Buddhist art and literature Peradiga Urumava (the Sinhala version of Asian Heritage), The Journal of the Asian Cultural Organisation, under the aegis of the Ministry of Cultural Affairs, Sri Lanka, Vol. I for I973, ed. A. V. Suraweera, pp. 68-77 ff.
15. Jaitaka, Text, Vol. I, p. 95.

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backs the denizens of Kailasa and lastly the inner-chamber above as the summit where lies the sacred Lotus Seat of the Divine Brahma (or Siva) now replaced by the Buddha on a Padmasana.
On the analogy of this original study it would not be difficult to introduce this so far unidentified sculptures in the two Makara Wingstone panels (belonging to the Anuradhapura period) as a more elaborate attempt to portray in detail some important aspects of the geographical terrain at Kailasa. In both slabs the Sculptured part is divided into several compartments by the sculptor in a subtle devise, to depict in continuous narrative, the more important features one could find on his way to the Kailasa summit. Herein is found the Manosilatala, where roams the majestic Kesarasimha, the Siddhas, the Vidhyadharas and other divine ascetics are depicted as if they are in their meditating trances or preaching attitudes. The horseheaded (Assamukhi) or bird-bodied Kinnari damsels are shown inside groves probably enjoying love-play with those men whom they have Y enticed. In the lowermost pocket (fig. ) a horse-headed damsel is actually shown in a love embrace with a man although the late Mr. H.C.P. Bell had seen in this a resemblance to the man and horse's head at Isurumuniya. Such themes of Assamukhi kinnaris carrying their lovers or in love embraces are not uncommon to Buddhist art even during its earliest phase. Although the stone is much weathered out, still these features could be recognised easily. One writer, who could not divine the meaning of this panel had however correctly discovered most of these features, when he writes:-"Among the carvings can be recognised trees, cave temples, animals such as the mongoose and birds with human heads'.' .
The entire scene in both the wingstone carvings, with human, animal and vegetable life interspersed, with a central cavity, inside which is shown the two majestic figures of maned lions, appears like a silly attempt by an insane Sculptor giving expression to his imagination on the vacant space of the Makara wingstone erected in front of a religious edifice. Anuradhapura was more a religious city than a secular capital, being the citadel of Theravāda Buddhists. Hence allowing an insane sculptor to express his whimsical ideas in a prominent place, conspicuous to any onlooker would have been the last thing to be
16. See, A. D. T. E. Perera, op.cit., pp. 38-44 ff.
17. H. C. P. Bell, op.cit., p. 2, footnote; see further, A. D. T. E. Perera, A possible identification of a significant sculpture at Isurumuniya-A man and a horse's head (being a revised version of the paper read at the Second International Conference-Seminar on Asian Archaeology, held in Colombo in 1969) East and West, IsMEO, Rome, Vol. 20, pp. I22-143.
18. Benjamin Rowland, The Art and Architecture of India, pl. 15-B from Sanci; see also, Rajendralala Mitra, Buddha Gaya, I878, pl. xxxiv., fig. 2, from Buddhagaya temple railing bas-reliefs.
I9. W. B. Marcus Fernando, op. cit, p. 11.

UNIQUE CARVINGS ON A MAKARA WINGSTONE 35
tolerated by the authorities both the lay and the religious.” Thus it is clear that these carvings were meant to convey a specific meaning. In the light of our earlier study on the symbolic meaning of the moonstone and its adjuncts, we would wish to suggest that these particular carvings too bear relationship to Kailāsa symbolism. The very place inbetween the symbolic Manasa lake (Saidakadapahana) and the summit of Kailāsa, is the most ideal setting to depict the geographical terrain at Kailāsa. The sculptor's attempt here was most successful in depicting the Manosilatala and the forest thereabout.
In a few other Makara wingstones of the early period too there appears the majestic maned lion, the Kesarasimha, with its raised paw. This may be a subtle ineans employed by the Sculptor to represent allegorically the daring Kesarasimha on the approach to Kailāsa, granting freedom from danger (Abhaya mudra iconographically shown elsewhere in the raised right hand) to the worshipper who now ascends the steps passing it's lair at Manosilatala, to the summit of Kailāsa, where the Buddha had replaced the Divine Brahma.
The absence of any other parallel to these particular has-reliefs on a Makara wingstone could not be taken to mean that these were only an individual attempt by a stray sculptor. In ancient Sinhalese art, the outer walls of shrines were meant for painting than for Sculpture. Hence it could be surmised that similar representations in painting, of the terrain in between the Svmbolic Manasa, and the Kailasa Summit, were not totally absent. This could have been achieved by plastering the rough surface of the outer wall of the Makara wingstone and painting over it. In fact traces of polychrome may still be discerned on the lithic parts of some early Sinhalese sculptures that form similar symbolic Kailasa ensembles. References are not wanting, of such painter's art on the outer walls of stupas, stupa railings etc. The very inhabitants of the Kailasa region, as seen in thc two sculptured panels under review, have been discovered from the Ruvanvili stipa Vahalkada. A kinnari (a bird bodied damsel) and a bahirava (a potbelied yaksangana dwarf) among the remnants of the Ruvanvili Vahalkada paintings recall the varied types of beings encountered by the artist in the description of Kailasa referred to above.
20. Some may even argue that these are but mere space fillings. It should be noted that nowhere in early Buddhist or Oriental art, empty spaces were, filled either by sculpture or painting meaninglessly. Every where the artist had given expression to a direct or an allegorical sense when empty spaces were filled in by sculpture or painting. 21. See, N. D. Wijesekera, Earlv Sinhalese Painting. Saman Press, Maharagama, 1959, figs: 92, 93: Cf. also the Gandharva damsel playing a string instrument, from the relic chamber of Mahiyangana stupa, incorrectly identified bv the late Dr. Senarat Paranavitana, as 'Mara in flight', see S. Paranavitana, The Art of the Sinhalese pl. I Io; see further, D. B. Dhanapala, The Slory ' of Sinhalese Painting Saman Press, Maharagama I957, figs: 37 & 38, from
Anuradhapura.

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36 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (SRI LANKA) Vol. XVII, (New Series), 1973
Some scholars surmise that these bas-reliefs depict a jataka scene. But one cannot subscribe to such a view, as no jaitaka has so far been traced either from Pali or Sanskrit sources, to be identified with the jigsaw puzzle as depicted in this bas-relief sculptures.
Our attempt here is only to express a plausible opinion on these So far unidentified relief carvings. This view may be put into further verification and test by the more learned for a clear elucidation of these complex pieces of early Sinhalese Sculptor's art, which have hitherto not been very attractive for the purpose of study to the art-historian on account of their seemingly puzzling nature.

Nitre Cave and its Environs
by C. G. URAGODA, M.D., M.R.C.P.
Nitre cave is depicted in maps as lying within the Knuckles wilderness, but this simple factual representation does hardly give an indication of its isolation and inaccessibility. Many have heard of the cave but few of the local inhabitants and fewer still of others have visited it in recent times. But it appears to have been well known in the middle of the last century, for it lent its name to a district as well as a coffee estate. According to Leiter Nitre Cave District was not such an outlandish place at one time, for the highway from Matale to Badulla passed through it before the roads from the coast to the interior were built under the British occupation. This is corroborated by Cock? when she mentions that in the olden days the area was more inhabited than it is now on account of the connection with the now com)letely abandoned route from Dambulla to Alutnuwara. It is probably the existence of this road that prompted Some early British writers, of whom Davy was probably the first, to visit the area.
The Knuckles range, so named on account of the resemblance of the summits to the knuckles of the human hand forms a prominent part of the distant skyline around Kandy. The gateway to this Knuckles region is Corbet's Gap. Of the two alternative routes available, the approach from Rangala is more picturesque, for the road is flanked by characteristic vegetation remniscent of Horton Plains. Wild orchids and gant ferns are specially prominent. The other road is from Hunasgiriya which lies on the Kandy-Mahiyangana road. Bilses ply the first ten miles to Loolwatte from whence it is about three miles to Corbet's Gap where these two routes meet.
On a clear day the view that unfolds from Corbet's Gap is one of the most insoiring that a vantage point could command of distant scenery in Sri Lanka. Mountains appear in serrated array in the
I. Leiter, N. 'Geographical study of the Nitre Cave District'. Ceylon Geogra
phical Society Bulletim, 1948-1949, Vol. 3, Nos. 3 & 4, p. 6.
2. Cook, E. K. "Ceylon, its geography, its resources and its people'. I95I,
2nd ed., p. 349.
3. Davy, J. "An account of the interior of Ceylon and its inhabitants with
travels in that island'. 182I.
4. Ferguson, A. M. "Planting gazetteer'', 1859, quoted by W. Skeen in "The
Knuckles and other poems'', 1868, p 13.
37

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38 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (SRI LANKA) Vol. XVII, (New Series), 1973
distance, and through a gap to the left of them, the eye carries further afar where Sora Bora Wewa gleams in its sylvan remoteness off Mahiyangana. A haze hides the view beyond these features.
On the side opposite this panoramic view at Corbet's Gap is a deep valley extend ng for many miles between two mountain ranges. This area comprises the Knuckles regicn, rarts of which were planted with coffee by the British pioneers more than a century ago, the first estate having been c pened in 1842.5 After the rav tages of the coffee blight had denuded these plantatic ns, jungle surged back untrammelled. Now in sme of the areas where coffee ruled, cardamon, mingles unobtrusively with the jungle,
The bottom of the valley is reached by a steep meandering road three miles long, the terminus being the village of Karambaketiya which consists of one or two houses and a school that boasts of five pupils. Progress beyond this point is by a foot-path leading to two very ancient Kandyan villages, Kaikiwela and Mimure. Distances between points in this region could at the best be guess work and two estimates seldom agree. Even the traditicinal 'hoo' which is an ancient unit of distance hased on the carrying power of the human voice, is subject to variation on account of the uneven ccntours of the land. The tendency is for the villager to belittle distances, a fact that one should bear in mind if he is not to be misled by incorrect estimates into undertaking a walk which would leave him a footsore but wiser individual. Kakawela is probably 3 miles from Karambaketiya, and Mimure another 1 miles away. The path crosses the rocky upper reaches of the Heen Ganga, Nitre Cave District being the drainage basin of this river.
One of the dominant mountains in the entire range is Lakégala (4,324 feet) which is seen from far afield. A little beyond Mimure its spiry peak rises above its neighbours. Such a noble sight could not have failed to inspire the ancient bards, and therefore it was no surprise to hear a hoary villager recite verses in praise of Lakegala, a couple of them being given below:-
ලකේ නොවෙද උස ඇතිගල තියෙන්නේ දුකේ නොවෙද සිවුපද පද බඳින්නේ , සැනෙක් නැතිව මම සේරම කියන්නෙන් ලකේ නොවෙද දෙවියෝ වැඩ සිටින්නෙන්
It is at Lake that the tall rock nestles; Four-lined stanzas are the voice of sadness, But recount all I shall without fear For the abode of gods is Laké.
5. Ibid.
6. Cooray, P. G. "Geographical aspects of the Rangala area'. The Ceylon
Geographer, I96 I, Vol. I 5, Nos. T-4, p. II.

NITRE CAVE AND ITS ENVIRONS 39
උGරුගලද වෑගල කඳුද දුනුවිල වදගල නමදගල මැද මහනුවර G සීත සුලං ඇතිවෙයි කන්ද · රංගල පාවුල ඉමේ උඩුදුම්බර ලකේ, * Go Ge.
Cool are the breezes that blow from mounts Rangala,
Urugala, Wegala, and Dunuvila,
Wadagala, Namadagala, Medamahanuwaragala, And from Lakgalla's on the borders of Udadumbara valley.
Maior Forbes who visited the area in 1832 gives two stanzas recited by his guide. One of them is quoted below:-
Herestern Ravan was vanquished, and in that dread hour Lakagalla was rent by the conqueror's power, It was Rama's keen shaft cleft the mountain in twain, And Lakgalla's bright lake made a desolate plain.
It is believed that this area was the scene of the battle between Rama and Ravana, the two principal characters in Valmiki's epic Rannayana.
When walking frcm Karambaketiya to Mimure one gets distant glimpses, on the opposite mountain range across the valley, of a rock with a white patch. It malks the situatic n of Nitre Cave. The villagers call it Lunugala (salt-rock) or Wawulagala (bat-rock). All these three names are most appropriate. The cave is the homing grounds of thousands of bats, and it is known to contain nitre or potassium nitrate or Saltpetre which is a salt (=lunu). It speaks a lot for the innate intelligence of these remote villagers to have realised that the cave contains a chemical which is scientifically classed as a salt, this line of thinking being implied in the name Lunugala.
At the turn of the 19th century manufacture of saltpetre appears to have been a thriving industry. Davy's describes the process where chippings from the cave are powdered and mixed with an equal quantity of wood ash which acts as an alkali. The mixture is put on a matting and washed with cold water. The solution is concentrated by evaporation and Saltpetre allowed to crystallise. He lists 22 caves where saltpetre was manufactured, while Tennent mentions that 'in Saffragam alone there are upwards of 60 caverns known to the natives, from which it may be extracted, and others exist in various parts of the island, where the abundance of wood to assist in its lixiviation would render that process easy and profitable'.
Forbes, Major. "Eleven years in Ceylon'. I84c, Vol. II, p. Io4. See note 3, p. 265.
9. Tennent, J. E. 'Ceylon, an account of the island, physical, historical and
topographical'. I86o, 5th ed., Vol. I, p. 3I.
3.

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4o JOURNAL, R.A.S. (SRI LANKA) Vol. XVII, (New Series), Ig73
Saltpetre is an important ingredient in the manufacture of gunpowder which is obtained by mixing it with sulphur and carbon. The Sinhalese obtained these ingredients locally, carbon being the charcoal from the wood of Pavetta indica.
Davy's description of Nitre Cave was dominated by its impor
tance in the manufacture of gunpowder. In this context it has to be remembered that he published his book shortly after the rebellion of 1818, and therefore his treatment of the subject reflects the importance of the cave as a source of raw material in the manufacture of this strategic substance. Pieris0 records that during the days of the Sinhala rebellion of 1818 'gunpowder was prepared daily with saltpetre from Lunugala and sulphur brought.... from Hevahata, bullets being made of native iron as no lead was available'. There is hardly any doubt that Lunugala referred to here is Nitre Cave, for the local inhabitants still refer to it by this Sinhala name.
Davy mentions that the Sinhalese learnt the use of firearms and the art of manufacture of gunpowder from the Portuguese. Robert Knox, 12 a careful observer who lived captive in the Kandyan areas from 1660 to 1679 does not refer to gunpowder, saltpetre or Nitre Cave. However there is evidence that during this period saltpetre was being manu actured. Van Goens, the Dutch Governor of the Maritime Pro", inces from 1663 to 1675 writes:- “It would be desirable if we could bring back with us the saltpetre which had been stored by the King's neople in a large storehouse there, but if there should be any risk in doing this, it should be set fire to'. Marshall who arrived in Ceylon in 1808 writes that 'natives manufacture tolerably good gunpowder. Saltpetre is found in abundance in the island and the sulphur is procured by importation'.
Davy 15 records that the manufacture of saltpetre was stopped by the British for political reasons. He believed that with peace its manufacture should be restarted with profit to government. But apparently the ban was never lifted, and this restraint on a process which the Sinhalese had constantly practised for many years may have led to the stifling of this manufacturing skill and its reduction to a dead art. The tailing off of this industry is implied in a subsequent
Io. Pieris, P. E. 'Sinhala and the patriots, I815-1818'. Ig5o, p. 276. II. See note 3, p. 268. I2. Knox, R. ''An historical relation of Ceylon', 1681, reprint T958.
I 3. Van Goens, R. “Selections from the Dutch records of the Ceylon Government No. 3. Memoirs of Ryskloff Van Goens I 663- II 675”. Translated by E. Reimers, I 932, p. 43. -
I4. Marshall, H. "Ceylon, a general description of the island and its inhabitants'.
1846, reprint 1954, p. 25.
I5. See note 3, p. 267.

NITRE CAVE AND ITS ENVIRONS 4 I
reference where Tennent who came to Ceylon in 1845 says that saltpetre was being sparingly manufactured and therefore was imported from India.
There are two schools of thought as to the origin of the saltpetre that is present in Nitre Cave. One is that it originates from the guano of innumerable bats that have inhabited the cave for generations, while the other theory expresses the view that it is found in the rock itself. Davy, 17 who was a highly qualified scientist, relies on the second theory on the bass of his detecticn that the 'rock in the nitre cave at Mimoora contained saltpetre though it was free of dung of bats'. He gives the composition as follows:-
2.4 Nitrate of potash 0.7 Nitrate of magnesia 0.2 Sulphate of magnesia 9.4 Water 26.5 Carbonate of lime 60.7 Earthy matter insoluble in dilute nitric acid
100.0
Pridham, 18 who is reputed to have compiled his book on Ceylon from various sources without having set foot Cin the country, merely voices the opinicn of Davy (without acknowledgement) in advancing his theory on the formation of saltpetre. Even the composition of the limestone powder is the same as that given by Davy, but probably in an attempt at originality, lists the chemicals in a different order,
However Leiter who analysed the encrustation from this cave did not find any traces of nitre though he believes that bats' droppings which cover the floor of the cave may contain SCme. It may be mentioned that there are deposits of saltpetre in Chile which have originated from the excreta of birds.
Once the necessity for military preparedness eased off with the restoration of peace, the villagers with commendable resourcefulness turned to the peaceful use of saltpetre in the field of agriculture. Villagers living close by visit the cave periodically to collect the bats' guano. They use it as a manure for their paddy fields though nowadays its use has declined as a result of the ready supply of conventional fertilisers through distribution outlets. It is interesting that
16. See note 9. I7. See note 3, p. 33.
18. Pridham, C. "An historical, political and statistical account of Ceylon an
its dependencies”. I 849, Vol. II, pp. 7o8 and 7og.
I9. See note I.

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42 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (SRI LANKA) Vol. XTVII, (New Series), Ig73
these villagers should have discovered probably by experience this useful property of these deposits though obviously unaware of the Scientific basis that nitre is an important constituent of fertilisers.
The take-off point in the climb to Nitre Cave is a tiny hamlet of four huts called Na-ela which is about four miles from Kaikawela. The track crosses the Heen Ganga and Maha Oya in quick succession, the latter crossing being a most delightful spot with its pools of crystal clear water and a miniature waterfall. The villagers of Nai-ela earn a liring by manufacturing kitul jaggery, but their neighbours at Kaikawela and Mimure prefer to tap their kitul palms for the more exciting toddy. In this context it is interesting to note that most of the villagers of the Nitre Cave district held their land from the Kandyan Kings on the obligation of supplying the King with honey, the name Mimure for example being evidence of this (mi-honey). Therefore it appears that this ancient practice has survived to this day.
Keuneman describes the Knuckles wilderness as 'formidable: it was as though the land itself had turned upon them (planters) so stern a face that hardy as they were they had quailed and sought a kindlier prospect......there is no fiercer country in Cevlon'. However the Knuckles area has attracted scientists on account of distinctive features of vegetation, geology. and geography.28 The most exhaustive studv of the area was undertaken by a joint expedition sponsored by the Natural History Society of Ceylon and the Ceylon Geographical Society. Poulier describes how the idea for this undertaking was conceived, and the findings are reported by Cooray's and de Rosayro.
It would be unwise not to engage a guide at Na-ela, for after an initial descent towards a jungle stream, the final climb is through trackless terrain. One could hardly expect a well-worn path when the villagers appraised us that apart from the local inhabitants we were the first visitors within the previous four years. The forest giants with their magnificient timber have permitted a sparse growth of supple saplings under their shade, and it is by holding on to them that one levers himself up the gradient, almost 45 degrees steep at
20. Ibid.
21. de Rosayro, R. A. "The climate and vegetation of the Knuckles region of Ceylon'. The Ceylon Forester, 1958, Vol. III. Nos. 3 & 4 (new series), p.20I.
22. See note I. 23. See note 6.
24. Poulier, R. S. V. "The Knuckles expedition-August I956”. Loris, I956
YA 豹 Vol. 7, No. 4, p. 2 οο.
25. Cooray. P. G. "The Knuckles expedition'. Bulletin of the Ceylon Geogra
phical Society, I 956, Vol. Io, Nos. 3 & 4, p. 47.
26. See note 2I.

NITRE CAVE AND ITS ENVIRONS 43
places, along a track that has to be traced by cutting through the undergrowth. Mercifully the sun was kept off by the impenetrable canopy of leaves above. Even during the prolonged drought the thick carpet of fallen foliage lying under this very effective umbrella allowed moisture to remain and succour the leeches which in wet weather would have been a formidable natural barrier that would add to the inaccessibility of the cave. With the final few laborious steps one emerges from the fringe of the jungle directly in front of the mouth of the cave which occupies the base of a massive rock.
It is surprising that the few writers on the subject have given rather cursory descriptions of the cave itself, the best being by Davy'". Keuneman's describes it as a great wide cave infested with incredible colonies of hats, the floor being spongy with their dung. Cooray' relates the exhausting visit the members of the Knuckles expedition made to the cave. He mentions that the inner level of the cave was about 12 feet higher than the mouth. The bats were for some reason absent during their visit.
Nitre Cave has been formed by the solution of a limestone band in a rock.80,81. It is the largest limestone cave in the country. Davy' thinks that it is partly natural and partly artificial, the latter assumption being based on the fact that there was at that time regular excavation of the cave by those who were after the nitre.
The floor of the cave is about 15 feet above ground level. A few rugged steps in the rock lead to a horizontally placed slab of rock that obstructs the entrance to the cave. This has to be surmounted by scranbiing up on aii fours on a precarious perch of a few stout sticks fixed across the entrance before one could step into the cave.
The roof of the cave is roughly arch-shared and about 15 to 20 feet from the floor. The main gallery as it veers slightly to the left narrows down considerably to end in a small elliptical opening which is beyond reach for investigation. According to folklore this opening leads into another compartment which extends very far. From the main gallery two passages branch off to the left. The one further from the entrance is about 20 feet long and it too ends in a dark opening beyond which is another compartment. The other passage is a short one near the entrance and it ends blindly.
27. See note 3, p. 379. 28. Keuneman, H. 'The Knuckles wildermess'. Loris, 1956, Vol. 7, No. 4, p. 296. 2g. See note 25.
3o. See note I.
3 II. See note 25.
32. See note 3, p. 379.

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44 J (C) U ERNAL, R.A.S. (SRI LANKA) [Woł. XI T'I I NF y Sierros), 1973
The disturbance Created by olIT entry brought out a II endless strea II of medium-sized bats which flew out through the two openings froIII the net het clepths of the cavertis beyond. A torch fil. Lslel through the openings accelerated their exit into the unaccustomed glare of bright Sunlight oli Iside the cave.
The rocky floor of the cave was poxed with irregularities in the pockets of which lay the dried sand-like deposits of bats' droppings. The cave was apparently devoil of any other living creatures. One could only surmise that the cheinicals in the bats' droppings were not conducive to the presence of other animals, though in other respects the cave would have been an ideal lair for them. Porcil Tile drings just outside the cave were the only evidence of the presence of animals iri tlie iii i immedia Le viciiriity.
A mist welcome though Linexpected find was a SIT...all spoilt of Cool, clear wat et flowing die w in fro1T a sidle of the TC 3ck Where: the CELYE: is located. It was hidden away to the left of the air-cli to the cave. The long spell of drought had failed to clry it. It provided in Ich needed water to quelch the parchel palates as Wellas to wils), 1 Way The liberal deposits of dust that best neared our bodies during the struggle LLLLSLLLLLLLL LLL LaLLLLS LS LLaaL LLLlLSLSHieA tt LLLLL LL lLLLLSLL LL 0atLLL LLLLL LaLLSa led along a pipe of bamboos to Le used in the manufacture of litre. In the absence of any other source of Water nearby, it is very likely that this sout provided the water that is referred to by Davy.
From the lofty Terch Ilear the cave the scenery below and across the valley was magnificient with Lakégala occupying Tride of place.
The descent was quite L contrast to the difficult climb, (Il reaching N3-ela there was anal LeTTlative Toute to Kar:L111baketival and Corbet's Gap through St. Mattin's Estate. The listance to Katambaketiya was about six miles, and the road did not prove diffic lit.
33. Ibil.

Fig. 2.
Wi"WITIn the insicle of the give, bir g fri riteil layıtlıcı elıtratıcı,

Page 26
A Unique Astamangala Relief from Welligama
(With two plates) by T. B. KARUNARATNE
Since I wrote my paper on Astamangala, the Eight Auspicious Symbols, (Vide J.R.A.S., C.B. (N.S.) Vol. XV. pp. 48-75) I was fortunate enough to come across two more astamangala figures, one from Kivulekada in the North Central Province and the other from Welligama, Welligam Korale in the Southern Province. The former, the Kivulekada astamangala, is incised on an oblong space on the top most portion of an attani pillar bearing an inscription of Sena I.” The latter, the Weligama astamangala, according to Ven. Pategama Sri Nandarama Nayaka Thero the incumbent monk of Agrabodhi Raja maha Viharaya at Welligama, was accidentally discovered about forty years ago while digging a pit at a spot close to the present Preaching Hallwithin the temple premises, where in former times stood he post to which the temple tusker used to be tethered (ätä bändi kauva). This astamangala is carved in low relief on a rectangular slab of lime stone measuring 8 inches by 8 inches and 1 inch in thickness. Unlike the three astamangalas recovered from Anturadhapura, Polonnaruva and Kivulekada, all of which are partially damaged or eroded, thus obscuring some of the symbols, the present piece of sculpture is in a perfect state of preservation, and bears a few novel features that are not found in the former examples. Hence, this piece of sculpture is of immense importance in not only establishing the identity of some symbols that are indistinct or totally damaged in the aforementioned reliefs, but also in further understanding the wider meaning of the entire complex of symbols.
2. In the composition of the symbols, the Welligama astamangala follows the general pattern as found in the Anuradhapura and Polonnaruva astamangalas. At the same time it bears some features that may be considered as peculiar to it and these enhance its value both as a work of art and as a symbol pregnant with meaning. The surface
I.. I am indebted to Mr. Sirimal Laddusinghe, the Ethnologist of the National Museum of Sri Lanka, for drawing my attention to this piece of sculpture.
2. Semarat Payamavitana Commemoration Volume-See article under the title 'An Astamangala Figure from an Attini Pillay of Sena I by T. B. Karunaratne. This Vrlume will be published shortly.
3. See Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Ceylon Branch, New Series. Vol.
XV. pp. 48-75. Pl. I, Fig. 1., Pl. II, Fig. 2.
4б

A UNIQUE ASTAMANGALA RELIEF FROM WELIGAMA 47
of the stone slab is divided into three concentric squares. In the inner most square there is a symetrical pattern that reminds one, of the art motif commonly known as 'binara-mala' in later Kandyan art.4 The circle in the very centre is in the shape of a shallow bowl, with a thick brim. The four petals around this central depression, are also excavated in the same manner, thus converting these petals into heart shaped shallow cups. In between the large petals are four small water lilies (uppala) with short stems. The flat edges of the water lilies touch the sides of the Square thus describing an equal armed cross, the limbs of which originate from the rim of the central circle. A thin border Seperates the central Square from the adjoining border which is elaborately carved. The Eight Auspicious Symbols are depicted in low relief along this border. Assuming, the top side of the square as facing the east, the Eight Auspicious Symbols are represented in the following order: $rivatsa (E), camara (S.E.), an kusa (S), matsya, (S.W.), svastika (W), bhadrapiha (N.W.), sankha (N), and barnaghata (N.E.), exactly as in the Anuradhapura and Polonnaruva, astamangalas. The four main symbols $rivatsa, ankusa, svastika and sankha appear as if resting on the water lilies represented below them, in spite of the thin border that seperates them. To the left of each of these four main symbols there is a 'binara-mala' motif while to the right there is a water lily generally known as uppala. To the left of the $yivatsa symbol there is in fact a whole bush of water lilies. Encompassing this border of symbols and flower motifs is another thin border. The composition of the latter is of special interest, for it is formed as if made of four rectangular strips of equal length placed end to end to describe a perfect square. The first half of each of these strips is adorned with a 'railing pattern', While the remaining half is left blank. Framing all these diverse patterns is a thin bare border. (Pl. I. Fig. 1).
3. The bowl like cavity in the centre of this astamangala relief is reminiscent of the identical feature in the Polonnaruva astamangala.
4. A. K. Coomaraswamy, however does not mention this popular motif in his
monumental work “Mediaeval Sinhalese Art’.
5. See J. R.A.S., C.B. (N.S.) Vol. XV. pp. 52-55 and 58-59. To the ancient Sinhalese and the Indians east is the most important direction and in art, as in the case of these examples, the top most side (which according to the Western reckoning indicates north) is considered the appropriate side to represent the east. For example the astamangala on the Kivulekada Atteni Pillar displays $rivatsa in the middle of the top most row. (See Pl. II. Fig. 2.). In my drawings of the Anuradhapura, and Polonnaruva așțamangalas (See J.R.A.S., C.B., N.S. Vol. XV. Pl. I. Fig. I and P1. II. Fig. 2). I have not observed this fact. There I have adhered to the Western method of indicating the directions. Incidentally, the Anuradhapura astamangala slab now displayed in the newly formed archaeological section of the National Museum of Sri Lanka, Colombo, too, has been displayed as if the relief is lying on its side. It becomes a meaningful symbol only when the side showing $rivatsa is made to appear on the top side.
6. J. R.A.S., C.B. (N.S.), Vol. XV. p. 54. Pl. III. Fig. 2.
14687-3

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48 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (SRI LANKA) Vol. XVII, (New Sevies), 1973
But in this instance around the central depression there are four large lotus petals and four small up pala flowers. In the Anuradhapura astamangala it was pointed out that the lotus symbolizes a lake. The shallow depression in both Polonnaruva and Welligama astamangalas evidently signifies the same idea. The binara-mala motif in the adjoining border occupies the very same place where rosettes are shown in the Anuradhapura astamangala. Hence, it is reasonable to assume that the binaramala motifs, the large one in the centre and the four small ones in the adjoining border too represent lotuses. Just as the circle in the centre is depicted as a shallow bowl the four large petals are also depicted as heart shared shallow cups, thus suggesting a lake having the form of a lotus. The existence of an actual lotus shaped pond at Polonnaruva shows that this is not altogether a new idea." Thus the artist has incorporated both the concept of the lake as well as the lotus in an aesthetically satisfying manner.
4. In this astamangala the eight auspicious symbols are depicted very prominently. In all the other three astamangalas discovered so far the symbol representing the north is not at all clear, and I surmised it to be a sankha (conch shell) not so much on archaeological grounds as on the assumption that the eight planetary deities bear these eight symbols as their emblems. Since, this piece of sculpture clearly depicts sankha in north, my earlier conjecture has proved to be right. As in the case of Kivulekada astamangala here too the bhadrapitha (auspicious seat) is represented more like a trisala. But the Anuradhapura astamangala proves beyond any doubt that bhadrapitha should be depicted as a tripod sign, that is quite familiar in early Indian and Sinhalese Art. By constant usage as a symbol in art it has degenerated into a trisilla like form, that the corresponding sign in the Kivulekada astamangala has been identified by a veteran
archaeologist like late Dr. Senarat Paranavitana as a triśūla.10 (Pl. II. Fig. 2).
5. Another important feature in this piece of sculpture is the flowering plants and individual flowers to the right of the four main symbols, 3rivatsa, ankusa, swastika and Sankha. Evidently, they represent four different kinds of water lilies and they remind us of the flowering creepers (pupphalata) mentioned in Mahavamsa as associated
s-M.
7. S. Paranavitana, Art and Architecture of Ceylon (Polonnaruva Period), published by the Cultural Department of Ceylon, I954, p. 3I. Fig. 18. Also see A.S.C., A.R. for 1909. p. 16.
8. J. R.A.S., C.B. (N.S.), Vol. XV. pp. 52-6I.
J. G. Smither, Architectural Remains of Anuradhapura, Ceylon, London. I 9o6. Pl. XLII. Fig. 8, Also see J. R.A.S., C.B. (N.S.). Vol. XV. p. 74. Pl. IV. Fig. 29.
Io. Epigraphia Zeylanica, Vol. III. p. 289, Pl. 34. Fig. II.

A UNIQUE ASTA MANGALA RELIEF FROM WELIGAMA 49
with astamangala. This again proves beyond any doubt that the kind of astamangala referred to in Mahavamsa is the same type as this one. However, all the astamangalas discovered so far are not earlier
than the 7th or 8th century A.D. Mahavamsa refers to rows of quadrupeds (catuppadanani panti) and Swans (hamsa panti) also as associated with the aș, tamangala.* Anuradhapura așţamangala depicts the tour quadrupeds and the Welligama aşțamangala ont he other hand depicts the flowering creepers. An astamangala with a row of Swans is yet to he discovered for none of the specimens discovered so far displays this feature. However, now that more and more astamangalas are coming to light there is a likelihood of discovering astamangalas with still more new features.
6. The above paragraphs show that motifs common to astamangalas discovered earlier are represented in thris aşțamangala with a peculiarity and character of its own. However, the most unusual feature of this astamangala relief is its outer most border. As stated
earlier this border is represented as if constructed of four rectangular
strips of equal length, placed so as to describe a perfect square. The first half of each strip is adorned with a 'railing pattern formed by dividing the rectangular border into thin vertical columns. This piece of decoration on the left side of the stone slab has not been completed and only the preliminary lines marked by the sharp chistle of the Sculptor are visible. On the other hand, in places where it has been completed a few of these upright columns have been fashioned into shapes that can be identified as fish signs and some others as wavy lines. This feature is clearly seen in the bottom row of the illustration. This assumptic n is quite reascnable for it would have been very much easier for the artist to depict these in straight upright columns, if that was his purpose. In fact he had actually done this in respect of the two remaining borders. My contention, therefore, is that in the completed work, it was the intention of the sculptor to depict the fish and the wavy line pattern in the remaining sides as well. In short the 'railing rattern' now clearly seen on two sides is really the preliminary sketch work which in the finished work was to depict the fish and the wavy line pattern. already referred to. Whether this proposition is acceptable - or not, one fact is clear. That is, this “railing pattern' is not a meaningless piece of decoration, for the sculptor had on purpose confined it to the first half of the border on each side of the stone slab. Moreover, all
II. Mahôaua nihsa, P.T.S., Ch. 3o.65.
“ Attham angalikāmassa khande pupphalatā pi ca, Catuppadānam pantīca hams pantīca sobhanā” Geiger translates "pupphalata' as "festoons of flowers' (see Mahavanisa, translation, P.T S. p. 2o 3). On the other hand in the Si halese translation, the corresponsling term is rendered into Sinhalese as "pus palata' meaning "flowering creepers' which is evidently the correct meaning of the term.
I2. Ibid.

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so JOURNAL, R.A.S. (SRI LANKA) Vol. XVII, (New Series), 1973
other motifs in this piece of sculpture were intended to express specific ideas associated with the astamangala of the ancient Sinhalese. Hence, this piece of decoration too should necessarily be considered as serving some other aspect of the symbolism of the astamangala. -
7. In my paper on Astamangala I have given sufficient proofs to show that the astamangala of the Sinhalese is a diagramatic representation of the mythical lake Anavatapta, from the four gates of which the four rivers Ganga, Sindhu, Vaksa and Sita flow forth towards east, South, west and north respectively. It is mentioned that these four rivers circumambulate the lake Anavatapta three times before they enter the sea.13 In Indian art it is generally accepted that the fish and wavy line signifies a river, a pond or the Sea. Hence it is quite legitimate to identify these four patterns as symbolizing the four rivers that flow out of the lake Anavatapta. One may wonder why this lattern is not shown in the entire length of each side or indicated it in the central region of each side, for according to ...the literary accounts cited in this connection, the four rivers flow out from the four gates, here suggested by the four main symbols, Srivatsa, aikusa, Svastika and sankha. The answer to this question lies in the fact that the artist was depicting an elaborate motif described in literary works at great length, within a small area of about 64 square inches. Within this limited space he had already depicted the lotus lake Anavatapta, the flowering creepers, and the Eight Auspicious Symbols. After depicting all these he was left with only a narrow strip of border to suggest the four rivers that flow from the lake in the four directions and then circumambulate the lake three times before emptying their waters into the four seas. The outward flow of the river is suggested by the rows of columns (fish and wavy lines) in the 'railing pattern' as pointing outward, while its turning to the right is indicated artistically by depicting this pattern only in the first half of the border and leaving the remaining half blank, thereby indicating the clockwise motion, very much like the claws of a swastika (mandyavarta) auspiciously turning to the right. The fact that the bare portions of these strips are slightly longer and touch the very edges of the adjoining sides of the Square covering small portions of the railing patterns, also suggests that all the four rivers circumambulate the lake without crossing each other, a fact specifically mentioned in the literary accounts. The same feeling of turning to the right is suggested by the manner the symbols and the flower motifs are depicted. It is evident the Sculptor has very successfully suggested all these complicated concepts within the given space, with the least effort, where as artists
13. Encyclopaedia of Buddhism, Published by the Government of Ceylon. sv. A navata pta and anotatta. Also see Mamoratha pūvani, P.T. S. Part IV., p. Io9ff.
I 4. J. R.A.S., C.B. (N.S.)., Vol. XV. pp. 64-68.

A. UNIQUE ASTAMANGALA RELIEF FROM WELIGAMA 5 I
of lesser calibre of a later date tried to represent the same idea in a more realistic manner and produced paintings that may be described as monstrous.15
8. Elsewhere I have explained in detail that the astamangala of the Sinhalese represents the mythical lake Anavatapta. It also represents the birth of Sridevi the goddess of beauty and prosperity from the cosmic waters, attended by her retinue and the ten regents (loka palas). It is at the same time the centre of the universe, as well as the spirally expanding universe, a replica of the cosmos. All these complicated notions are implied in this symbol. The Welligama astamangala expresses this conglomeration of ideas better than any other astamangala discovered so far in India or Sri Lanka. The greatest merit of this piece of sculpture in my opinion is its skillful suggestion of the expanding universe in all the ten directions. The central rosette suggests both the lake as well as the lotus that arises from it, the nether world (patala) of the divine nagas, as well as the highest heaven of the Brahmas. The central ring also suggests a static core from which the rest of the composition appears as if emanating there from. The cross like formation of the four water lilies and the large heart shaped lotus petals round this central core suggest the expansion in the eight directions. This feeling of outward expansion is further enhanced by the manner the eight symbols are depicted, the line work suggesting the direction of expansion. The alternating railing patterns and the bare strips of the border suggest both the expansion as well as the turning to the right in a spiral motion. This phenomena of expansion in spiral formation is very appropriate to express the dynamic notions inherent in this cosmic symbol.
9. There is no direct evidence to indicate the date of the Welligama astamangala. Stylistically when this piece of sculpture is compared with the other known astamangalas, it appears to be later than the Anuradhapura astamangala. The treatment of the central lotus, the symbols like bhadra pitha, matsya yugala and the depiction of the four animals elephant, bull, horse and the lion, shows that the Anuradhapura aşțamangala belongs to the 7th or the 8th century at least. The bhadra pitha of Welligama astamangala closely resembles the corresponding symbol in the Kivulekada astamangala, which can Safely be attributed to the c. 850 A.D.20 The bowl like treatment of the calyx of the central lotus, the depiction of one single fish in place of two as depicted in the Anuradhapura and Kivulekada astamangalas
I 5. Encyclopaedia of Buddhism. Vol. I Pl. XLIX.
The same theme is painted on the walls of the Dambulla Rock Temple.
I6. J. R.A.S., C.B. (N.S.). Vol. XV. pp. 64 and 68. I7. See note 2.
8. Heinrich Zimmer, Myths and Symbols in Indian Arī and Čilizatn,
Harper Books, I960. p. 13o. ܚ

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52 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (SIRI LANKA) Vol. XVII, (New Series), 1973
(Pl. II. Fig. 2) shows that this relief resembles the Polonnaruva astamangala more than the former reliefs. But in this relief the $rivatsa, has been depicted in a more meaningful way and it still retains the old symbolism which is absent to a great extent in the Polonnaruva astamangala. Hence it is quite safe to place Welligama astamangala as a work that can be considered as later than the Kivulekada astamangala but earlier than the Polonnaruva specimen. The site where this piece of Sculpture was found is not very far from the famous statue popularly known as Kustaraja, which is attributed to circa 800-900 A.D.' Hence it is reasonable to assume that Welligama astamangala is contemporaneous with the Kustaraja-gala statue. It is probably a work of the latter half of the 9th century A.D.
10. This miniature astamangala relief is of intrinsic value to the art of Sri Lanka and even that of India, both as a work of art and as a symbol full of significance. As only a few examples of astamangalas have so far come to light and this being the only one found intact, free from damage or erosion, it behoves the National Museum or the Archaeological Department of Sri Lanka to take steps to preserve this unique piece of sculpture for the posterity.
9. Epigraphia Zevlanica, Vol. III. p. 289 ff. According to the revised dates as given in the University History of Ceylon (See Vol. I Part II. p. 845). the reign of Sena I is from 833-853 A.D.
2.o. Nandadeva Wijesekera, Eavlv Sinhalese Sculpture, Colombo. 1962. p. 76.
Also see A.S.C., A.R. 1926-27. pp. 7-8.
N.B. A.S.C., A.R.-Archaeological Survev of Ceylon, Annual Report.
J.R.A.S., C.B. (N.S.)-Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Ceylon
F3ranch-New Series.
P.T.S.-Pali Text Society.

A UNIQUE ASTAMANGALA RELIEF FROM WELIGAMA 53
Plate I. Fig. I:-Astamangala relief from Agrabodhi Purana Vihara, Welligama, Welligam Korale, Matara District. A free hand drawing based on rubbings.

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5 JOURNAL R.A.S. (SRI LANKA) . Vol. XVII, (New Series), 1973
Plate II. Fig. 2:-Anastamangala figure from an Attani Pillar of Sena I. A free hand drawing based on a photograph appearing in Epigraphia Zeylanica, Vol. III. Plate 34 Fig. II. The indistinct symbols and portions of symbols that are highly eroded are indicated by dotted line. The identification of symbols: (a) rivatsa, (b) camara, (c) akusa, (d) matsya yugala, (e) svastika, () bhadrapētha, (g) šai kha, (h) pūrņaghata, and (i) padma.
 

Peradeniya
Perádeniya became known to Scientists in England in 1821 when Alexander Moon sent his report to the authorities recommending Peradeniya, the site of the late King's Garden as suitable for a Botanic Garden.
Why was the place so called? What does it mean? The popular derivation, which every school child knows, is from Péra (Guava) and deniya (valley). The valley in which péra trees grew or flourished. This Péradeniya has become the modern Perádeniya.
But is this explanation correct? Peradeniya was known from medieval times. We read in the Mahavamsa? 'In the time of King Wikkrama-Bahu (III) there was a mighty prince of great wisdom, Alagakkonara by name who dwelt in the beautiful and famous city of Peradóni which is on the banks of the river Mahoru-ganga'. (Maha Veli-ganga). Alagakkonara came to Kotte and became BuvenekaBahu V. This was in the 14th century (circa 1351).
Wijesinghe in his translation of the Mahavamsa identifies Peradoni with Peradeniya. Geiger too is of the same opinion. "Three miles from Kandy lies Peraddoni now Peradeniya, residence of Alagakkonara the powerful Minister of Viklamabahu'. •
There is no reference to Péra (guava) in either the Namavaliya
or the Ruwanmal Nigantuwa which are works of the early 15th century. The Yogaratnakaraya however refers to Péra kola. It is a work of the 16th century.
Paul Hermann the Dutch Botanist and Doctor who was in Ceylon, 1672-79, says of the Pera: ‘‘Pera Guayavos hanc arborem Lusitani in Ceylonam transtulerunt”. The Portuguese brought this tree, Pera Guayavos to Ceylon. The Portuguese came to Ceylon at the beginning of the 16th century (1505). But the name Peradeniya (Peraddoni) as shown above has existed from the 14th century.
We cannot therefore associate the fruit, Péra with Peradeniya. What then is the fruit if it refers to a fruit at all? Vide such placenames as Damba-deniya, Beli-deniya, Dehi-deniya etc., all named after fruits. Or what does Peraddoni mean? Does the word ''Pera' refer to something else or does doni mean a valley (deniya)? It may be of interest to scholars to consider another significance of the word 'doni' which I quote below from Rahula. "At the entrance to the courtyard of some Dagobas at Anuradhapura are found some blocks of stone with basin-shaped hollows scooped in them. An inscription
55 -

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56 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (SRI LANKA) Vol. XVII, (New Series), 1973
on one such stone at the Pankuliya monastery refers to it by the explanatory term, pa-doni (P. padadhovani) which would mean footwasher'.
In the Amawathura, a work of the 13th century we have the word pai-deniya which has been translated as the place where the feet are washed.
Similarly we have in the Dictionary of Soratha, ath-deniya and pa-deniya, places where the hands and feet are washed. He says dhroniya = deni=oruwa (canoe) or long box (dik-pettiya).
Since Peradeniya is so well known now, it will be interesting to know exactly why it was so called, particularly because within this village are situated the world famous Royal Botanic Gardens and the University of Sri Lanka, Peradeniya Campus.
D. C. GUNAWARDENA.
References
I. The Centenary of the Royal Botanic Gardens, Peradeniya. H. W. Cave &
Co. Colombo, 1922.
Chapter xcl. p. 32 o. Wijesinghe translation. Geiger. Culture of Ceylon in Medieval Times. Yogaratnakaraya, p. 413 stanza, 3817. K.D. Perera & Bros. 193o. Paul Hermann. Musaeum Zeylanicum Leyden, I 713. Walpola, Rahula. History of Buddhism in Ceylon p. II.7. M.D. Gunasena & Co. Colombo I956. 7. Amawathura Part 3. A Glossary by A. S. Perera K. D. Perera & Sons
Printers, 1926.

Book Review
A Bibliography of Ceylon: A systematic guide to the literature on the land, people, history and culture published in Western languages from the sixteenth century to the present day. By H. A. I. Goonetileke, (Inter Documentation, I97o. Two Volumes, lxxx and 865 pp. Swiss francs I22)
Tne appearance of this work is unquestionably a land-mark in the history of scholarly endeavour in those wide fields of interest and learning to which the Royal Asiatic Society of Sri Lanka is dedicated. As an achievement, it meets th: most exacting requirements in the field of bibliography; potentially it supplies researcn worker, and scholars in a wide field of studies with a tool of the highest value. To members of the Soiety, be they scholars of established standing, or relatively inexperienced researchers or merely interested dilettanti, it betokens advance at a single stride from indigence to an embarras de richesse.
In the Foreword he has supplied, Dr. J. D. Pearson, doyen of libarians in the Asian field, writes: "With this publication Mr. Goonetileke enters the ranks of the greatest Orientalist bibliographers of all times .... whose bibliographical works remain the essential starting point for all research as well as the vademecum for the book collector'. High praise indeed from one whom the many in Ceylon who studied at the London School of Oriental and African Studies in his time knew as a man who weighs his words.
Essential features of a good bibliography are that it should be orderly comprehensive and accurate. More than ten years of steady, patient and trained effort have ensured these qualities in this work. ای
With over eleven thousand items it is so comprehensive as to challenge the innocent pastime of trying to 'fault' the author by a hunt for omissions. Perseverance may indeed bring success, but its validity must be tested by two prior conditions notified by the author: one is the clear and express limitation of scope indicated in the sub-title; the other is implicit in the author's astonishing claim that the bibliography 'has been compiled almost wholly at first hand' (p. xxiv) and this heroic self-imposed restriction will naturally have led to a measure of self-denial.
Orderliness, essential to a large work such as this, entails demands upon the reader. One such requirement the reviewer would specify because though it was obvious, it took him some time to grasp its implications: it is essential to become effectively familiar with the nature of the thirty divisions which constitute the chapters of the book. The Introduction, too, is invaluable; it makes deceptively easy reading, but requires, and will repay, diligent study.
Accuracy is of the highest order. This extends to the printing, and, in times when printing has tended to betray marks of hurry and decline, author, printer and proof-reader have combined well to achieve near-perfection.
57

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58 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (SRI LANKA) Vol. XVII, (New Series), Ig73
The most valuable feature of the work, at least to the mind of the present reviewer, is the judicious combination of information and evaluation afforded regarding nearly every work of importance in the fields surveyed. Comment is quite explicit and decided, though expressed with scholarly restraint. It is always possible of course, to disagree, for an element of individual predilection inevitably enters the most nicely balanced of judgements in matters which are not purely objective or where no final law can be predicated. But to disagree with the author's judgements here almost invariably evokes a sense of respect, and the work would have been much the poorer had comment been eschewed in the name of impartiality or detachment. And in the delivery of his sentiments, the author has been aided by a rare facility in the use of English prose.
In conclusion a brief word of apology is necessary for the delay in the appearance of this review. Suffice it to say that it arose from circumstances wholly beyond editorial control.
W. J. F. LABROOY

Office-Bearers for 1973/74
حــــــــــــــسیــمـخـتـــــعـــــــــــــس مختصریـــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــے
Patropo
His Excellency Mr. William Gopallawa, M.B.E., President, Republic of Sri Lanka.
President
N. D. Wijesekera, B.A. (Hons.) London; B.A. (Tripos) Cantab.; M.A. (Cantab.)
5
直
Ph.D. (Calcutta).
Past Presidents
Rt. Rev. Dr. Edmund Peiris, O.M.I., D.D., E.A. R. L. Brohier, O.B.E., F.R.I.C.S., F.R.G.S., D.Litt. G. C. Mendis, D.Litt., Ph.D., (London). N. D. Wijesekera, B.A. (Hons.) London; B.A. (Tripos) Cantab; M.A.
(Cantab.) Ph.D. (Calcutta). C. E. Godakumbura, Ph.D., D.Litt., (London).
Vice-Presidents H. W. Tambiah, B.Sc., Ph.D., LL.D. Prof. K. W. Goonewardena, Ph.D. (London). Prof. D. E. Hettiaratchi, Ph.D. (London), Ph.D. (Calcutta).
Members of the Council
Mr. M. St. S. Casie Chetty, J.P.U.M. Mr. D. G. Dayaratne, B.A. (Hons.) London.
Prof. B. A. Abeywickrema, B.Sc. (London), Ph.D., (Cantab), M.I. Biol.,
F.L.S.
Mr. J. T. Rutnam. Mr. Th. W. Hoffmann, M.Sc.Agri. (Zurich). Prof. M. B. Ariyapala, Ph.D. (London). D. C. Gunawardena, M.Sc., Ph.D. (London). Mr. W. J. F. LaBrooy, B.A. (London). Prof. N. Mudiyanse, Ph.D. (Cey.) Mr. D. J. Moldrich. Prof. T. Nadaraja, Ph.D. (Cantab). Mr. G. P. S. H. de Silva, B.A. (Ceylon).
Jt. Hony. Secretaries Mr. P. R. Sittampalam, J.P. Mr. K. M. W. Kuruppu.
Hony. Treasurer
Al-Haj A. H. M. Ismail, J.P.U.M., M.A. (Cantab.) LL.B. (London).

Page 33
Annual Report for 1971
Meetings.-Three Council Meetings and one Emergency Council Meeting were held during the year 1971.
The I25th Annual General Meeting was held on 27th January, 1971. The Presidential Lecture was delivered by Dr. C. E. Godakumbure on "Life and Poetry of Kumaradasa'.
We thank the University authorities for allowing us the use of the Biology Lecture Hall, free of charge, for our Meetings.
It is with regret that we wish to inform the members of the Society, that due to the occupation of the Grandstand Building, where the Library is situated, by the National Service Regiment, our Library and Office had to be closed from April 1971 to March 1972. The President, the Honorary Secretary, the Librarian and the peon were the only persons who were given per mission to enter the premises and that also only for one hour frcm I o.30 a.m. to 3o a.m, every other day. The Council also agreed that the Library lie closed and arrangements be made for the receipt and lending of urgent books through the Honorary Secretary and that the members beinformed accordingly. The President and the Honorary Secretaries were requested to find suitable alternative accommodation
for the Society's Library. As such we were unable to render our usual services to our members.
Membership.-12 new members were admitted during the year. The Society had at the end of 1971 on its roll 546 members. Of these 6 were Honorary Members, 195 Life Members (Resident and Non-Resident) 32 o Ordinary Resident Members and 25 Ordinary Non-Resident Members.
It is with sorrow that the Society records the deaths in 197I of the following members: Messrs. S. C. Fernando and S. A. Wijayatilake.
The following ordinary members were transferred as Life Members from I97I: Messrs. Arthur S. Panawatte and N. G. L. Marasinghe. The following Ordinary Members were transferred as Life Members of the Society under Rule 36 of the Constitution and Rules: Messrs. H. I. Caldera and T. B. Weerakoone.
Dr. H. W. Tambiah, Q.C., and Prof. D. E. Hettiaratchi, were elected as Vice-Presidents in place of Messrs. W. J. F. La Brooy and S. C. Fernando.
Dr. N. Mudiyanse and Messrs. W. J. F. La Brooy and D. J. Moldrich were elected members of the Council in place of Dr. K. T. W. Sumanasuriya, Professors D. E. Hettiaratchi and K. Rajasuriya. Messrs. P. R. Sittampalam and K. M. W. Kuruppu were re-elected Joint Hony. Secretaries and Al-Hajj A. H. M. Ismail was re-elected Hony. Treasurer, Messrs. Pope & Co., Chartered Accountants were re-elected Auditors. K
The Office-Bearers of the Society for the ensuing year were the following: Patron : His Excellency Mr. William Gopallawa, President of Sri Lanka. President. Dr. N. D. Wijesekera.
Past Presidents : Drs. P. E. P. Deraniyagala; S. Paranavitana; His Lordship the Rt. Rev. Dr. Edmund Peiris, O.M.I., Drs. R. L. Brohier, G. C. Mendis; N. D. Wijesekera and C. E. Godakumbure.
Vice-Presidents: Prof. K. W. Goonewardene, Dr. H. W. Tambiah, Q.C., and
Prof D. E. Hettiaratchi.
ij

ANNUAL REPORT FOR 1971. iii
Members of Council: Messrs. M. St. S. Casie Chetty; W. J. F. La Brooy; W. B. Marcus Fernando; D. G. Dayaratne; Dr. N. Mudiyanse; Prof. B. A. Absywickrema; Messrs. N. P. Wijeyeratne; J. T. Rutnam; Th. W. Hoffmann; D. J. Moldrich; Prof. M. B. Ariyapala and Dr. D. C. Gunawardena. W
Jt. Hony. Secretaries: Messrs. P. R. Sittampalam and K. M. W. Kuruppu. Hony. Treasurer : Al-Hajj A. H. M. Ismail.
Government Grant.-A sum of Rs. 75oo/- was received from the Government by way of grant for the financi'l year 1971/72.The earlier grant of Rs. 6ooo/- per annum was increased to Rs. 75oo/- by the kind intervention of Mr. N.P. Wijeyeratne, the Secretary to the Ministry of Cultural Affairs, who appreciated the difficult financial position in which the Society was placed.
Library. -28 Miscellaneous Journals and Periodicals were received as donations from local and foreign institutions and individuals and 53 Journals and Periodicals in Exchange for the Society's Journal.
A list of all such donations is published annually in the Scoiety's JCurnal.
Publications.--Journal Vol. XV (New Series) for I97 I was published in I972.
Library Books.-Several members who borrow books from the Society's Library do not all return the books within the time specified in Rules 43 to 48, and this has caused considerable inconvenience to other members and visitors. Members are requested kindly to abide by the Rules.
P. R. Sittampalam K. M. W. Kuruppu Joint Honorary Secretaries.

Page 34
Annual Report for 1972
Meetings.--Three Council Meetings were held during the year 1972. The 26th Annual General Meeting was held on 29th September Ig/2. The Presidential Lecture was delivered by Dr. N. D. Wijesekera on "Preservation of the Heritage of Sri Lanka'.
We thank the University authorities for allowing us the use of the Biology Lecture Hall, free of charge, for our Meetings,
Membership.-8 New Members were admitted during the year. The Society had at the end of 1972 on its roll 432 members. Of these 6 Honorary Members, 20I Life Members (Resident and Non-Resident) 203 Ordinary Resident Members and 22 Ordinary Non-Resident Members.
It is with sorrow that the Society records the deaths in I972 of the following members: Messrs. D. T. Devendra; C. S. Samaraweera; S. Ratnakaram, A. E. A. Bartholomeusz, C. S. Navaratnam; A. E. de S. Gunasekera; Dr. S. Paranavitana, Rev. K. Chandajoti Thero; Mrs. F. A. I. Ratnaike.
Life Members.-The following ordinary members were transferred as Life Members of the Society under Rule 36 of the Constitution and Rules: Prof. M. B. Ariyapala; Messrs. A. C. G. Abayawardena & S. D. de Lanerolle.
The following ordinary members were transferred as Life Members from I972. Miss M. de Silva; Dr. M. W. S. de Silva; Messrs. U. B. Dissanayake; S. A. I. Elapata; C. S. G. Fernando; Senarath Wijayasundera; P. H. W. Peiris; E. G. Goonewardene; Professors K. Kularatnam and G. G. R. Thambyahpillay; Dr. Gamage Wijayawardena, and the Librarian, University of Sri Lanka, Peradeniya.
All the Office-Bearers of the Society for the year I97I were re-elected for the year 1972. These were: Patron: His Excellency Mr. William Gopallawa, President of Sri Lanka.
President: Dr. N. D. Wijesekera. Past Presidents: Drs. P. E. P. Deraniyagala; His Lordship Rt.Rev. Dr. Edmund Peiris, O.M.I.; Drs. R. L. Brohier; G. C. Mendis; N.D. Wijesekera and C. E. Godakumbure. Vice-Presidents: Prof. K. W. Goonewardena; Dr. H. W. Tambiah, 9.C., and
Prof. D. E. Hettiaratchi. w Members of the Council : Messrs. M. St. S. Casie Chetty; W. J. F. La Brooy; W. B. Marcus Fernando; D. G. Dayaratne; Dr. N. Mudiyanse; Prof. 3. A. Abeywickrema; Messrs. N. P. Wijeyeratne; J. T. Rutnam; Th. W. Hoffmann; D. J. Moldrich; Prof. M. B. Ariyapala and Dr. D. C. Gunawardene. Joint Honorary Secretaries: Messrs. P. R. Sittampalam and K.M.W. Kuruppu.
Honorary Treasurer : Al-Hajj A. H. M. Ismail.
Library.-6 books were added to the Library by purchase; 36 Miscellaneous Journals and Periodicals were received as donations from local and foreign institutions and individuals and 25I Journals and periodicals in exchange for the Society's Journal. A list of all such purchases and donations 1s published annually in the Society's Journal. -
iv

ANNUAL REPORT FOR 1972 w
Publications.—Journal Vol. XVI for I972 was already published and distributed to the members.
Library Books.-Several members who borrow books from the Society's Library do not all return the books within the time specified in Rules 43 to 48, and this has caused considerable inconvenience to other members and visitors. Members are kindly requested to abide by the Rules.
P. R. Sittampalam K. M. W. Kuruppu Joint Honorary Secretaries.

Page 35
Honorary Treasurer's Report for 1971
The Balance Sheet for the year ended 3Ist December 197I discloses an Excess of Expenditure over Income of a sum of Rs. 9,oo4.99, due entirely to the writing off of irrecoverable arrears of subscription amounting to Rs. I,oo86172.
The Bank Balances were:
Rs... cts.
I. State Bank of India, NA K e. I6,3 Ι6.8ο 2. Ceylon Savings Bank . . a o a 4, II9.53 3. Chalmers Oriental Text Fund . 4,036. I7 4. Society Medal Fund r r O KM A 3,I77.93 5. Chinese Records Translation Fund a 5,778.64 Receipts by way of Annual Subscription amounted to Rs. 776.oo.
Rs... cts.
Arrears of Subscription recovered amounted to 7oo.oo Entrance fees is is 90.00 Life Membership fees o e a o I7o.oo Sale of Journals O . . гбб.37
A sum of Rs. I96.oo was expended on purchase of books. A sum of Rs. 5,991.38 1s due as arrears of Subscriptions for I97T and earlier.
Attention must be invited to the remissness of a large number of members in the payment of their Subscriptions. Action has been taken by writing to the defaulting members on several occasions requesting payment of the arrears.
Efforts to recover the arrears of Subscriptions are being continued. Defaulting members are not allowed the use of the Library, and tine Journals of the Society are also not made available to them until they have paid their subscriptions.
Members are remunded that from I967 the annual subscription of the Society has been increased from Rs. 5/- to Rs. 20/- for Resident Members and from Rs. 7/5o to Rs. Lo- for Non-Resident Members.
The Society would be greatly obliged if members would pay their annual subscriptions regularly and promptly and thus avoid the need for unnecessary expenditure on postage and reminders.
A. H. M. Ismail, Нопу. Тreasurer. Colombo, I9th November 1973.
vi

Honorary Treasurer's Report for 1972
- The Balance Sheet for the year ended 31 st December 1972, discloses an Excess of Income over Expenditure of a sum of Rs. 1904.46.
The Bank Balances were:
Rs... cts I. State Bank of India. a Ι 7,54ο.58 2. Ceylon Savings Bank . . 44I3.48 3. Chalmers Oriental Text Fund . . 4,324.39 4. Society Medal Fund -• ጳ * 3,4 Ο4.66 5. Chinese Records Translation Fund б, 9.28 Receipts by way of annual subscriptions amounted to Rs. 1,872.5o.
- Rs... cts, Arrears of subscription recovered amounted to 2O6o.oo Entrance fees . . IOO.OO Life Membership fees - - I,820.oo Sale of Journals 335. OO
A sum of Rs. II.5.5o was expended on purchase of books. A sum of Rs. 5,673.88 is due as arrears of subscription for 1972 and earlier.
Attention must be invited to the remissness of a large number of members in the payment of their subscriptions. Action has been taken by writing to the defaulting members on several occasions requesting payment of the arrears.
Efforts to recover the arrears of subscriptions are being continued. Defaulting members are not allowed the use of the Library, and the Journals of the Society are also not made available to them until they have paid their subscriptions.
Members are reminded that from I967 the annual subscription of the Society has been increased from Rs. 15/- to Rs. 20/- for Resident members and frcm Rs. 7/5o to Rs. Io/- for Non-Resident members.
The Society would be greatly obliged if members would pay their annual subscriptions regularly and promptly and thus avoid the need for unnecessary expenditure on postage and reminders,
A. H. M. Ismai1,
Hony. Treasurer, Colombo, 19th November, 1973.
vii

Page 36
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I/6I引qs19 ne sɛ ŋɔəųS əɔueIeg (qɔuera exsueI (S) ALAIDOS OILVISV TVXOI

ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY (Sri Lanka Branch)
Current Assets as at 31st December, 1971
Schedule I
Rs... cts. Rs... cts. Arrears of Subscription for 1971 and earlier
years & P 5,991.38 Department of Cultural Affairs . . - 1,500.00 Arrears of Life Membership Fees 100.00 Loans to Staff o o s a 200.00 Educational Publications Dept. .. 204.48
Cash and Bank Balances State Bank of India. . . s ... 16,316.80 Ceylon Savings Bank . . ... 4,119.53 Cash in Hand .. 1857 Stamps 2.90 20,457.80
Total as shown in Balance Sheet Rs... 28,453.66
PROVISIONS & CURRENT LIABILITIES
Schedule III
.Rs... cts. Rs... cts ر
Provisions V
Messrs. Pope & Co. . . a de 08 600.00
Current Liabilities
Colombo Apothecaries' Co. Ltd. .. ... 5,661.85
Sale of Journals-Vol. VI, Sp. No. ... 1,249.65
Dept. of Cultural Affairs .. 10,000 .00 1Ꮾ,Ꮽ11 . 50 Total as shown in Balance. Sheet . . Rs... 17,511.50
ASSETS REPRESENTING SPECIFIC FUNDS
AS AT 31.12, 1971
Schedule III
Rs... cts. Ceylon Savings Bank Account No. 133495
Chalmers Oriental Text Fund . . 0. A U. 4,036.17
Ceylon Savings Bank Account No. 141850
Chinese Records Translation Fund 5,778.64
Ceylon Savings Bank Account No. 226282
Society Medal Fund A 9 3,177.93 Total as shown in Balance Sheet .. Rs... 12,992.74
ix

Page 37
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(souvig osuv I PS) A LAIDOS OILVISV Tvxos

ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY (Sri Lanka Branch)
GENERAL, EXPENSES
Schedule IV
Salaries Bicycle Allowance Printing and Stationery Bonus to Peon
Audit Fees
Postage Sundry Expenses Lectures and Meetings . . Bank Charges ..
Bank Debit Tax 8 Commission on Sale of Journals Travelling
Overtime
Rs... cts.
5,360.00 60.00 272.08 15.00 300.00 235.28 49.05 515.40 8.36 5.81. 1888 600 30.50
Total as shown in Income & Expenditure Account Rs. 6,876.36
GOVERNMENT ACCOUNT
Rs... cts. Rs... cts.
Purchase of Books . . 43.50 Government Grant .. 6,000.00 Printing of Journals 5,661.85 Excess of Income over
Expenditure 194.65
Rs. 6,000.00 Rs. 6.000 00
s
Χί

Page 38
ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY
Receipts and Payments Account for the
Rs... cts. Rs... cts. Cash and Bank Balances on 1.1.1971
State Bank of India. . . O 5,068.85 Ceylon Savings Bank . . . . . . 3,850.08 Cash in Hand AS OP . . 44. 12 Stamps in Hand e 8 o' B a V 4. 13 8,967. 13
General Account
Life Members .. a . 170.00 Arrears of Subscription .. . . 0. 700.00 Current Subscription .. 776.00 Entrance Fees . . w P 90.00 Sale of Journals 166.37 Sale of Journals Vol. VI Sp. No. 0 ve 22.50 Interest on Ceylon Savings Bank , 8 269,50 Royalties o a y a 222.79 Repayment of Staff Loans us 675.00 3,092. 16
Government Account Government Grant . . . ... 6,000.00 Grant on Account of Building Fund ... 10,000.00 16,000.00

(SRI LANKA BRANCH) Year Ended 31st December, 1971
Rs, cts. General Account Salaries e. 0 0 8 5,360.00 Printing and Stationery 8 272.08 Lectures and Meetings . . a 515.40 Postage ሐ · ❖ s 9 235.28 Bank Charges . . 4 4 8.36 Bonus to Peon 8 • • 15.00 Bicycle Allowance O R ༤ 60.00 Commission on Sale of Journals 0. 108.01 Sundry Expenses 8 0. Ο Μ. 49.05 Income Tax .. 0 0 8 a. O 115.00 Staff Loans 8 500.00 Bank Debit Tax O 0. U 5.81 Travelling O o A V . 6.00 Overtime A O 30.50 Cost of Society Medal . . P. O. 125.00
Government Account
Purchase of Books a . 8
Casin and Bank Balances on 31.12.1971 State Bank of India. . . o ... 16,316.80 Ceylon Savings Bank . . ... 4,119.53 Cash in Hand . . 1857 Stamps in Hand 8 w 2.90
Rs.
xiii.
Rs... cts.
7,405.49
96.00
20,457.80
28,059.29
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Page 39
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(soutig eius I HS) ĀLAIDOS OILVISV TVXOYI

ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY (Sri Lanka Branch)
Current Assets as at 31st December 1972 SCHEDULE B1
Rs... cts.
Arrears of Subscriptions for 1972 and earlier years .. . . .
Loans to Staff e Q0 x Educational Publication Dept.
Cash & Bank Balances State Bank of India. . . a 8 a 17,540.58 Ceylon Savings Bank 8 . . . 4,413.48 Cash in Hand 4 A 110.37 Stamps in Hand * * v. A 1.45
Rs.
PROVISIONS & CURRENT LIABILITIES
SCHEDULE B2
- Rs... cts.
Provision
Audit Fee 1972-Messrs. Pope & Co.
Current Liabilities
Colombo Apothecaries Co. Ltd. 3,586.75
Sale of Journals Vol. VI Spl. No. 1,287.15
Dept. of Cultural Affairs as 10,000.00 Subscription paid in Advance .. e. 40.00
Rs.
Rs... ctS.
5,673.88 220.00 179.72
22,065.88
28,139.48
துகம்
Rs... cts.
300.00
14,913.90
15,213.90
Es ma
ASSETS REPRESENTING SPECIFIC FUNDS ASAT 31.12.72
SCHEDULE B3 Ceylon Savings Bank A/c. No. 133495 Chalmers Oriental Text Fund 4,324.39
Ceylon Savings Bank A/c. No. 141850 Chinese Records Translation Fund O 6,191.28 Ceylon Savings Bank A/c. No. 226282 Society Medal Fund . . 0 0 o e 3,404.66
- Rs... 13920.33
gaam
ΧV

Page 40
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(Houog outTHS) KLAIDOS OILyssy Tyxoj

ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY (Sri Lanka Branch)
GENERAL, EXPENSES
SCHEDULE E1
Rs... cts.
Salaries 4,960.00
Bicycle Allowance . . . . . . 60.00 Printing & Stationery - 41.55
Bonus to Peon 8 * १ . . . 15.00
Audit Fees O & 8 8. 300.00
Postage 8 8 p. 8 » o 242.70
Sundry Expenses 0 & 8 8 46.40
Lectures & Meetings 8 420.00
Bank Charges & 8 · · · · 5.95
Bank Debit Tax • ܀ w A is 9.98
Commission on Sale of Journal . . s * ● 35.00
Travelling g y gy 20.70
Overtime ● * 8 1.00
Audit Expenses 1970 and 1971 8 - 80.00
Rs. 6,238.28
GOVERNMENT ACCOUNT
Rs... cts. Rs... cts.
Purchase of Books , . 15.50 Government Grant . . 6,000.00 Printing of Journal .. 3,586.75 Excess of Income over
Expenditure ... 2,297.75
Rs. 6,000.00 s Rs. 6.000.00
хvii

Page 41
ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY
Receipts and Payments Accounts for the
Rs... cts. Rs... cts. Cash & Bank Balances on 1.1.1972 State Bank of India . . a 0 1Ꮾ,81Ꮾ.80 Ceylon Savings Bank XA 3 x 4, 119.53 Cash in Hand . . . . . se 1857 Stamps in Hand 0 2.90 20,457.80
General Account
Life Members . . . . * * 1,820.00 Arrears of Subscription P p - of Q 2,060.00 Current Subscription 0. 1,872.50 Entrance Fees 4 s 100.00 Sale of Journals o o B 8 335.00 Sale of Journal Vol. VI Special Number . . 37.50 Interest from Ceylon Savings Bank ... 29.95 Royalties 0. 24.76 Repayment of Staff Loans * * 980.00 Subscription in Advance --- 0 . . . 40.00 7,563.71
Government Account Government Grant .. r. is .. 7,500.00
Rs. 35,521.51
xviii

(SRI LANKA BRANCH)
Year Ended 31st December, 1972
General Account
Salaries A 参 够 Cycle Allowance Staff Loans - Printing & Stationery .. 等 Lectures & Meetings . .
Postage 始 物 姆 牌 & O Bank Charges 廖 象 & Bonus to Peon a f is Commission on Sale of Journals Sundry Expenses
Income Tax 8 Bank Debit Tax
Travelling 婚 渗 拳 参见 Overtime 2 a a Audit Fee & Expenses .
Government Account
Purchase of Books .. 命 输 Printing of Journals . . is 0 0.
Cash & Bank Balances on 31.12.1972
State Bank of India. . . as: e. 激 影 Ceylon Savings Bank .. o 8 & Cash in Hand & O Stamps in Hand 竣 录
xix
Rs... cts. Rs... cts. 4,960.00 60.00 1,000.00 41.55 420.00 242.70 5.95 15.00 35.00 46.40 40.00 9.98 20.70 1.00 680.00 7,678.28
15.50 5,661.85 5,777.35
17,540.58
4,43.48 , 110.37
1.45 22,065.88
Rs. 35.52151

Page 42
Abstract of Proceedings
Minutes of the 126th Annual General Meeting of the Sri Lanka Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society held at 5.15 p.m., on Friday 29th September 1972 at the Biology Lecture Hall, University of Ceylon, Colombo Campus, Thurstan Road, Colombo 3.
Present.--Dr. N. D. Wijesekera, the President of the Society, presided. A large gathering of members and visitors were present.
Absent.-Letters received from Messrs. D. G. Dayaratne, W. B. Marcus Fernando and A. B. J. L. Fernando intimating their inability to attend the meeting, were tabled.
Vote of Condolence.-The President proposed a vote of condolence on the death of the following members of the Society during the years 1971 and I972: Messrs. D. T. Devendra, S. C. Fernando, C. S. Samaraweera, S.A. Wijayatilaka, S. Ratnakaram, A. E. A. Bartholomeusz, C. S. Navaratnam, A. E. de S. Gunasekera, Ven. K. Chandajoti Thero and Mrs. F. A. I. Ratnayake.
The President referred to the services rendered by each of them and mentioned that Messrs. D. T. Devendia and S. C. Fernando were members of the Council and later held the office of the Vice-Presidents for a number of years. During their period of membership of the Society and as members of the Council they were of considerable service to the Society and their contributions to the discussions of the Council were always very useful. Mr. S. A. Wijayatilake who made useful contributions to the deliberations of the Council served as a member of the Council of the Society for several years.
BUSINESS
1. Minutes.--The President called upon Mr. P. R. Sittam palam, the Honorary Secretary, to read the Minutes of the I25th Annual General Meeting held on 27th January I97 I which had been printed and circulated among the members. Prof. D. E. Hettiaratchi proposed the adoption of the minutes, which was seconded by Mr. D. R. Wickremeratne. The minutes were adopted unanimously. The President next called upon Mr. P. R. Sittampalam, the Honorary Secretary, to read the Annual Report of the Society for the year 197o, which had been printed and circulated among the members. The President proposed the adoption of the Annual Report for 197o, which was seconded by Prof. D. E. Hettiaratchi.
2. Audited Statement of Accounts and the Honorary Treasurer's Report for 1970.-Mr. D. R. Wickremeratne proposed and Mr. W. J. F. La Brooy seconded the adoption of the Audited Statement of Accounts and the Honorary Treasurer's Report, which had been printed and circulated among the members. The Statement of Accounts and the Report were adopted unanimously.
3. Donations.--The Honorary Secretary announced the names of the donors from whom donations of books had been received during the year under
review.
4. Acquisitions.--The Honorary Secretary tabled the list of books which had been purchased during the year under review and announced that the list of books donated to the Society and acquired by the Society were available at the Society's Library for perusal by the members.

ABSTRACT OF PROCEEIDINGS xxi.
5. Announcement of New Members.-The Honorary Secretary announced the names of 16 new members who had been admitted during the years I97 I and I972, and also the statement regarding the membership of the Society.
2O3 Ordinary Resident Members, 25 Non-Resident Ordinary Members 6 Honorary Members, I67 Resident Life Members and 28 Non-Resident Life Members making a total of 429.
The Honorary Secretary also announced that it is with great regret that the names of II 7 members had to be removed from the roll of members during the year I971 because of default in the payment of membership subscriptions and that the amounts outstanding against them, being arrears of membership subscriptions due up to the end of 197 I had to be written-off.
The President informed the members that as the result of the representations made by the Council of the Society to the Ministry of Cultural Affairs through the Director of Cultural Affairs, the Government had after a very long period, increased the annual grant from Rs. 6,ooo/- to Rs. 7,500/- as for I971/72, and this sum of Rs. 7,5oo/- had already been received by the Society. The Council of the Society had already thanked the Director of Cultural Affairs for his assistance in this connection. Also due to the Emergency the Society worked under great difficulties and the Library facilities had to be restricted owing to the Military Authorities taking over the Grandstand premises. Certain limited facilities have been obtained after considerable persuasion. The Council had met several times to consider the difficulties of the accommodation problem, which is now under active consideration. Rs. Io,oco/- has been received from the Director of Cultural Affairs for the construction of a building to accommodate the Library and Office of the Society and endeavours are being made to obtain a plot of land for this purpose. I may add that the Land Commissioner has now agreed to allot a piece of land in extent of 74 perches situated at the corner of Gregory's Road with Wijerama Mawatha, Colombo 7 to the Society.
In conclusion the President thanked the Council, Honorary Secretaries, Vice-Chancellor of the Colombo Campus of the Universities of Sri Lanka, the Army Authorities, the press, the Office Staff and members of the Society for their assistance and co-operation.
6. Election of Office-Bearers. The President read out the names of
Office-Bearers who had been nominated by the Council for election for the ensuing year.
Vice-Presidents.--Dr. H. W. Tambiah, Q.C., and Prof. D. E. Hettiaratchi were elected Vice-Presidents of the Society in place of Mr. W. J. F. La Brooy, who retired under Rule I9, and Mr. S. C. Fernando, who had died. Proposed by the President and seconded by Dr. N. Mudiyanse.
Members of the Council.-Mr. W. J. F. La Brooy, Dr. N. Mudiyanse, and Mr. D. J. Moldrich were elected members of the Council. in place of Dr. K. T. W. Sumanasuriya, Prof. D. E. Hettiaratchi and Prof. K. Rajasooriya. Rroposed by the President and seconded by Prof. D. E. Hettiaratchi.
Honorary Secretaries.-Mr. P. R. Sitampalam and Mr. K.M.W. Kuruppu were re-elected Joint Honorary Secretaries of the Society. Proposed by the President and seconded by Dr. H. W. Tambiah, Q.C.
Honorary Treasurer.--Al-Hajj A. H. M. Ismail was re-elected Honorary
Treasurer of the Society. Proposed by the President and seconded by Dr. D. C. Gunawardene.
Auditors.-Messrs. Pope & Co., Chartered Accountants, were re-appointed auditors for the ensuing year. Proposed by the President and seconded by Dr. K. T. W. Sumanasuriya. After the election of the above mentioned office-bearers, the Honorary Secretary read out the full list of Qffice-bearers of the Society for the year II 972/73. Y
14687一4

Page 43
xxii JOURNAL, R.A.S. (SRI LANKA) Vol. XVII, (New Series), 1973
Lecture.--Dr. N. D. Wijesekera, the President of the Society, then delivered his Presidential Address on "Preservation of the Heritage of Sri Lanka'.
Vote of Thanks.--Dr. H. W. Tambiah, Q.C., proposed a vote of thanks to the President.
The President in winding up the proceedings thanked the members and guests for their presence.
The meeting was then declared closed. -
COUNCIL MEETING Summary of Proceedings
Date & Venue.-26th January Ig73 at 5.15 p.m. at the Biology Lecture Hall,
Present.--Dr. N. D. Wijesekera, the President, in the chair and the following members: Professors K. W. Goonewardene and D. E. Hettiaratchi; Mr. M. St. S. Casie Chetty; Prof. M. B. Ariyapala; l)r. D. C. Gunewardene; Mr. W. J. F. La Brooy; Dr. N. Mudiyanse; Mr. D. J. Moldrich; Al-Haj A. H. M. Ismail (Hony. Treasurer) Messrs P. R. Sittampalam and K. M. W. Kuruppu (Jt. Hony. Secretaries).
Minutes.-The minutes of the meeting held on 24. II.72 were confirmed
Donations.-UNESCO World Art Series-Ceylon-Painting from Temples Shrine and Rock and a Comprehensive English-Hindi Dictionery by Dr. N. D. Wijesekera; Dictionary of the Sinhalese Language Part I 8 by the Sinhalese Dictionary Dept.; Theses Presented for Higher Degrees of University of Ceylon (Ig42-I97I) by the Librarian, University of Sri Lanka, Peradeniya; The Collapse of the Rajarata, Civilization in Ceylon and the Drift to the South West by Dr. K. Indrapala; Significance of Gandhi as a Man and Thinker, Educational Reconstruction in India and Aspects of Indian Music by the High Commission of India; International Perspectives-A Journal of the Dept. of External Affairs by the High Commissioner for Canada.
Purchases:-Story of Sigiri.
The President explained the position and read out the correspondence exchanged between the Land Commissioner, Ministry of Cultural Affairs and the Society in connection with the allocation of a piece of land for R.A.S.
The Council agreed to transfer Messrs J. P. Obeyesekere, R. J. G. de Mel, M. J. Perera, H. P. Wanigatunga, and N. P. Wijeyeratne to the list of Life Members of the Society, under Rule 36 of the Constitution.
Date & Venue.–2Ist September 1973 at 5-15 p. m. at the Biology Lecture Hall.
w
- Present.--Dr. N. D. Wijesekera, President in the Chair, and the following members: Rt. Rev. Dr. Edmund Peiris, O.M.I., Messrs M. St. S. Casie Chetty and W. B. Marcus Fernando, Prof. M. B. Ariyapala, Drs. D. C. Gunawardene and N. Mudiyanse, Al-Haj A. H. M. Ismail (Hony. Treasurer) Mr. K. M. W. Kuruppu (Jt. Hony. Secretary).
Minutes.-The Minutes of the meeting held on 26th January 1973, were confirmed.
Election of New Members.-4 new members were elected; The Library, Seminar fuer Indologie und Buddhismuskunde der Universitaet Gottingen (Non-Resident) Mr. Jobin Xavier; Rev. W. Pannajoti Thero; Hon’ble Lakshman Jayakody.

ABSTRACT OF PROCEEIDINGS xxiii
Purchases.-The following books were purchased: Ferguson's Ceylon 1972/73; Ceylon Journal of Historical and Social Studies, New Series, ol. 2 No, I,
Donations.-The Andaman Islanders; Imperial Gazetteer of India-The Indian Empire Vol. 2; The Agaria; The Baiga; Folk Songs of Chhattisgrah; Myths of Middle India by Dr. N. D. Wijesekera. Early Christianity in CeylonA 17th Century Narrative by Rt. Rev. Dr. Edmund Peiris, O.M.I., Ceylon in Ptolemy's Geography (Revised Edition Typescript) by Mr. J. R. Sinnatamby. The Kandyan Kingdom of Ceylon-I7o7-76o by Dr. (Mrs.) L. S. Dewaraja; Welitota (Sinhalese) by Y.M.B.A. Balapitiya. Asian Heritage (Sinhalese Peradiga Urumaya) by the Dept. of Cultural Affairs. The Colombo Plan for Co-operative Economic Development in South and South East Asia by the Director, The Colombo Plan Bureau.
The President explained the position in connection with the allocation of a piece of land for R.A.S. The Council resolved that a Board of Trustees should be named for the vesting of the land. Mr. M. St. S. Casie Chetty was requested to give a report for the amendment of Rules in this connection.
The Council resolved unanimously that the two medals should be awarded to Rt. Rev. Dr. Edmund Peiris, O.M.I., and Dr. N. D. Wijesekera.
Correspondence of Miss. J. M. St. George Brett of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland, were read.
The resignation of Mr. E. P. Swan was accepted.
With regard to the appointment of a Librarian, Dr. N. D. Wijesekera, suggested the name of Mr. A. B. C. Fernando, former Librarian, Colombo Museum and Rt. Rev. Dr. Edmund Peiris, O.M.I., undertook to inquire from Mr. A. B. C. Fernando of St. Joseph's Street, Negombo.
Council requested the Hony. Secretary to write to Prof. T. Nadaraja to kindly donate a copy of "The Legal System of Ceylon in Its Historical Setting'.
The Council instructed the Hony. Secretary to send registered letters to such members asking them to return the books forthwith as they are required by the other members and no further books be issued to those until they return the books that are outstanding.
Dr. C. G. Uragoda's paper on Nitre Cave and Its Environs referred to Rt. Rev. Dr. Edmund Peiris, O.M.I., to read and examine.
The Council requested the Hony. Secretary to write a letter very politely to the Director of Cultural Affairs regarding the enhanced grant of Rs. 1.5oo/-
Date & Vanue.-3oth November Ig73 at 5-15 p.m. at the Biology Lecture. Hall. * *
Present.--Dr. N. D. Wijesekera, President in the Chair, and the following members: Dr. H. W. Tambiah, Q.C., Prof. D. E. Hettiaratchi, Rt. Rev. Dr. Edmund Peiris, O.M.I., Messrs M. St. S. Casie Chetty, W. B. Marcus Fernando, D. G. Dayaratne, J. T. Rutnam, Prof. M. B. Ariyapala, Drs. D. C. Gunewardene and N. Mudiyanse, Mr. D. J. Moldrich, Al-Haj A.H M. Ismail (Hony. Treasurer) Messrs P. R. Sittampalam and K. M. W. Kuruppu (Jt. Hony. Secretaries).
Vote of Condolence.-The President proposed a vote of condolence on the deaths of Dr. G. P. Malalasekera, and Mr. Wilmot A. Perera. The vote of condolence was passed in the usual manner.
Minutes.–The Minutes of the meeting held on 21st September 1973, were confirmed.
Election of New Members.-The following 3 new members were elected: Mr. H. L. Seneviratne (Non-resident); Licut Col. M. Madawela; Mr. O. R. Samaranaike.

Page 44
xxiv JOURNAL, R.A.S. (SRI LANIKA) Vol. XVII, (New Series), 1973
Donations.-At the Tomb of Gonsalvez, History of St. Anne of Talavila by Rt. Rev. Dr. Edmund Peiris, O.M.I. -
Annual General Meeting-Council resolved that the Annual General Meeting should be held on 28th December 1973 at 5 p.m. and the Presidential address will be 'A Plea for Humanistic Studies and Research in Sri Lanka'.
Nomination of Members to the Council.-Prof. T. Nadaraja and Mr.A. Dewaraja; Messrs. M. St. S. Casie Chetty; 1). G. Dayaratne; P. R. Sittampalam and K. M. W. Kuruppu (Jt. Hony. Secretaries) al-Haj A. H. M. Ismail (Hony. Treasurer) and Messrs Pope & Co., Chartered Accountants (Auditors).
The Audited Statement of Accounts.-The Hony. Treasurer's Reports and Hony. Secretaries' Annual Reports for the years I971 and 1972 were accepted for submission at the Annual General Meeting.
Council was informed that a sum of Rs. 335/- was paid to Messrs. Pope & Co.
Mr. W. B. Marcus Fernando suggested that in future a new procedure should be adopted regarding the award of the Society's Medal by appointing a subcommittee to nominate a suitable person.
Book Review.-'The City in Early Historical India' by A. Ghosh was referred to Dr. C. E. Goda kumbure, for reviev.
Non-return of Library Books.-It was suggested that a letter of demand, through a proctor, be sent to those who have not returned the books to the Library. -
Mr. D. G. Obeyesekera's letter suggesting a fine be imposed on those who delay in returning the Library books was tabled. Decision on this matter was deferred.
Council was informed that Prof. B. A. Abeywickrema, having paid his balance subscriptions, has become a Life Member of the Society.
The Council agreed to transfer Sir Razik Fareed, Dr. D. C. Gunewardene Messrs H. A. J. Hulugalle, E. S. Mohotti, B. J. Perera, E. D. Z. S. Rajapakse, P. A. Silva, M. B. Russell and L. J. de S. Seneviratne to the list of Life Members of the Society, under Rule 36 of the Constitution.
The resignation of Mr. D. J. R. Gunewardene, was accepted. . The Hony. Secretary was directed to advise Dr. (Mrs.) L. S. Dewaraja
that as the review of her book on 'The Kandyan Kingdom of Ceylon 1707-176 o' was not written by a member of the Society, it could not be accepted for publication in the Society's Journal. −
Permission was granted to Mr. N. P. Wijeyeratne to translate Dr. H. W. Tambiah's article on 'Buddhist Ecclesiastical Law' into Sinhala.
Mr. M. St. S. Casie Chetty and Mr. K. M. W. Kuruppu were appointed to give evidence before the Copyright Commission on behalf of the Society.

PUBLICATIONS RECEIVED IN EXCHANGE PERIOD 1 - 10.72 TO 30.9-73
America
American Oriental Society . . John Hopkins University o
Library of Congress ... O
Smithsonian Institute
Australia
Royal Geographical Society
Royal Society of New South
Wales
Ceylon
Ceylon Forester
Department of Archaeology . .
Department of Census and Sta
tistics . . . 4
Director, National Museums . .
Engineering Association of
Ceylon . .
University of Sri Lanka
Czechoslovakia
Czechoslovakia. Oriental Institute O « KO
Denmark
Det Kongelige Danske Vidensk
abernes Selskab . .
England
Eastern World
John Rylands Library
Royal Asiatic Society (Great
Britain and Ireland
Royal Commonwealth Society
Royal Anthropological Institute Royal Geographical Society
Imperial Chemical Industries . .
14687一4*
Journal Vol. 92 Nos. 3-4. American Journal of Philology-Vol. 92 Nos. II, 3 and 4; Vol. 93 Nos. I-4. Bibliography of Periodical Illiterature on the Near and Middle East-lo2. National Geographic Society Research Reports 1955-1960 Projects. Smithsonian Year Book I 972; Annals of Flight Nos. 7 and 9; Contributions to Anthropology Vol. 7 Parts 1-3.
Proceedings- Vol. 71-72,
Journal and Proceedings-Vol. I o5 parts I-2.
Vol. Io Nos. 3-4. م Epigraphical Notes Nos. 6-III.
Ceylon Year Book I969; Census of Population No. 2; Statistical Pocket Book of Ceylon 197o; Lanka Sankyatha Ath Potha. I 97 I. Administration Reports for I969-7o; Periodicals Directory I 97 part I Sinhala and part 3 English. w
Transactions for I971 Vol. 2 and 1972 Vol. I; Quarterly Bulletin Nos. 18-19; Quarterly Journal Vol. I Nos. I o2. University of Ceylon Review Vol. 25 Nos. I-2; The Ceylon Journal of the Humanistics Vol. I Nos. I-2.
Vol. 4o Nos. 2-4.
Historisk Filologiske Meddelelser, Bind 45 No. 1; Bind 46 No. 2.
Vol. 24 Nos. III-I 2. Bulletin-Vol. 55 No. r.
Journal-I97 I part 2; III 792 parts I-2. Journal-Vol. I 6 Nos. 4-6; Vol. I 7 Nos. I-3 ; Vol. I8 No. 5.
Proceedings I970-72. Journal-Vol. 138 parts 3-4; Vol. I39 part l; Research Reports 1955-60; 1965-66 Projects. Endeavour Vol. 3 I Nos. I I3-III, 4; Vol. 32 No. II, 5. . . .
XXV

Page 45
XXνi
School of Oriental and African
Studies . . 4 4
France Journal Asiatique .. o
Holland Koninklijke Voor, Taal-Land-En
Volkenkunde Koninklijke Nederlandse Aka
demie Van Wetenschappen, Afd letter-kunde Kern Institute Rijksherbarium Leiden
Hungary Magyar Tudomanyos Akademia,
India
Adyar Library and Research
Centre . . o 4 v
Asiatic Society Bengal
Deccan College Research Insti
tute Indian Council for Cultural Rela
tions O w
Mysore Economic Review The Maha Bodhi
Italy
Instituto Italiano Per II Medio
Ed. Extreme Oriente
Japan
Japanese Association of India and Buddhist Studies w
Unesco - u o
Vietnam
De la Societe Des Etudes Indochinoises h -
L'Ecole Francaise D'Extreme
Orient
JOURNAL, R.A.S. (SRI LANKA)
Vol. XVII, (New Series), Ig73
Bulletin Vol. 35 parts 2-3; Vol. 36 part II ; Calendar I972-73; Report of the Governing body and Statement of accounts 197I-72.
Tome CCLX. Nos. Io2.
Bijdragen, Deel 128 Nos. 2-4; Deel I 29 No. I .
Mededelingen, Deel 35 No. 7, Deel 36 Nos. I-3.
Blumea,Vol. 2o Nos. I-2.
Acta Orientalia, Tomus 25 Fasc I-3; Tomus
26 Fasc I-3.
Bulletin-Vol. 36 parts I-4. Journal-Vol. II. Nos. I-4; Vol. I 3 Nos. I-4; Year Book for 1969-70.
Bulletin-Vol. 3 I-32.
Vol. 2 o No. 3; Cultural News from India. Vol. I 2 No. 5; Vol. I 3 Nos. 5-6; Vol. I 4 Nos. I-3.
Vol. 57 Nos. 4-III; Vol. 58 Nos. I-6. Vol. 8o Nos. 5-I 2; Vol. 8 I Nos. I-4.
East and West Vol. 2o No. 4; Vol. 2 I Nos. I-4; Vol. 22 Nos. I-2.
Journal-Vol. I 9 Nos. I-2; Vol. 2o Nos. I-2; Vol. 2 I Nos. I-2.
Indian Science Abstracts Vol. 8 Nos. 4- I 2; Vol. 9 No. 1.
Bulletin-Tome 47 Nos. 2-4; Tome 48 No. I.
Bulletin-Tome 59; Publications Vol. 8I; 83 85-87; 89.
PUBLICATIONSADDED TO THE LIBRARY
DONATIONS 110.72 TO 30-9-73
Balapitiya, Y.M.B.A. Dept. of Cultural Affairs
Welitota (Sinhalese) Asian Heritage (Peradiga Urumaya) Sinhalese.

PUBLICATIONS RECEIVED
Director, The Colombo Plan
Bureau . . a o
Dewaraja, (Mrs.) L.S. High Commissioner for Canad
in Ceylon
High Commissioner for India in Ceylon . . a
Indrapala, K.
Peiris, O.M.I., Rt. Rev. Dr.
Edmund . .
Sinnatamby, J. R. . . p o
Sinhalese Dictionary Dept. . .
The Librarian, University of
Ceylon, Peradeniya
Wijesekera, N. D. a
xxvili
The Colombo Plan for Co-operative Economics Development in South and South East Asia.
The Kandyan Kingdom of Ceylon I7o7-I760.
International Perspectives-A Journal of the Dept. of External Affairs.
Significance of Gandhi as a Man and Thinker; Educational Reconstruction in India. The Collapse of the Rajarata Civilization in Ceylon and the Drift to South West.
Early Christianity in Ceylon-A 7th Century Narrative; At the Tomb of Gonsalvez—A Century Souvenir; St. Anne of Talavila.
Ceylon in Ptolemy's Geography (Revised Edition-Typescript). − Dictionary of the Sinhalese Language-Vol. I part I5 and part I 8.
Theses Presented for Higher Degrees of the University of Ceylon (1942-1971) UNESCO World Art Series Ceylon-Paintings from Temple, Shrine and Rock; A Comprehensive English-Hindi Dictionary; The Andaman Islanders; Imperial Gazetteer of IndiaThe Indian Empire Vol. 2; The Agaria; The Baiga; Folk Songs of Chhattisgrah; Myths of Middle India.
PURCHASED
10.72 TO 30-9-73
Artibus Asiae - 8 ‘ lo Ferguson's Ceylon Directory .. Paranavitana, S. - The Ceylon Journal of Historical
and Social Studies
Vol. 32 Nos. 2 and 3.
I972/73 and I973/74. Story of Sigiri.
Vol. 2 No. 1 (New Series).
MEMBERS ADMITTED DURING THE YEAR 1973
Non-Resident Ordinary Members
Seneviratne, H. L., Assistant Professor, Dept. of Anthropology, University of
Virginia, U.S.A.
The Library, Seminar fuer Indologie und Buddhismuskunde der Universitaet
Gottingen, Federal Republic of Germany.
Ordinary Resident Members
Jayakody, Lakshman, Member of Parliament, Balagalla, Divulapitiya. Madawela, Lieut-Col. M., Commissioned Officer, Ceylon Army, Race Course,
Colombo 7.
Pannajoti Thero, Rev. M., B.A., Mirandaramaya, Colombo 15. Samaranaike, O. R., Official Language Dept., 22-Reid Avenue, Colombo 7. Xavier, Jobin.., Planter, Palugaswewa Estate, Rajakadaluwa.

Page 46
XXνi
' School of Oriental and African
Studies . .
France Journal Asiatique . . .
Holland Koninklijke Voor, Taal-Land-En
Volkenkunde Koninklijke Nederlandse Aka
demie Van Wetenschappen, Afd letter-kunde Kern Institute 0 0 Rijksherbarium Leiden
Hungary Magyar Tudomanyos Akademia
India ۔۔۔۔۔۔
Adyar Library and Research
Centre . . w v.
Asiatic Society Bengal
Deccan College Research Insti
tute - Indian Council for Cultural Relations O w w
Mysore Economic Review The Maha Bodhi
Italy
Instituto Italiano Per II Medio
Ed. Extreme Oriente
Japan
Japanese Association of India.
and Buddhist Studies 0.
Unesco - .
Vietnam De la Societe Des Etudes Indo
chinoises a L'Ecole Francaise D'Extreme
Orient
JOURNAL, R.A.S. (SRI LANKA)
Vol. XVII, (New Series), 1973
Bulletin Vol. 35 parts 2-3; Vol. 36 part II ; Calendar I972-73; Report of the Governing body and Statement of accounts I97 I-72.
Tome CCLX Nos. Io2.
Bijdragen, Deel 128 Nos. 2-4; Deel I 29 No. I .
Mededelingen, Deel 35 No. 7; Deel 36 Nos. I-3.
Blumea,Vol. 2o Nos. I-2.
Acta Orientalia, Tomus 25 Fasc I-3; Tomus
26 Fasc I-3.
Bulletin-Vol. 36 parts I-4. Journal-Vol. II. Nos. I-4; Vol. I 3 Nos. I-4; Year Book for 1969-70. −
Bulletin-Vol. 3 I-32.
Vol. 2 o No. 3; Cultural News from India. Vol. I 2 No. 5; Vol. I 3 Nos. 5-6; Vol. I 4 Nos. I-3.
Vol. 57 Nos. 4-III; Vol. 58 Nos. I-6. Vol. 8o Nos. 5- r2; Vol. 8 I Nos. I-4.
East and West Vol. 2o No. 4; Vol. 2 I Nos. T-4; Vol. 22 Nos. I-2.
Journal-Vol. I 9 Nos. I-2; Vol. 2o Nos. I-2; Vol. 2 Nos. I-2.
Indian Science Abstracts Vol. 8 Nos. 4-I2; Vol. g. No. 1.
Bulletin-Tome 47 Nos. 2-4; Tome 48 No. I.
Bulletin-Tome 59; Publications Vol. 81; 83 85-87; 89.
PUBLICATIONS AD IDED TO THE LIBRARY
DONATIONS 1.10.72 TO 30-9-73
Balapitiya, Y.M.B.A. Dept. of Cultural Affairs
Welitota (Sinhalese) Asian Heritage (Peradiga Urumaya) Sinhalese.

PUBLICATIONS RECEIVED XXνii
Director, The Colombo Plan
Bureau . . ... The Colombo Plan for Co-operative Economics
Development in South and South East Asia.
Dewaraja, (Mrs.) L.S. ... The Kandyan Kingdom of Ceylon I7o7-I76o. High Commissioner for Canad
in Ceylon w . . International Perspectives-A Journal of the
Dept. of External Affairs. High Commissioner for India in
Ceylon . . ... Significance of Gandhi as a Man and Thinker;
Educational Reconstruction in India. Indrapala, K. ... The Collapse of the Rajarata Civilization in
Ceylon and the Drift to South West. Peiris, O.M.I., Rt. Rev. Dr.
Edmund . . ... Early Christianity in Ceylon-A 17th Century Narrative; At the Tomb of Gonsalvez—A Century Souvenir; St. Anne of - Talavila. Sinnatamby, J. R. . . ... Ceylon in Ptolemy's Geography (Revised
Edition-Typescript). Sinhalese Dictionary Dept. . . Dictionary of the Sinhalese Language-Vol. I
part I 5 and part II 8. The Librarian, University of
Ceylon, Peradeniya ... Theses Presented for Higher Degrees of the
University of Ceylon (I942-1971) Wijesekera, N. D. . . ... UNESCO World Art Series Ceylon-Paintings
from Temple, Shrine and Rock; A Comprehensive English-Hindi Dictionary; The Andaman Islanders; Imperial Gazetteer of IndiaThe Indian Empire Vol. 2; The Agaria; The Baiga; Folk Songs of Chhattisgrah; Myths of Middle India.
PURCHASED 1 - 10 - 72 TO 30 - 9- 73
Artibus Asiae ... Vol. 32 Nos. 2 and 3. Ferguson's Ceylon Directory ... I972/73 and 1973/74. Paranavitana, S. ... Story of Sigiri. The Ceylon Journal of Historical
and Social Studies . . Vol. 2 No. 1 (New Series).
MEMBERS ADMITTED DURING THE YEAR 1973
Non-Resident Ordinary Members
Seneviratne, H. L., Assistant Professor, Dept. of Anthropology, University of
Virginia, U.S.A.,
The Library, Seminar suer Indologie und Buddhismuskunde der Universitaet
Gottingen, l'Federal Republic of Germany.
Ordinary Resident Members
Jayakody, Lakshman, Member of Parliament, Balagalla, Divulapitiya.
Madawela, Lieut-Col. M., Commissioned Officer, Ceylon Army, lace Course,
Colombo 7.
Pannajoti Thero, Rev. M., B.A., Mirandaramaya, Colombo 15.
Samaranaike, O. R., Official Language Dept., 22-Reid Avenue, Colombo 7.
Xavier, Jobin., Planter, Palugaswewa. Estate, Rajakadaluwa.

Page 47
NOTICE TO CONTRIBUTORS
The editor welcomes from the members original and previously unpublished material for publication in the Journal. "Copy' should be typed in double spacing with a generous margin at the left hand side of a sheet.
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NOTES AND QUERIES
The Council has decided to review NOTES AND QUERIES as part of the Journal. This section will generally comprise short papers; illustrations accompanying them, too, will be duly considered.
The Editor welcomes papers from Members for consideration in this feature.
A NOTE ON SIGIRIYA Was it the Mohenjodaro of Sri Lanka
No one has so far been able to explain with certainty the complicated architectural features and the purport of the vast civil engineering feat, found at Sigiriya. The products of aesthetic art, the famous frescoe-gallery and other paintings discovered within the premises, the strange artefacts discovered in and around the Sigiriya region, e.g. the terra-cotta figurines, the obelisk or the so called Merugala from the Ramakale dagāba, the steel door-lock and other iron implements, glaced pottery etc., (now in the Colombo Museum); the superhuman achievements in the stone cutters' art e.g. the segmented rock forming a cistern with steps reaching up to it, and an “Audience Hall' with a stone Asana (seat); the cyclopean wall forming a great enclosure now covering only a section of the Sigiriya area; the enormous irrigation works including the moat round the rock and the reservoir; all these go to make the Sigiriya, culture a vexed problem to the student of history and archaeology.
*Available data regarding this strange and stupendous ancient cultural site, in the chronicle (the Mahdivamsa) are so scarce that one is constrained to believe that those who recorded facts on Sigiriya had done so with a biased mind.
* Recent studies on Sigiriya, especially those by the great savant, the late Dr. Senerat Paranavitana too are far fetched and based on hypothetical generalisations and surmises. His first attempt was to explain Sigiriya as the realization of king Kassapa's wish to create within human limitations, the city Alakamanda, the divine abode of Kubera. Paranavitana, however changes his view on the assumption that certain inscriptions, read and deciphered only by him and thus named-Interlinear inscriptions by him, contain a vast description of the history of Sigiriya, referred to in this same description as the “Sigirivitava', wherein is stated that Sigiriya was an attempt by King Dhatusena, in his yearning to be a 'Parvataraja' the King of the Mountain. While there is some historical basis in his first thesis, it is apparent that there could be no logical or scientific reasons for the approval of the latter theory based on the so-called 'Interlinear Inscriptions'.
xxviii

*Our investigations on Sigiriya enabled us to provide some possible explanations as to the origin and development of this vast architectural complex. There is reason for us to infer the date of the origin of the Sigiriya culture as not in the 6th. century A.D. or thereabout, hut many more centuries earlier, perhaps a millennium or more before the Aryan culture at Anuradhapura was established in historic times. Our findings are now being scrutinized and analysed and it is hoped to bring these before the reader soon, for a better elucidation of the facts. Some of our findings and discoveries regarding Sigiriya, we would, however, not be in a position to evaluate scientifically, due to the limited facilities at our disposal. Nevertheless we do hope that at least a good portion of our finds on archaeological, art-historical, historical and literary matters, pertaining to Sigiriya culture would enable us to prove that Sigiriya was a pre-historic site, and it is very likely that proper investigations might bring it alongside with Mohenjodaro or any such pre-historic civilization.
* Kassapa, who had ruled for 19 years under such turmoil. strain and tension, both physical and mental, would never have been able to accomplish, even a fraction of the grand feat we see today at Sigiriya. No qualified architect would pronounce with confidence, that the completion of the architectural activities, even in its present ruined form, at Sigiriya, could have been achieved within two or more decades which has been the period of time assigned to the construction of Sigiriya as a seat of Royalty by the ancient chronicler and even by the author of Sigirivitava supposed to have been found in the interlinear inscriptions by the late Dr. Paranavitana.
*Our investigations, would enable us to prove that Sigiri culture lasted for centuries, before it was abandoned, probably after an invasion or epidemic and was forgotten after a futile attempt or two to revive its prestine glory by king Kassapa (in the 5th century) or any other king thereafter, of the Anuradhapura period, and that the pre-historic city Lankaipura of Indian epic fame too could be sited at this locale if not, within the very enceinte of Sigiriya.
(Based on a research paper being prepared by the present writer on Sigiriya in the light of archaeological, art-historical and literary evidence).
A. D. T. E. PERERA.
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